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Fig. 344.

Fig. 353. BUDDHA DISPUTING WITH THE HERETICS. (Frum Grünwedel, Alt-Baddhistische Kulstatten,)

2179

HISTORY AND DOCTRINES OF

THE ĀJĪVIKAS

A VANISHED INDIAN RELIGION

by A. L. BASHAM, B.A., Ph.D. Lecturer in Ancient Indian History al the Sehool of Oriental d African Btudies, University of London.

2171 ARCHA

. New Dellt With a foreword by CENTRAL L. D. BARNETT, Esq., C.B., F.B.A., Litt.D., M.A.

i Satak 294.41 Bas LUZAC & COMPANY LTD. 46 GREAT RUSSELL STREET, LONDON, W.C. 1. 1951

CENTRAL ARCHAEOLOGIGAD LIBRARY, NEW DELHI. Aco. No ... 2119 .... Date ... 2.5 :. x1. 54 Call No. k: 41/Ba-

FRINTID IN GRRAT BRITAIN BY STEPHEN AUSTIN AND BONS, LTD., FORK STREKT, HERTFORD.

To My Revered GURU L. D. BARNETT

Bak G S.42

CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAGE FOREWORD BY DR. L. D. BARNETT

PREFACE

BIBLIOORAPIY xix

ABBREVIATIONS . Xxxi

PART I. HISTORY OF THE ĀJIVIKAS I. INTRODUOTION The Historical Background to the Rise of Ajtvikism.

II. THE SIx HERETIOS The Record of the Samanfa-phala Sulta . 11 Other Buddhist References to the Doctrines of the Heretics 18

III, MAKKHALI GOSALA AND HIS PREDECESSORS Ājīvika Leaders beforo Makkhali Gosila 27 Nanda Vaccha and Kisa Sankicca 27 The Immediate Predeceesors of Makkhali Gosala 30 Makkhali Gosala. 34 Birth of Makkhali Gosala 35 The Meeting of Gosila with Mahavira 39 The Peregrinations of the Two Ascetics 41 Gosala and the Sesamum Plant 47 Gosala and Vesiyayana 49 Gosila Attains Magical Power and becomes the Leader of the Ajīvikaa 50

IV. TIE LAST DAYS OP MAKKHALI GOSALA The Six Dislcaras 50 Gosala is Exposed by Mahavira 58 Gosāla Visita Mahavīra 60 Gosila's Delirium 61 Ayampula Visita Gosila 62 Gosala's Repentance and Death 64

vi CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAGE The Date of Goshla's Death 66 The Name and Titles of Makkhali Gosala 78 .

V. PORAŅA AND PAKUDIA Pūraņa Kassapa 80 The Death of Pürana 84 Pakudha Kacošyana 90

VI. THE EARLY AJIVIKA COMMUNITY (I) The Wandering Philosophers 94 Etymology of the Term Ajivika 101 The Ajivika Initiation . 104 Ajivikn Nudity 107 Ajīvika Asceticism 100 The Ajtvika Sabha 115 Song and Dance . 116

VIL THE EARLY AJIVIKA COMMUNITY (II) Begging and Dietary Practices 118 . Accusations of Worldliness and Immorality 123 The Final Penance 127 Ājivika Laymen . 131 Relations between Ajivikns and Buddhista 184 Relations between Ajivikns and Jainas 138

VIII. AJIVIKAS IN THE NANDA AND MAURYA PERIODS Mahäpadma 142 Ajivikiam in Maurya Timea 145 The Barabar and Nagarjuni Caves 150 IX. AJIVIKAS IN LATER TIMES References in Sanskrit Literaturo 161 Varkhamihira and Utpala 168 Silankn and the Trairisikas 174 Nemicandra on the Ajivikns . 181 Lexicographical References . 182 The Last References to Ajivikns 184 X. THE SOUTHERN AJIVIKAS The Inscriptions . Ājivikas in Tamil Literature 186 196 APPENDIX TO PART I-THE ICONOCLAST ASCETICS OF KASHMIR . 205

CONTENTS vii

PART IL DOCTRINES OF THE ĀJIVIKAS

CHAPTER PAGE XL AJIVIKA SORIPTURES The Mahanimittas, the Maggas, and the Oppatu-katir 213 Pali and Prakrit Quotations . 216 Quotations by the Commentators 220

XII. NIYATI 224 Niyativida Dialoctic 228 The Development of the Niyati Doctrino 235

XIII. AJIVIKA COSMOLOGY The Categories of the Samanfa-phala Sulla 240 The Eight Last Things . 254 The Six Inevitables 255 Other Ājivika Categories 256 Mandala mokşa . 257

XIV. OTHER DOCTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS The Elements 263 Ajivika Atomism in Relation to other Indian Atomie Doctrines 267 The Soul 270 The Gods 272 Ājīvika Logic 274 The Status of Makkhali Gosala 275

XV. CONCLUSION Summary 278 Dr. Barua's Three Questions . 279 The Influence of the Ajivikns 279 The Place of the Ajtvikns in Indian History 283

INDEX 289

ILLUSTRATIONS PLATE OPPOSITE PAGE I. Buddha Disputing with Heretics. (From Grinwedal, Alt-Buddhistische Kultstalten, figs. 344 and 353.) frontispicce

II. The Buddha Meeta Upaka the Ajivika. (From Krom, The Life of the Buddha, plate 110.) . 94

III. The Buddha's Parinirodna. (From Foucher, L'Art Gréco-Bouddhique, fig. 278.) . 136

IV. Discomfiture of n Naked Ascetio. (From Foucher, L' Art Gréco-Bouddhique, flg. 261.) . 138

V. Barabar Cave Inseriptions. (From OII. vol. i, opposito p.182.) 150

VI. Nigirjuni Cave Inseriptiona. (From IA. xx, opposite p.365.) 152

VII. Plans of the Barabar and Nigarjuni Caves. (From Cunningham, Four Reports . . . opposito p. 45.) . 154

VIII. Facade of the Lomas Rai Cave. (From JBORS, xii, 1926, following p. 308.) . 156

MAPS I. Bharatavarsa, showing places mentioned in the toxt .at end

IL. Part of Eastern Deccan, showing places connected with the Ajivikas . 187

A FOREWORD

BY DR. L. D. BARNETT

Both in religious and in social life movements of extreme intensity are apt to engender opposite forces. This rule of human nature is strikingly exemplified by the development of religion in Ancient India. Here history began with the dominance of Vedism, a group of polytheistie cults autocratically engineered by the Brahmans, who vigorously claimed that the welfare and indeed the very existence of the world, including even the gods, depended upon the maintenance of their systems of sacrifico, which grew to immense size and complexity. Dissent from this crude creed first appeared in the Upanisads, in which a few liberal-minded Brahmans, perhaps supported by some of the military aristocracy, put forward speculations of an elementary monistio idealism, while leaving the edifice of Vedism intact for the use of the unenlightened. But a far greater peril to Brahmanic ritualism arose about this time, and spread far and wide, affecting some few of the Brahmans themselves ; for now the very foundations of Brahmanic orthodoxy were uncom- promisingly denied, and preachers of what they claimed to be new and true doctrine arose on many sides. This radical move- ment assumed many phases. In some cireles, Brihmanic and non- Brahmanio, it appeared in the form of a coarse atheistio materialism associated with the name of Cirvaka. Elsewhere it took a less crude shape. Among the aristocratic clans of the North two noblemen came under its influence, and created great churches: they were Gautama Buddha, the founder of Buddhiam, and Mahavira Vardhamana, whom the Jains revere as their twenty-fourth Tirthankara. But besides these and some other less successful leaders of gentle birth there was a multitude of men of humble origin noisily preaching their heresies in various wise; and among these the Ajivikas played a part of some importance, if not of great glory. The history of this queer sect is reconstructed by Dr. Basham

xii FOREWORD in the following pages with much skill and scholarly thoroughness. As he shows, their reputation has been somewhat unfairly blackened by the odium theologioum of their rivals, the Buddhists and the Jains; and they deserve some credit for the obstinate consistency and intellectual honesty with which they clung to their doctrine of predestination, to the exclusion of all other principles. Logically, of course, one may ask how believers in that diemal creed can submit themselves voluntarily to self- torture and even to death in pursuance of it. But man is not & logical creature : he does not abstain from effort although he may believe the issue to be predetermined, as the example of Calvin and his Church shows. For a long period, extending from early classical times to the middle of the Medieval period, our knowledge of Ajivika history is a blank, for no records of those years have survived. Then the curtain rises again, and we find abundant documents in inscrip- tions of the Tamil and Kanarese areas and in a few worka of southern literature. These show that in the intervening centuries the Ajivikas had undergone changes such as are usual in the development of Indian religious bodies : the little congregation had hardened into a caste-community of considerable size, and the figure of its founder had assumed fentures of divinity. The story that is here narrated is indeed a highly interesting and instructive chapter in the vast record of Indian thought. L. D. BARNETT.

.

PREFACE

This is the first full-length study of the Ajivikas, who, up to the present, have received little attention from studenta of Indian history and religion. Until the publication of Hoernle's article in the Encydlopadia of Religion and Ethics1 there existed no connected account of the sect whatever, and the student in search of information was confined to brief references or appendices in works on Buddhism and Hinduism." Hoernle's article was the first to give a coherent summary of Ājivika history and doctrine, as they appear in the Pali and Jaina sources, but it contains a number of errors, notably in the theory that the term Ajivika was regularly employed in the sense of Digambara Jaina, and that the former seot merged with the latter at an early date. Brief artioles by Drs. K. B. Pathak and D. R. Bhandarkar' criticized this conclusion. A further short article supplementary to that of Hoernle appeared in 1913 from the pen of Professor J. Charpentier.4 The next work on the subject was that of the late Dr. B. M. Barua. Dr. Barua stated that his reconstruction of Ajivika doctrine required "a tremendous effort of imagination "." He was perhaps too imaginative, for many of his assertions appear to be unjustified by the facts which he produces to back them, and some of his material seems not to relate to the Ajivikas at all. Nevertheless his paper throws much valuable new light on the sect. Two further works of Dr. Barua should be noted; these are the chapter on Maskarin Gosala in his Pre-Buddhistio Indian Philosophy," and a further consideration of the etymology of the term Ajivika, published in 1927 #; neither of these adda

: Aficitas, ERE. i, 1008, pp. 259-68. . V. bibliography in Hoernle, op. elt., p. 268. Pathak, The Ajfeikas a Sect of Duddhiat Bhikkus, IA. xli, pp. 88-89; Bhandarknr, Afivibas, fbid., pp. 286-00. 4 Ajivika, JRAS., 1913, pp, 000-74. . The Ajteika, JDL.H, pp. 1-80. Ibid., p. 22. " Chapter XXI, Masbarin Golala, pp. 297-318. " Ajtrika-What is Means, ABORI. vill, pp. 183-88.

xiv PREFACE material of great importance to the author's main thesis. Also worthy of mention is an artiele by Dr. A. Banerji Sastri, which puts forward a new theory on the evacuation of the caves of the Barabar Hills by their Ajivika ocoupanta.1 The most recent work on Ajivikism is that of Professor A. S. Gopani, which gives little new information, and appears to be written from the standpoint of an earnest Jaina trying to justify the historical accuracy of his seriptures." This work mentions and summarizes a vernacular article by K. J. Karagathala," which is not available in this country. None of these works mentions the Tamil sources, which have been in part translated, but the significance of which for the study of the Ajivikas seems to have been overlooked. In this study I have attempted, by a further examination of the better known sources, and by the use of material derived from sourees hitherto untapped in this connection, to provide a more detailed and thorough study of Ajivikism than has existed hitherto. While I may claim to have added something to the work of Hoernle, Barua, and the other anthorities, the account presented in this work, based mainly on the passing references of the Ajivikas' religious opponents, is inevitably fragmentary, and not always definite. To the lacunae in our knowledge must be added many uncertainties arising from contradictions in the sources themselves and from the imponderable but very real effect upon their authors of odium theologicum, which is usually clearly apparent, and which must often have led to exaggerations, and perhaps to deliberately false statements. This being the case I have frequently been compelled to state my conclusions in hypothetical or provisional terme. The reader is asked to forgive the many occasions on which such irritating words and phrases as "probably ", "possibly ", "perhaps ", "it may be that", or "we may tentatively conclude", etc., ocour in the text. Such provisional conclusions are inevitable in the study of a subjeot such as this, and most Indologists would agree that 1 The Ajteiba, JBORS. xil, pp. 53-62. lil. pp. 47-50. " Ajieila Bect-A New Interpretation. Bhdraliya Vidya il, pp. 201-10, and

op. clt., p. 208. "Jaina Prabian, Utkana, Maldvirdaba (v.a. 1990), p. 82. Quoted Gopani,

PREFACE XV they are better than no conclusions at all, or than categorical assertions based on inadequate evidence. Although in this and in other respects my picture of the rise, development, and decline of the Ajivika sect is still lamentably defective, I trust that my work will throw a little new light on an interesting and significant aspect of India's past, and will encourage further research. I must aak the reader's indulgence for certain very specula- tive paragraphs which have found their way into the final chapter. It is not for the research worker to usurp the privileges of the philosopher and theorize at length on the pattern of history. Nevertheless every facet of the world's history must stand in some relationship to every other and to the whole, and it seems to me to be legitimate, in a study of this charaoter, that an effort should be made to establish such a relationship. Since history is not an exact science, any such attempt must inevitably be to some extent speculative. In the main body of my work I have attempted to keep firmly to my subject, and the digressions which from time to time occur, on such subjecta as the age of a source, or the location of a town, should be found to have a significant bearing upon the main theme, or to be necessary for the full appreciation of ita background. But, with the natural exuberance which arises with the knowledge of a long task nearing completion, I have allowed myself more Intitude in the final chapter. The more speculative parts of that chapter, together with some passages of the introduction, I offer to the reader in the hope that they may stimulate him to further thought on the relation of religion and philosophy to sociology and politics. The more important passages from the sources have been trans- lated or paraphrased in the course of the work. I have here and there allowed myself considerable liberty in translation, mainly with a view to rendering the passages in readable English, rather than in the Sanskritized style of a close translation. For the reader who wishes to refer to them I have included in footnotes the romanized originals of the most important phrases of these pas- sages, whether Sanskrit, Pali, Prakrit, or Tamil. I have usunlly broken up the longor compounds with hyphens, and as far as possible have simplified the junction of words by the use of the apostrophe to mark a dropped vowel or one which has coalesced

xvi PREFACE with that following, and of the cireumflex accent to mark vowels long by sandhi. Except in this particular the system employed for the Sanskrit passages is orthodox. In those Pali texta wherein t is used for anusvara this sign has been regularly replaced by m; otherwise the transliteration of Pali passages is that of the Pali Text Society. In all transliterations, anusvira, when ocourring within the word before any of the twenty-five sparda consonanta, has usually been expressed by the appropriate nasal letter; this, though it may offend some linguistie purista, is a common practice with modern Indian vernaculars, and avoids such ugly combinations as Mamkhali, amta, eto. In Tamil tranaliterations I have used the rule-of-thumb system of the Madras University Tamil Lexicon. This has normally been adhered to even in the case of Sanskrit words occurring in Tamil, and in the Sanakrit titles of Tamil works, wherever grantha characters are not used in the texta to express them-thus Civallana- cittiyar appears in the place of the more usual hybrid form Sicajflana-siddhiyar. Occasional inconsistencios in these systems of transliteration, if found, are unintentional. In the hope that this work may be of some interest to studenta of religion and philosophy who have no special knowledge of Ancient India, I have included in the index a few brief defini- tions of less familiar Indian terms used in the text. I would express my sincere gratitude, affection, and respect to Dr. L. D. Barnett, of the British Museum Library, who has super- vised the whole of my work, and whose unfailing assistance and encouragement have been invaluable. I am also much indebted to Mr. M. S. H. Thompson, who has willingly placed his profound knowledge of Tamil at my disposal for the elucidation of the ambiguous and elliptical Tamil sources. I would here also thank Mr. C. A. Rylanda, Dr. W. Stede, and Professor H. W. Bailoy, for their patient instruction in Sanskrit and Pali during my years as an undergraduate; Professor C. H. Philips, and other members of the Department of History of the School of Oriental and African Studies, for encouragement and valuable advice on the technique of historical research; my colleague Mr. P. Hardy, for reading the proofs ; and several fellow-studenta for occasional advice and help. I must also acknowledge the help rendered by Dr. V. R. Dikshitar, Professor of Ancient Indian

PREFACE xvii History at the University of Madras, and by Dr. N. Lakshmina- rayan Rao, Government Epigraphist for India, in forwarding to me copies of two unpublished South Indian inscriptions. Finally I would thank my wife for great encouragement and for secretarial assistance. This work is based on a thesis approved for the degree of Ph.D. at the University of London. Its publication has been made possible by the very generous subvention of the School of Oriental and African Studies of the same University. A. L. BASHAM. London, 1950.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS MENTIONED IN THE TEXT L. ORIOINAL SOURCES A. Pali Terts Anguttara Nikāya. Ed. R. Morris and E. Hardy, 5 vols., PTS. London, 1885-1900. Tr. F. L. Woodward and E. M. Haro, The Book of the Gradual Sayings, 5 vols., PTS. London, 1932-36. Buddhaghosa. Dhammapad'-attha-katha, ed. H. C. Norman and L. S. Tailang, 5 vols., PTS. London, 1906-15. Tr. E. W. Burlinghame, Buddhist Legends, 3 vols., Harvard Oriental Series, vols. xxvili-xxx. Cambridgo, Mass., 1921. Papafca-Sadani (Comm. to Majjhima Nikaya), ed. J, H. Woods, D. Kosambi, and I. B. Horner, 5 vols., PTS. London, 1922-38. Paramaltha-Jotika II (Comm, to Sutta Nipata), ed. H. Smith, 3 vols., PTS. London, 1916-18. Samanta-Pāsādibā (Comm, to Vinaya Piļaka), ed. J. Takakusu and M. Nagai, 7 vola., in progreas. PTS. London, 1924-47. Sumangala-Vilasini (Comm. to Dīgha Nikāya), ed. T. W. Rhys Davids, J. Estlin Carpenter, and W. Stede, 3 vols., PTS. London, 1886-1932. Dhammapāla. Paramattha-Dipant (Comm. to Khuddaka Nikāya), part iii (to Petavatthu), ed. E. Hardy, PTS. London, 1894. Idem, part v (to Therīgatha), ed. E. Muller,

Dīgha Nikāya. PTS. London, 1893. Ed. T. W. Rhys Davids and J. Eatlin Carpenter, 3 vols., PTS. London, 1890- 1911. Tr. T. W. and C. A. F. Rhys Davids, Dialogues of the Buddha, 3 vols., PTS. London, 1899-1921.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Digha Nikaya Tr. R. Otto Franko, Digha Nikaya ... in Auswall Uberseta. Gottingen, 1913. Jātaka. Ed. V. Fausboll, 6 vols, and index. London, 1877-97. Tr. by various hands, ed. E. B. Cowell, 6 vols. and index. Cambridge, 1895-1907. Mahabodhivamsa. Ed. S. A. Strong, PTS. London, 1891. Mahaniddesa. Ed. L. de la Vallee Poussin and E. J. Thomas, 2 vols., PTS. London, 1916-17. Mahāvanua. Ed. W. Geiger, PTS. London, 1908. Tr. W. Geiger and M. H. Bode. London, 1912. Majjkima Nikāya. Ed. V. Trenckner and Lord Chalmors, 3 vols., PTS. London, 1888-99. Tr. Lord Chalmera, Further Dialogues of the Buddha, 2 vols., PTS. London, 1926-27. Ed. Minayeff, PTS. London, 1888. Tr. H. S. Gehman, PT8. London, 1942. Samyulla Nikāya. Ed. L. Feer, 6 vols., PTS. London, 1884- 1904. Tr. C. A. F. Rhys Davids and F. L. Wood- ward, The Book of Kindred Sayings, 5 vols. London, 1917-30. Sutta Nipāta. Ed. V. Fausboll, 2 vols., PTS. London,

Tr. V. Fausboll, SBE. z, part 2. Oxford, 1885-94.

1881. Therigūthd. Ed. H. Oldenberg and R. Piechel, Thera and Theri Gatha, PTS. London, 1883. Tr. C. A. F. Rhys Davids, Psalms of the Early Buddhists, 2 vola., PTB. London, 1909-13. Vamaatthappakāsini. (Comm, to Mahavamsa), ed. G. P. Malala- sekora, 2 vol. London, 1935. Vinaya Pijaka. Ed. H. Oldenberg, 5 vols. London, 1879-

Tr. T. W. Rhys Davids and H. Oldenberg, 83.

SBE., vola. xiii, xvii, and xx. Oxford, 1881-85.

B. Prakrit Terls

Ācārdnga Sūtra. Ed. H. Jacobi, PTS. London, 1882. With Snlanka's Commentary, 2 vols. Bombay, 1916.

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Acaránga Sutra Tr. H. Jacobi, in SBE. xxii. Oxford, 1884. Antakrd-dasab Ed. M. O. Modi. Ahmedabad, 1932. (Antagada Dasão). Tr. L. D. Barnett. London, 1907. Aupapātika Sūtra. Ed. Hema Sigara. Bombay, n.d. Avalyaka Sūtra. With Curni of Jinadisa Gani, 2 vols. Ratlam, 1928-9. V. Abhidhāna Rajendra, infra, p. xxvii. Bhdrabahu. Kalpa Satra, ed. H. Jacobi. Leipzig, 1879. With Vinayavijaya's comm. Bombay, 1915. Tr. H. Jacobi, SBE. xxii. Oxford, 1884. Bhagavati Sūtra. With the comm. of Abhayadeva, 3 vols. Bombay, 1918-21. India Office MSS., Catalogue Nos. 7446-47. Jinadiaa Gaņi. Jinaprabha Sūri. V. Avaáyaka Sütra abovo. Vihimagga-pava. V. Weber, Verzeichniss, vol. ii, no. 1944. Kālakācārya. V. Varihamihira, infra, p. xxvi. Nandi Sūtra. With the comma. of Jinadiss and Haribhadra, ed. Vijayadana Sūri. Bombay, 1931. Nemicandra. Pravacanasäroddharana, with the comm, of Siddhasena, ed. Jivanacandra Sikara- candra, 2 vols. Bombay, 1922-26. Nirayavalika Sūtra. Ed. with translation by A. S. Gopani and V. J. Chokshi, Ahmedabad, 1934. Praśnavyākaraņa With the commentary of Jainavimala. Sūtra. Ahmedabad, 1935. Samavāydńga. With Abhayadeva's commentary, ed. Veņi- candra Suracandra. Bombay, 1918. Sthāndnga Sūtra. With Abhayadeva's commentary, ed. Veņi- candra Surncandra, 2 vols. Bombay, 1918-20. Sūtrakridnga. With Silanka's commentary, ed. Venicandra Suracandra. Bombay, 1917. Tr. H. Jacobi, SBE. xlv. Oxford, 1895. Upāsaka Dašāh Ed. and tr. A. F. R. Hoernle, with the com- (Uvāsaga Dasão). mentary of Abhayadeva, 2 vols. Calcutta, 1889-90. Uttarddhyayana Ed. Vijayomanga. Bombay, 1937. Sūtra. Tr. H. Jacobi, SBE. xlv. Oxford, 1895. Vațțakerācāryā. Muldodra, ed. P. Soni, 2 vols. Bombay, 1921.

xxii BIBLIOGRAPHY

O. Sanskrit Terts Abhayadeva. V. Bhagavali Sūtra, Samavāyanga, Sthandnga Sütra and Upāsaka Dašah, abovo. Ajayapāla. Nandrthasangraha, ed. T. R. Chintamani. Madraa, 1937. Ãfvalāyana Śrauta Ed. G. S. Gokhale. Poona, 1917. Sülra. Băna. Harşacarita, ed. A. A. Führer. Bombay, 1909. Bhāgavata Purāņa. Ed. V. Sarma. Bombay, 1905. Bhartrhari. Satakalrayam, ed. D. D. Kosambi. Bombay, 1946. Bhațți. Bhaftikdeya, ed. K. P. Trivedi, 2 vols. Bombay, 1898. Caraka. Caraka Samhita, ed. N. N. Saatri, vol. i. Lahore, 1929. Divydvadāna. Ed. E. B. Cowell and R. A. Neil. Cambridge, 1886. Guņaratna. V. Haribhadra. Halayudha. Abhidhana-rotnamala, ed. Th. Aufrocht. London, 1861. Haribhadra. Saddardana-samuccaya, with Gunaratna's com- mentary, Tarkarahasya-dipika. Ed. L. Suali, Onleutta, 1905. Hemacandra. Ablidhana-cintamani, ed. O. Bohtlinek and C. Rieu. St. Peteraburg, 1847. Anskartha-sangraha, ed. Th. Zacharine. Vienna, 1893. Srhavirāvali or Parišisaparuan, ed. H. Jacobi.

Hitopadefa. Calcutta, 1883-91. ed. P. Peterson. Bombay, 1887. Jišnavimala. Kalhaņa. V. Pradnaeyākarana Sūtra. Rajataranginī, ed. M. A. Stein. Bombay, 1892. Tr. M. A. Stein, Kalhana's Chronicle of the Kings of Kashmir, 2 vola. Westminster, 1900. Kālidāsa. Meghadūta, ed. K. B. Parab, 5th edn. Bombay, 1902. Kauțilya. Arthaliara, ed. R. Shamashastry. Mysore, 1924. Kumāradisa. Jānaki-Aaraņa, ed. H. Sastri. Calcutta, 1893.

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Lalitavistarg. Ed. S. Lefmann, 2 vola. Halle, 1902. Madhavacandra. V. s.v. Pathak, infra, p. xxix. Mahabharata. (Adi to Bhişma Parpans), ed. V.8. Sukthankar and othera. Poona, 1927- (in progress). Ed. T. R. Krnicārya and T. R. Vyistcārya (Kumbhakonam edition), 6 vols. Bombay, 1906. 2 vols. Caleutta, 1834-39. Mahāvastu. Ed. E. Senart, 3 vols. Paria, 1882-97. Mahendra Vikrama Maltavilasa, ed. T. Ganapati Sastri. Trivand- Varmā. rum, 1917. Mallişeņa. Syadvadamaijari, ed. A. B. Dhruva. Bombay, 1933. Manava Dharma Ed. Ganginatha Jha, 3 vols. Caloutta, Śastra. 1932-39. Matsya Purāņa. Anandaframa Serics No. 54. Poona, 1907. Pāņini. Aşādāyāyī. V. s.v. Pataājali. Paramahamsa Upanişad. V. s.v. Weber, Analyee . . . infra, p. IXT.

Pataūjali. Vyākaraņa Mahabhāşya, ed. F. Kielhorn, 3 vols. Bombay, 1892. Praśna Upanişad. With Sankam's commentary, ed. H. N. Apte. Poona, 1911. Rg Veda. Ed. F. Max Muller, 2nd edn., 4 vols. London, 1890-92. Saddharia- Ed. H. Kern and Bunyiu Nanjio. St. Peters- puņdarika. burg, 1912. Tr. F. Burnouf, Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, 2nd edn. by S. Lovi, 2 vols. Paris, 1925. Śańkara. V. s.v. Prafna and Śvetāšvatara Upanişads. Satapatha Brahmana. Ed. A. Chinnaswami Sastry. Benaros, 1937. Sayaņa Madhava, Sarvadarfana-samgraha, ed. V. S. Abhyankar. Poona, 1924. Śilůńka. V. a.vv. Acārdiga Sūtra and Sūtrakrtānga. supra, pp. xx-xzi. Somadeva. Katha-sarit-sāgara, ed. H. Brookhans, 2 vols, Leipzig, 1839-62. Suáruta. Śutdávatara The Sufruta, 2 vola. Calcutta, 1835-86.

Upanişad. Ed. S. V. Shastri. Allahabad, 1916.

xxiV BIBLIOGRAPHY

Utpala. V. s.v. Varāhamihira below. Vaidyanatha Jātaka-pārijata, ed. and trans. V. Subrah- Dikşita. manya Sastri, 2 vols. Bangalore, 1932-33. Vāmana and Katika, ed. Bala Sastri, 2nd edn. Benares, Jayāditya. 1898. Varihamihira. Brhajjataka, with Utpala's commentary. Bom- bay, 1863. Vasubandhu. Abhidharmakosa, tr. L. de la Vallee Poussin, 6 vola. Paris, 1923-26. Vāyu Purāņa. Ed. H. N. Apte. Poona, 1905. Ed. R. L. Mitra, 2 vols. Caloutta, 1880. Viranandi. Acarasara, ed. Indralal. Bombay, 1917. Višikhadatta. Mudraraksasa, ed. P. D. Karmakar. Poona, 1940. Vişņušarman. Paficatantra, ed. F. Kielhorn and G. Bühler, 3 vols. Bombay, 1891-96. Yādavaprakāša. Vaijayanti, ed. G. Oppert. Madras, 1893. Yadomitra. Abhidharmakoda-oyākāıyā, ed. U. Wogihara. Tokyo, 1932-36.

D. Tamil Terts

Aruņandi. Civaltana-cittiyar Parapakyam, with the com- mentary of Tattuvappirakacar, ed. M. Alagappa Mudaliyar. Madras, 1911. Tr. J. M. Nallaswami Pillai, ' Šivajfana Siddhiyar.' Madras, 1913. Cattap. Maņimekalai, ed. U. V. Saminath Aiyar. Madras, 1898. Tr. Kriehnaswami Aiyangar, Maņimekhalai in

Iļankövațikaļ. ita Historical Setting. London, 1928. Cilappatibiram, ed. U. V. Saminath Aiyar. 3rd edn. Madras, 1927. Tr. V. R. R. Dikshitar, "Silappadikaram."

Jonsen, H. Madras, 1939. 4 Classited Collection of Tamil Proverbs.

Naccipārkkiņiyar. London, 1897. "Tholkappiyam Porulathikaram," with the commentaries of Naccinarkkiniyar and Perl- ciriyar, ed. S. Buvanandam Pillai, 4 vols. Madras, 1916-17.

BIBLIOGRATHY XIV

Nilaktci. " Neclakesi'the Original Tert and the Com- mentary of Samaya-Divakara-Vamana-Muni, ed. A. Chakravarti. Madras, 1986. Tattuvappirakāoar. V. s.v. Arunandi. Tiruvaļļuvar. Tirukkural, ed. and tr. V. R. R. Dikshitar. Adyar, 1949. Vamanamuni. V. s.v. Nilakēci.

E. Inseriptions General Sirear, D. C. Select Inscriptions Bearing on Indian History and Civilization, vol. i. Caloutta, 1942. Maurya Inscriptions Bühlor, G. The Baräbar and Nagdrjuni Hill Cave Insorip- tions of Asoka and Dasaratha. IA. xx, 1891, pp. 361-65. Pillar Edicts of Asoka. Bpi. Ind. ii, 1894,

Hultzsch, E. pp. 245-74. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. i, new edn. Oxford, 1925. Senart, E. Les Inseriptions de Piyadasi, 2 vols. Paris, 1881-86. Kharavela Inscription Barua, B. M. Hathigumpha Insoription of Khāravela, IHQ. xiv, 1938, pp. 459-85. Jayaswal, K. P. Hathigumpha Inscription of the Emperor Kharovela. JBORS. iii, 1917, pp. 425-85. The Hathigumpha Inscription. JBORS. iv, 1918, pp. 364 403. The Hathigumpha Inscription of Khāravela. Epi. Ind. xx, 1929-50, pp. 71-89. Konow, S. Some Problems Raised by the Kharavela Inscription. Acta Orientalia i, 1923, pp. 12-42. Maukhari Inscriptions Fleet, J. F. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. iii. Caloutta, 1888. Govindacandra Inscription Sahni, D. R. Saheth Maheth Plate of Govindacandra. Epi. Ind. xi, pp. 20-26.

xxvi BIBLIOGRAPHY

South Indian Inscriptions Hultzach, E. South Indian Inscriptions, 11 vols. Madras, 1890-1940. Krishnamacharlu, Vilavatti Grant of Pallava Simhavarman. C. R. Bpi. Ind. xxiv, 1937-38, pp. 296-300. Krishnarao, B. V. Tāndikonda Grant of Ammarāja II. Epi. Ind. xxiil, 1935-36, pp. 161-170. Naraaimhachar, R. Epigraphia Carnatica, vol. ii, 2nd edn. Bangalore, 1923. Rice, L. Bpigraphia Carnatica, 12 vols. Bangalore, 1886-1904.

F. Miscellancous Athennons. V.OII.i. Homer. Iliad. Das Nibelungenlied. Tain Bó Qualnge. Ed. K. Bartach, 3rd edn. Leipzig, 1887. Ed. with tranalation by E. Windisch. Leipzig, 1905.

IL. SECONDARY AUTHORITIES A. Reference Books, eto. Annual Reports on South Indian Bipgraphy. Madras, 1887- Bohtlinok, O. and Roth, R. Sanskrit Worlerbuch. 7 vols. St. Peteraburg, 1855-75. Eggeling, J. and Catalogue of Sanskrit and Prakri MSS. in Windisoh, E. the India Office Library, vol. i, 1887-99. Hastinga, J., ed. Encyclopadia of Religion and Ethics, 12 vols. Edinburgh, 1908-26. A Gazeticer of the Bombay Presidency, 27 vola. Bombay, 1877-1904. Keith, A. B., and Catalogue of the Sanskrit and Prakri MSS. Thomas, F. W. in the Library of the India Office, vol. ii, Kittel, F. 2 parta. Oxford, 1935. Kannada-English Dictionary. Mangalore, 1894. Tamil Lericon. Madras University, 6 vols. Madras, 1926 Malalasekera, G. P. Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, 2 vols. 1936.

London, 1937-38. Monier Williams, M. Sanskrit-English Dictionary, new edn. Oxford, 1899.

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Ratnacandraji, An Illustrated Ardha Magadhi Dictionary, Muni Śrī. 4 vols. Ajmer, 1923-32. Rhys Davids, T. W., Pali-English Dictionary. PTS. Chipstead, and Stede, W. 1925. Seth, H. D. T. Paia-sadda-mahannavo. Caloutta, 1928. Sörensen, S. An Indez to the Names in the Mahabharata. London, 1904. Vijayarājendra Sūri. Abhidhana Rajendra, 7 vola. Ratlam, 1913- 25. Weber, A. Verzcichniss der Sanskrit und Präkrit Hand- schriften im Konigliche Bibliotek, Berlin, 2 vols., 1853-92.

B. Monographs

Aiyangar, S. K. Manimekhalai in its Historical Selting. Lon- don, 1928. Barua, B. M. Pre-Buddhistie Indian Philosophy. Calcutta, 1921. Brown, P. Indian Architectura. Bombay, n.d. Coomaraswamy, A. Yakşas, 2 vols. Washington, 1928-31. Cunningham, A. Coins of Mediaral India. London, 1894. Four Reports made during ... 1862-5. ASI.

Das Gupta, S. N. Reporta, vol. i. Bimla, 1871. History of Indian Philosophy, 4 vols. Cam- bridge, 1922-48. Fergusson, J. History of Indian and Bastern Architecture, revised by J. Burgess and R. P. Spiera. London, 1910. and Burgess, J. The Cave Temples of India. London, 1880. Foucher, A. L'Art Gréco-Bouddhique du Gandhara, 2 vols. Paris, 1906-18. Glasenapp, H. von. Der Joinismus. Berlin, 1925. Grünwedel, A. Alt Buddhistieche Kultstätten in Chinesisch Turkestan. Berlin, 1912. Alt Kutscha. Berlin, 1920. Guérinot, A. Hauer, J. W. Lo Religion Djaina, Paris, 1926.

Hoernle, A. T. R. Der Vratya. Stuttgart, 1927. Studies in the Medicine of Ancient India,

Iyengar, P. T. S. parti. Oxford, 1907. History of the Tamils to 600 A.D. Madras, 1920.

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Jain, J. C. Life in Ancient India as Depicted in the Jain Canons. Bombay, 1947. Keith, A. B. Buddhis! Philosophy. Oxford, 1923. Hitory of Sanskrit Literature. Oxford, 1938. Indian Logic and Atomism. Oxford, 1921. Kor, H. Der Buddhismus und seine Geschichte in Indien, tr. H. Jacobi, 2 vols. Leipzig, 1882-84. Krom, N. J. Barabudur-an Arahaological Description, 2 vols. The Hague, 1927. The Life of the Buddha on the Stupa of Bara- budur. The Hague, 1926. Lassen, C. Indische Alterthumskunde, 4 vols. Leipzig, 1858-74. Macdonnell, A. A. A History of Sanskrit Literature, Tth impres- sion, London, 1928. Majumdar, R. C. (od.). History of Bengal, vol. i. Dacca, 1943.

MoGovern, W. M. A Manual of Buddhist Philosophy, vol. i. London, 1923. Pires, E. A. The Maukharis. Madras, 1934. Prasad, Ishwari. History of Medieval India. Allahabad, 1925. Rapson, E. J. Indian Coins. Strassburg, 1897. (ed.) Cambridge History of India, vol. i. 1922. Ratna-Prabha Sramana Bhagavān Mahdvira, 5 vols., 8 pta.

Raychaudhuri, II. C. Political History of Ancient India, 4th edn. Vijaya. Ahmedabad, 1948.

Caloutta, 1938. Rockhill, W. W. The Life of the Buddha. London, 1884. Saletore, B. A. Mediaal Jainism. Bombay, 1938. Saatri, K. A. N. The Colas, 2 vols. Madras, 1935-37. Sohomerus, H. W. Der Saica Siddhanta. Leipzig, 1912. Sehrader, F. O. Introduction to Pafcaratra and the Ahirbu-

Schubring, W. dhnya Samhita. Adyar, 1916. Die Lehre der Jainas. Barlin, 1935. Sewell, R. The Historical Inseriptions of South India, ed. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar. Madras, 1932. Shah, C. J. Jainism in North India, 800 B.C .- A.D. 526. London, 1932. Smith, V. A. Early History of India. 4th edn. Oxford, 1924.

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Bugiura, S. Hindu Logio as Preserved in China and Japan. Philadelphia, 1900. Ui, H. The Vailesika Philosophy. London, 1917. De la Valléo Dynasties et Histoire de l'Inde Depuis Kanishka Poussin, LL. juaqu'aus Incasions Musulmanes. Paris, 1935. L'Inde auz Temps des Mauryas. Paris, 1930. Indo-Européens et Indo-Iraniens. L'Inde jusqu'en 300 avant J.C. New edn. Paris, 1936. Winternitz, M. Geschichte der Indischen Literatur, 3 vola. Leipzig, 1909-20.

0. Artidles

Banerji Bastri, A. The Ajivikas. JBORS. xii, 1926, pp. 53-62. Barua, B. M. The Ajivikas. JDL. ii, 1920, pp. 1-80. Ajivika-What it Means. ABORI. vili, 1927, pp. 183-88. Bhandarkar, D. R. Ajicakas. IA. xli, 1912, pp. 286-90. Charpentior, J. Ajioika. JRAS. 1913, pp. 669-74. Dorner, A. Fate. ERE. v, pp. 771-78. Fleet, J. F. The Meaning of Adhakosikya in the Tth Pillar Edict of Asoka. JRAS., 1906, pp. 401-17. Foucher, A. Le " Grand Miracle" du Buddha d Çravasti. JA., 1909, pp. 1-77. Gopani, A. S. ' Ajwika Sect a New Interprelation. Bharatiya Vidyā ii, pp. 201-10, and iii, pp. 47-59, 1941. Grierson, G. A. Modhvas. ERE. viii, pp. 232-35. Hoernle, A. F. R. Ajivikas. ERE. i, pp. 259-69. Jackaon, V. H. Two New Inscriptions from the Barabar Hills and an Identification of Gorathagiri. JBORS. i, 1915, pp. 159-71. Jacobi, H. Atomic Theory (Indian). BRE. ii, pp. 199-200. Jainism. ERE. vil, pp. 465-74. Jolly, J. Fate (Hindu). ERE. v, 790-92. Keith, A. B. The Authenticity of the Arthadastra. Asulosh Mookerji Commemoration Volume, pt. i, 1926, pp. 8-22. King, L. W. Fate (Babylonian). ERE. v, pp. 778-80. Pathak, K. B. The Ajivikas, a Seet of Buddhist Bhikkhus. IA. xli, 1912, pp. 88-90.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Srinivasan, K. R. The Megalithic Burials and Urn Fields of South India in the Light of Tamil Literature and Tradition. Ancient India, ii, 1946,

Vogel, J. P. pp. 9-16. Le Mabara dans la Seulpture de l'Inde. Revue des Arts Asialiques vi, 1930, pp. 133-47. Weber, A. Analyse der in Anquetil du Perrons Ubersetzung enthalten Upanishaden. Vierter Artikel. IS. ii, 1853, pp. 170-236. Über die Heiligen Schriften der Jaina. IS. xvi, 1883, pp. 211-479, and xvii, 1884, pp. 1-90.

ABBREVIATIONS

Abh. Rūj. Abhidhāna Rājendra. ABORI. Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriontal Research Institute, Poona. Anguttara Nikāya. AR. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy. ASI. Archwological Survey of Indin. Bh. SQ. Bhagavati Sūtra. BSOAS. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. CHI. Cambridge History of India. OÑO. Civanāga-citliyār Parapakşam. Comm. Commentary. Dhp. Commn. Buddhaghosa's Dhammapad'-attha-kathā. Dīgha. Dīgha Nikāya. DPPN. Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pali Proper Names. Ed. Edited by. Edn. Edition. Bpi. Ind. Epigraphia Indica. ERE. Enoyclopadia of Religion and Ethies. IA. Indian Antiquary. IHQ. Indian Historical Quarterly. I8. Webor's Indische Studien. JA. Journal Asialigue. Jātako. JBORS. Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society. JDL. Journal of the Department of Letters, Calcutta Univeraity. JRAS. Journal of the Royal Asiatie Society. Majjh. Majjhima Nikãya. Maņi. Maņimēkalai.

xxxii ABBREVIATIONS

MaMbhārata. Nilaktci. PHAI. Raychaudhuri, Political History of Ancient India, 4th edn. PTS. Pali Text Socicty. Sam. Samyulla Nikāya. SBE. Sacred Books of the East. SII. South Indian Inscriptions. St. Sūtra. Sū. kr. Sütrakridriga. Sum. Vi. Sumangala Vilasini, Buddhaghosa's comm, to the Digha. Therig. Therīgāthd. Tr. Tranalated by. Uv. Das. Uvāsaga Dasão. Vin. Vinaya Pijaka.

PART ONE

HISTORY OF THE ĀJĪVIKAS

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND TO THE RISE OF AJIVIKISM

The range of philosophical speculation in Ancient India went beyond the bounds laid down by Hinduism in ita various branches, and even beyond those fixed by the great heterodox secta of Buddhism and Jainism. The presence of fully materialist groups, Carvakas or Lokayatas, which denied the existence of the soul, the gods, and the future life, is very well known. Besides these, however, were other sects which, while not denying human immortality or the existence of the gods, would not accept any of the more popular interpretations of these doctrines, but preferred explanations which were not consistent with Hinduism, Buddhism, or Jainism. That teachers of such heretical doctrines were the contemporaries of the Buddha is proved by the Samaftia-phala Sutta, the starting point of our researches. It is clear that several such teachers gathered groups of followers together and founded sanghas, perhaps in some cases loosely linked one with another; and from some of these developed Ajivikism, the subject of our present study, which survived the death of ita founder for nearly two thousand years, and was, at lenst locally, a significant factor in ancient Indian religious life. Äjivikism was, in fact, a third heretical sect, beside those of Buddhism and Jainism, with both of which its relations seem to have been often far from cordial. The cardinal point of the doctrines of ita founder, Makkhali Gosala, was a belief in the all- embracing rule of the principle of order, Niyati, which ultimately controlled every action and all phenomena, and left no room for human volition, which was completely ineffectual. Thus Ajivikism was founded on an unpromising basis of strict determinism, above which was developed a superstructure of complicated and fanciful cosmology, incorporating an atomio

4 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS theory which was perhaps the earliest in India, if not in the world. The ethies of the sect were often said by its opponenta to be antinomian, but it is certain that, whatever their ethics, the Ajivikas practised asceticiam of a severe type which often terminated, like that of the Jainas, in death by starvation. Ajtvika determinism emerged, together with the atomism with which it was later associated, in conditions of rising civilization in the Ganges valley, when political power was rapidly being consolidated. By the sixth century B.c. at least part of India had enjoyed some two thousand years of urban culture. The industrious and uninspiring civilization of the Indus cities, with ita chthonio religion, had been replaced by the more barbario culture of the Aryans, with a disorderly pantheon of celestial deitics. The Aryans, no doubt heirs to the residuum of the Indus civilization, gradually expanded southwards and east- wards from the Panjab. By the tenth century B.o., when they had occupied Kurukşetra and the Doab, the first stepe in philosophical speculation had been taken, and sceptios were already asking whether it was possible to know the ultimate basis of the universe.1 But at this period of small tribal kingdoms most of the mental energy of the best minds seems to have been devoted to a sterile effort at providing a satisfying symbolie interpretation of the elaborate and costly sacrificinl ritunls of the time. Penetration down the Ganges probably proceeded slowly ; but the records of the period have left little direct indication of the process of Aryan expansion, or of the culture of the people whom the Aryans met. It is not likely that that culture was at the lowest stages of barbarism. It must have been able to exert a counter-influence on the Aryan polytheism which was imposed upon it, for it is difficult otherwise to account for the emergence of the doctrine of transmigration and of mystical moniem in the period of the Upaniads, which probably dates from the seventh century a.c." By this time we find that Aryan influence had reached as far as Magadha and Videha, where reigned the great king Janaka, an enthusinstic patron of the hermita and wandering sophista who propagated the new ideas." We cannot be certain

1 Rg Velax, 120, 7. # Maodonnell, Hirtory of Sanakrit Literature, p. 220. . CHI.4 pp. 122, 127.

INTRODUCTION 5 that the earliest teachers of the Upanisadie doctrines were Aryan by blood. The theory of transmigration must have been developed from older animist theories very widespread among primitive peoples, and its first propagators may have been non-Aryans, stimulated by the invaders to develop their cruder ideas of metempaychosis by giving them an ethical basis in the form of karma. In the time of the Buddha, which was also the time of Makkhali Gosala, we find the territory of what is now Utta Pradesh and South Bihar occupied by two great kingdoms, Kosala and Magadha. Both were expanding, and had recently absorbed lesser states on their borders, Kasi (the district of Benares) having fallen to Kosnla,1 and Anga (E. Bihar and N .- W. Bengal) to Magadha." To the north of the two great kingdoms were small tribal oligarchies, precariously maintaining their existence against the greater states. The most famous of them, that of the Sakyas, was already tributary to Pasenadi or Prasenajit of Kosala, and was soon to be devastated by his son Vidudabha"; while the largest of the so-called republies, the confederacy of the Vajjis, which seems to have superseded the kingdom of Janaka in Videha, was also soon to be conquered by Vidūdabha's contem- porary, Ajatasattu, the son of king Bimbisira of Magadha,4 The people of the time and region seem to have called themselves Aryans; Buddha knew the word well, and used it in the sense of " good" or "noble ". But the non-Aryan element, both in culture and race, must still have been strong. It has even been suggested that the whole development of religion and philosophy in this period, from Upanisadio gnosis to complete materialism, was but a reflection of the non-Aryan reaction to the Aryan sncrificial system and to the rigid Aryan social order of the four varnas." By this time a city civilizntion had developed in the Ganges valley, beside the immemorial culture of the villages; numerous towns, which must have existed at the time of the Buddha, are mentioned in the earliest Buddhist scriptures. A high standard of luxury was enjoyed by kings, nobles, and

1 PHAI.,pp. 130-1. * Ibld., pp. 102-3. Ibid., p. 167. . OHI.L. p. 144, and references in n. 1 of that page. * Ibid.,pp. 171-4. V. infra, pp. 69 ff.

6 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS merchanta, and many of the latter had amassed very large fortunes, Panch-marked coins were probably in use, and writing was known, but not widely used. The three heterodox sects which arose in this cultural climate, Buddhiam, Jainiam, and Ajtvikism, had much in common. All three alike rejected the sacrificial polytheism of the Aryans and the monistic theories of the Upanisadie mystics. The personi- fied natural forces of the former, and the world-soul of the latter were replneed by cosmic principles, and the supernatural powers were relegated to an inferior or even negligible position. In fact the three new religions represent a recognition of the rule of natural law in the universe, and the work of their founders may in this rospect be compared with that of their approximate contemporaries, the natural philosophers of Ionia. Of the three systems that of the Ajivikas, based on the principle of Niyati as the only determining factor in the uinverse, perhaps represents a more thorough recognition of the orderliness of nature than do the doctrines of either of its more successful rivals. The religious reformer rarely devises the central teneta of his new faith without any baais of older belief on which to build ; rather he reatates, modifies, or throws a fresh light upon earlier teaching, and this restatement has for his contemporaries the force and novelty of a new revelation. We may feel confident that fatalist teachings, out of which the doctrine of Niyats developed, had existed before the time of Makkhali Gosala, as indeed is indicated by various references in both Buddhist and Jaina texta.1 A belief in fate, the inevitability of important eventa, or of eventa with dire consequences, seems to arise at an early stage of religions development in many oultures. Parallel with it arises the belief in the efficiency of magio, spells, sacrifice, and prayer, to circumvent the effecta of fate .* Certain peoples, notably the earlier Semites, almost consistently rejected delerminism and fatalism. Thus for the Babylonians " ... the fates . .. were not believed to have been fixed from the begin- ning, but were pictured as in hourly process of development under the personal supervision of the supreme deity ".ª Similarly

1 V.infra, pp. 27 f. : V. ERE.v. p. 772 a.v. Fato. . ERE. v. p. 779.

INTRODUCTION 7 Hebrew monotheism, while based firmly on the almightiness of God, asserted, implicitly and explicitly, the power of the individual to affect his own destiny by pursuing courses of conduct pleasing to the Almighty. The early development of astrology in the Middle East does not seem to have led to the logical conclusion that the fortune of the individual, if predictable and correlated to the regular movements of the stara, must be rigidly determined. On the other hand the Indo-European peoples may have entertained a belief in an inevitable destiny at a very early period. Admittedly the hymns of the Rg Veda do not suggest a fatalistio attitude to life. One's destiny is influenced by pro- pitiating the gods, who are the arbiters of human fortune, and can be induced to show favour, or to relent in their anger. This seems to have been the general priestly theory of all the Indo- European peoples in the earlier stages of their development. But there is evidence of another line of thought. Though a wholly fatalist attitude may not be found in the religious tradition, as depicted for instance in the Rg Veda, such an attitude does appear in the martial tradition of the epics. Widespread in Indo-European epic literature is the hero who, well knowing that he and his comrades are fated to defeat and death, goes boldly into battle because it is " the thing to do ", the right and natural conduct of the warrior. As examples of this doomed warrior we may cite Karna in the Mahabharata, both Heotor and Achilles in the Iliad," Hagen in the Nibelungenlied," and Ferdiad in the Cuchullain Saga." No doubt other examples may be found. From its widespread occurrence it seems probable that this grim tradition of the doomed hero was known to the Indo-European peoples before their separation, and we may infer that it existed in India long bofore the final recension of the · Mbh. Udyoga, 141-3. = IHad vi, 447-9, 480-9 (Hector) ; xix, 420-3 (Achilkea). B Nibelngenkied, ed K. Bartach, xxvi, 1587-9. - Tain Bo Qeainge, ed. E. Windisch, pp. 456-7, v. 8. Although before and during his protracted duel with Cushullain Ferdiad blustera and threatons, thess are the conventional boasta of the warrior, and he rocognizes his fato as the las (pp. 528-9). The whole of the Tdin, from the words of Fedolm the prophetess (pp. 20-39), to the death of the wonderful bull, which had boen the bone of contention botwcen the opposing partios, is permeated with epio fataliam. Even in the lass sentence of the story we read: "So war seine Geschichte und seine Schioksal " (Deired) (pp. 008-9)-

8 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS Mahabharata. May it have had any influence on the development of Ajivika fataliem ? In eastern India at the time of Makkhali Gosila were erdtyas, bands of nomadie Aryans who had fallen away from the priestly religion, and might be received back into the Aryan fold only after purification ceremonies.1 Their chief centre was Magadha, a kingdom which Makkhali Gosāla visited in the course of his wanderings with Mahavira before his "enlightenment "" At that time Magadhans were famous as bards," and sang the martial songs out of which the epie tradition grew at the courts of chieftains all over Aryavarta. Makkhali Gosala, before his association with Mahavira, was, according to the Jaina story, a mantha; this word is equated by Hemacandra with magadha, a bard.4 Thus a very slender chain of relations connecta the founder of Ajivikiem with the Aryan fataliat tradition, and his determinism may in part have been inspired by ideas derived from the renegade Aryan singers of martial songs. But the Ajivika doctrine of Niyati may also have had a non- Aryan ancestry. Admittedly rigid determinism is not natural to the thought of most Indian religions; according to the usual form of the karma theory a man's present state is determined by his past conduct, whether in this life or a previous one, but he has a sufficient measure of free will to permit him to modify his future by choosing the right course of action. Yet the climate and geography of India are such as to encourage a fatalist attitude to life. The phenomena of nature are impressive in their grandeur and regularity. Natural catastrophes such as flood, drought, and famine ocour from time to time on such a scale that no human effort, even at the present day, can prevent them, or do more than mitigate their effecta. In the time of Makkhali 1 GHI. i, 146. If we ncoopt the theory of J. W. Haner (Der Vratya, Stuttgart, 1927) that the urdlyas were a clss of heterodox nomadio holy-men, whose rligious practioes ineluded sympathetle magie, exoreiam, ritual dancing, and cursing their opponenta, is may be suggeated that they had some influence upon the Ajtvikss. The latter woro also given to religions dancing and singing, and thelr leader had the reputation of & wonder workor whose roudy improos- tions wore mot effeotive in their oporation. Haner himeslf has compared the unatrung bow of the eratya with the danda or staff of the orthedox sacetio of Iater times (op. eit., p. 132). The Ajivikas also appoar to have carried stavos (v. Infra, p. 00). · V. infra, pp. 39 ff. . PHAT., p.96. * V. infra, pp. 33-36.

INTRODUCTION 9

Gosala the dependence of man upon nature must have been felt by the Indian even more strongly than at present. The slogan of the Ajivika sect, " Human effort is ineffectual," 1 may have been a very widespread and popular phrase, in time of distress often on the lips of the ordinary people of the Ganges valley. It is the typical cry of the peasant everywhere, when his crops are ruined by storm or drought, or when his livestock dies of pestilence. Significant in this connection is the Mahabharata story of Manki, who, it is said, became a fatalist after the accidental loss of two steers." Here then we have two possible sources of the Ajivika creed, which must have provided gloomy and despairing comfort both to the warrior fighting a losing battle and to the peasant impoverished by the failure of his crops or herds. Probably both elementa, as well as the personal genius of Makkhali Gosila and of others, contributed to the finished Ajivika dootrine, which for two millennia filled a small place in the religious lifo of India, and attempted to provide, however inadequately, for the spiritual needs of a small fraction of her poople. 1 N'anhi purisakdre. V. infra, p. 14. : V.infrn.pp.38-30.

CHATTER II

THE SIX HERETICS

THE RECORD OF THE SIMARRA-PRALA SUTTA

Throughout the Pali canon the teaching of the Buddha and the activities and discipline of his Order are contrasted with the doctrines and practices of six other teachers and their followers, who are represented as the Buddha's contemporaries, and were doubtless, like the Buddha himself, inspired by the wave of dissatisfaction with the system of orthodox Brahmanism, which seems to have swept over the Ganges valley in the sixth and fifth centuries B.C. The six heretics, as portrayed in the Pali texta, have little individuality. Occasional brief references to an individual teacher may be found, but they are usually referred to as a group.4 Their character as real human beings is often very tennous ; for instance in the Milinda Paitha they are represented aa still surviving centuries after the Buddha's death," and have become mere lay figures, representative of non-Buddhist hetero- doxy. Their teachings are often confused, and the doctrines attributed in a given reference to any one teacher may elsewhere be ascribed to another. Much of the information about the aix that is contained in the Buddhist texta, like the references to Gosala in those of the Jainas, is to be treated very cautiously ; for it is evident that the authors had but a limited knowledge of the teachings of the heretics, and what knowledge they had wAs warped by odium theologicum. Nevertheless these Buddhist and Jaina texts are the only source of our knowledge of the origin of the Ajivikas, and must be the starting point for any study of the sect. In the Pali scriptures the lengthiest and most detailed passage on these men and their doctrines is contained in the Smaññia- 1 E.g. Majih, i, 198, 250 ; Sam. 1, 66; JAt. i, 500, iv, 308 ff. ; Vin. il, 111 ff. # pp. 4 ff. V. Infra, p. 21.

THE SIX HERETIOS 11 phala Sutta of the Digha Nikaya.1 The philosophies there ascribed to them contain much that was included in later Ajivika teaching, and the passage in which the heretical ascetic Makkhali Gosala propounds his determinist view of the universe " has been taken by both Hoernle and Barua as a basis for their studies on the Ajivikas. The philosophical implications of the Sutta will be considered in the second part of this work"; meanwhile it merita careful consideration from the historical viewpoint. The narrative framework of the Samailfa-phala Sutta may be summarized as follows : - While the Buddha, accompanied by 1,250 bhikkhus, waa staying at Rajagaha, then the Magadhan capital, King Ajatasattu felt in need of spiritual guidance. One after another six of his ministers came forward, each suggesting one of the six heretical tenchers as a person capable of resolving the King's doubts. The names of the six were :- 1. Pūraņn Kassapa, 2. Makkhali Gosāla, 3. Ajita Kesakambalı, 4. Pakudha Kaccāyana, 5. Sañjaya Belatthiputta, and 6. Nigantha Nataputta. Each is described in the same stock terms, a formula applied elsewhere to the six heretics in the Pali canon.4 The phrases have a certain importance since they at least indicate the celebrity and influence which the early Buddhist tradition attributed to the six teachers. Each is referred to as the leader of an order (gandcariyo), well known, famous, the founder of a sect (titthakaro), respected as a saint (sadhu-sammato), revered by many people, a homeless wanderer of long standing (cira- pabbajito), and advanced in years. Each minister urged the King to visit one or other of the asceties, who would set his mind at rest, but at each suggestion the King remained silent. Finally Jivaka, the "children's doctor " (komarabhacco), suggested a visit to the Buddha. The suggestion was acceptable to Ajatasattu, who left for Jivaka's mango grove, where the Master was staying with his followers. 1 Diyla i, pp. 47 ff. . V. infra, pp. 224 ff, 240 f. # V. infm, pp. 13-14. * E.g. Jât. 1, 500 ; Dişla li, 150.

12 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS On his arrival he asked the Buddha to answer the question which had been troubling him : "The fruits of various worldly trades and professions are obvious, but it is possible to show any appreciable benefit to be derived from asceticiam 1 (sandighikam samakifia-phalam)." He declared that he had previously put the same question to other ascetics and brahmapas, but had so far received no satisfactory answer. At the Buddha's request he repeated the replies given to his inquiry by the six heretics. None of them had tried to give a logical answer to the King's question, but each had prevaricated, repeating what seems to be the set formula of the sohool which he had founded. After hearing Ajatasattu's account of his interviews with the six heretics the Buddha preached a sermon on the advantages of the homeless life, and the King was duly consoled and impressed. From this, and from many other passages in the Pali canon, it is quite elear that Buddhism in its early stages had to contend not only with the orthodox brahmanas and with the adherents of the twenty-fourth firthankara of Jainism, who is the sixth teacher of the above list, but also with the followers of several other religious loaders. The six heretics must have been the most important members of a class which contained many lesser men, with amaller more localized followinge, whose names and doctrines have now completely vanished. There is no need to accept the view which, both implicitly and explicitly, is to be found expressed in Dr. B. M. Barua's Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philosophy, that these men were philosophers or theologians in a modern sense. Rather it seems probable that in the sixth century B.o. the mental life of India was in ferment, and was permeated by a mass of mutually contradictory theories about the universe and man's place therein, some verging on the bizarre in their fancifulness, others more capable of a logical justification. The chief mouthpieces of the new ideas were Buddha and Mahavira, but many others, including the six heretics, must have made some contribution to the thought of their time. While the three unorthodox systems of Buddhism, Jainism, and Ajivikism crystallized round the names of Buddha, Mahavira, and Makkhali Gosala respectively, it seems, in the case of the latter sect at any rate, that other teachers beside the reputed founder contributed to the finished doctrinal system. This will

THE SIX HERETICS 13

be made clear by a study of the doctrines attributed to the six tenchers in various parts of the Pali canon. To commence with our locus classious, the teachings of the six, as narrated by Ajatasattu to the Buddha in the Samafna-phala Sutta, may be paraphrased as follows :- 1. Pūraņa Kassapa " He who performs an act or causes an nct to be performed ... he who destroys life, the thief, the housebreaker, the plunderer . . . the highway robber, the adulterer and the liar . . . commit no sin. Even if with a razor-sharp disous a man reduce all the life on earth to a single heap of flesh, he commits no sin .... If he come down the south bank of the Ganges, slaying, maiming, and torturing, and causing others to be slain, maimed, or tortured, he commits no sin, neither does sin approach him. Likewise if a man go down the north bank of the Ganges, giving alms and sacrificing, and causing alms to be given and sacrifices to be performed, he acquires no merit, neither does merit approach him. From liberality, self-control, abstinence, and honesty is derived neither merit, nor the approach of merit." 1 2. Makkhali Gosala There is neither cause nor basis for the sins of living beings; they become sinful without cause or basis. Neither is there cnuse or basis for the purity of living beings ; they become pure without cause or basis. There is no deed performed either by oneself or by others (which can affect one's future births), no human action, no strength, no courage, no human endurance or human prowess (which ean affect one's destiny in this life)." All beings, 1 Karato kho kārayalo . . . pāņam atimāpayato, adinnam ādiyato, sandhim chindalo, nillopam harato . . . paripanthe tipphato, paradăram gacelato, mued bhapato karoto na bariyali papam. Khura-pariyantena ce pi cakkena yo imissd paphasiyā pāņe . . . eka-marua-putjam kareyya, n'atthi lato-nidanam pāpar, n'alihi pipaua dgamo. Dakkhinaii cs pi Ganga-diram agaccheyya hananto ghAlento chindanto chedapenio păeanto păcenio, n'atihi tato-nidanar păpar, n'elhi papaua agamo. Uitarai cs pi Gangă-tiram gaccheyya dadanio dapento gajanlo yajdpento n'atthi tato-nidanam puiilam, n'aithi puiiasa agamo. Danena damma smyamena sacc sajjena n'atthi puildam, n'atili puñnassa dgamo. Op. cit, p. 52. ""This paraphrase is expanded on the basis of Baddhaghoss's commentary, Sumangala Vilaaini: Attakare ti alla-baro. Yena alland kaja-kammapa ime satd devallam . . . pi papupanti, tam pi pajikklipati. . . . N'anhi purisa-bare ii yend pu purisa-bárena sata vutlappabra-sampaltiyo pāpu- panti, lam pi patikkhipati. Sum. Vil. i, pp. 160-1.

14 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS

all that have breath, all that are born, all that have life, aro without power, strength, or virtue, but are developed by destiny, chance, and nature, and experience joy and sorrow in the six classes (of existence). There are 1,400,000 chief uterine births, 6,000 and 600; 500 karmas, 5 karmas, 3 karmas, a karma, and half a karma; 62 paths; 62 lesser kalpas; 6 classes (of human existence); 8 stages of man; 4,900 means of livelihood (1); 4,900 ascetics; 4,900 dwellings of nagas; 2,000 faculties; 3,000 purgatories; 36 places covered with dust (1) 1; 7 sentient birthe ; 7 insentient births; 7 births from knots (1)1; 7 gods; 7 men ; 7 pisāca (births 1) ; 7 lakes ; 7 knota (1),1 and 700 ; 7 precipices, and 700; 7 dreams, and 700; and 8,400,000 great kalpas through which fool and wise alike will take their course, and make an end of sorrow. There is no question of bringing unripe karma to fruition, nor of exhausting karma already ripened, by virtuous conduct, by vows, by penance, or by chastity. That cannot be done." Samsara is measured as with a bushel, with its joy and sorrow and ita appointed end. It can neither be lessened nor increased, nor is there any excess or deficiency of it. Just as a ball of thread will, when thrown, unwind to its full length, so fool and wise alike will take their course, and make an end of sorrow."

1 Thess and several other oruxes in Makkhali's eatalogue are proviionally rendered in the light of Boddhaghosn's commentary (Sum. Vil. i, pp. 163 4). For & fuller considerstion of them v. infrn, pp. 240 ff. " Here I have taken the liberty of inerting a full stop which does not ooour in the PTS. edition of the text. If wo rend H'evam s'atthi with dona-mite we have a definite contradiction of Makkhali's doctrine aa expressed elsewhere. Buddhaghosn agrecs in amoeiating the phrase with the proceding sentence : dipi. Sum. Vil. i, p. 164. " N'anli . . . Aitu, n'atthi paccayo satinam samkilesāya, ahetu-appaccaya saiil sambilluant. N'atki hetu, watthi paccayo sattinam visuddhiya, aketu- apaccaya salid ciajijlandi. N'atthi alta-kare, n'atths para-bare, n'atthi purisa- bre, w'atthi balam, n'anhi siriyam, n'atth purisa-thamo, w'atthi purisa-parak- bamo. Salde satid, sabbe păna, sabbe bhaia, sabbe jisd, avast abald apiriya niyati-sangati-MAdva-parinaia chass' eo' dohijariau sukha-dukkham papisamvedenti. Ouddasa bio pan' imani yoni-pamukha-sata-sahassăni, sagÃiii ca satăni, cha ca satăni ; pailea ca lammuno salini, pailca ca bammani, tini ca bammāni, bamme ca, addha-lamme ca; doatthi pajipada ; deatii' antarakappă ; chal dbkijdrigo : attha purisa-bhamigo ; ekūna-pailidsa djiea-sate ; ebina-paRAdsg paribbijaka-sale ; elăna-pašiiasa năgdoisa-sate ; vies indriya-sate; timss niriya-aate ; chattivun rajo-dAdiuyo : satta sailili-gabbia ; satta asailili-gabbhā ; salta pafued, satta pajuvă-satni; satta papăli, satta papăta-satāni; satta eupină, salta aupina-satăni ; eull-driti makākappuno sata-sahassăni, yănš bale

THE SIX HERETICS 15

3. Ajita Kesakambals There is no (merit in) almsgiving sacrifice or offering, no result or ripening of good or evil deeds. There is no passing from this world to the next.1 No benefit accrues from the service of mother or father." There is no after-life, and there are no ascetics or brihmanas who have reached perfection on the right path, and who, having known and experienced this world and the world beyond, publish (their knowledge). Man is formed of the four elementa; when he dies earth returns to the aggregate of earth, water to water, fire to fire, and air to air, while the senses vanish into space. Four men with the bier take up the corpse; they gossip (about the dead man) as far as the burning-ground," (where) his bones turn the colour of a dove's wing, and his sncrifices end in ashes. They are fools who preach almsgiving, and those who maintain the existence (of immaterial categories) speak vain and lying nonsense. When the body dies both fool and wise alike are cut off and perish. They do not survive after death.4

ca papdile ca sandMtuiteă samsaritod dukkhass' andam barissanti. Tattha n'atthi : "imin' dham allena od valena tå lapena vå brakmacariyena vå aparipakkar vd kammam paripieessimi, paripabkam va kammay phussa-phussa vyanti- karissamt " tf. H'coam n'atihi. Dona-mite aukha-dukkke pariyanta-bate samsăre, n'atthi Adyana-vaddhane, n'atthi ukhams' duakamse, Bayyatha pi ndma sulla- guļe khine nibbethigamdnam ena phaleti, coam eva bale ca pandite ca sandhdvită samzaritva dukkhass' antam karissanti. Digla i, pp. 63-4. - This paraphrase on the basls of Buddhaghom : N'atthi ayam loko fi para-loke phitassa pi ayam loko n'anhi. N'atthi para-toko ti idla loke philassa pi para-loko n'atthi. Sabbe tattha latth' eva ueckijant ti dasseli (8um. Vil. I, p. 166). Buddhaghosn seems to imply that Ajita admitted the existenco of a world beyend, but one which it wai impomuble for mortala to enter; certainly he did not deny the existencs of the material world. " Agaln an cxpansion of the text, based on Buddhaghoss: N'atthi mdtd n'atthi pitd ii tem samma-palipaltim iecla-patipattim phal'- dbhans-vasena vadati. Sum. Vil. i, p. 105. " Accepting Buddhaghom : Paddn' tri, "ayam evam silaud ahori, eram duailo" ti, adind nayena pavaltnt gundguna-padani. Sum. Vil. i, p. 166. Chalmers tranalates the same possnge as it occura in Majjh. i, p. 515, na " whoso remnins are visible as far as the charnel ground " (Further Dialogues i, p. 364). - N'atthi . . . dinnam, n'atthi yippham, w'atthi hutam, n'atthi subaja-dukbalā- nam kammdnam plalam vipāko, n'atthi ayam loko, w'atthi paro loko, n'atthi mam, n'aths pitd, n'atthi aata-opapatiba, n'atthi loke samapa-brahmand sam- maggai samma-pafippanna, ye imail ca lokam parad ea lobam sayam abhinsa sacokikatod pavedenti. Catum-makdbheriko ayam puriso ; yada kAlam karoti pathavi paphavi-bāyam anupeti anupagacchati, ăpo ăpo-kyam . . ., tejo tejo- kāyams . . ., tyo tayo-bAyam anupeti anupagacckati, aktsay indriyāni samka- manti. Asandi-padcamd purisd malam adaya gacchanti, ydva djahand padani pan- Aopenti, hipotabani apthini bhavanti, Mass-ant dAutiyo. Dattu-padialtam yad idam dânam, fesam tucclam musă eillpo ye keci atthikavadam vadanti. Bale ca

16 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS 4. Pakudha Kaccāyana The seven elementary categories are neither made nor ordered, neither caused nor construoted; they are barren, as firm as mountains, as stable as pillars. They neither move nor develop ; they do not injure one another, and one has no effeot on the joy, or on the sorrow, or on the joy and sorrow of another. What are the soven ? The bodies of earth, of water, of fire, and of air, and joy and sorrow, with life as the seventh .... No man slays or causes to slay, hears or causes to hear, knows or causes to know. Even if a man cleave another's head with a sharp sword, he does not take life, for the sword-cut passes between the seven elementa.1

5. Nigantha Nātaputla A nigantha is surrounded by the barrier of fourfold restraint. How is he surrounded ? ... He practises restraint with regard to water, he avoids all sin, by avoiding sin his sins are washed away, and he is filled with the sense of all sins avoided." ... So surrounded by the barrier of fourfold reatraint his mind is perfeoted," controlled, and firm.4

6. Safijaya Belatthiputta If you aaked me, " Is there another world f " and if I believed that there was, I should tell you so. But that is not what I say. pandite ca hlyasza Medd ucchijjandi vinassanti, na Aonti param maranā. Dīpha i, p. 55. A remarkable paraliel to this pasnsgo is to be found in Sütrakridiga (80. k. II, 1, 9, fol. 278 ff., in 8BE. xlv, II, i, 15-17). 1 Sat' ims ... biyă ahajd alaja vidhd animmil animmdsi vaitjha bațapha caika-thapi-phisa. Te na injanti na viparinamanti na aidlam-adilam uyābadhenti n' dias afiam-afldasa sikldya od dukhaya oa rukla-dukkhdya vd. Katame saia / Pafhavi-biya dpo-bayo tejo-bayo eayo-bayo sukhe dukkhe jiva-satlamd. . . . To pi tiphena satthena atsam ehindali na boci kinai jtvitd voropeti, satannam yeua kaydnam antarena sattha-visaram anupatali. Digha i, p. 60. With this compare 80. kr. II, i, 10, foL 280 ff. (8BE. xlv, II, 1, 20-4). Hero a five-element theory ia outlined in very aimilar terms. This doubtful interpretation on the baais of Buddhaghom : 8abba- vdri.yuto li slbmna plpa-sdrapena yuto. Sabba-vări-dhuto N sabbmna pipa-udragena diuta-pāpo. Sabba-sāri-pāuțțÃo ti sabbena pipa-edronesa plstho. Sum. vit. i, p. 168. Buddhaghoss: Gatatto ti bopippalta-cilto. Op, elt., loo. clt. d .. . Nigantho cdtu-yama-samoara-samvuto hoti. Kathan ca . . . samalo holi 1 . . . Niganiho sbba-sări-sărito ca hoti, sabba-uări-yuto ca, aabba-udri- ayam vuccali ... nigantho gatatio ea yatatto ca jAitatto ca ti. Digha i. p. 57.

THE SIX HERETICS 17

I do not say that it is so; I do not say that it is otherwise; I do not say that itis not so; nor do Isay that it is not not so 1 ... (The same formula is repeated after various hypothetical questions.)

Of these six statements of doctrine three have little relevance to the study of the Ajivikas. That which is here ascribed to Ajita Kesakambali is a clear expression of materialism, and ita author, whether Ajita or another, must have been a forerunner of the later Carvakas. The teaching ascribed to Nigantha Nataputta is very obscure, but, as Jacobi has pointed out," while it is not an accurate description of the Jaina creed it contains nothing alien to it. We may accept the identification of Nigantha with Vardhamana Mahavira, the twenty-fourth firthankara of Jainism. The passage ascribed to Sañjaya Belatthi- putta is probably satirical, a tilt at agnostic teachers who were unwilling to give a definite answer to any metaphysical question put to them. Dr. Barua holds another view, and believes that the statement of Sanjaya representa a doctrine which was held in good faith by a school of Pyrrhonista." Whatever the authenticity of this passage, its agnosticism was never a part of the Ajivika creed, and it may be omitted from further consideration. We are left with the passages ascribed to Pūraņa, Makkhali, and Pakudha. The doctrines of all three, and the names of two of these teachers are connected with later Ajivikism. The authenticity of the ascription of niyativada to Makkhali Gosala may be confirmed by reference to the Jaina scripturea, wherein Gosala Mankbaliputta propounds a very similar doctrine.4 Pakudha's fantastio atomism and his Parmenidean dootrine of immobility, which follows logically from Makkhali's determinism, are integral parta of the tenching of the Dravidian Ajivikas as described in Tamil texta." Purana is mentioned by name and apparently held in high respect by these later Ajivikas," and his 1 " Athi paro lako /" ti iii ee tam puechasi, " atthi paro loko " ti iti ce me asa, "atthi paro loko " ti de mam oyakareyyam, Eoam pi me no. Tathà ti pi me no. dAnadi ii pi me no. No ti pi me no. No no li pi me no .... Digha i, p. 58. * Introduction to Gains Satras, pt. l, SDE. xlv, pp. Ix IIi. Pre-BuddMiatio Indian Philosoply, pp. 325 f. · V.Infra, pp. 218-19. . V.infra, pp. 235 ff., 262 ff. . V. Infra, pp. 80-81.

18 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS

antinomian ethics are quite consistent with Makkhali's metaphysics.

OTHER BUDDHIST REFERENCES TO THE DOCTRINES OF THE HERETICS In certain other passages of the Pali canon the distribution of doctrines among the six teachers is significantly altered, in a way which strongly suggests that the credos ascribed in the Samafina-phala Sutta to Makkhali, Pūraņa, and Pakudha were aspects of a single body of teaching. Thus in Mahabodhi Jataka" King Brahmadatta of Benares has five heretical councillors, who are respectively an ahetukavādi, an issarakāraņavādi, a pubbekatavādi, an ucchedavādi, and a khattavijjavadi. The doctrines maintained by these five are stated in versified form, and are in part paraphrases of the Smafa-phala Sutta passages which we have quoted. At the conclusion of the story the five ministers are stated to have been previous incarnations of Pūraņa, Makkhali, Pakudha, Ajita, and Nigantha. Thus, assuming that the dootrines were thought to have been held in the order named, the fatalist teaching ascribed in the Samaitfia-phala Sutta to Makkhali is here attributed to Purana; Makkhali himself becomes a theist"; Pakudha maintains an obscure doctrine which seems to approximate to the orthodox theory of karma"; Ajita upholds materialism, as in the Samaitfia-phala Sutta reference ; while Nigantha, in fact the apostle of ahimsd, is here the teacher of a Macchiavellian doctrine, resembling the antinomianism of Parana, as described in the Sutta passage.4 A further account of heterodox teachings occurs in the Sandaka Sulla of the Majjhima Nikaya." Here the bhitkhu Ananda describes to the wanderer Sandaka the four " antitheses to the higher life " (abrahmacariyavdsd). These are :- (1) The materialist teacher, who denies the existence of an

: Jat v.pp. 227 ff. " Ayam loko tuara-nimmito ti. Jat. v, p. 228. "Imeam satnam aukham sd dukbham od uppajjamdnam pubbebaten' era uppaijaft, fi. Ibid. Mam-pitaro pi maretoa altano va attho hametabbo. Ibid. · Majjh. i, pp. 513 ff.

THE SIX HERETICS 19 after-life. The passage describing his teaching is a word-for-word transcription of Ajita Kesakambali's doctrine as given in the Samaliila-phala Sutta.1 Here, however, no tencher is named. (2) The antinomian-a repetition of Purana's doctrine." (3) The fatalist-repeating the teachings of Makkhali as given in the Samafiña-phala Sutta up to " ... experience, joy, and sorrow in the six classes (of existence) "." (4) The atomist. Here the atomio theory of Pakudha 4 is repeated, but appended to it we are given the second half of Makkhali's determiniat teaching, including the obscure list of categories,5 Ananda then describes the four "comfortless vocations (anassāsikāni brahmacariyani). These are :- (1) The teacher claiming omniscience. (2) The traditionalist. (3) The rationalist, and (4) The sceptic. To the latter is ascribed the passage given in the Samannia-phala Sulla to Sanjaya," but the other three teachers of the second group are referred to in terms not suggesting any of the six famous heretica. The conclusion of the Sulta is surprising. Sandaka realizes that all the tenchers are false guides, and that if their doctrines are true all self-control is a work of supererogation. He is con- verted to the true Dhamma, and declares : "These Ajivikas . .. are children of a childless mother; they extol themselves and disparage others, yet they have only produced three shining lighta, to wit Nanda Vaccha, Kisa Sankicca, and Makkhali Gosala." 7 It will be seen that the fatalist teaching, in the Samaffa- phala Sutta ascribed to Makkhali, is here divided, and the second : V. supra, p. 15. 4 V. sapra, p. 16. " V. suprn, p. 13. : V. supra, p. 14. : V. wapra, pp. 13-14. . V. supra, pp. 16-17. " Ime pan' ajiciba pulamatga putd, attanad e' eoa ubbamsenti pars ea uambhenti, layo d' eva niyyaliro panidpenti, seyyath' tdam Nandarp Vaccham, Klaam Sahkiccam, Makkhali Gosdlan ti. Mojjh. i, p. 524. I sdopt Lord Chalmors' translation (Further Dialogues i, p. 371), which l based on Buddhaghoas'a commentary, Papaica-sudant: Putta-mataye pustd ti so kira imam dhammay sutva ajivibă matd nămd ti saddl hutvd evam aha. Ayam Nettha attho. Ajiviks matd ndma, tesam måtd pullamatd hoti it ajivild puliamalāya puttă năma Aonti. Op. eit., iii, p. 235.

20 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIEAS half linked with the doctrine of Pakudha. The propagators of all the objectionable teachings are classed together under the brond title of Ajivikas, and two new names, those of Nanda Vaccha and Kisa Sankicca, are introduced; these two shadowy figures we shall consider in the following chapter." Further confusion is to be found in a passage in the Petavatthu," where a verse paraphrase of parta of the doctrines ascribed in the SamaRRa-phala Sutta to Makkhali, Pūraņa, Ajita, and Pakudha, together with certain new teachings which are to be found among the doctrines of the later Ajivikas, are placed in the mouth of the peta, Nandaka. Similar verse paasages occur in Mahānārada- kassapa Jataka," where various doctrines elsewhere ascribed to the six hereties are spoken by the ascetic Guna. Two remarkable references, strongly indicating the confusion of the various doctrines, are to be found in the Samyutta Nikāya. In one of these . Mahali, a Licchavi, approaches the Buddha while the latter is residing at Vesali, and declares: "Porana Kassapa says, 'there is neither cause nor basis for the sins of living beings ; they become sinful without cause or basis. Neither is there cause or basis for the purity of living beings; they become pure without cause or basis.'" The same phrase is repeated in the second passige," but here the words "ignorance and lack of discornment " " are subatituted for " sins ", and their antitheses for " purity ". These passages indicate quite clearly that Purana was thought of as holding doctrines very similar to those of Makkhali, to whom the words are'ascribed in the Sāmañtila-phala Sutta. In the Anguttara Nikaya? the six abhijatis, or classes of humanity, ascribed in the Samaffa-plala Sulta to Makkhali, are stated by the monk Ananda to be a distinctive part of Pürana's teaching. Here the six classes are described in detail, and, significantly, Purana is said to inelude in his highest category (paramasukk'-dbhijati) none other than the three shining lighta of the Majjhima passage, Nanda Vaccha, Kisa Sankicca, and Makkhali Gosila. Thus we have no less than three passages in which parta of Makkhali's doctrine are ascribed to Pūrana, 1 V.infrn, pp. 27 ff. : Jat. vi, pp. 210 ff. V. infra, pp. 217, 263. * 1v,3, pp. 57 D. . Sam. v, p. 12d. Says. il, p. 69. # Ang. Iil, p. 383 f. AMtaşdya adassanāya. " V. supra, p. 19.

THE SIX HERETICS 21 and one in which the latter is purported to proclaim the former to be in the highest rank of spiritual attninment. The six are mentioned together in the Milinda Panha, as con- temporaries of the Greco-Indian King. Here doctrines are ascribed only to the two most important members of the group, Makkhali and Pürana, and their statementa are of the most brief descrip- tion. When the King asks Purana " Who rules the world ?" the latter replies " The earth rules the world ".1 Makkhali's brief speech implies an antinomian and fatalistie doctrine, but also states a view not to be found elsewhere ascribed to the Ājīvikas, to the effect that brāhmaņas, kşattriyas, vaišyas, dudras, and outeastes would all retain their original status in future births." This doctrine is quite inconsistent with all state- menta of the Ajivika theory of transmigration to be found else- where; in fact the whole passage, with its obscurity and blatant anachronism, seems to be lacking in all significance as a source for reconstructing Ajivika history and theology, and merely indicates that, by the time of the composition of the text, Ajivikism was very imperfectly known in northern India. The Tibetan version of the Samannia-phala Sulla, quoted by Rockhill,a shows even further confusion. The Dulva ascribes to Purna Kasynpa not only the antinomianism of the Pali version, but also a denial of life after death, a view attributed in the Pali to Ajita. "Maskarin son of Gosili " maintains the same dootrine as in the Pali; "Sahjayin son of Vairatti " acquires an anti- nomianism very like that of Purana in the original text; " Ajita Kefakambala " here maintains not only Pakudha's doctrine of the seven elementa, but also the second half of Makkhali's fatalistie catechism, including the long list of obacure categories ; " Nirgrantha son of Djnati" retains his authentie teaching of karma wiped out by penance; and "Kakuda Katyayana" usurps the place of Sanjaya as the prevaricating sceptio. Rockhill.also quotes two Chinese versions of the Sulla.4 In the first of these, the translation of which is dated A.D. 412-13, 1 " Ko lokam paleft " fi. " Pathavi . . . lokam paleti" ti. Milinda Pailo, p.4. * N'athi ... Iwsaldkwalāni kammāni, n'athi . . . lammănam phalam vipăko . . . ge te idhaloke khattiya . . . brakmanā veud auddā candald puekkuā te paralobam gantvă pi puna brăămană (eta.) . . . Bharissanti. Op. eit., p. 5. The Life of the Buddha, p. 09 f. * Op. cit., app. il, p. 2561.

22 HISTORY OF THE AJĪVIKAS we find Pūrana maintaining his original doctrine of guiltlessness ; Makkhali has acquired part of Ajita's materialism; "Kakuda Katyayana "has a portion of Makkhali'a determiniam ; Sanjayin remains a soeptic; while the Nirgrantha Jhatriputra claims omniscience, as did the historical Mahavira. The second version is a little earlier, the date of ita translation, as given by Rockhill, being A.D. 381-395. Here Pūrana becomes the materialist; Maskarin Godala declares " there is no present world nor the world to come, nor power nor powerlessness, nor energy. All men have obtained their pleasure and pain (1) "- an obscure doctrine, clearly owing much to Ajita's pronounce- ment in the Pali, but evidently implying fatalism in its last phrase. The prevaricating sceptic is here Ajita; "Kakuda's " tenching is almost unintelligible in the translation-" If there be a man who has been cut off and who sees with his eyes, there can be no diapute (about the question). If the life of the body comes to an end there is nothing to grieve about in the death of life"; Sanjayin declares that there is no reward of sin or virtue- Pürana's doctrine in the Pali Sutta; and Nirgrantha maintains that all is the effect of karma. The various ascriptions of doctrine to be found in the Buddhist soriptures may be conveniently summarized in tabular form :-- Chinese, A.D. 381-39504 JAl. v, 227. Digha i, 47. Majj. 1, 513. 1 Som. ill, 60. Sam. v, 126. Ang. Ili, 383. Chincse, A.D. 412-13. 5000 Milinda Paitla, 4-5. KA Dulea.

Poraņa Knsapa Makkhali Gosils A D1 (4) D1 Ajita Kokambali D,D, DI DI M

Pakudhs Kacolyans M (D.) D K (ED,) ED, Nigaetha Nitaputta Sanjaya Belatthiputta A (8) ARRREVIATIONS 4. Antinominnism, the doctrine of no rewards or penalties. Determinism, the fimt part of Makkhali's dostrina. 1 Here the teachers are not named, but they mny bo Inferred. " In a partial or garblod form. " In a partial form, with the additional doctrine that easte status does not change fromn life to life.

THE BIX HERETIOS 23 The scond part of Makkhali's dootrine, including the list of categorios. M. Materialiam. The theory of the soven elomontal subatances. The doctrine of fourfold reatraint. Prevnricating soepticiam. T. Thelmm. K. 0. The doctrine of karma. The dootrine of the omniscient teachor. The dootrine of salvation by penanos. " The earth rules the world." It is clear that some of these passages are more reliable than others. That in the Digha Nibaya shows a completeness and consistency lacking in the rest, and perhaps represents the original source of the other references. The Tibetan and Chinese versions, which have undergone translation, are most suspect, although it is to be noted that the Chinese versions are of a date probably little later than the final recension of the Pali canon. Yet, despite the very evident textual confusion and corruption, a striking degree of consistency is shown in some particulars. Of the doctrines here considered those most characteristic of the later Ajivikas are Makkhali's determinism and Pakudha's theory of unchanging elemental substancea. It will be seen from the above table that determinism is in five places attributed to Makkhali, in four to Purana, and in two to Pakudha. The theory of the elementa occurs only once in ita isolated form, and is there ascribed to Pakudha, but it is twice found combined with determiniam. In the Tibetan version, where the ascriptions are moat confused, these two theories together are ascribed to Ajita. It may be suggested that the Tibetan version is based not on the Digha but on the Majjhima reference, where the two doctrines are also combined in the same manner. The debt of the Tibetan version to the Majjhima is also indicated by the new doctrine devised for Nigantha, which is perhaps based on direet knowledge of Jaina practice; the doctrine of fourfold restraint, which is ascribed to him in the Digha, is omitted in the Majjhima passage. The remarkable confusion of the Tibetan version may also be accounted for on the assumption that it is derived from the Majjhima, for in the latter the names of the teachers are not explicitly stated, and misattribution might thus easily have arisen. The ascription of determinism and the theory of the seven clemental substances to Ajita in the Tibetan version seems certainly erroneous, and may be ignored.

24 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS Thus we find that Buddhist tradition ascribes Ajivika teachings not only to Makkhali but also to Purana and Pakudha and, with the exception of the doubtful Tibetan reference, to no other of the six heretical teachers. It seems therefore that all three had some hand in the development of Ajivikism. Before leaving the Samaihia-phala Sutta a further point must be considered. The passage there ascribed to Makkhali Gosala employs the Magadhi -e termination almost consistently for the masculino nominative singular. In Ajita's catechism the termina- tion occurs only twice, in the phrase bale ca pandite, and may there be a corrupt reading, resulting from the proximity of the same phrase in Makkhali's statement. In the teaching of Pakudha we find the termination only in the phrase sukhe dukkhe jiva-sat- tame. The statements of the other three ascetics contain no Mägadhisms. The Magadhi forms in Makkhali's dootrinal statement must surely be of some significance. They have been noticed by Franke,1 who suggeats two possibilities: cither that the Magadhisms have been deliberately introduced in order to make the speaker seem ludicrous, or that they represent reminiscences of the language of the original teachers. The former hypothesis can scarcely be correct. While the Magadhi dialect was reserved for lowly and humorous characters in the Sanskrit drama, the Magadhi -e termination was regularly employed in the great body of early Jaina literature, and we have no reason to believe that it made a ludicrous impression on the contemporary listener. If the intention had been purely ludicrous the -e termination would surely have been employed in the speeches of all six heretics. It may be inferred that most of the passage ascribed to Makkhali has a provenance different from that of the others. The first paragraph of this passage, which retains the regular masculine nominative in -o, and where the Magadhi -e only oocurs in the phrase n'atthi atta-kare, n'atthi parakare, n'atthi purisa-bare, may emanate from another source. Different sources of the two parta of this passage are also indicated by the fact that in the Majjhima and Dulva versions" it is broken up, 1 Digha Nibdya in Aumakl Überaetst, p. 50, n. 5. " V. supra, p. 22.

THE SIX HERETIOS 25 and the second half incorporated with the theory of the seven elements and attributed in the former to an unnamed teacher suggesting Pakudha, and in the latter to Ajita. Further evidence that the first passage of Makkhali's teaching in the Samaiiia-phala Sutta emanates from a source different from that of the second is supplied by the Prafnauyakarana Sutra.1 Here we find a description of the doctrines of the nasti- kavadins, which shows remarkable parallels to the teachings ascribed in the Samanfa-phala Sutta to Ajita and Makkhali; for example such phrases as " there is no mother nor father, neither is there human action ". Throughout this passage, besides the regular Ardha-migadhi masculine ending in -6, ocours the Pali -o. This fact suggests that this passage, and the first part of Makkhali's teaching in the Samaffa-phala Sutta, look back to a common source in Pali or in some dialect with maseuline endings in -o, while the second part of the Samaffa- phala Sutta passage is taken from a Magadhi source. On this hypothesis, however, the three anomalous Magadhisms (i.e. the compound nouns ending in -bare) in the first part of the Makkhali passage are difficult to explain, especially as the corre- sponding word in the Prafnavyakarana has the -o ending. We can only suggest that they occur as the result of contamination from the second part of the passage, where the nominative singular masculine in -e is to be found throughout. The brief Magadhi phrase in the Pakudha passage of the Samaitia-phala Sutta" is unexpected. The first four elements, earth, water, fire, and air, are given the regular Pali -o endinga, but the fifth, sixth, and seventh, joy, sorrow, and life respectively, have the Magadhi -e, where -am would be expected. It may be suggested that the three latter elements have been interpolated by a different hand in a statement of doctrine which originally taught only four elemental substances, as did the Buddhista and Carvakas. As will be shown in our second part,4 the three latter elements of Pakudha's list have other points of difference from the four former, and joy and sorrow do not seem to have been accepted as elements by all Ājivikas,5 * Setra 7, fola. 20-8. Amma-piyaro n'atthi, na vi atthi purisabaro. For farther comparisons besweon the two texte v. infra, pp. 217-18. . V. supra, p. 16. V. infra, pp. 262 f. . V. infm, p. 265.

26 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS To sum up the conclusions of this chapter : Ajivika doctrine emanated from at least two sources; the mainstay of early Ajivikism, the doctrine of Niyati, was probably first propagated in a Magadhan dialect ; and the component doctrines of Ajivikism were early associated with the names of Makkhali, Pūrana, and Pakudha.

CHAPTER III MAKKHALI GOSALA AND HIS PREDECESSORS AJIVIKA LEADERS BEFORE MAKKHALI GOSALA According to the Bhagavati Sutra Makkhali Gosala considered himself to be the twenty-fourth firthankara of the current Avasarpini age.1 The passage in which this is atated may indeed be a Jaina interpolation, but numerous other indications are to be found both that ascetics roferred to as Ajivikas existed bofore their greatest leader, Makkhali Gosala, and that the Ajivika order preserved recollections of propheta who preceded him. Both in the Buddhist and Jaina texts names are mentioned which apparently refer to his predecossors. NANDA VACCHA AND KISA SANKICCA These names are linked with that of Makkhali Gosala in a stock phrase which, as we have seen," ocours in various contexts in the Pali soriptures. Thus in the Angullara " the bhikkhu Ananda is purported to have declared that the heretical leader Purana Kassapa believed in the Äjivika theory of the six classes of men (chaldbhijatiyo) ; according to his classification the highest class, the most white (paramasukka), contained only three members, namely Nanda Vaccha, Kisa Sankicca, and Makkhali Gosala. Buddhaghosa apparently plagiarized this passage for his commentary to the reference to the six classes in the Samaffia-phala Sutta,4 and added : "They are the purest of all." s In the Majjhima Nikaya the same names are given by the nigantha Saccaka or Aggivessana as the leaders of his order." To this Buddhaghosa commenta that the three had achieved leadership over the extreme ascetics .? - Bh. Sd. xv, ai. 664, fol. 670. V. infra, pp. 64, 68. " V. supra, pp. 10-20. # Ang. Iil, p. 383. * Te kira anbbehi pandaratarā. 4 gum. Vil.i, p. 162. . Maijh. 1, p.238. * Te kira bilijhalapasam matthakappatta akesum. Papanca Se2ani il, p. 285.

28 HISTORY OF THE ÅJIVIKAS Again in the Sandaka Sulta of the Majjhima the three names ocour 1 when the ascetic Sandaka, on his conversion by the Buddha, declares them to be the only great leaders * produced by the Ājivikas. Hoernle # suggesta that Kisa and Nanda were probably Makkhali's contemporaries. "There were indeed other groups of ascetics of a similarly dubious character who also bore the name of Ajivikas ... but they lived apart under separate leaders, the names of two of whom, Nanda Vaccha and Kisa Sankiccn, are recorded in the Buddhist scriptures." That in the days of the Buddha more than one school of ascetics was given the title of Ajivika seems very probable, but that the two teachers Nanda and Kisa were the contemporaries of Makkhali Gosala cannot be definitely established. If Nanda Vaccha and Kisa Sankicca were altogether independent of Makkhali Gosala, as Hoernle asserta, it is surprising that the three are so frequently mentioned together, when another teacher, Purana Kassapa, who was certainly rovered with Makkhali by the later Ajivikas,4 is referred to as the leader of a separate school. Despite these objections the view of Hoernle is ahared by A. S. Gopani. Barun," on the other hand, believes that Nanda Vaccha and Kisa Sankicca represent previous leaders of the Ajivikas. Nanda, he states categorically, was succeeded by Kisa, and Kisa by Makkhali. He is in this respect guilty of some inconsistency, since he proceeds to interpret the seven reanimations of Gosila Mankhaliputta, as described in the Bhagavan Sutra,7 as "a genealogical succession of seven Ajivika leaders", coneluding with Gosala. In maintaining the priority in time of Nanda and Kisa to Makkhali he supporta Jacobi, who first put the view forward." Barua's arguments for elevating Nanda and Kiaa to the status of carlier firthankaras of the Ajivika order are by no means conclusive. They are based on two Jataka stories in which the chief characters bear names anggesting those of the two hypo- thetical Ajivika arhants. 1 Majih.L.p. 524. " Niydiaro, In Lord Chalmers" translation " shining lighta " (v. supra, p. 10). . ERE.1, p. 265. . JDE. ii, p. 2. * V. infra, pp. 80 ff. T V. infra, pp. 30 ff. Bharatiya Vidya Ii, p. 202. " Introduction to Goina Stiras ii: BBE. xlv, p. xtxi.

MAKKHALI GOSILA AND HIS PREDECESSORS 29 In the first of these, Sarabhanga Jataka,1 the Bodhisatta is born as Sarabhanga, also referred to as Jotipala and Kondafiña. He is a famous hermit in the Kavittha forest, on the banks of the Godhavari. Among his chief pupils is one Kisa Vaccha, whoso name appears to be a telescoped version of those of the two Ajivika arhants. Kisn is said to have left the hermitage with the permission of his teacher, and to have moved to the city of Kumbhavati, whose king was Dandaki. Here he obtained the reputation of a soapegoat (hlakanni), who would remove ill- luck when spat upon, and as a result was shamed and insulted by the populace. After some time he was recalled by his teacher Sarabhanga, and the King and his kingdom were destroyed by the gods in punishment for the ignominies borne by the saint. Soon after this Kisa Vaccha is said to have died; innumerable ascetics attended his cremation, and the ceremony was marked by a min of heavenly flowers. A second Jataka " tells of the ascetie Sankicca, another incarna- tion of the Bodhisatta. He is the son of the chief brahmana of Brahmadatta, the semi-legendary and ubiquitous King of Benares, and is represented as converting a regicide prince by a long description of purgatory. Among the inhabitants of the nether world he mentions King Dandaki, who is suffering there on account of his subjects' persecution of the passionless (araja) Vaccha Kisa. Barua does not value too highly the evidence of the similarity of the names of these two ascetics and those of the Ajivika leaders. After summarizing the references above quoted he admita that " by no stretch of the imagination can Kisa Vaccha be transformed into Nanda Vaccha .... There is no other ground to justify the identification of Kisa Vaccha with Nanda Vaccha or of Samkioca with Kisa Samkicca than the fact that the views of Sarabhanga . .. bear a priori, like those of the hermit Samkicca, a close resemblance to the ethical teaching of Makkhali Gosala at whose hands the Ajivika religion attained a philosophical character "." It is difficult to trace on what Barua bases his last assertion. Sarabhanga is an ascetic of the typical Jataka type, with no distinctive ethicnl views, while the only special characteristio of 1 Jat. v, pp. 125 ff. : Jat. v. pp. 261 ff. JDL.S, p.4 ..

30 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS

Sankicca is the posseasion of a lively sense of the reality of the infernal regions, and of the torments experienced there by sinnera. There seems no reason to believe that Makkhali Gosila made the fear of hell a special feature of his doctrine. Despite Dr. Barua's doubta it is perhaps legitimate to conclude that Kisa Vaccha, or Vaccha Kisa, was a hermit, long dead in the Buddha's day, around whom a body of legend had grown. His fame is made clear by another Jataka reference,1 wherein he is mentioned as an inhabitant of Brahmalokn, among an exalted company of rsis, including such famous sages as Angiras and Kadyapa. A second ascetic, Sankicea, seems to have been connected in the folk memory with Kisa Vaccha. As Barua points out," Sankiccn was thought to have been posterior in time to Kisa Vaccha, for in the Jataba reference he is described as mentioning the latter. The two ascetica were perhaps looked upon with reverence by the early Ajivikas and the Buddhists alike, and the popular floating traditions about them adapted to the needs of the respective secta. In the course of the adaptation the names seem to have been confused. The reference to Kondanna, as the family name of the teacher Sarabhanga or Jotipala, the preceptor of Kisa Vaccha, suggests Udai Kuņdiyāyaniya, the first of the strange series of reanimations quoted in the Bhagavali Satra." Perhaps we have here another garbled version of an Ajivika tradition going back to one Kaundinya, but the theory resta on such a slender basis that much importance cannot be attached to it. It seems clear, however, that the Ajivikas, like the Buddhists and the Jainas, had a tradition of earlier teachers who had spread the true doctrine in the distant past; and, like those of the Buddhists and Jainas, these traditions may have contained a small kernel of historical truth.

THE IMMEDIATE PREDECESSORS OF MAKKHALI GOSĀLA In the Bhagavafi Sūtra Gosala Mankhaliputta, as the Ājīvika leader is called by the Jainns, is said to have made a remarkable statement, which perhaps indicates the existence of a line of : Jat. vi, p. 00. * BA. Se. xv, #0. 550, fol. 074. ' JDL.i,p.3. " V.infra, p. 31.

MAKKHALI GOSALA AND HIS PREDECESSORS 31 Ajivika teachers whose spiritual mantle had fallen upon his shoulders. It is stated that Gosala and Mahavira, after the ending of their collaboration in asceticism, were parted for sixteen years, during which the former gained a high reputation for his sanctity, and gathered a large following in the city of Savatthi. At the end of this period Mahavira visited the city, and denounced his former colleague as a charlatan; whercupon Gosala, surrounded by his followers, proceeded to the caiya where Mahavira was staying, and angrily declared that he was not the Gosala who had been Mahavira's associate, but that the original Gosala was dead, and that the soul now inhabiting the apparent Gosila was that of Udal Kundiyayaniya, which had passed through seven bodies in succession, finally taking up its abode in that of the dead Gosala, which it had reanimated. He declared further that his soul had travelled through all the eighty-four lakhs of great kalpas, which must necessarily elapse before it could end ita journey, and had occupied all forms of body in determined order. It had attained its final birth as Udat, an auspicious and beautiful infant; at an carly age Udal had become an ascetic; and the soul nearing perfection had passed from one body to another as the soul which had been the original occupant of that body had been separated from it by death. These reanimations Gosila endowed with the technical title of paütta-parihara (abandonments of transmigration), and declared that such a serics of reanimations was the fated lot of every soul in the final stages of its rigidly determined passage through samsdra. At the moment, however, we are not concerned with reanimation as a point of doctrine, but with its significance historically. The Sutra quotes with remarkable circumstantial detail the names of the previous occupants of the seven bodics inhabited in turn by the soul of Udai, together with the length of time during which they were thus inhabited, and the place at which the soul transferred itself from one body to another. According to the text the soul of Udai passed from body to body as followa :- . (1) Enejjaga (Skt. Rņañjaya), outaide Rāyagiha, at the Mandiyakucchi caitya ; the soul remained incarnate in Enejjaga's body for twenty-two years.

32 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS (2) Mallarāma, at the Candoyarana caitya outside Uddanda- pura, for twenty-one years. (3) Mandiya, at the Angamandira caitya outside Campa, for twenty years. (4) Roha, at the Kāmamahāvaņa caitya outside Vāņārasī, for nineteen years. (5) Bhāraddai, at the Pattakālagaya caitya outaide Ālabhiyā, for eighteen years. (6) Ajjuna Goyamaputta, at the Kondiyayana caitya outaide Vesali, for seventeen years. (7) Gosāla Mankhaliputta, at Halāhalā's pottery at Sāvatthī, for sixteen years. This fantastie catalogue has been interpreted by Hoernle 1 us an effort on the part of Gosala to live down his past conneotion with Mahavira. For Barua " the only legitimate inference to be drawn .. ." is that "in this ... enumeration ... there is preserved a genealogical succession of seven Ājīvika leadera, together with a list of ... successive geographical centres of their aotivities . . . ."# It is not easy to accept Barua's theory without question. If the list is actually that of a succession of ascetie teachers, leaders of the same order, it is surprising that each one makes his headquarters in a different town. The progressive diminution by one year of the period of each reanimation also gives strong ground for suspicion that the scheme is artificial. Even if we admit that the list may represent a succession of seven teachers (or eight, if Udal, the originator of the process, be included), little reliance may be placed on the total of 117 years between the commencement of the ministry of Enejjaga and that of Gosāla. Two disorderly features of the list suggest, however, that it is not wholly a monkish fiction. The immediate predecessor of Gosāla, Ajjuņa Goyamaputta, is distinguiahed by a gotra name or patronymie, as is Udal Kuņdiyayaniya, in whose body the migrant soul was originally born; but the other five names are given without patronymics. This fact suggeats that Ajjuņa was a real person, the period of whose life overlapped with that of 1 ERE.i, p. 263. * JDL. i, p. 5.

MAKKHALE GOSALA AND HIS PREDECESSORS 33

Gosala, and whose name was well known to his contemporaries. The others, on the other hand, seem to have been carlier and more shadowy figures, whose family names had been forgotten. The fame of the original Udii, the first of the line, may have been such that his gotra name survived over several generations. Had the list been completely artificial it might be expected that all the names would have reccived gotra titles. The six predecessors of Gosala are reported to have lived and taught at named caityas outside various citics of the Ganges basin. Gosala, on the other hand, made his headquarters in the workshop of a potter woman. Had the list been a mere fiction, invented by an Ajivika theologian to add dignity to his master's life-story, the residences of the six earlier reanimations would surely have been of the same type as that of the last. Consistency might also have been expected if the list had been the slanderous creation of a Jaina author. These two marked inconsistencies in the list point in favour of its reliability. The names are probably those of a succession of teachers from whom Gosala obtained some elements of his doctrine. Less reliance can be placed on the names of the caityas and cities, which change with an automatic regularity and never repeat themselves. The periods given for the successive ministeries of the seven teachers seem certainly false, with the exception of the sixteen years attributed to Gosala. This may represent an accurate tradition, on the basis of which the ministeries of his six predecessors were arrived at by the mechanical addition of one year each. References in Buddhist or Hindu texts to confirm the historicity of these names are not to be found. Numerous seers and teachers of the Bharadvija gotra are referred to in the Pali and later Vedic texta, but there is no renson to believe that the BhAraddaf of the Bhagavali Sutra represents any one of them. Ālabhiya, the city near which he is said to have resided, is not mentioned in Sanakrit literature. but is thought by Hoernle 1 to be identical with the town of Alavi mentioned in the Pali scriptures, and identified by Cunningham with the modern Newal, nineteen miles south-east of Kanauj. For the names prior to that of Bhäraddaf no counterparts can be found, but a possible connec- : Uv.Das.il,app.iii, pp.51-3.

34 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS tion with Gosala's immediate predecessor, Ajjuna Goyamaputta, occurs in the Lalitavistara.1 Here the preceptor of the future Buddha during his youth at Kapilavastu is Arjuna, a grent master of mathematics. As a Sakyan this teacher would belong to the Gautama gotra," and his generation, according to the Buddhist tradition, was that immediately preceding the Buddha's, and therefore also that of Makkhali Gosala. An interest in number and a tendeney to classify numerically is clearly to be found in Gosala's teaching as described in the Samafnia-phala Sutla and in the Bhagaval Satra. It is not intrinsically impossible that the Sakyan mathematician became in his later life a wander- ing ascetie, teaching in the neighbourhood of Vesali, where he came in contact with the young Gosala, and strongly influenced his views.

MAKKHALI GOSĀLA The teacher to whom the later Ajivikas looked back with the greatest respect, and whom earlier investigators have considered to be the sole founder of the Ajivika order, was Makkhali Gosala. The name appears thus in the Pali canon. In Buddhist Sanskrit works it usually becomes Maskarin Gosala, but the Mahavastu and some other texts have the forms Gosalikaputra," and Godaliputra. The Jaina scriptures reverse the two names and refer to the Ajivika teacher as Gosala Mankhaliputta, while the Tamil sources give his name as Markali. No references to him can be found in Hindu Sanskrit literature, with the doubtful exception of a shadowy figure in the Mahabharata called Manki,s who may represent a corrupt and distorted recollection of the historical Makkhali or Mankhaliputta. The most valuable source for the reconstruction of the story of his life and works is the Jaina Bhagaval Sutra, the fifteenth section of which gives a lengthy description of his breach with Mahivira and the circumstances of his denth.

1 Ed. Lefmann, p. 146. # V. Malalasekera, DPPN., s.v. Gotama. Ed. Senart i, pp. 253, 250. Tbkl., Bi, p. 363. . V.infra. pp. 38-39.

MAKKHALI GOSALA AND HIS PREDECESSORS 35 BIRTH OF MAKKHALI GOSALA Two stories of the origin of the Ajivika leader are to be found, the one in the Bhagavali Sutra, and the other in Buddhaghosn's commentary to the Samantia-phala Sutta. Neither is worthy of unqualified credence, but both are of importance, if only for the evidence they give of the dislike and scorn which was felt by both Buddhist and Jaina for the Ajivikns and their founder. In the Jaina text 1 Mahavira is represented as declaring to his disciple Indabhui Goyama the birth and parentage of Gosala Mankhaliputta. His father, according to Mahavira, was a mankha named Mankhali, and his mother's name was Bhadda." The word mankha is interpreted by the commentator Abhayadeva as a type of ascetio " whose hand is kept busy by a pioture board"." Hoernle declares that "the ... word ... has not been found anywhere but in the passage of the Bhagavati Sūtra which adduces it as the source of the name Mankhali, and it is presumably an invention ad hoc". Whatever the meaning of the word, this is certainly not the case. In the standard descrip- tion of prosperous cities, used throughout the Ardha-magadhi scriptures, the word mankha is to be found." Hemacandra, in his commentary on the Abhidhana-cintamani, equates it with magadha, a bard." It is not impossible that the mankha filled both the functions of an exhibitor of religious pictures, and a singer of religious songs. That such mendicanta existed in Ancient India is proved by Vifakhadatta's Mudraraksasa, one of the minor characters of which is a spurious religious mendicant described as a "spy with a Yama-cloth " (yama-patena carab), that is one carrying a picture of the god Yama painted upon a cloth. He habitually enters the houses of his patrons, where he displays his Yama-cloth, and sings songs, presumably of a religious type." 1 BA. Sa. xv, ni. 540, fol. 659 f. " Ratna-Prabha Vijaya (Sramana Bhagavan Mahduira, vol. li, pb. i, pp. 373 ff.) gives a long paraphrass of & Jaina nocount of the life of Mankhali, the fnther of Geatla. The story is eridently flotitious, and the author does not quote hia BOuToO. · Oitraphalaka-eyagrabaro bhikyaba-sileah. Op. cit., fol. 660. 4 BRE.i. p. 260. . V. Antagada Daado, tr. Barnett, p. 2, n. 3, and many references in Ratna- candraji Ardha-mdgadil Dictionary, a.v. mankha. * AbhidMdna-einiamapi, comm. to v. 795, p. 365 (Bohtlinek and Rieu edn.). * Java esam geham pauisia jama-padars damaaānto giaim godmi. Mudrārd- Iasa i, 17, ed. Karmarkar, p. 14. V. also p. 20 of the same text.

36 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS Moreover the word seems to have been used in Kashmir as a proper name, and two Mankhas appear in the Rajatarangini,1 the second being a poet well known to students of later Sanskrit literature. Thus there is no justification for Hoernle's contention that the word is meaningless. This point has been recognized by Charpentier, who, on the strength of a sutra of Panini, admits the possibility that Gosala's father was a mendicant bearing a picture board displaying a representation of the god Siva." The details .of the Bhagavafi Sutra's account of Gosila's birth, while not intrinsically impossible, seem to have been constructed in order to provide an etymology for his personal name. While Bhadda was pregnant, she and her husband Mankhali the mankha came to the village (sannivesa) of Saravana, where dwelt a wealthy householder Gobahula. Mankhali left his wife and his luggage (bhanda) in Gobahuln's cowshed (gosala), and tried to find accommodation in the village. Since he could find no shelter elsewhere the couple continued to live in a corner of the cowshed, and it was there that Bhaddi gave birth to her child. His parents decided to call him Gosala, after the place of his birth. No great value can be attached to the details of this story. The account of Gosila's parentage and birth fits too closely to his name and patronymio to allow unqualified credence. His mother, Bhaddi, has a name used in the Jaina texta to designate the mother of many mythologieal figures," which in this context seems devoid of all historical significance. In some respects the story recalls that of the birth of Jesus, as recorded in Saint Luke's gospel, and should therefore be of some interest to the student of comparative religion and mythology. Historically it is almost valueless. Mahavira is reported to have told this story with the avowed intention of bringing Gosala's reputation into disrepute. This being the ease it is improbable that the legend represents an authentie Ajivika tradition about the birth of their lender. Both Buddhist and Jaina hagiologista provided exalted origins for the founders of their respective sects, and it is likely that the 1 Rajotarangial vll, 009, 905, 3354. # JHAR. 1913, pp. 671-2. V. Ratoneandrajt, Ardha-magadhi Dietionary, s.v. Bhaddā.

MAKKHALI GOSALA AND HIS PREDECESSORS 37

Ajivikas did the same for Gosila. The one feature in the story which may be authentic is the name of the village of Gosala's birth, Saravana. In this connection it is to be noted that he is not the only figure in Indian legend to have been born in a daravana, or thicket of reeds. Gosala shares that honour with the god Karttikeya, who is sometimes referred to by the epitheta daravana-Mhava,1 and daravan'-6dbhava." Is it possible that the Ajivikas taught that their teacher was born or found, not in a village enlled Saravana, which as a place-name is not to be found elsewhere, but in a thicket of reeds 1 The Moses-in-the-bullrushes theme is to be found elsewhere in Indian legend, notably in the story of the hero Karna." About Gosala's early life, before his meeting with Mahavira, the Bhagavals Satra tells us only that he maintained himself by the profession of a mankha, with a picture-board in his hand.4 A further tale is provided by Buddhaghosa, in his commentary to the Samaina-phala Sulta." He agrees with the Bhagavali in stating that Gosala acquired his name on account of his birth in a cowahed, and further states that Gosala was a slave who, while walking over a patch of muddy ground carrying a pot of oil, was hailed by his master with the words " don't stumble, old fellow ! " (tala ma khal' ti). Despite the warning he carelesaly tripped and spilt the oil. Fenring his master's anger he made off, but his master pursued and overtook him, catching him by the edge of his robe (dasakanna). Leaving his garment behind him Gosala escaped in a state of nudity. Hence he became a naked mendicant, and acquired the name of Makkhali from the last words, " Ma khali," spoken to him by his master. This story is a patent fiction constructed, probably by Buddhaghosa himself, to provide an etymology for the names of the Ajivika leader, to account for his nudity, and to pour scorn on his order by attributing to him a servile origin. It is even less credible than the Jaina account, especially if read in con- nection with a similar story told by Buddhaghosa about Porana : Meghaddl, 45. Mbh. il, 14636 (Caleutta edn., 1835. The verse does not occur in the Poona edn.). # Nbh. Adi. 111, 13-14. · Oitapbalaga-hatthagae maskhattapenam appăpam Maremăne oibarati. BA. 88. xv, s0. 540, fol. 600. - Sum. Vil. i, pp. 143-4.

38 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS Kassapa, to whom a servile origin is also attributed, and for whose name a similar fantastie etymology is devised.1 Hoernle, without explicitly accepting either story, suggests that a kernel of truth may be extracted from them. He writes : "the two accounts ... are quite independent of each other .... All the more valuable are the two accounts, both in respect of the pointa in which they agree and in which they differ. They agree on two points : first, that Gosala was born of low parentage in a cowahed ... and secondly, that (his profession) ... was not sincere, but adopted merely for the sake of getting an idle living." " In our opinion the correspondences are less striking than the differences, and prove nothing. The provision of fanciful etymologies for proper names was a common practice in Ancient India, and many other examples are to be found. The name Gosala would inevitably suggest birth in a cowshed to the ancient etymologist. Both Buddhist and Jaina opposed the Ajivikas, and it is not surprising that both tried to establish Gosala's base lineage and insincerity. The fact is that neither story belongs to the Ajivika tradition, and even if that tradition could be re-established we should still be far from the true story of the birth and early life of Makkhali Gosala. The Jaina story is of the nature of an exposure, and the Buddhist is obviously created ad hoc. Both clearly show the intense odium theologioum which almost invariably attached itself to the Ajivikas and to their founder. We can only admit that the Jaina account is not inherently impossible. It may be that Gosala was born at a village called Saravana of mendicant parenta; even the story of his birth in a cowshed may be based on fact. But the evidence with which to establish this with any degree of certainty is Incking. It is just possible that a very garbled and corrupt reference to Makkhali Gosala is to be found in the Mahabharata." Among the episodes of the Santi Parvan is the story of one Manki, who, after repeated failures in all his ventures, purchased a couple of young bulls with the last of his resources. One day the bulls broke loose, and were both killed by a camel. Manki thereupon 1 Sum, Vil.i, p. 142. V. Infra, pp.82-83. : ERB.L. p. 260. * JbA, Santi, 170, v. 5 ff. (Kumbhakonam edn.).

MAKKHALI GOSALA AND HIS PREDECESSORS 39 uttered a long chant on the power of destiny, and the advisability of desirelessness and inactivity. The adhydya concludes with the statement that, in consequence of the loss of his two bulls, Manki cast off all desires and attained immortality. The hymn of Manki contains Sankhya guna teaching, and perhaps shows Buddhist influence also, but of the varied influences which it betrays that of Ajivikism seems most prominent.1 The name of the hero of the story may well be an anomalous corruption of the Prakrit Mankhali or of the Pali Makkhali. These facts suggest that we have here a garbled reference to the leader of the Ajivikas. The strange story of the two bulls is possibly a very confused version of a legend about their teacher which was current among the Ajivikas themselves. THE MEETING OF GOSALA WITH MAHAVIRA In the Bhagavati Satra the story of Gosala's association with Mahavira is put into the mouth of Mahavira himself, as a con- tinuation of his exposure of his rival, and it is narrated with much circumstantial detail." In the third year of his asceticism Mahavira had taken up temporary quarters in a corner of a weaving-shed (tantuvāya-sāla) at Nalandā, near Rāyagihn. Thither came Gosala Mankhaliputta, and, finding no other accommodation, took shelter in the same shed. On completing a month's fast, Mahavira went to Rayagiha (Skt. Rajagrha) to beg his food. There he and his patron Vijaya were greeted by a miraculous rain of flowers, and by other auspicious omens, amid the acclamations of the citizens. Hearing of these great events Gosala waited outside Vijaya's house until Mahavira emerged, circumambulated him three times, and begged to become his pupil in asceticism. Mahavira gave him no answer, but returned to the weaving shed, where he performed a further month's fast, after which the same phenomena were repeated, with a different patron. The miracles occurred again, after a third fast. At the conclusion of a fourth month's penance Mahavira visited a brāhmaņa named Bahula, at Kollaga, a village near Nālandā. On finding that Mahavira had left the weaving-shed Gosala 1 V. infra, p. 218. * BA. So., xv, ai. 541, foL 660-3.

40 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAR soarched for him high and low in Rayagiha. Unable to find him, he returned to the wenving-shed, where he stripped off his upper and lower garmenta, and gave them, with his waterpots, slippers, and picture-board, to a brihmana.1 He then shaved his hair and beard and went away. As he passed Kollaga he henrd the cheering of a crowd, and concluded that it was applauding Mahavira. So he made a further search, and found Mahavira at Paņiyabhūmi, outaide Kollaga. He once more begged Mahavira to accept him as a disciple. This time his request was granted, and for six years after the meeting at Paniyabhumi the two shared the hardships and joys of the ascetic life." The story so far, if deprived of its supernatural incidents, is not incredible, and, with Hoernle, we may believe that it is essentially true. The Pali texts refer to all six heretical teachers together in such a manner as to suggest that their relations were by no means nlways mutually antagonistic," and numerous pointa of similarity in Jaina and Ajivika doctrine and practice suggest the early interaction of the two teachings. But the account of the circumatances of the meeting seems by no means reliable. The earnest entreaties of Gosala and Mahivira's stead- fast refusal to accept him as a disciple are just such elements as would be introduced into the story by an author wishing to stress the inferiority of Ajivikism to Jainism and of Gosila to Mahavira, Therefore we believe that the text is not to be trusted when it states that the former was formally a disciple of the latter. The reference to Paniyabhumi in the text of the Bhagatali Sutra has given some trouble to the medieval commentator Abhayadeva, and to both Hoernle and Barua. Abhayadeva was in doubt whether the word in the text 4 should be taken as in the ablative orthe locative." Hoernle" found difficulty in accepting the ablative, which would involve an unusual construction, but 1 Sidlyão ya pădiydo pa kundiydo ya păhapāo ya cittaphalagain ca māhase dylmelid. Op. elt., fol. 662. * BA. SO., xv, a0. 541, fol. 663. E.g. at the grest miracle contest at Saratthi. V. infra, pp. 84 ff. - Akam .. . Godlenam . . . addhim Papiyabhūmie chavodsdim vibarithd. BA. SA. xv, si. 541, foL 663. * PaşiabÃumieti PapitaMūmer drabhya, praniabhimau td-mano- jiaMdmau vilrtarăn ii yogal. Op. cit., fol. 604. * Ue. Der., vol. il, p. 111, n.

MAKKHALI GOSALA AND HIS TREDECESSORS 41 recognized that the locative interpretation implied an unresolved anomaly, since the Kalpa Sutra states that Mahavira spent only one rainy season in Paniyabhumi.1 Barua," ignoring the clear statement of the Bhagavati that Paniyabhumi was near Kollaga, which was a settlement near Nalanda," located it in Vajrabhūmi, on the strength of Vinayavijaya's commentary to the relevant passage of the Kalpa Sutra.4 The Acardnga Sutra states that Mahavira did in fact visit Vajjabhumf, which the commentator Silanka describes as a district of Ladha, or Western Bengal." It seems probable that the crucial passage in the Bhagavati must be interpreted to mean that Gosila and Mahivira spent six years together after their meeting at Paniyabhuml, and not that the six years were spent at that place. The weight of Jaina tradition suggesta that Mahavira was a wanderer and that, except during the rainy seasons, he frequently changed the soene of his activities. This tradition is confirmed by Jinadasa Gani's curņi to the Avasyaka Sutra, which purports to give a complete itinerary of the journeys of Mahivira and Gosila during the six years in question. Although this source, which is considered below, is no earlier than the seventh century A.D.,f and must be treated very cautiously, it strengthens the traditions of the Acardnga and Kalpa Satras that the six years were mainly spent in wandering.

THE PEREGRINATIONS OF THE TwO ASCETICS Jinadasa's cūrņī to the Avasyaka Sutra contains a full account of Mahavira's early career, in the course of which are deseribed the journeys which he made in the company of Gosala. The nuthor repeats the account of Gosala's birth and early life, as given in the Bhagavati." He tells the story of the meeting of the two ascetics, and adda a significant incident which is said to have taken place just before Mahivira's final acceptance of Gosāla 1 Si. 122, od. Jacobi, p. 04. JDL.i.pp.50-7. :Bh. Se.,Tol. 682-3. To al. 122, Bombay edn., fol. 187. · Acardnga i, 0.3.2, fol. 301-2 (Bombay edn.): in Jaeobi's edn. and SBE. xxvl. i. 8, 3, 2. * Sehubring, Die Lehre der Jainas, p. 00. F V. supra, pp. 35-30.

42 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS as his associnte.1 Gosala, about to go on a begging expedition, asked Mahavira what alms he would receive that day. The latter " replied that, besides the usual alms of food, he would be given a counterfeit coin. The prophecy was fulfilled, and thus Gosila decided that what was to be could not be otherwise." After the two asceties had departed together a further prophecy of Mahavira's greatly increased his belief in the power of Niyati. This was made at a village called Suvannakhalaya, and concerned the breaking of a pot of milk, the property of certain cow- herds. Gosala is said to have done his utmost to prevent the fulfilment of the propheoy.4 Then the two proceeded to Bambhanngima, where Gosāla cursed the house of Uvananda, a village headman, who refused him alms. His words, " If my master has any ascetic power may this house burn ! " were fulfilled immediately, not by virtue of his own asceticism, but by devas, desirous of vindicating Mahavim's fame. The third miny season of Mahavira's asceticiam was spent at Campa in severe penance. After this the two visited a settle- ment enlled Kilaya, where they sheltered for the night in an empty house which was resorted to by two lovers. In the dark- ness the ascetics were not detected, until Gosala's prurience betrayed him, and he was soundly beaten by the man. A similar incident occurred at another village called Pattakālaya." At a sottlement called Kumaraya Gosala was involved in an altercation with a group of ascetic followers of Parava. He tried to destroy their settlement by the same process as that which he had employed on the house of Uvananda, but the superior virtue of the proto-Jaina ascetics prevented his curse from taking effect.7 At another settlement called Coraga the two were suspected of being hostile spies and were thrown into a well, but were recognized by two female followers of Pardva, 1 Avalyaba Satra (Ratlam edn.), vol. i, p. 282. " Or rather, nocording to Jinadisa, the Vyantarg god Siddhatthakn, who mema to have emploed the meditating Mabivira as a medium on soveral occasiona when he was nddreased by Gostla. : Jaha bhauitawam pa fam bharai annahd. Op. cit, p. 283. 4 Ibid, loo. cit. Ibld, pp. 283-4 · Ibid., pp. 284-5. r Tbid., pp. 285-6.

MAKKHALI GOSALA AND HIS PREDECESSORS 43 and were released. The second rainy season of their association was spent at Pitthicampi.1 Thence the two proceeded to Katangala, and stopped in the meeting house of a settlement of daridda-theras, householder ascetics, with wives and families. It was a night of festival, during which the theras gathered for religious singing in their meeting house. The puritanical Gosala roundly reproached them for their lax habits, and was thrown out into the cold of the winter night. Latecomers to the festival, sympathizing with his plight, brought him back into the hall, only for the process to be repeated twice more. At last the nscetics gave up attempting to exclude their censorious guest, and decided to put up with him for the sake of Mahavira, and to drown his protesta with their druma.ª Outside the city of Savatthi Gosala once more asked Mahavira to forecast the results of the day's begging expedition, and was told that he would receive human flesh. In the city a woman who had recently lost her child had been told by a fortune-teller that her next child would live if she gave some of the flesh of her dead child, mixed with rice, to a mendicant. Gosala happened to be passing at the time, and received and ate the alms without knowing that they contained the human flesh prophesied by Mahavira. When he returned Mahavira asked him to vomit, and he realized that the prophecy had been fulfilled. As he conld not again find the woman's house, in his anger he cursed the whole district by the same formula as before, and it was burnt to the ground.ª Near the village of Haleduth the asceties apent the night in meditation under a tall tree. Merchanta camping nearby started a fire, which spread through the undergrowth and approached their resting place. Shouting to Mahavira to follow him, Gosala retreated, but the imperturbable Mahavira held his ground, although his feet were scorched by the flames.4 At the village of Mangala the two rested in the temple of Vasudeva. Gosala was irritated by the village children playing in the temple precincta, and angrily chased them away. For this display of bad temper he received a beating from the villagera. 1 Ibid., pp. 286-7. " Tbid., p. 287. " Tbid., pp.287-8. * Ibid., p. 288.

44 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS A similar incident occurred in the temple of Baladeva at the village of Avatta.1 At a place called Coraya Gosala, begging alone, was lured by the rich food which was being prepared for a festival. He was seen lurking in the vicinity of the festival pavilion, and was thought to be a spy sent by brigands. This resulted in another beating, after which Gosala cursed the pavilion, which was promptly burnt to the ground." At Lambuya the ascetics were seized by one of the villago headmen, but were recognized and released. Thence they proceeded to Ladha (W. Bengal), called in the text a non- Aryan country. Here at the village of Punnakalasa they were attacked by two robbers, and were only saved by the intervention of the god Sakka, who killed their assnilants. The fifth miny season of Mahavira's asceticism was spent at the city of Bhaddiya." At the village of Kadali, Gosala, while begging alone, found an almagiving ceremony in progress. He accepted much more rice than he could eat, and the villagers, disgusted at his greedinees, poured what was left in his bowl over his head. The same treat- ment was meted out to him at a village called Jambusanda. At Tambaya he was again involved in a quarrel with the followers of Paráva.4 Then the two proceeded to Vesali. On the way Gosala violently upbraided Mahavira for refusing to come to his assistance when attacked. He decided that his lot would be easier if he travelled alone, and the two ascetics parted company. Soon after this Gosila fell in with a band of 500 robbers, by whom he was mercileasly tensed, carried pick-a-back (7), and called " Grand- father ". He then determined to rejoin Mahavira, since in his company he had always been freed from his persecutors by some pious person who recognized Mahavira's sanctity. He was left at last by the robbers, and after searching for six months found Mahavira, who was spending the sixth rainy season of his nsceticism at the city of Bhaddiya. The following year was spent in uneventful wanderings in Magadha, and the seventh miny season was passed at Ālabhiya." 1 Ibid, p. 289. * IbiL, p. 290. # Tbid., loe. elt. · Pailcaki vi comsaehim vañito malio ti busp, Ibid., p. 202. * Ibid., p. 291. * Ibid., p. 203. " Ibid., luo. eit.

MAKKHALI GOSALA AND HIS PREDECESSORS 45 At Kundaga the two ascetics sheltered in the temple of Vasudeva. Here Gosala obscenely insulted the ikon, was seen by a villager, and was severely beaten. A similar event occurred at the village of Maddana, in a temple of Baladeva,1 At Lohaggala, described as the capital of King Jiyasattu, the couple were arrested as spies, but later identified and released. At Purimatala they passed a bridal procession, and Gosala received another beating for mocking the bride and bridegroom for their ugliness. Later at a place called Gobhumi, he quarrelled with a company of cowherds, whom he called mlecchas, and was given the same treatment at their hands. The eighth rainy season was spent at Rayagaha.ª In his ninth year of asceticism Mahavira decided to visit non- Aryan countries, in order to invite persecution and thus to work off his karma. Accompanied by Gosala he journeyed to Ladhn and Vajjabhumi (W. Bengal), where both were put to great ignominy by the uncouth inhabitants. There they spent the ninth rainy season." In Mahavira's tenth year of wandering they left the non- Aryan lands and went to Siddhatthagama. Soon after this the ineident of the sesamum plant occurred, which led to their final separation. This is described in full in the Bhagavat Satra, and will be considered below. In another time and place Jinadasa's terse Prakrit narrative would have been expanded by its author into a picnresque novel. In it Gosala fills rather the role of a Sancho Panza than that of a Judas, for his misfortunes, while in part due to his loyalty to his master, and in part to his arrogance, are mainly the result of a lewd and surly clownishness, which can scarcely have been a significant element in the character of the founder of an important religious sect. The story as it stands is evidently fiction. Nevertheless it is of some value to the historian. The frame- 1 Ihid., pp. 203-4. This is the interpretation of Muni Ratna-Prabha Vijaya (Šramana Bhagarăn Maldvira, vol. ii, pt. i, p. 440). The phrases Varuderd- padimāe adhigidnam muhe bāum thito, and lassa (i.e. Baladevassa) muke săgāritam are obsoure. Is might be posdible to interpeet the former as meaning " lnid his face (in reverence) on the bass of the ikon of Vasudea". The Pata-sadda- mahappavo gives maithuna ns a possible meaning of adpdripa in the second phease. : Ibid, pp. 295-6. " Ibid, p.200.

46 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS work of the account of Mahavira's peregrinations is based on a very ancient tradition, for otherwise Ladha would not be described as a non-Aryan country. The visit of Mahavira to this district is confirmed by the early Acaranga Satra.1 The Kalpa Sutro confirms that Mahavira passed rainy seasons in the places specified by Jinadasa," with the exception of that spent in Ladha and Vajjabhumi; this discrepancy is explained by the com- mentator Vinayavijaya, who states that Paniyabhumi, where Mahavira is suid by the Kalpa Sutra to have spent a rainy season, is in Vajrabhimi.a Thus it is evident that Jinadasa did not invent the whole of his story. In reapect of the length of the period of the association of the two ascetics Jinadasa's account differs from that of the Bhagavali Sutra. The latter source states that the two were associated for a period of six years. According to the former their meeting took place at the end of the second rainy reason of Mahavira's asceticiam, which was spent at Nalanda, and the two parted in the season of Sarada, after the ninth rainy reason. The period of their association is thus seven years. We prefer, however, to accept the Bhagavati's six years, as being found in the earlier and more reliable source. We suggest that the inspiration of many of the incidenta of this story was obtained from Ajivika legends about their founder, which were adapted by Jinadisa to display Gosala in a ludicrous light. The episode of the broken pot, which strengthened his faith in the power of destiny, reminds us that Buddhaghosa also wrote of the spilling of the contents of a pot at a crucial moment of Gosila's career." We may believe that the Ajivikas had legends in which Gosala was said to have called down fire from heaven upon his adversaries by the virtue of his austerities, and that these were utilized by Jinadasa to provide further episodes of his story. It is significant that four of Gosila's adventures are said to have taken place in Vaişnavite temples. Jinadasa may indeed have been guilty of anachroniem in theee episodes, for it is by no means certain that temple worship and iconolatry had developed in India in the sixth century B.o. But the gods involved, Vasudeva 1 V. supra, p. 41. Fel. 187 (Bombsy edn.). 1 Kalpa Setra, e0. 122, od. Jacobi, p.64. 4 V. supra, p. 40. · V. spra, p. 37.

MAKKHALI GOSALA AND HIS PREDECESSORS 47 and Baladeva, are among the earliest Vaignavite divinities known to us. Vaignavite tendencies are to be found in Ajivika doctrine at a much later date, and Ajivikas are by one commentator explicitly identified with ekadandins, or Vaignava ascetics." The association of Gosala with Vaisnavite temples and his expul- sion from them may conceal an attempt of Jinadasa to explain away a legend of the later Ajivikas in which their founder was depieted as breaking away from some more orthodox system. The same may be the case with the story of Goslla and the daridda-theras, with whom he was allowed to remain on sufferance. These suggest the devotees of some Vaignavite bhalti cult, and we have evidence that, like these, the Ajivikas employed musio in their religious practice." Thus, although Jinndasa gives us little reliable information about the life of Gosala, it may be that he gives a few hinta on what the Ajivikas themselves believed about their master.

GOSALA AND THE SERAMUM PLANT Still addressing his disciple Indabhui Goyama, MahAvira is said by the Bhagavan Sutra to have told of two significant incidenta which led to the separation of the two ascetica. During the season of Sarada the couple left the vilara at the village of Siddhatthagama, and set out for Kummāragāma. Neither of these places can be located, but we may assume that they were somewhere in Magadha. On the way to Kum- miragama they passed a flourishing sesamum shrub in full bloom. Looking at it, Gosila aaked Mahavira a question, apparently designed to test the latter's intuitive knowledge. "Sir," he asked, " will this sesamum bush bear fruit or not, and what will become of these seven sesamum flowers 1"4 Mahavira replied that the shrub would develop, and that the 1 V. infra, p. 276. . V. infra, pp. 168 ff. " V. infra, pp. 116-17. Esa pm Bhante tila-thambal kim nipphajjisai, no nipphajiimats ? E8 ya salta tila-puppha-jtvd udditta udditia babim pacchihinti, kahim uvavajjthints f BA. Sa. xv, ad. 542, fol. 684. In the above paraphrase we take nipphafjisai to mean " develop " or " bear fruit ". This meems to make much better sense in the context than " perish ", the interpretation of Hoernle (ERE. i, p. 263), and Barus (Pre-Buddkutie Indian Philoioply, p. 301).

48 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS seven sesamum flowers would produce seven seed-pods in one cluster.1 This very definite answer displensed Gosala, and he determined to prove Mahavira a liar; so he quietly dropped behind and pulled up the sesamum bush. But at that moment a shower of rain fell, the plant took root again," and so the flowers ripened and seven sesamum pods were produced in one cluster, just as Mahavira had prophesied. Soon afterwards the couple returned by the same road." As they drew near the spot where the sesamum plant grew Gosala reminded Mahavira of his forecast, and declared that he would find that the plant had not ripened and the seeds had not formed. Mahvir, on the other hand, stood firm by his prophecy. He declared that he had been aware all the time of what Gosala had done. The plant had been pulled up, and had temporarily died, but it had been reanimated by the shower and was once more living, while the seven pods had developed in the cluster. Planta, Mahavira added, were capable of paüta- parihara, or reanimation without transmigration.4 Gosala would still not believe Mahavira's word. But, on approaching the sesamum cluster, he found that it contained the seven seed-pods, just as Mahavira had prophesied. The revival of the sesamum plant made such an impression upon him that he became convinced that all living things were likewise capable of reanimation. And on this point he and Mahavira parted company, and their association came to an end. The strange story of Gosala and the sesamum plant is possibly the adaptation of an Ajivika parable connected with a particular point of Gosala's doctrine. The early Ajivikas may well have had a favourite simile resembling the story-that just as an uprooted

1 Kaa nam filalthambial nipphajjisal, no na-nipphajuissal, el ya satta tila- puppla-fin . .. egdl tila-sanguliyde satia tila paccaydisanti. Op. cit., loo. elt. In this context the meaning of the word sanguliba, which I have translnted " cluster ", is uncertaln. Abhayadeva intorpeeta is aa phalibs seed-pod. Ench seaamum flowor produces a pod, and in this onse soven, pods would therefore be expected ; yes the text mentions only one snagulib, which I thercfore take to mean a eluster of pods or flowere. A aingle sesamum pod contains many more than seven seeds, and the satta fild here seem to be not single soeda, but pods. " According to Jipndisa's version of the story, the sesamum wns roplanted by the foot of & pusing cow, sent by the devas. (Avalyaka chrps i, p. 297.) * BA. SA. xv, 4d. 514, fol. 666, · Vaņasaibiiyā paūțja-parihāram paribaranti. Loo, cit.

MAKKHALL GOSALA AND HIS PREDECESSORS 49 sesamum plant may revive after rain, so a dead body may, given certain favourable conditions, be reanimated. This was certainly part of the Ajivika creed,1 and since its technical term, pautta-parihara, is also used here in the story of the sesamum shrub, it would seem that the story and the theory are in some way connected. Thus the Jaina account in the Bhagavati Sutra may have been devised on the basis of the Ajivika simile to dis- credit the latter sect. On the other hand we have no other evidence that the Ajivikas used such a simile, and the possibility that the story has some basis of fact cannot be excluded.

GOSĀLA AND VESIYĀYAŅA A further event which took place at the end of the period of Gosala's association with Mahavira is also mentioned in the Bhagavats Satra." The incident occurred on the journey to Kummaragama, after Gosala had uprooted the sesamum plant. As they proceeded on their way the couple met a foolish ascetic (bala-tavassī) named Vesiyāyana, outside the village of Kundag- gama; he was seated on the ground facing the sun, with his arms raised above his head, and was engaged in a series of fasta, each of three days' duration. His body was covered with inseota, born of the heat of the sun, and out of pity for all living things he would not interfere with them. Gosala approached him and derisively asked him, "Sir, are you a muni or a host for lice ?" (jüyā-sejjayarad). Vesiyāyana did not reply, and Gosāla twice repeated the same question. After the third insult Vesiyayann's wrath was thoroughly aroused. In order to encompass Gosala's destruction he stepped back seven or eight paces and reloased against him the magical heat which he had accumulated by his asceticiam. But Mahavira, taking pity on his companion, counteracted the attack by releasing a flow of cooling magical power (siyaliyam teyalessam). When Vesiyayana saw that Gosala was in no way injured by his attack he was pacified, and recognized Mahavira's superior paychio power. After Mahavira had explained to Gosala what had happened the latter, filled with terror and awe at his colleague's miracle, did him homage, and asked how he too might obtain similar 1 V. supm, p. 31. * BA. Sa. xv, #0. 543, fol. G05-6.

50 HISTORY OF THE ĀJĪVIKAS powers. Mahavira replied that such powers could only be obtained after a six months' course of strict penance. This story, like that of the sesamum shrub, may be a Jaina travesty of an authentic Ajivika tradition, in this case of a psychic duel botween Gosila and another ascetic, Vesiyayana. In its present form it seems to be an attempt on the part of the author of the Bhagavati at discrediting the Ajivikas by attributing unworthy motives to Gosila in his asceticiam, and is of little importance.

GOSALA ATTAINS MAGIOAL POWER, AND BECOMES THE LEADER OF THE ĀJIVIKAS After his experiences with the sesamum plant and with Vesiyayana Gosala seems to have determined to acquire magic power and superhuman insight equal to those of Mahavira. He therefore practised penance in the manner which Mahavira had laid down, seated facing the sun in the vicinity of a lake, with his hands raised above his head, and eating only one handful of beans every three days." Thus, at the end of six months, he acquired magio power (sankhitta-viula-teyalesse jae). If we accept the tradition of the six years spent with Mahavira," this event must be placed about seven years after Gosala's abandonment of the profession of a mankha. As Hoernle has pointed out," Gosala claimed to have attained jina-hood some two years before Mahavira. He is said to have spent sixteen years at Savatthi as a pseudo-jina before his death,4 which Mahavira survived for sixteen and a half years. But Mahavira is said to have lived as a jina for a little less than thirty years." If the Jaina scriptures give approximately accurate figures the events here described must have taken place some two or three years before Mahavira laid claim to jina-hood. The Bhagavati Satra gives us no further information about Makkhali Goaala's activities until the twenty-fourth year of his

1 BA. 80, xv, al. 545, fola. 666-7. Jinadisa (Asalyaka cdrul i, p. 299) states that Goillla performed this penance in the pottery at Savatthi, and adda that he tested his newly aoquired power on a pamsing serving-girl, whom ho roduced to sahes. 1 V. waprs, p. 40, . V. Inir, p. 67. * Us. Das. ii, p. 108, n. · Eolpa Serra, 8a. 147. * V. wapra, p. 32.

MAKKHALI GOSALA AND HIS PREDECESSORS 51 career as an ascetic,1 when he had made his headquarters at Savatthi in the workshop of the potter-woman Halahala, and was surrounded by many dieciples. At this time, according to the Bhagavati account, he was visited by six disacaras, in con- sultation with whom he codified the Ajivika scriptures; and his denunciation by Mahavira and subsequent death took place soon after this. Thus of the total of twenty-four years of Gosala's life as an ascetic six were spent with Mahavira at Paņiyabhūmi, and sixteen as a religious leader at Savatthi. The two years intervening between these two periods were no doubt filled by the journey to Kummaragama," the six months' penance," and pre- liminary wanderings before making Savatthi his headquarters. Gosala's acquisition of magic power must represent an Ājīvika tradition similar to those of the Jainas and Buddhista, in which the enlightenment of the founders of the respective sects is described. Between this and the meeting with the disacaras, something over sixteen years must have elapsed. In this period it is not likely that Gosala resided continuously at Savatthi; probably, like his greater rivals Buddha and Mahavira, he travelled from place to place among the towns and villages of the Ganges valley, preaching and gathering converts. There is evidence that Ajivikas of a sort, both ascetics and laymen, existed already at the time,4 and his mission probably consisted largely in knitting together locally influential Ajivika holy men and their followers, regularizing their doctrines, and gaining converts by the display of pseudo-supernatural powers. The Jaina tradition about Gosala agrees with that of the Buddhists concerning the six heretica, that magical performances were part of his stock in trade, and it appears that he was capable, either honestly or by fraud, of producing paychic phenomena. No doubt Savatthi was his headquarters, where he spent the rainy seasons, and where he obtained strongest support. The habita of the Savatthi Ajivikas are vividly described in the Jataka"; and it would seem that the Kosalan king Pasenadi was more favourably disposed to them than was his contemporary, Bimbisāra of Magadha. 1 Calleelaa-edaa-pariydye, interpreted by Abhayadova aa caturvimdati- vorja-pramdņa-prasrajyā-paryāyah. BA. Ba. xv, al. 839, fol. 088. V.supra, pp. 47-48. . Jat.i,p. 493. V. infra, p. 110. V. mpra, p. 50. 4 V. infra, pp. 94 ff. # V. infra, p. 86.

52 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS During this period Gosala seems to have acquired a reputation for his taciturnity, as well as for his asceticism. This is shown by a verse in the Somyutta Nikaya, wherein he is described as " having abandoned speech " (vacam pahaya),1 and by Buddhagosa, who, in his version of the Ajivika classification of the eight stages of the ascstio's career, states that the ascotic in the highest stage does not speak." Gosila's silence is confirmed by the Tamil text Nilakeci, which states that the deified Markali never speaks for fear of injuring living creatures.3 On the other hand, both the Bhagaval Sutra and the Uvasaga Dasio refer to Gosila as speaking, even at the time of his death,4 so we must conclude that his silence was by no means absolute. The sources give few indications of Makkhali Gosala's move- menta and activities during his career as a religious leader. That he sometimes left Savatthi is shown by the Uvasaga Dasdo,5 which deseribes the conversion by Mahavira of a wealthy Ajivika layman of Polasapura, Saddalaputta the potter. Hearing of the defection of his disciple, Gosila is said to have visited Polasapura soon after Mahavira's departure, attended by a crowd of followers. He went first to the Ajiviya-sabha, where he left his begging bowl, and then, accompanied only by a few of his chief followers, visited Saddalaputta. The latter greeted him without the roverence due from a disciple to his spiritual master. After some discussion Gosala is purported to have admitted that Mahavira was a maha-mahana," and to have praised him in Jaina terms. Saddilaputta then asked him whether he felt himself competent to dispute with Mahavira, and he admitted that he did not. Finally the potter offered him hospitality, but only because he had praised his new teacher Mahavira. For some time Gosala resided in the potter's workshop, but Saddalaputta, in apite of much persuasion, was unable to convert him, to Jainiam. The town of Polasapura is referred to only in the Jaina scriptures, and no clear indications of ita location are given." We may assume that it was a small town somewhere in the

I Sam.L, p.66. V.infra, p. 217. Nil. v, 672. V. Infrn, p. 270. * Bum. Vil.i, p. 103. V. Infra, p. 246. 4 V. infra, p. 04. . Ur. Das, ed. Hoornle i, pp. 105 ff. V. infm, p. 132. " Mabana is uaunlly translated " a brahmana ". In this context this cannot be the literal meaning, sinee Mahavir waa a kyadriya. " V. infra, p. 133.

MAKKHALI GOSALA AND HIS PREDECESSORS 59 Ganges watershed. The description of Gosala, attended on his journeyings by many disciples, bears a generio likeness to the stories of the progresses of Buddha and Mahavira as recorded in the Buddhist and Jaina scriptures. It is to be noted that the town is depicted as having already an Ajiviya-sabha, or meeting- place of the Ajivikas,1 but that Gosala did not reside in it, but in the workshop of one of his local supporters; he followed the same practice at Savatthi, where his usual place of residence was in Halahala's pottery. These two instances suggest that he gave his special patronage to the potter caste. The adulatory terms in which Gosala is said to have praised Mahavira may have no basis of fact. This passage, like many others in the Jaina scriptures, seems to have been composed with the disparagement of Gosala and the Ajivikas in view; but if it has any historical significance it is as an indication that the rift between the two teachers was by no means so profound as the Bhagavafi Sütra indicates. Saddalaputta, even after his conver- sion by Mahavira, continued to give some patronage to Gosāla, thus anticipating the practice of Asoka and other Indian monarchs of later times, who, while maintaining one specially favoured doctrine, were quite ready to support the representatives of several others. Our doubts as to the reliability of the story of Gosala's praise of Mahävira are strengthened by a reference in the Sütrakrtanga," wherein he speaks of his former comrade in far less friendly terms. Here Gosala is involved in discussion with a certain Adda, an earnest disciple of Mahavira, and eriticizes his rival on various grounds. Mahivira had formerly been a solitary ascetic, but was now surrounded by monks, to whom he taught the law. One or other of these courses must be wrong." He was afraid to stay in publio guest-houses or gardens for fear of meeting skilfnl men, whether base or noble, talkative or taciturn, who might put awkward questions to him." Finally Gosila alleged that

: V. infra, pp. 115-16. * So. kr. il, 6, 1 ff., fol. 388 ff. " Egantam ecam adună vi iphim, do-e annam-annayi na sameli jamhă. Loo. eit., v.3. 4 Mekdrigo aibbhiya buddhimantā sutlehi aukehi ya pierkayanna. 16, fol. 392. Pucchimsu mă ne așagăra anne iti sanbamape na useli tettha. Loe. cit, v.

54 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS Mahavira was a mercenary teacher, vending his wares like a merchant.1 We have no reliable information about the cireumstances of this discussion. Adda, the Jaina protagonist, is said in the niryulti to the passage to have been the son of one Adda, of Addapura *- a statement which adds nothing to our knowledge, but rather casts doubt on the reliability of the account. If the story has any historical significance it is to suggest that the relations of Gosala and Mahavira worsened with the passage of time. Details of the account of the incident of Saddalaputta suggest that it took place soon after Mahavira's " enlighten- ment ", when he was not so widely known as he later became. Gosala's debate with Adda, on the other hand, presupposes a ' strong Jaina community, defending itself against all comers. A brief and obscure reference is contained in the Vihimaggapava of Jinapaha Suri," to the effeot that Gosala was disappointed that no gifts had been received, and therefore his followers did not accept (alms) from their female relatives.4 This phrase by a late Jaina writer may refer to a lost Ajivika story of the prophet being without honour in his own country. Turning to the Pali scriptures we can find few references to the Ajivika leader except in conjunction with the five other heretical teachers of the Buddhist canon. Two passages, however, make it clear that the Buddha knew of Makkhali Gosala, and thought his doctrine exceedingly pernicious. In the Anguttara Nikaya" he declares that Makkhali is a stupid man (mogha-puriso), and that he knows of no other person born to the detriment grief and disadvantage of so many people, or to such disadvantage and sorrow of gods and men. Makkhali is like a fisherman, casting his net at the mouth of a river, for the destruction of many fish. In another passage of the Anguttara the Buddha expressea

1 Pannamı jald vaşiz udayajĀi dyassa kešm pagareti sangam. Tadeame samane Nayapulte icc' ena me hoti mali viyakla. Ibid., v, 10, fol. 304. : V., 187, fol. 385. · Quoted in Weber, Verseichniss, vol. ii, MS. 1944, p. 870. I haro been enable to procure a copy of this tert. - Goadlo jal dattikim aladdAiyahim usahad c'eva ahava have jogasălino to Nelo pa smbandhipio gleppanti. " Ang. i, p. 33; cf Ang. i, p. 287. * Ang.i, p. 280.

MAKKHALI GOSĀLA AND HIS PREDECESSORS 55 a very forcible opinion on the value of Makkhali's teaching. Just as a hair blanket (kesakambala) is the worst of all fabrics in texture, appearance, and utility, so of all unorthodox doctrines (samana-ppavadanam) that of Makkhali is the worst. It seems that this attack was originally levelled against Ajita Kesakambali, since the striking simile is especially appropriate to him. But the change of the name to Makkhali is itself significant; it must have been made at a time when Ajita was almost forgotten, and the forces of Buddhism needed further ammunition against the Ājīvikas. These severe strictures of the Buddha upon Makkhali, and the simile of the fisherman in particular, seem to indicate the great success of the latter's mission. Rather than Mahavira it is Makkhali Gosala who emerges as the Buddha's chief opponent and most dangerous rival.

CHAPTRR IV

THE LAST DAYS OF MAKKHALI GOSALA

THE SIx DISACARAS

The history of Gosala is resumed in the Bhagavati Sutra 1 in the twenty-fourth year of his asceticism. He was then living at Savatthi in the workshop of his devoted disciple Halahala the potter-woman, surrounded by a community (sangha) of Ājivikas. At this time he was visited by six disacaras, named Sana, Kalanda, Kaņiyāra, Acchidda, Aggivesāyaņa, and Ajjunna Gomayuputta. According to the text the six ascetics " extracted the eightfold Mahanimitta in the Puvvas, with the Maggas making the total up to ten, after examining hundreds of opinions". After briefly considering this cightfold Mahanimitta Gosala declared the six inevitable factors in the life of every being-gain and loss, joy and sorrow, life and death." Thenceforward he claimed to be a jina, an arhant, a kevalin, and a possessor of omniscience. The passage describing the visit of the disacaras is of great obscurity. The author introduces into the story six new char- actera, who seem to have been responsible for the collation of the Ajivika seriptures from earlier material. The character of the newcomers is obscure, and the compound disdcara seems unique. It is not quoted cither in the St. Petersburg Lexicon or in the Dictionary of the Pali Text Society, and seems not to ocour elsewhere in the Jaina texta, this being the only reference given in Ratnncandraji's Ardha-magadhi Dictionary. The dishcaras were obviously wandering ascetic philosophers

: BA. Sa. xv, 50. 539, fola. 658-669. " Te cha distcard atthasihaya puvvagayam maggadasamam aatehim sateii . Goalam Mankhalipatiam ueajthdimeu.

loc. elt. sacoesi păņdyăm . . . imůím cha apaikbamasijjaim văgareti. BA. S0.,

THE LAST DAYS OF MAKKHALI GOSALA 57 of some sort, but the uncommon name given to them suggests that they were of a special type. They were evidently on good terms with Gosala, and appear to have shared his doctrines. Their names, like those of most of the lesser figures associated with Gosala, cannot well be connected with any of those in Pali and Sanskrit literature. Sana, Kaniyara, and Acchidda seem to have no counterparta whatever; Kalanda, however, is in some manuscripts called Kananda,1 which suggests the Vaisesika philosopher Kanada. The name of Ajjunna Gomāyuputta suggesta that of Ajjuna Goyamaputta," the teacher whose mantle possibly fell upon Gosala, but who must have died sixteen years previously." Barua 4 suggests that he was " the same as the Ajivika Panduputta, son of a repairer of old carta ".5 Since the epic Arjuna was the son of Pandu, Panduputta and Ajjuna may be taken as synonyms of the same name, but the argument is extremely tenuous. Even though we accept the very doubtful equivalence of the two names, Panduputta of the Pali reference may equally well have been Ajjuņa Goyamaputta, the previous host of the soul of Udat, from whose body that soul was said to have passed to that of Gosala in its last paülla- parikāra." The surname Aggivessana occurs here and there in the Pali scriptures. Saccaka Niganthaputta, who visited the Buddha at Kuțagara-sala near Vesali, and was converted by him, is referred to by this title .? The same Saccaka is elsewhere referred to as a furious debater of Vesali, who was defeated in argument by the Buddhn." Another Aggivessana is Dighanakha the paribba- jaka, nephew of the bhikkhu Sariputta, and also converted by the Buddha." It is hardly probable that cither of these two have any connection with the disacara Aggivesayana; the name scems certainly that of a clan or golra. The disacara Aggivesayana may also be connected with Agnivesa, the semi-legendary physician upon whose doctrines the Caraka Samhita is based.1 The text states that Atreya, who had 1 Teste, JDL. ii, p. 41,n. : V. suprn, pp. 32-34. The patronymic apgeara in the form Gogamapulta in at least one MS .- Indin Oflee Cat. No. 7447, fol. 201. + JDL. ii, p. 41. * Mojjh. i, pp. 237 ff. * V.infra, pp. 126-27. " V. suprn, p. 32. . Majj. i, pp. 227 ff. * Majjh. I, pp. 497 f. Hoernle, Biudies in te Medicine of Ancient India l, p. 1.

58 HISTORY OF THE ĀJĪVIKAS learned ayurueda from Bharadvaja, imparted his knowledge to six disciples, Agnivesa, Bhela, Jatūkarņa, Parāśara, Hārīta, and Kirapiņi, each of whom produced a sutra.1 The names of the five fellow-studenta of Agnivesa bear no resemblance to those of the five other disacaras, their number and this one name boing the only points common to the two groups. We may note, however, that Bharadvaja is here two generations romoved from Agnivesa ; the same may be said of Bharaddai in the list of the paütta- pariharas of Udaia; here Bharaddai is two generations removed from Gosila, and therefore presumably from Aggivesayana the disacara. This further tenuous similarity is probably coincidental and we must conclude that there are no certain references to any of the six disdcaras outaide the Bhagavati Sūtra. It is probable that the disacaras were Gosila's chief disciples, and that the meeting at Savatthi was a conference at which the doctrines of the Ajivikas were codified and the claims of their leader to omniscience and perfection were explicitly stated. The disacaras may have been wandering evangelista, to whom Makkhali Gosala had assigned dioceses corresponding to the six quarters (dida) of early Hinduism and Buddhism." On this hypothesis, however, it is not easy to suggest the functions of the disacaras representing the upward and downward directions. The seriptures and doctrines which formed the agenda of this important meeting will be considered at greater length in the second part of this work."

GOSALA IS EXPOSED BY MAHĀVĪRA At that time Mahavira was in the neighbourhood of Savatthi, and the visit of the six disacaras to Gosala was reported to him by his chief disciple Indabhul Goyama." Mahavira then told his followers the story of the birth of Gosala and of the early associa- tion of the two ascetics, which we have paraphrased above. The news of Mahavira's exposure of Gosala rapidly spread through

1 Caraba BamAita, ed. Sastri i, 20 ff., p. 13. : V. mupra, p. 32. Salapatha Brahmana xiv, 6, 11, 5. Singălordda Sutta, Digha ili, pp. 188-9. Sthndnga vi, el. 490. . V. Infra, pp. 213-15. * BA. SU. IT, 40. 840, fola. 650-660.

THE LAST DAYS OF MAKKHALI GOSALA 59

the city, and seems to have resulted in a popular demonstration against the latter. Gosala, who at the time was at the penance- ground (aydcana-bhami), returned to Halahala's workshop with his followera, his eyes blazing with rage.1 Shortly afterwards Ananda, a simple-minded ascetie disciple of Mahavira, was passing the pottery. On seeing him Gosala called to him, and told him a cautionary story of a company of merchants, who, while passing with their caravan through a desert, found that their water supply was exhausted. In their search for water they found a large anthill, which had four heaps (vappu) rising from its base. On breaking the first they found an abundant supply of clear water, while the second yielded gold, and the third jewels. Delighted at their discovery they decided to break down the fourth and last. A worthy and thoughtful member of the company tried to restrain them, saying that the breaking of the last heap would cause their destruction. But his warning was not heeded, and the merchants proceeded to demolish it. From it there emerged a fiery serpent, which burnt the whole company to ashes, sparing only the cautious merchant, who had tried to prevent the demolition of the last heap of the anthill. Gosala threatened that if Mahavira continued to slander him he would reduce him to ashes in the same manner as the serpent had destroyed the merchanta." The story of the merchants is important in that it indicates that Gosala, like the Buddha, was in the habit of employing folk- tales in his preaching. This story is repeated with but slight variation in the Jataka," where, perhaps significantly, the merchants are said to have come from Savatthi. The terrified Ananda returned and repeated the story to Mahavira, who calmed his fears and forbade for the future all association of his followers with Gosāla.4 The facts that Ananda was ready to listen to Gosala's story, and that Mahavira was compelled to forbid all communications between his disciples and the Ajivika leader, tend to strengthen the suspicion that the rift between the two sects was not at firat so profound as the Bhagavali sccount suggests."

: Thid., +0.640, fols. 606-7. : Jat.iv. p. 350. : BA. Su. xv, ad. 547, fela. 668-670.

· V. supm, p. 53. - BA. St. xv, #0. 549, fol. 671.

60 HISTORY OF THE ĀJIVIKAS GOSĀLA VISITS MAHĀVĪRA After this incident Gosala, filled with anger, visited Mahavira at the Kotthagn caitya, attended as usual by a band of followers. Here he explained that he was not really Gosala Mankhaliputta, the former colleague of Mahavira, but Udii Kundiyāyaņīya," and expounded fully his doctrine of transmigration under the control of Niyati." After this long lecture Mahavira replied that Gosala was like a thief chased by villagers, feveriahly trying to hide himself. "It won't do, Gosala I " he said, " that shadow is your own, and nobody else's ! " a Thereupon Gosala's anger flared into fury, and he roundly curaed Mahavira.4 This horrified the disciple Savvāņubhūti, who repronched Gosala sternly for so reviling his former teacher." Gosala promptly turned his anger upon the faithful disciple, and immediately reduced him to a heap of ashes by the magio force which he had accumulated from his asceticism. When a second disciple, Sunakkhatta, remonstrated with him, he also suffered the same fate, although he survived long enough to pay a final homage to his master Mahāvīra. Gosila once more turned to Mahavira and repeatod his curses. The latter reproached him in terms the same as those used by his two dead disciples. Gosala then stepped back and attempted to destroy his adversary by his magic power; but on so perfect an ascetic as Mahavira the magie was quite ineffectual. The stream of supernatural force rebounded, and penetrated the body from which it had emanated. Apparently Gosala was unaware of what had happened. " You are now pervaded by my magic force," he said to Mahavira, " and within six months you will die of bilious fever (pittajjara)." Unperturbed, Mahavīra replied that the magie power of Gosila had had no effect on him, but that Gosala himself would die of bilious fever within seven nighta, smitten by his own powers. He, Mahavira, on the other hand, would live on earth as a jina for another sixteen yenra." I V. supra, pp. 30 ff. : Bh. S0. xv.wd. 050, fols. 673-4. V. Infra, pp. 219, 249 ff. " Tam må coam Gosla n' dribasi ... . Sacc' eva te d chdyă, no annă. BA. Sa. IV, Ji. 651, fol. 677. * Op. cit., et. 552, fol. 677. * PA. 8o. xv, aQ, 553, fol. 078. . Op. cit., al. 553, fol. 677.

THE LAST DAYS OF MAKKHALI GOSALA 61 The news of this magic duel spread through the city. The whole populace was aroused to a high pitch of excitement, and the partisans of one or other of the ascetics fiercely maintained their masters' causes. Now Mahavira permitted his disciples to approach Gosāla and dispute with him. Already the latter began to feel the effects of the magie power, and his complexion changed its hue. Many of his disciples left him, and went over to Mahavira's faction, but a few remained faithful to their old master. Staring about him, tearing his beard, and stamping the ground, Gosala cried " Alns, I am ruined | " 1 and returned to the potter-woman's workshop. The circumstantial details of this story give it a measure of credibility. After extracting the supernatural element we have the record of a violent quarrel which took place between Gosila and Mahavira, shortly before the death of the former, in the course of which two followers of the latter lost their lives. This is Hoernle's interpretation of the story.ª Barun, on the other hand, suggests that the account of the deaths of the two disciplos may be a veiled admision that they betrayed their leader and joined the faction of Gosala." This is by no means impossible, but in view of the explicit statement of the text we prefer the former explanation. It would seem that, prior to this incident, the two teachers had generally tolerated one another, and the followers of the two sects had been often on not unfriendly terms. The quarrel at the Kotthaga caitya apparently changed the situation, and from now on the relations of the Ajivikas and the Nirgranthas became openly hostile, tempered only by the vows of ahimsd which the members of the latter sect maintained, as probably did the Ajivikas also.

GOSĀLA'S DELIRIUM The discomfited Gosala, once more at his headquarters in Halahala's pottery, appears to have lapsed into a state bordering on delirium. He clutched a mango stone in his hand, drank Ha hã cho, had 'hams assi. Op. cit., fol. 670. . JDL.i, pp.34 f. " ERE.I, p. 209.

62 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS spirita, sang continuously, danced, did reverence to his patron Halahala,1 and sprinkled his fevered limbs with the cool muddy water in which the potter's clay had been mixed." Here the thread of the story is broken by another pronounce- ment of Mahavira to his disciples." He declared that the magie heat (teye) which was destroying Gosala was sufficient to reduce the sixteen great regions (janavaya) to ashes. He further stated that, to hide the shame of his objectionable conduct (vaija), Gosaln would lay down the doctrine of the eight last things (carimaim),4 and of the four drinks (panagdim) and the four sub- stitutes for drink (apānagāīm)." The interpolation of Mahavira's prophecy is very significant. The writer of the Bhagavati seems to have composed this passage with the same motive as he did that on the sesamum plant to discredit the Ajivikas by attributing an unworthy origin to pointa of Ajivika doctrine. Thus in its details the account may be unreliable; but the essential import of the passage, that Gosila during his last illness laid down certain new doctrines based on his own actions and on the events of the time," is by no means incredible, and may be accepted for want of contrary evidence.

AYAMPULA VISITS GOSĀLA The Bhagavali Satra's account returns to the dying Gosala." In Savatthi there dwelt Ayampula, an earnest lay adherent of the Ajivika order. In the early part of the night he was suddenly troubled by an important question : "What is the form of the halla t" He decided to put this question to his omniscient teacher, so he rose and went to the potter's workshop. There he found Gosala in the shameful condition already desoribed. Ayampula was about to retire, but was intercepted by some of the Ajivika disciples who surrounded Gosala. They informed him that their master had just propounded his new doctrines of the

1 ARjalilammam karemdne. There seems no reason to interpret the phrase, u does Hoernle, in & sexual sense. It may imply that Goskla commanded his followera to revore Hilshali after his death. . PA. SA. IV, e0. 553, fol. 679. Thid., ad, 554, fol. 679 ff. " V.wapma, pp. 47 f. 4 V.Infra, pp. 68 ff. . V.infra, pp. 127 ff. · BA. Sa. xv, #0. 864, fola. 680-1. T V. Infm, pp. 68 ff. " Kisanphiya halla pappata 1 Ibid., los. elt.

THE LAST DAYS OF MAKKHALI GOSILA 63 eight finalities, the four drinks, and the four substitutes for drink ; and they added that Gosala was quite able to answer Ayampula's question. While they kept him out of sight of Gosala they made a sign to the latter to throw aside his mango stone before giving audience to Ayampula. At last the credulous Ayampula was allowed to approach. The master's words to him were of the strangest character : "This is not a mango stone, but a mango skin. Of what form is the Aalla ? It is like a bamboo root. Play the vind, old fellow, play the vind, old fellow ! " 1 After this remarkable utterance we are told that Ayampula was fully satisfied, and went home. The nature of the halla, about which Ayampula's mind was so troubled, is uncertain. The commentator Abhayadeva confidently defines the halla as " a certain insect, the form of which is like that of the goualikd grass "," and on Gosala's reply to Ayampula's question, Abhayadeva remarks, " it is well known in the world that the form of the govalika grass is that of a bamboo root." # The explanation of Abhayadeva is the only one available. But the render asks whether Ayampula would go to the trouble of visiting Gosala at night if his inquiry were of a purely entomological nature. The explanation of Abhayadeva may disguise the fact that the commentator himself was unaware of the meaning of this raro word. The incident may have been inserted by the author of the Bhagavaft Satra with satirical intention. It seems certain that the later Ajivikas held surprising theories about the jiva, for instance that it was of eight parts and five hundred yojanas in size.4 The question of Ayampula is possibly the ludicrous counter- part of a serious question put to Gosala concerning the size of the soul, and Gosala's reply may be similarly ludicrous in intention. Gosala's statement that the object which he had been holding was not a mango stone but a mango skin is probably to be read in the context of the four substitutes for drink, as laid down by Gosala in his delirium. The ascetio undertaking the final Ajivika

1 No khalu eaa ambakanad, ambacoyad nam ese. Kimsapphiyă halla papnata t Vamal-mala-santhiya Aalla panpatta / Vipam vathi re eiragā / 2. Ibid., loo, cit. " Govilibs-Irna-saman' dkarah kijaka-višepaā, Tbid., fol. 684. " Idam ca vamli-mela-samsthitatsam trpa-goudlibaya loka-pratiiam. Tbid., loo, elt. V.infra, pp. 270 ff.

64 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS

penance, which involved ritual suicide by slow starvation, was permitted to hold a raw mango in his mouth, without sucking ite juice or eating it.1 The presence of a mango stone in Gosala's hand would have indicated to Ayampula that he had broken his own rule by eating the flesh of the fruit. Hence he is purported to have denied that it was a mango stone. His exhortation to Ayampula to play the vind is perhaps connected with the two margas, stated by the commentator to be song and dance, which he is said to have ordained at the conference with the six disdcaras. There is reason to believe that we have here a further Jaina attempt to ascribe an unworthy origin to later Ajivika practice.

GOSALA's REPENTANCE AND DEATH When Gosala realized that his end was near he gave orders to his disciples for the preparation of a sumptuous funeral. They were to bathe his body in scented water, anoint it with sandal paste, array it in a rich robe, and bedeck it in all his orna- ments. They were then to mount it on a bier drawn by a thousand men, and to proceed through the streets of Savatthi, proclniming that the jina Gosila Mankhaliputta, the last firthankara of the twenty-four firthankaras of this Avasarpini had passed away. After this his body was to be cremated.ª Towards the end of the seventh night Gosala came to his senses. He fully realized how evil had been his past conduct, and was afficted with the most lively remorse. He told his disciplea that he was no jina, but a fraud, a murderer of framanas, a betrayer of his teacher, dying from the effects of his own magio power. He recognized Mahavira as the true jina, cancelled his former instructions, and told his disciples to desecrate his body on his death. They were to tie a rope to his left foot, to spit thrice into his face, and to drag his body round the streets of Savatthi, proclaiming that he was not a jina but a cheat and a murderer, and that Mahavira was the only true jina. After this they were to dispose of his body without respect.4 On his death the Ajivika monks kept only the letter of his instruetions. Upon the floor of the pottery they traced a plan : V. infra, p. 128. . BA. SE. Xv, s0. 554, fol. 681. * V. supra, pp. 50-58, and infra, p. 117. 4 BA. Sa. xv, al. 556, fols. 681-2.

THE LAST DAYS OF MAKKHALI GOSALA 65

of the city of Savatthi, and over this they dragged the body by its left foot, proclaiming all the while that Gosala was not the true jina. Then they unfastened the rope from the ankle of the dead man, opened the door of the pottery, and, adorning the body according to Gosala's first instructions, performed the funeral with great pomp.1 Hoernle interprets the Bhagaval story as follows: "The taunts of his rivals and the consequent distrust of the towns- people made Gosala's position at Savatthi untenable. It preyed on his mind so much that it became utterly unhinged and throwing aside all ascetio restraint he gave himself up to drinking .... Six months of this riotous living brought on his end." " The period of six months, which Hoernle gives for the last phase of Gosala's life, seems to be based on the duration of the final penance which he is said to have ordained shortly before his denth." Yet the Setra states categorically that his death ocourred on the seventh night from the magic duel. Barua 4 has noted the discrepancy, and does not accept the Jaina story, but believes that Gosala died voluntarily at the end of a penance of six months' duration. Whatever inaccuracy there may be in the details of the account there seems no reason to disbelieve the broad outline of the story, which is narrated with a vividneas and a wealth of circumstantial detail rare in canonical Jaina literature. After an illness which involved fever and delirium, and which was perhaps induced by his penances, Gosala died, and was given a sumptuous funeral by his followers. The story of his deathbed repentance is so gratifying from the Jaina point of view that it is hard to accept. Accounts of similar last-minute conversions and edifying last words are common in the popular religious literature of all places and periods, and can rarely be authenticated. It requires little critical acumen to realize that this part of the story is quite unreliable. Dr. A. S. Gopani appears to accept the accuracy of the whole of the Bhagavati Sutra story of Gosala, including even the account of his deathbed conversion, without criticism." In this course we

• Ibid., at. 556, fol. 682. · V.Infra, pp. 127 f. : ERR.I. p. 260. . JDL ii, p. 36. - HAdratiya Vidyd. ii, pp. 201-210, and iil, pp. 47-59, pussim.

66 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS cannot follow him. The whole chapter is pervaded by sectarian prejudico, and, as we have seen, many of its episodes seem to have been devised in order to provide an ignominious origin for certain elementa of Ajivika belief and custom. On the other hand it seems probable that the author used as material for his bio- graphy of Gosala authentie Ajivika traditions, which he adapted to suit his own purposes. It is not impossible, after critical examination, tentatively to separate this hypotheticnl Ajivika tradition from the Jaina interpolations and corruptions. This we have attempted to do in our treatment of the several episodes of Gosala's life-story. There remains, however, the question : even after the most careful sifting, how much of this residue of anthentio tradition is itaelf historically reliable ? We cannot answer this question, for both Buddhist and Hindu sources are completely silent on the most important incidents of the Bhagavali Sutra story, and therefore we have no independent confirmation of it. For want of contradictory evidence we can but provisionally accept these unconfirmed traditions wherever they are not inherently improbable, all the while bearing in mind the fact that they are based on the slender authority of a single text, compiled by the opponents of the protagonist of the story ; we must also remember that the final recension of the text in question took place over a millennium after the events it purports to describe, and was carried out by men who had scant regard for historical aocuracy.

THE DATE OF GOSALA'S DEATH Certain indications in the Bhagavati Sutra, taken together with references elsewhere in the Jaina canon and in the Buddhist scriptures, may be used tentatively to fit the year of Gosala's death into a framework provided by those of his great contem- poraries, Buddha and Mahavira. As we have seen 1 Gosala is said to have lived as an ascetio for twenty-four years, the first six of which were spent with Mahavira, and the last sixteen as a pseudo-jina at Savatthi. It seems that the whole of the twenty-four year period occurred during the lifetime of his two greater rivals. 1 V. supra, pp. 50-61.

THE LAST DAYS OF MAKKHALI GOSALA 67 Reliable synchronisms of the eventa of Goshla's life with that of the Buddha do not exist. The Samaitia-phala Sutta depicts him, together with the other five heretical teachers, as being alive during the reign of King Ajatasattu of Magadha,1 but this statement is of little value as a synchronism, especially when it is remembered that all six are referred to in the Milinda Panha as the contemporaries of King Menander of Sakala." In the Samyutta Nibdya" King Bimbisara, Ajatasattu's father and predecessor, is reported to have told the Buddha that the six heretics were well established in their status as teachers,* while the Buddha was young and had but recently become a mendicant." This suggesta that Makkhali Gosala was considerably older than the Buddha, but no value can be placed on the statement, for the hereties seem here obviously introduced as representatives of older and well-established philosophic schools, and not as individnals. Two important statements in the Bhagavali Sutra itself do, however, give a clue to the approximate date of Makkhali Gosala's death. These are, firstly, Mahavira's prophecy that he would survive the death of Gosala by sixteen or sixteen and a half years. This statement was made twice, the first time to Gosala himself after the magie duel at the Kotthaga caitya," when the duration of Mahavira's survival of Gosala is given as sixteen years; and again soon after the death of Gosala, when Mahavira was taken ill at the town of Mendhiyagama.7 Remembering Gosala's curse, the disciple Siha feared that his master would die within six months as a result of the magic duel, but Mahavira calmed his fears, and stated that he had yet sixteen and a half years to live on earth as a jina. Mahavira quickly recovered, after eating the flesh of a cockerel killed by a cat. At a distance of over two thousand years the discrepancy of six months in the two statements is not very significant, but of the two the second seems the more probably accurate. It may be suggested that the extra half-year is the insertion of a meticulous copyist who had access to early records now lost to us and desired greater accuracy for Mahavira's forecnst. 1 V. mopra, pp. 11-12. : V. wapra, p. 21. * Sanghino panino Aald yasassino fitthakärd. * Sam.i, p.68. " Daharo e' eva jatiya, navo ca pabbajāya. . V. supra, p. 60 1 HA. Bu. xv, sil. 567, fols. 685-6.

68 HISTORY OF THE ĀJĪVIKAS A second point of synchronism is contained in the list of the eight finalities proclaimed by Gosala in his last illness." These

1. The last drink (carime pane). 2. The last song (carime geye). 3. The last dance (carime natte). 4. The last greeting (carime aftjalikamme). 5. The last great stormcloud (carime pokkhala-samvattaë mahāmehe). 6. The last sprinkling scent-elephant (carime seyanal gandha-hatths). 7. The last battle with large stones (carime mahasilakantad

2. The twenty-fourth and last firthankara of this Avasarpins sangāme).

(imīse Osappiņīē caūvīsās titthakarāņam carime tittha- kare), who was Gosala himself. Abhayadeva explains three of these eight finalities as having been laid down by Gosala to impress his followers with the cataclysmic quality of his own impending death *; the first four, on the other hand, were put forward with the even more reprehensible motive of excusing his own delirious conduct in singing, dancing, drinking muddy water, and saluting Hālāhala." The eighth and last was, of course, Gosala himself. All of them were supposed inevitably to occur at a jina's nirvana, according to Ājīvika teaching. This very plausible explanation of the strange list is accepted with modifications by Hoernle. " The raison d'etre of this curious doctrine," he writes " ... is that the dubious death of their master was felt by his disciples to require investment with some kind of rehabilitating glamour." 4 The first four of the eight finalities were obviously suggested by the behaviour of Gosala in his delirium." For the sixth and seventh Hoernle has found striking parallels." The Nirayavalika 7 1 BA.Su.xv. 00. 554, fol. 679. V.muprn, pp. 62-63. " Puylala-sameartak' ddini tu triņi bāhyāni prākrť -dnupayoge 'pi carama- aimanyaj jana-eitta-rasjandya caramany uktand. Ibid., foL 684. " V. supra, pp. 61-61. Panal'-ddini cafodri avagalani. ... Rini kila niroănā- bile jinary' doadyam-bdein' ti n' daty elegu dopa ity aago ... avadyd- procchidan'-driani bhavanti, Abhayndova to HA. Se., fols, 683-4. * ERE. i, p. 263. : Uv. Das.il, app.i, p. 7. . V.supra, pp. 61-62 * Gopani and Chokahi edn., pp. 19 f.

THE LAST DAYS OF MAKKHALI GOSĀLA 69

contains the account of a splendid rutting elephant called " Sprinkler " (Seyanaa), because he was in the habit of sprinkling the ladies of the Magadhan court with water from his trunk while they were bathing. This elephant, together with a priceless necklace, was given by King Seniya (Bimbisara of the Buddhist texts), to his younger son Vehalla. On the accession of Prince Kūņiya (Ajatasattu), Seniya's wicked son, the new king desired this fine elephant and the necklace. Inspired by his covetous wife Patimāval, Kūņiya demanded the treasures of Vehalla, who, disinclined to give them up and fearful for his life, fled with them to the court of his maternal uncle, Cedaga, who was chieftain of Vesali, and head of the clan of the Licchavis, the chief element of the Vajjian confederacy of the Pali texta. After some negotiation war broke out between Magadha and the Licchavis over the two treasures, and a great battle took place. The outcome is not elearly stated in the text, but the battle is said to have been very fiercely fought, and in it a prince Kila was killed by Cedaga and the forces under his command were completely routed. It would seem therefore that all did not go well for the Magadhan invaders. The battle is referred to as Rahamusala, and is said to have taken place during the lifetime of Mahavira, who, according to the text, knew telepathically of the death of the prince Kala. These events seem certainly to be those which inspired the sixth and seventh of the finalities, the sprinkling scent elephant and the battle with great stones. Although Hoernle seems to have been unaware of the fact, the story of Kuniya's war with the Licchavis is told elsewhere in Jaina literature. The Bhagauali Satra itself 1 gives an account of the campaign, with significant differences of detail. Here two battles are fought, called Mahasilakaytas and Rahamusale respectively. Kūņiya is said to have gone out to the Mahasila- kanjad battle only after the engagement had commenced, when he heard that the fortunes of his armies were declining. Cedaga, a mighty archer, shot Kuniya's ten brothers on ten successive days, and his success seemed assured until, on the eleventh day, the god Indra presented Kuniya with a great war-engine, which struck down the Licchavis with great stones. The second defeat : BA. Sa. vii, ad. 299 ff., pp. 576 ff.

70 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS of Cedaga, at the Rahamusala battle, took place in similar circumstances, after Kuniya had received from Camara, the Indra of the Asuras, a wonderful chariot armed with a great club, which worked havoc among the Licchavis. Jinadasa's Avatyaka Cūrņī1 continues the story. The ganarājas, or chieftains of the confederate clans, demoralized by the two defeata, abandoned Cedaga and returned to their own cities. Cedaga retrented on Vesali, and prepared for a siege. The city held out for twelve years, when it was betrayed by the treachery of the ascetio Kulavalaya, the force of whose religious merit had formerly protected it. He was won over by a beautiful prostitute in the employ of Kuniya, and persuaded to break hia vows and to betray the city. Cedaga committed suicide by drowning, and the Licchavis emigrated to Nepal." Thus we have two synchronisms for the date of Gosala's death, the first being the tradition of ita occurence sixteen and a half years before that of Mahavira, and the second that of its taking place during the war between Magadha and Vesali in the reign of Ajatasattu-Kuniya. Of the two the latter seeme the more reliable. It is probable that the author of the Bhagavati made use of an authentio Ajivika tradition, for the occurrence of the great battle and the death of their leader in the same year would make a great impression upon Gosala's followers, and the memory of the synchronism might well be nccurately preserved. On the other hand the tradition of the sixteen and a half years between the deaths of the two teachers is of a type more easily corrupted. The author of the Bhagavati seems to have had a predilection for certain numbers. For instance the number six occurs in this chapter in various contexts. Thus Gosala lives with Mahavira for six years," he performs a six months' penance,4 he confers with the six disacaras," he proclaims the six inevitables, he threatens Mahavira with death in six months' time." A period of sixteen years has already been introduced once into the story, when it is stated that Gosala spent sixteen years in the pottery

1 Asalyaka Cerni, vol. li, pp. 172 ff. * The elliptieal account of the Avalyaka Cerai is expanded in a bharya to the UMarddhyayana Stta, which ls not available, but is paraphrased in Abhi- Adna Mijendra, vol. lil, s.v. Külaudlaya. . V. supra, p. 40. . V. supma, ibid. . V. mpra, p. 50. 7 V. sapm, p. 60. . V.supra, p.56 ff.

THE LAST DAYS OF MAKKHALI GOSALA 71 at Savatthi as leader of the Ajivika order,1 and, as will be shown, certain evidence indicates that Mahavira did not survive Gosila by so long a period." Although this evidence is inconclusive, and although we accept the tradition of the sixteen years between the deaths of the two men as a working hypothesis, the possibility must be recognized that the author of the Bhagacati may have introduced the period of sixteen or sixteen and a half years into hia account of Mahavira's prophecy with his former statement in view. It would indeed be an edifying act of cosmie justice if Mahavira, threatened with rapid death by Gosala, were portrayed as surviving his adversary by the length of the latter's career as a false prophet. In our efforts to fix the date of Gosala's death we must therefore give the greatest credence to the synchronism of this event with the war between Magadha and Vesili, and our first efforts must be towards settling the approximate date of the war. Dr. H. C. Raychaudhuri " has identified the war of the Niraya- valika Satra with that referred to in the Pali soriptures as having taken place soon after the Buddha's death. The account of the preparations for this war is to be found in the Malaparinibbana Sutta, and that of the war itself in Buddhaghosa's commentary thereon. Much of the story is therefore contained in a com- paratively late source, but it muat be remembered that Buddha- ghosa was himself a Magadhan, and may have had access to trustworthy records or traditions about the earlier history of his own country. According to the Pali record the war is snid to have arisen, not over a wonderful elephant, but over an unnamed river- port (Gangāyam ekam patļana-gāmam),4 half of which was in Magadhan territory and half in that of the Licchavis. There, from the foot of a mountain, descended a very costly fragrant material." When King Ajatasattu went to claim this strange substance he found that the Licchavis had preceded him, and had removed it; he therefore planned the war in order to gain posses- sion of the scent-producing mountain. Plans seem to have been laid very carefully; according to the Maha-parinibbana Sutta - 1 V. aupra, p. 32, * Sum. Vil.'l, p. 516. * V. infrn, p. 75. " PHAI. pp. 171 ff.

Joo. cit. " Tair' dpi ca pabbata-padato mahagghars gandhabhandam olarati. Sum, Vil.,

.

72 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS Ajatasattu's first step was to send the minister Vassakara to the Buddha, to inquire as to the probable outcome of an immediato attack.1 Vassakara's visit is said to have been made while the Buddha was at Gijjhakūța near Rajagaha, the Magadhan capital, just before his journey northwards, at the end of which he died. According to Buddhaghosa it was on the Buddha's advice that Ajatasattu decided not to wage immediate war on the Vajjis, but to bide his time." The Sutta further states that the Buddha, as he proceeded northwards, once more met the .minister Vassakara, who, together with another minister named Sunidha, was supervising the erection of a fort at Pataligama," and that he correctly prophesied the future greatness of the city that would arise on the site. Buddhaghosn completes the story by stating that Ajatasattu, not confident of his ability to overcome the Vajjis by force, sent the unscrupulous Vassakara, in the guise of a refugee, to sow dissension among the Licchavi clansmen. Three years were spent by Vassakara in preparing the ground for Ajatasattu's invasion, at the end of which period the latter crossed the Ganges and occupied Vesali with little opposition.4 If the tradition is accurate Vassakara's visit to the Buddha must have taken place within a year of the latter's death. Three years were spent in preparing the ground for the invasion, which must therefore have occurred some two years or more after the death of the Buddha. If we allow a few months to cover the duration of the actual campaign, and the time taken for the news of the war to reach Savatthi, and if we accept Raychaudhuri's equation of the Pali and Jainn accounts, we may place the death of Gosala approximately three years after that of the Buddha. On a careful examination of the two stories, however, it seems by no means certain that they refer to the same campaign. The gandha-hatthi of the Jaina account reminds the reader of the gandha-bhandam of the Pali and we may suggest that the author of the Nirayavalikd and Buddhaghosa both worked on the same tradition, but that one of the two, probably the latter, had

1 Digla il, pp. 72 f. : 8um. Villi, p. M2. a Sunidha-Vassalară Magadha-mahdmattă Păļaligăme nagaram măpenti Vajjinam patibahāya. Digka ii, pp. 86 ff. 1 Sum. Vil.ii, pp.502-4.

THE LAST DAYS OF MAKKHALI GOSALA 73

received it in a garbled form. The obscure perfumed material of the Pali account is less plausible than the tame elephant of the Nirayavalika, and the latter therefore seems more reliable in this particular. The two stories agree on the break-up of the con- federation, and on the betrayal of Vesali by an ngent of Magadha. Otherwise they have little in common. In the Jaina story the war is said to have taken place at some unspecified time after the self-inflicted death of the imprisoned King Seniya. No definite statement is given of the time which elapsed between the death of Seniya and the war, but between the two eventa there occurred the repentance of King Kūniya (Ajatasattu), the funeral ceremonies of his father, and the removal of the court from Rajagrha to Campa. Although the interval does not appear to have been very great it may have lasted for one or two years. This probability is strengthened by the Buddhist account of a war with Kosala soon after Ajatasattu's accession.I In the Buddhist story the visit of Vassakara which initiated Ajatasattu's schemes against the Vajjis and was the firat in a chain of evente culminating in the Buddha's death, must have taken place at least six or seven years after the death of Bimbisara-Seņiya, since the Mahdvamsa states that the Buddha's nirvana occurred in the eighth year of the reign of Ajatasattu- Kūņiya." The accounts of the progresa of the war in the two stories are also discrepant. The Nirayavalika tells of a fierce battle in which at least part of Ajitasattu-Kupiya's forces was defeated by Cedaga." The other Jaina accounts speak of protracted warfare. The Pali story, on the other hand, makes no mention of any severo fighting, but suggests that the resistance of the Vajjis was slight, since they had been previously weakened by the intrigues of Vassakara.4 Yet the building of the fort at Pataligama suggests not that Ajatasattu-Kuniya contemplated the invasion of the territory of a comparatively weak enemy, but that he was himself expecting invasion; this indeed is explicitly stated to be the motive in fortifying the village."

• PHAI. p. 170. : jitesattuno saue aftlame muni nilouto. Maldramaa il, 32, p. 15. a V.supm, p. 60. I V. aupra. p. 72. · Vajjinay poļibāhāya. Dīgha ii, p. 80.

74 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS The similarities and differences in the two accounta, if taken together, indicate that the war was a protracted one and had at lenst two phasea, which are suggested by the Jaina tradition of two great battles, and of the lengthy siege of Vesali. In the first, which took place soon after the accession of Ajatasattu-Kuniya, and with which the Jaina tradition of the elephant is connected, the Magadhan invasion was frustrated, and it would even seem that Magadha itself was in danger of a counter-invasion from the Vajjis. In the second phase of the war it was decided favourably to Ajatasattu through the intrigues of Vassakara, some two or three years after the death of the Buddha, On the strength of the Jaina story, it may well be that the final capture of Vesali did not take place until an even later date. If we accept e. 483 B .. as the date of the Buddha's nirvāna,1 on the basis of the Mahavamsa synchronism the accession of Ajatasattu must have occurred in the year c. 491 B.c., and his second campaign against the Vajjis c. 481-480 B.c. The first campaign, soon after which the death of Gosala occurred, must have taken place at some time between the date of Ajatasattu's acoession and the year preceding the Buddha's death. We suggest that the first campaign ocourred e. 485 B.c., and the death of Gosala in that yenr, or in 484 n.c., if we allow a year for the news of the " Battle of Great Stones " to spread to Savatthi and to become fixed in the popular consciousness. On the strength of the Bhagavali statement that Mahavira survived Gosala for sixteen and a half years," this date would place that of Mahavira's death in 468-467 B.o. which agrees with the date suggested by Jacobi on the basis of Hemacandra's Paridisa-parvan," and supported by Charpentier.4 Whatever our interpretation of the discrepant traditions, however, it seems clear that the death of Gosala was not far removed in time from that of the Buddha. There are two difficulties at least in the acceptance of the above theory. The first is a statement in the Kalpa Sutra to the effeot that the kings of the Licchavis instituted a festival in memory 1 De Ia Vallóo Pousin (Indo-europdens et Indo-iraniens, pp. 238 ff.) outlines various theories at some length. With de la Vallee Poussin I prorisionally support Geiger's date (Maldoama translation, p. xxvill), which ia consistent with my general chronologioal acheme. " V. supra, p. 67. *The Kolparatra of Bhadrabdhu, p. 8. . OHI.Lp.156.

THE LAST DAYS OF MAKKHALI GOSĀLA 75

of Mahavira's nirvana.1 This implies that they were still influential at the time of his death, and could not then have been com- pletely overthrown by Ajatasattu-Kuniya. Yet the latter is said to have threatened to root out, destroy, and utterly ruin the Vajjis." We must assume that Ajatasattu did not carry out his threats, but that the chiefs of the Vajjis were merely reduced to subordination, and allowed a degree of local autonomy. The marriage of Candra Gupta I to the Licchavi princess Kumāradevi," and the rise of a Licchavi dynasty in Nepal," indicate that the chief clan of the Vajjian Confederacy retained its individuality for some eight hundred years after the war with Ajatasattu. More serious is the fact that the Pali scriptures record the death of Mahavira or Nigantha Nataputta as taking place at Pava during the Buddha's lifetime, and as being accompanied by serious confusion and quarrelling among his supporters. The event was reported to the Buddha by the novice Cunda, who expressed the hope that on the death of the Buddha similar quarrels would not arise in his order." This fact indicates that Mahavira's death was thought of as having taken place towards the end of the Buddha's life, when the Buddhist bhikkhus were very concerned about the future of the community on the death of ita founder. We suggest that the Pali record may not in fact refer to the death of Mahavira at Pava, but to that of Gosala at Savatthi, which the Bhagavati Satra also mentions as having been accompanied by quarrelling and confusion." At a later date, when the chief rival of Buddhism was no longer Ajivikiem but Jainism, the name may have been altered to add to the significance of the account. A further objection might be raised that the Svetambara Jnina tradition places the date of Mahavira's nirvāpa in the year 470 before Vikrama, or 528 B.c., while the Digambara traditional date is even earlier-the impossible year of 605 before Vikrama." The wide divergence of the two traditions tenda to make even the more plausible date suspect. It is to be noted that the Sinhalese 1 Kalpa Sotra, c0. 123. SBE. xxii, p. 260. " Dighali, pp. 72-3. PHAI. p. 445. De la Vallee Pousin, Dynasties . . ., pp. 33-5. De Ia Vallie Pouuin, Dynasties . .. , p. 173. · Majja. ii, pp. 243 ff. . V. suprn, pp. 58 fr. ' PHAI. p. 173, n. ; OHI.I, p. 155.

76 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS

tradition of the Buddha's nireina ocourring in 544 B.c. is almost certainly some sixty years too early. But the Buddhist and Jaina traditions taken together confirm Jacobi's contention that the Buddha predecensed Mahivira by about sixteen years." Yet another argument against the theory that Mahavira predeceased the Buddha may be derived from the account of the war between Magadha and the Licchavis in the Nirayavalika Satra. Mahavira was alive at the time, and in contact with the Magadhan court. If we reject the Jaina tradition of his death sixteen and a half years after that of Gosala, and accept the Buddhist record of its occurrence before that of the Buddha, we must assume that he too died very shortly after the first campaign of Ajatasattu-Kuniya. This must have ocourred at some time between 491 and 484 n.o., on the basis of our calcula- tions, which are founded on the assumption that the Buddha died in 483 n.o.ª Now Mahavira was seventy-two years old at the time of his death, and must have been at least in his late sixties at the time of the war, if we assume that he predecoased the Buddha. But Cedaga, the chieftain of the Licchavis, was his maternal uncle, and therefore was probably considcrably older than Mahavira. Although he was thus a very old man, on the hypothesis of Mahavira's advanced age at the time, he is yet described as leading the Licchavi forces in battle and taking a full part in the campaign. Moreover, nccording to Jinadasa, he survived the twelve-year siege of Vesali which followed the battle. Such elderly leadership is by no means impossible, but at least very improbable, and pointa to an inaccuracy in one or other of the stories. Hoernle has made two attempts to fix the date of Gosala's death. In the first he suggests 483 B.c., arrived at by counting back sixteen years from Jacobi's date for Mahavira's nirvana.4 His second and revised estimate involves more complicated calculations." He accepta 482 B.c. as the "practically certain" date of the Buddha's nirvana. The father and predecessor of Ajatasattu, King Bimbisara, was murdered by his son eight years before the nirvana, or in 490 B.o. Hoernle believes that for some

! De Ia Vallde Poussin, Indo-europdens, p. 240. * Kalparitra of Bhadrabahu, p. 0. · V. supra, p. 74. De. Das. ii, p. 111, n. * RRE.I, pp. 260-1.

THE LAST DAYS OF MAKKIALI GOSALA 77

yeara before this Ajatasattu was de facto ruler, and that the war took place not in the year of his legal, but of his de facto accession, which cannot have been long before the murder of Bimbisara. Jacobi's theory of the later date of Mahavira's death he now rejecta, in order to devise a chronological scheme according to which Mahavira may predecease the Buddha; but the Bhagavati tradition of the sixteen years' interval between the deaths of Mahavira and Gosala he accepts without question. He therefore suggests 484 n.c. for the denth of Mahavira and 500 m.c. for that of Gosala, and for the war and the de facto accession of Ajātasattn. Hoernle's second calculation has the one advantage that it allows the acceptance of the Buddhist tradition of Mahavira's death being prior to that of the Buddha. For the sake of the acceptance of this one story other statements equally probable have been rejected. The Maha-parinibbana Sutta's record, that preparations for a campaign against the Vajjis were made in the last year of the Buddha's life, is not brought into relation with the chronological scheme. Hemacandra's statement that the nirvana of Mahavira occurred 155 years before the accession of Candragupta Maurya,1 which the Jaina tradition placea in 313 B.o.,* is rejected. Hoernle's interpretation of the chronology of the war cannot be accepted. No statement that it took place in the first year of Ajatasattu's reign, whether legal or de facto, can be found in either Buddhist or Jaina sources. Though Hoernle believes that it occurred during the lifetime of Bimbisara-Seniya, both the Nirayavalika and the Maha-parinibbana Sutta make it clear that it took place after his suicide or murder, not after his abdication. Whatever the accuracy of other caloulations, Hoernle's theory is untenable. In our opinion the synchronism of Gosala's death with the war with the Vajjis is by far the most reliable of any indications of the date of the former event. Illiterate and semi-literate people all over the world retain accurate memories of the years of births and deaths by this naturally arising system of synchronism with important historical events, and there is far less danger of error in such a method than in the memory of the 1 Pariliyaparvan vli, 341. : CHI.i, p. 164.

78 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS number of years elapsing between one event and another. There- fore we believe that the death of Gosala occurred soon after the great war between Magadha and the Vajjis, and this war could not have taken place in 500. B.c., if we maintain the general accuracy of both Buddhist and Jaina traditions.

THE NAME AND TITLES OF MAKKHALI GOSALA Before leaving the most famous of the Ajivika leaders the question of his name and titles calls for further consideration. As we have seen, the name appeara in various forma.1 In the Pali texts it is Makkhali Gosila; in Buddhist Sanskrit, Maskarin Gośala, Goéālīputra, or Gośalikāputra; in Jaina Prākrit, Gosāla Mankhaliputta; and in Tamil, Markali. Of these forma the Pali seems the best. Although the word mankha, which Hoernle believed to be a nonce-word, does exist outside the Bhagavani Sutra," and even although Gosala's father may have been a religious mendicant called by that term," the nasal which has found its way into the Jaina form Mankhali- putta seems anomalous, and cannot well be the linguistie ancestor of the r in the Tamil form Markali. That this element of the name is a patronymie, ns is implied by the Jaina form, is improbable, since it is refuted by the joint testimony of Pali and Tamil sourcea. The Mahavastu's metronymie forma, Godali- and Godalika-putra, are nowhere confirmed by Pali sources, but are if anything disproved by the dubious Jaina statement that the name of Gosila's mother was Bhadda." It is probable that the personal name of the teacher was Gosala, and that Makkhali, or Maskarin, a fairly common appellation of a staff-bearing ascetic, was rather a title than a proper name. The etymology of this word has been established by Hoernle. " It describes Gosala," he writes, " as having originally belonged to the Mankhali or Maskarin class of religious mendicants."# The word is explained by Panini as a mendicant who bears a maskara, or bamboo rod." His commentator Patanjali disagrees with this interpretation. "A mendicant," he says,

: V. wupma, p. 34. " V. mupra, pp. 35-36. " V. mupra, ibid. * V. supma, p. 36. . ERE.i, p. 260. * Masbara-masbariņau vepu-parivrajakayob. Aşįddkyāyī vi, 1, 154.

THE LAST DAYS OF MAKKHALI GOSILA 79

"is not called maskarin because he has a maskaro ... but because he says ' don't perform actions, quietude is the best for you !'"1 Pataßjali's etymology on the basis of the slogan "Don't perform actions" (Ma krta karmani) is of the same class as that of Buddhaghosa," and does not need lengthy con- sideration from the linguistie point of view, although it may contain a genuine religious slogan which was used by ascetics of a heterodox type, perhaps by the Ajivikas. Patanjali's etymology is, however, supported by Vamana, as a possible derivation, and substantially the same slogan is repeated. " An ascetio, being habitually inactive, is called maskarin, from his denial of karma. He says 'don't perform actions, quietude is best for you l'"# Despite the testimony of Patanjali and Vamana we cannot accept this fantastio derivation in the face of Panini. It must be assumed that the name Maskarin, Makkhali, or Mankhali was connected with the fact that its owner carried a bamboo staff. That such staff bearing ascetics existed is clear from various references to maskarins and ekadandins, which will be considered in a later chapter.4 The title Maskarin seems to have been that by which Gosala was most widely known among his followera, for the Tamil texta have no apparent knowledge of his personal name, which seems to have been neglected or forgotten. It seems that, as with the names of the founders of Buddhism and Jainism, growing reverence for the Ajivika lender led to the gradual disuse of his personal name in favour of the title. Apparently he was also known by other titles of a more exalted type. Both the Bhagavafi Sutra and the Samaitnia-phala Sutta mention him as claiming the title of firthankara." The former text adds that he called himself jina, arhant, and kevalin." In the Tamil we find Markali referred to as Aptan,' a rather unusual title which may have had a specifically Ajivika connotation. 1 Na vai maskaro 'ey' daf tti masbari pariurdjakab .... Mā krta karmāni, să kyia karmdņi, dāntir vaļ lreyas' tty āk' dio maskari parivrājakaļ. Mašābhāpya, ed. Kielhorn iii, p. e3. " V.supra, p. 87. : Mabaraga-Hlo maskari karm'-dpauaditodt parivrajaka ueyate. Sa tp eoam čha : " Ma kuruta barmani, dantir saļ treyas' tri. Katika, ed. Balssastri, p. 522. V.infrn, pp. 99-100. : V. Infra, p. 276. . V. spra, pp. 68, 11. . V.supra, p. 56.

CHATTER V

PORAŅA AND PAKUDHA

PORANA KASSAPA

That Pirana, the antinomian of the Samafifia-phala Sutta, played a not unimportant part in early Ajivikism is evident from a number of references in the Pali canon and from two other references of a much later date. A verse in the Samyutta Nikaya 1 mentions four of the six heretics together. Of these the names Pakudhako Katiydno and Nigantho stand as separate singular nouns, but those of Makkhali and Purana are combined in the form Makkhali-Parandse. No doubt the exigencies of the metre must have had some influence in inspiring the poet to compound the names, but the fact that he did so suggests that he looked upon the two as closely connected. It is also perhaps significant that all four are mentioned as leaders of a single school (ganassa sattharo), and that the name of Makkhali precedes that of Porana. The con- elusions we derive from this verse are strengthened by those passages in the Pali canon in which Pürana is said to have main- tained the doctrine of the six classes of men, and other teachings elsewhere ascribed to Makkhali." Conclusive evidence of Purana's important status in Ajivikism is provided by the two later references, the Jaina Tamil poem Nilakeci, and Gunaratna's Tarka-rahasya-dīpikā. The firat of these texta depicta a demi-goddess, Nilakēci, converted to Jainism and travelling from one teacher to another to dispute on points of doctrine. Her opponents include among others the Buddhist elder Maudgalyayana and the Buddha himself, Parasara, who is the protagonist of Sankhya metaphysics, and Porana, the leader of the Ajivikas." He is described as the

1 Sam. i, p. 66. V. infr, p. 217, where the verse is quoted. : V. supra, p. 20. " V. infra, pp. 199-200.

PORAŅA AND PAKUDHA 81

chief of a monastery of Ajivika monks at a place called Kukku- țanagara, "the Lord Puranan, without comparison in intelli- gence." 1 He receives Nilakeci, and expounds his doctrine to her, stating that Markali is the Ajivikas' Lord (irai)." Thus it is plain that the Tamil Ajivikas looked upon Pūrana as a great leader, the contemporary of the Buddha, and second only to Markali himself. The name Puranan may by this time have become a title, for it seems in one verse to be applied not to the teacher, but to the deified Markali." The location of Kukkutanagara, where Pürana is said to have taught, may be of some significanco, and is considered in a later chapter." The other two Tamil works containing outlines of Ajivikn teaching do not refer to Pūrana, although in Manimekalai the anonymous teacher with whom the heroine discusses Ajivika philosophy has the epithet of Puranan, "the Elder." 5 This word is employed in place of the name Purana at least twice in the Pali scriptures," The Civanana-cittiyar, which is later than the two first-mentioned works, mentions neither Pūrana nor Markali. These works, in so far as they give information about the Ajivikas, will be considered more fully in due course." Meanwhile we have evidence that, at an even later period, Pürana was not forgotten. In the Tarka-rahasya-dīpika, Guņa- ratna's commentary on Haribhadra's Saddarsana-samuccaya, the author presents in his preface a list of theories on the nature of the world, which is interesting from many points of view. " Various theorists," writes Gunaratna, "propound various theories on the nature of the world. For instance some declare the world to be born of Narisvara ; others maintain that it arose from Soma and Agni; ... some that it is made by Time; . . . the Sankhyas, that it arose from prakrti; the Buddhista, that it is a mere conception (vijfiaptimatram); Pūrana, that it is born of Destiny (Purano niyati-janitam); Paridara, that it

: Ni. v, 071. 1 Peragay eppåp puruvara-k-karravag. Nil. v, 608. V. nlo v. 673. Ibid., v, 073. 4 V. infra, pp. 201-2 " Teda pafiea dipthi-gatikā Purāņa-Kassapa,-Makkkali-Gosāla,-Pakudha- Kacolna, Ajila Kesakambali,-Nigantha-Nathapulta abesum. Jal. v, p. 246. V. aiso Jar. 1, 500. : V.infra, pp. 196 f. 0

82 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS arises by natural evolution (parindma-prabhavam) ; the Turks, that it comes into existence through a wholly divine man from among their religious teachers.1 These and other teachers of various doctrincs are to be found."" Gunaratna's list proves that the memory of Purana survived as late as c. A.D. 1400.ª It is surprising that he did not quote Gosala as the representative of the niyativadins, for he must have known the name from its frequent ocourrence in his own Jaina literature, which makes only one dubious referenco to Purana. By this time it is doubtful whether Ajivikns survived in northern India, and those members of the sect with whom Gunaratna may have come in contact had perhaps deified Makkhali and looked upon Purana only as their human prophet. As will be shown in a later chapter, at least some of the Dravidian Ajivikas seem to have held this view.4 These two references establish without reasonable doubt that Purana was an important figure among the later Ājivikas; and the Pirana of these texts must surely be none other than Parana Kassapa of the Pali scriptures. It is surprising that no detailed reference to him occurs in the Jaina canon, where several Püranas are mentioned, but none certainly suggesting the heretio Purana of the Buddhist scriptures. For this reason our knowledge of Purana's life is more fragmentary than that of the life of Makkhali Gosala, for in the case of Purana we have not two independent sets of sources upon which to work. Of Purana's birth and origin Buddhaghosa gives a fanciful story,5 bearing the same stamp as that provided by him to sccount for Makkhali Gosala's initiation into asceticism. He was born, says Buddhaghosa, as a slave, the hundredth in the household of his master ; from the fact that he made up the total of one hundred slaves he was given the name Pūrana, "the Completion." 7 His birth was considered auspicious, and he was

1 Turuşkt, gorāminām aika-divya-purupa-prabbasam. Guparaton so0ms to refer to the Christians. Turuyba waa a very loosely used term, and the passago suggets Chrut rather than Allnh or Muhammad. Saddariana-samuccaya, ed. Suall, p. 20. : Glasenapp, Der Joiniamus, p. 108. . V. infra. p. 276. * Sum. Vil. i, p. 142. " V. wupra, p. 37. " Dasa-salam pūrayamano jato. Sum. Vil., loo. cit.

PŪRAŅA AND PAKUDHA 83

treated well and never scolded. Despite this he ran away from his master. In his flight his garments were stolen by thieves. Purana had not the sense to cover himself with leaves or grass, and entered a certain village as naked as on the day of his birth (jata-rüpen' eva). The villagers thought that he was a holy man, and gave him liberal alma. Purana was so impressed by the ease with which he gained a living in the state of nudity that even when offered a garment he would not put it on. Gradually his reputation grew and he gained a following of five hundred disciples. The story is scarcely worthy of serious consideration. Its only value is to show that Pūrana, like Makkhali, was habitually naked. This fact is confirmed by the Divydvadana,1 where he is described as a nirgrantha, clothed in the garment of righteous- ness (dharma-fata-praticchanna) ; the phrase is obvioualy an euphemism for a state of total nudity. We have little information about the eventa of Purana's life. The Mahavastu " states that he met the Buddha, before the latter's enlightenment, at the village of Uruvilva, and that while the latter received liberal alms from the villagers, Purana's bowl remained empty. A certain Purana who may be the Pūrana Kassapa of Buddhist tradition, is described in the Jaina Bhagavali Sütra." He is said to have been a foolish ascetio (balatavassi), who had previously been a householder in an unidentifiable place called Bebhela. On his begging rounds he made use of a bowl divided into four sections, and gave the contents of the first section to travellers, the second to crows and dogs, and the third to fish and tortoises, keeping only the contents of the fourth section for himself. He is said to have died by self-starva- tion after twelve years of asceticism, in the eleventh year of Mahavira's ascetic career. In their details the two stories are not consistent, for, according to our synchronisms,4 the eleventh year of Mahavira's asceticism fell in c. 500-499 B.c., tho year following his breach with Gosala. If Purana's mendicancy commenced only twelve yenrs before this date the Buddha must then have been in the thirteenth or fourteenth year of his enlighten- ment, and could not have met the mendicant Parana while still

1 Ed. Cowell and Nell, p. 165. * EA. So. il, #0. 143, p. 304f. Ed. Senart, vol il, p. 207. * V. supra, p. 74.

84 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS a bodhisalioa. We suggest that the twelve years in the Jaina story refer in fact not to Purana's whole career as a mendicant, but to the period of his claim to jina-hood. Thus the two stories may be harmonized. The evidence of the Pali texts indicates that Porana's doctrines and practices did not differ greatly from those of Makkhali Gosila, and that considerable confusion existed in the minds of the authors of the Nikdyas concerning the teachings of the two. In no lesa than four references Purapa is described as maintaining part of the doctrine of determinism attributed in the Samaffa- phala Sutta to Makkhali." In one of these he is said to hold the doctrine of the six classes of men (abhijdt) and even to place Makkhali Gosala, together with the shadowy Nanda Vaccha and Kisa Sankicca, in the highest class." There ean be little doubt that, with differences of approach and emphasis, Purana and Makkhali taught what was virtually the same doctrine. Purana's reference to Makkhali as belonging to the highest of the six classes, and the passage in Nilakeci above-mentioned," suggest that he may have looked up to Makkhali as his apiritual superior, at least during part of his career. But he appears to have claimed omniscience,4 and his very title suggests that he was looked upon by his followers as perfect.

THE DEATH OF PORANA While our knowledge of the events of Pürana's life is negligible, we have an account of his death which contains interesting features, and, existing as it does in more than one version, may have a basis of truth. The sources agree that Purana died by his own hand. The Buddhist accounts add that his death took place at Savatthi, after a great miracle contest in which he and his fellow heretics were worsted by the Buddha. The event was a popular subject for illustration by Buddhist seulptors and artista.5 : V. supra, pp. 18, 20-21. " Ang. iil, p. 3H3. V. mapra, p. 20. . V. mupra, p. 81. 4 Ang. Iv, p. 428. " Foucher, L'Arl Grico-Bouddhique . .. , vol i, pp. 634-7.

PŪRAŅA AND PAKUDHA 85

The description of Parana's suicide is contained in the com- mentary to the Dhammapada,1 and in the Divydvadana." A Tibetan version of the story also exists." The first version differs from the two latter in several particulars, and is considerably briefer. In the Pali version an unnamed sephi of Rajagaha is said to have suspended a bowl by a cord sixty feet in the nir, and to have invited holy-men of all secta to fly up and bring it down, offering to become the disciple of the successful competitor. On six successive days the six heretica tried to persuade the setthi to give them the bowl, but refused to put their magic powers to the test. On the seventh day the bowl was retrieved by the bhikkhu Pindola Bharadvaja, who gave a remarkable display of levitation. On hearing the news of his disciple's feat the Buddha reproached him, and forbade the repetition of such miraculous displays. The heretics were delighted at the news, thinking that the cessation of Buddhist miracles would leave them masters of the field. But their hopes were dashed when they heard that the Buddha had told King Bimbisara that his injunction was binding on the bhikkhus only, and not on himself, and that if the heretics attempted to display their powers he too would perform a miracle. He further declared that in four months' time he would give such a performance at Sivatthi. The heretics decided to pursue him unremittingly, in the hope of shaking his equanimity and thus weakening his magic powers. They followed him to Savatthi, and there obtained from their disciples one hundred thousand pieces of money, with which they crected a pavilion. King Pasenadi offered to have a similar pavilion erected for the Buddha, but he refused, stating that he had a pavilion-builder, and would perform his miracle under the mango tree of Ganda, the King's gardener. The heretics, hearing of his promise, uprooted all the mango trees for a league around. On the full moon of the month Asilhi the Buddha was presented with a mango fruit by Ganda. He told the latter to dig a hole and plant the mango stone. No sooner had the Buddha washed his hand over the spot where the stone was planted than a tree

1 Dhammapad'-atlakathd iii, pp. 109 ff. * Divydvaddno, pp. 143 ff. " Reckhill, The LAfe of the Buddha, p. 80.

86 HISTORY OF THE ĀJĪVIKAS sprang up, fifty cubits high and covered with flowers and fruit. The populace, realizing the evil stratagems of the six heretios, began to pelt them with mango stones. The god Sakka then took a hand in the contest. He ordered the wind to uproot the heretics' pavilion, the sun to scorch their naked bodies, and the wind to cover them with dust and to cause countless drops of min to fall on them. Looking like mottled cows (kabara-gavi-sadisa) they fled in all directions, Meanwhile a peasant who was a devotee of Pūrana Kassapa had unyoked his oxen, and, taking a vessel of gruel and a cord, had set out for Savatthi, intending to watch the miracle-contest. On the way he met Purana in his flight, and said : " I set out, sir, to see my noble masters perform a miracle. Where are you going 1 " " What is a miracle to you 1 (Kin te patiharena 1)," replied Purana, "Give me that pot and cord !" He then took the pot and cord, went to the bank of a river, tied the pot round his neck, and jumped into the stream. Raising bubbles in the water, he died, and was reborn in the Avici hell. The Divydvadana tells a slightly different story. The instigator of the miracle-contest is here said to be the tempter, Mara. In the form of Parana he suggested to Maskarin that the Buddha should be challenged to a contest; in the form of Maakarin he repeated the suggestion to Sanjayin, and so on from one of the six heretics to another. The six then asked King Bimbisara to arrange the contest, but, mindful of the Buddha's orders, he refused. Thereupon the heretics left for Sravasti, followed by the Buddha, who knew of their plans by virtue of his superhuman insight. King Prasenajit of Kosala was more favourable to the asceties' proposal than had been Bimbisara, and he carried the challenge to the Buddha, who was staying at the Jetavana, The Buddha agreed to take part in a miracle contest after an interval of seven days. Meanwhile the heretics gathered their supporters together and laid their plans. On the seventh day the contest took place outside the city, where each teacher was provided with a specially propared pavilion. The Buddha performed several spectacular miracles, but the six heretics were powerless, and their discomfiture was completed by a violent rainstorm, caused by Pancika, the general of the yaksas. The herctics ran in all directions, but the Buddha

PORAŅA AND PAKUDHA 87

was untouched by the rain, and his rivals were put to the final humiliation of having to take refuge in his pavilion. Then Pirana, fearing that the Buddha would win over his disciples, began to disouss philosophical questions with them, and tempers rose high. Metaphysical slogans-"The world is eternal !" " The world is transient ! " "The world is both !" " The world is neither !" "Body and soul are one ! " " Body and soul are different !"-were bandied from one to another of the ascetics and their followers, and they left the scene of the contest a quarrelling rabble.1 The terrified Pürana took to flight. On his way he was met by a hermaphrodite (pandaka), who disrespectfully asked him where he was going. He replied that the time had come for his departure from the body, his faculties being somewhat impaired. The sun, he said, had given him a thirst, and he asked the where- abouts of the nenrest pond." The hermaphrodite, addressing Purana by uncomplimentary epithets such as framan'-ddhama and hin'-dsat-purusa, pointed to a nearby lotus pond. There Purana tied a pot full of sand about his neck, jumped into the water, and was drowned. The other ascetics (nirgranthah) made a search for Pūrana, and while seeking him they met a prostitute. They asked her whether she had seen Purana, "clothed in the garment of righteousness"; she replied scornfully with an obecene verse, and would give them no information. Ultimately they found him lying dead in the lotus pond. They pulled out his body, and, leaving it on one side, they went away. The Tibetan version of the story, as summarized by Rockhill," appears to agree in essentials with the Divydvadana version. These stories clearly contain elements inserted for the edifica- tion of the Buddhist community, but the central fact of both

1 " Antardl lokah," "Ananta)," " Antardms c' dnantmdyl ca," " N'aty' dntaudn n'dnantardn," " Ba jivas tao chariram," " Anyo jiso 'nyao chariram" iti te kalahajata vikaranti bhandana-jas vigrhikt vivddam dpannaļ. Divydeoddna, p. 164. The words of Parana are very obsoure. Gamandya me samayah pratyu- pasthita) kayaaya me balastryam kineit apriphas ca bhasab sukhaduhkhate me. Anduriam jiănam ik' driatdm dūrdpagato 'ami. Paratimir'-dpanudas ca trpam patati. Acakpva me depika eam artham-šiddaka kutra ai paykiriaf t Op. cit., p. 165. The editor of the text remark, "Much of this page is evidently In verse, but is too corrupt to be so arranged." Op. elt., p. 708. " The Lije of the Buddha, p. 80.

88 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS versions, the suicide of Purana, is by no means incredible. Death by ritual suicide wns the common end of the Jaina ascetie who felt his faculties begin to fail, and similar suicides by Ājivikas are well attested.1 It is probable, as the Bhagavafi Sutra suggests," that Purana's followers developed a legend of their master ending his life by suicide in an odour of sanctity, and that this story was twisted by the Buddhista into the complimentary forms paraphrased above. Certain elements of the two Buddhist stories differ, but their common features are more numerous. Both agree that, after a miracle contest at Savatthi, in which Purana and his fellow ascetics were worsted, and which was followed by a violent storm, he committed suicide by drowning, with a pot tied about his neck. The pot occurs in both accounts; this fnot strengthens the probability that this feature of the story has some basis of faot. We are reminded of the potter's shop in which Makkhali Gosala died, and also tht Dravidian Ajivika ascetics seem to have been

(tāļi).ª in the habit of performing fatal penance in large funerary urns

Other incidents in the stories of Purana's death remind us of the Bhagavati Satra's account of the denth of Gosala. Both events take place in Savatthi, both follow a contest at which miraculous powers are displayed, and both take place in an atmo- sphere of great excitement and tension among the ascetio com- munities. The great storm which preceded Purana's death suggesta the Last Great Storm Cloud, one of the eight finalitios declared by Gosala in his last illness.4 Purana's frantio flight from the scene of the contest and his violent thirst may be parallelled by the delirium of Gosala, when he bathed in muddy water used for mixing the potter's clay." Mango stones oocur in both stories." The strange figure of the prostitute in the Divydva- dana version of the story tennously suggests Halahala the potter- woman, for it would seem, in the light of the numerous references to the licentious conduct of the early Ajivikas," that the author of the Bhagavati Sutra intended to insinuate that her relatione with Gosila were closer than those of a hospitable lay disciple.

1 V. infra, pp. 127 f. 4 V. wapra, p. 68. : V. wupra, p. 83. T V. infra, pp. 123 f. · V. supra, p. 62. * V. Infra, pp. 111-12. * V. supra, pp. 61-64.

PORANA AND PAKUDHA 89 Probably certain elementa of the story of Gosala's death have found their way, in a corrupt form, into the Buddhist story of Purana's suicide. If this be the case the credibility of the former story is strengthened without by any means invalidating the latter. We may provisionally accept the historicity of the suicide of Purana at Savatthi, at the same time recognizing that the details of both versions of the story are unreliable. The event is said to have taken place during the reigns of King Bimbisara of Magadha and Pasenadi of Kosala. Rockhill, basing his view on the Tibetan version, believes that it occurred in the sixteenth year of the Buddha's ministry.1 This date seems definitely too early. As Malalasekera has pointed out," it would exclude the possibility of King Ajatasattu visiting Pūrana," since the former could have been only a small child at the time of the death of the latter. There are other weighty objections to Rockhill's figure. Buddha's ministry lasted forty-four yenrs. If we retain 483 n.c. as the date of his nirvana,4 on Rock- hill's theory Purana's suicide must have occurred c. 511 B.o. But, on the basis of our synchroniama,5 and of the Bhagavati Sutra's statement that Gosala's ministry Insted for sixteen years," the latter's ministry must have commenced e. 501 B.c., or ten years after Purana's death. This invalidates the strong Buddhist tradition that the ministries of the six heretical teachers were contemporary, and renders it quite impossible that Pūraņa could have been in any way subordinate to Makkhali Gosāla. We suggest that Purana's death took place towards the end of the reigns of Bimbisara and Pasenadi; thus it must have occurred at least nine or ten years before that of the Buddha, on the basis of the Sinhalese Chronicle,7 and eight years or more before that of Makkhali, on the basis of our previous calculations.# The Jaina statement that Parana died in the eleventh year of Mahavira's asceticism is not unplausible. It would place the event in the yenr c. 500-499 n.c., immediately after Makkhali Gosala's claim to enlightenment. This does not invalidate the framework of the Samannla-phala Sutta, wherein King Ajatasnttu states that he had sought guidance from Purana as well as from 1 The LAte of thn Buddha, p. 79. : DPPN.,a.v. Peraņa. D V. supra, pp. 11-12. # V. supra, p. 32. . V.supra, p. 74, n. 1. " V. supra, p. T4.

. V. supra, p. 83. " V. supra, p. 73, n. 2. " V. supra, p. 74.

90 HISTORY OF THE ĀJIVIKAS

the other five heretics, since he may well have visited Pūrana before his usurpation of the throne of Magadha. This date for Purana's death does, however, somewhat lessen the probability that he was a follower of Makkhali Gosala. That he died in the first or second year of Makkhali's jina-hood, after what seems to have been a long ascetic career, indicates that he was Makkhali's senior. But it is not impossible for an older teacher to respeot a considerably younger man as his spiritual superior, and a comparatively young man may acquire a reputation of great sanctity. Despite Purana's probable seniority to Makkhali our conclusion is by no means invalidated. We may tentatively reconstruct the relations of the two prophets as follows :- Pürapa, a heretical leader of long standing, maintaining a fatalistio doctrine with tendencies to antinomian- ism, came in contact with Makkhali Gosala, a younger teacher with doctrines much the same as his own, but with a more successful appeal to the public. Recognizing his eclipse, he admitted the superiority of the now teacher, and accepted the sixfold classification of men, which placed Makkhali Gosila and his forerunners Nanda Vaccha and Kisa Sankicca in the highest category.4 Soon after this he decided that his star had set, and ended his own life. A passing reference to an Apurana the son of Kndyapa is to be found in the Mahabharata, where the word occurs in the enumeration of the names of nagas inhabiting the subterranean city of Bhogavati." This is probably a coincidence, but it is not wholly impossible that the name found its way into the catalogue through an carly editor who had heard of Purana; on this hypotheais the extra syllable prefixed to the name might be sccounted for by the necessity of avoiding an iambio cadence, which would otherwise ocour throughout the pada. PAKUDHA KACOĀYANA The relations of this ascetie teacher to the later Ajivikas aro less clear than those of Purana Kassapa, but there is evidence 1 V.suprn, pp. 27 ff. Bakyakundo, Manir, Nagas, tath' aie' Apuranab, Khagah, ... Vamanase' Ailapatras ca, Kukura) Kukunas tatha, 10 . Ele e' dnye ca balavas Kalyapasy' dimajah amridh, 17. Mbh., Udyoga, 101.

PORANA AND PAKUDHA 91

to show that he too had some influence on the finished doctrine of the sect. We have already seen that he is praised with Makkhali Pürana and Nigantha in a significant verse of the Samyulla Nikāya.1 His doctrine, according to the SamaRiia-phala Sutta, was one of seven eternal and immutable elements, earth, water, fire, air, life, joy, and sorrow." The Majjhima Nibaya " incorporates with this doctrine part of Makkhali Gosala's fatalist creed, and one of the Chinese versions of the Samafna-phala Sutta makes of Pakudha a determinist.4 His characteristic teaching is, however, a very primitive atomism, perhaps the earliest of Indian atomic theories.5 As we hope to establish in our second part, the Southern Ajivikas held a theory of elements very similar to that of Pakudha. The three chief Tamil sources, Manimakalai," Nilakeci,7 and Civallaga-cittiyar," all declare that, acoording to Ajivika doctrine, there are five immutable atomic elements (aạu or porul) : earth, air, water, fire, and life (uyir or civam). Manimekalai, however, the oldest of these sources, adds " but joy and sorrow, these too are atoms"." Nilakici leaves the total of the elementa at five, but Civaflana-cittiyar states, "Our Lord has declared to us the seven which we must consider, including these two which are joined with them, namely good and evil." 10 This is surely the seven-element theory of Pakudha Kaccayana, with the more moral categories punya and papa substituted for the hedonistio sukha and duhkha. A further point in which Pakudha suggesta the conduct of the Ajivikas of later times is to be found in Buddhaghosa's com- mentary on the Samaifia-phala Sutta. His brief remarks on Makkhali Gosala and Purana Kassapa have already been dis-

1 V. saprn, p. 80, and infra, p. 217. * V. sapra, p. 10, and Infrn, pp. 262 ff. " Moj. i, pp. 513 f. V. sapra, p. 10. " Rookhill, op. elt., pp. 255 ff. V. aupra, p. 22. . Ui, The Vaisesiba PAilosophy, p. 2b. V. infra, pp. 269-70. " Uyir of' oru nal vakai-y anu. Maşi. xxvil, 113. V. infra, pp. 203-66. " Nil. vv, 674-5. V. infra, p. 265. .ONO.,ed. Mudaliyar, p. 256, v. 2. V.Infra, pp. 265-66. : Ippam um luppam um taly um apue ena. Mapi xxvii, 163. V. infra, p.203. 10 Punpiya-păvam eppum iranlip um porunt augitit-y eppiya-e le arrip Num d' esa-e enbal du nappiya-v oruvap karum. GNC., p. 260, v. 10.

92 HISTORY OF THE AJĪVIKAS cussed,1 and certainly do not give us reason to accept his state- menta on Pakudha without question. For the names of Makkhali - and Purana Buddhaghosa supplies fantastic and derogatory derivations, but in the case of Pakudha he contents himself with stating that he avoided cold water. Even after excretion he did not perform a ritual ablution, unless he obtained hot water or rice-gruel (kaftjiya). To cross a stream, Buddhaghosa continues, was a breach of his vows, for which he atoned by making a mound of sand." The kaiji and the mound of sand suggest practices of the Ajivikas. Some southern Ajivika ascetics seem to have used kailji as their regular food," while the heap of sand is parallelled by a heap of red powder, which was part of the religious para- phernalia of an Ajivika ascetio mentioned in the Jataka.4 These pointa of contact are admittedly very slight, but they tend to strengthen the conclusion derived from the similarity of Pakudha's doctrines to those of the later Ajivikas, that he and his followers had some hand in the development of the sect. About Pakudha's life and works we have no certain information. Dr. Malalasekera states that his followers did not hold him in high esteem, and that he did not lay claim to full enlightenment," but the references on which he bases his statement repeat the same phrases for each of the six heretical leaders, and therefore do not carry conviction. Elsewhere the six are referred to as being held in great respect," and Nigantha Nataputta and Makkhali Gosala certainly seem to have laid claim to full enlightenment, although in the passages referred to they, along with the four other heretica, are said not to have done so. Dr. Barun " has equated Pakudha (called Kakudha in Buddhist Sanskrit texta) with Kabandhin Katyayana, one of the questioners of the sage Pippalada in the Praina Upanisad. He believes that the names Kakudha and Kabandhin, which both indicate that

: V. supra, pp. 37, 82-83. dabam så batjiyam ta labhitss baroti. Nadim vå magg'-dlakay vå aliklamma, 'eilam me bianan" ti salika-thipam katvd silas adhighaya gacchati. Sum. Vil., i, p.144. " TA. xli, pp. 68-9. V. infra, p. 204. 4 V. infra, p. 113. . DPPN.,s.v. Pabudla, * Majjh. i, 240 : 1, 4: 8am. i, 08. 1 V. sapra, p. 11. Pre-BuddRistic Indian Philosoply, p. 281.

PŪRAŅA AND PAKUDHA 93 their owner was a humpback, are equivalent. There are no further points of contact, however. The Upanisad merely states that Kabandhin asked Pippalada whence all beings came,1 and received the reply that they were produced by Prajapati from matter (rayi) and breath (prāna)." If the equivalence be accepted, it probably implies that Pakudha or Kakudha was the senior of the Buddha and of the other heretics, and that he was closer to the main current of Indian philosophy than were Makkhali and Pūraņa. In any case we may infer that Pakudha was leas influential than were either of the two ascetics we have previously considered. In the Jaina texts Makkhali Gosala appears as a real human being; Pürana Kassapa emerges as a personality in the two accounts of his suicide; Nigantha Nataputta was the founder of an enduring sect; and the materialist Ajita Kesakambali seems to have been singled out by the Buddha for scathing condemnation." On the other hand the two remaining members of the group of six heretics, Pakudha Kaccayana the atomist and Safjaya Belatthiputta the agnostie, are never more than shadowy lay figures, nowhere individualized, not worthy of a special mention apart from their fellow nscetic leaders. We may therefore conclude that they made but a slight impression upon contemporary religious life. 1 Kuio ha tn imăi praja) prajagania / Prašna, Poons edn., p. 3. Sankara interpreta theso terma as Soma and Agni. Op. cit., p. 4. . V. supra, p. 65.

CHAPTER VI

THE EARLY AJIVIKA COMMUNITY (I)

THE WANDERING PHILOSOPHERS

It is now generally agreed that the ground for the development of non-brihmanio religious sects in India was prepared before the days of the great reforming leaders of the sixth and fifth centuries n.c. In the cnse of the Ajivikas there is evidence which points to the fact that Makkhali Goeala found already in existence ascetio groups following a more or less common way of life and looking back to teachers of previous generations. By knitting these local groups together under his own leadership he estab- liahed the Ajtvika sect. The tradition, preserved in the Buddhist scriptures, linking Makkhali Gosala's name with those of Nanda Vaccha and Kisa Sankicen,1 and that of the Bhagavati Sutra, which seems to record a succession of religious teachers preceding Gosila,ª are evidence pointing strongly in that direction. As Charpentier recognized,a Ajivika ascetics are met in the Pali soriptures at a time when Makkhali Gosala cannot have commenced his ministry, if we accept the chronology suggested in a previous chapter.4 The most striking of these is Upaka the Ajivika, who, as a symbol of benevolent incredulity, has found a small but significant place in the legends of Buddhism. Upaka is said to have encountered the Buddha on the road to Gayi, immediately after the latter's enlightenment. He noticed the supernal calmness and peace in the bearing of the great teacher, and asked who he was, who was his instructor, and what were his doctrines. When the Buddha told Upaka of his enlightenment he merely said " It may be so, sir ! " (hupeyya deuso), and went on by another way. The historicity of this story is perhaps strengthened by the fact that it is mentioned no less than four 1 V. supra, pp. 27 f. . JRA3. 1913, pp. 673-4. * V. supra, pp. 30 ff. * V. supra, p. 74.

PLATE IL

THE BUDDHA MEETS UPAKA THE AJIVIKA. (From Krom, The Life of the Buddha on the Stapa of Barabudur.)

THE EARLY AJIVIKA COMMUNITY (1) 95

times in the Pali texts 1 with little variation, and occurs also in the Mahāyāna scriptures.“ Upaka the Ajivikn does not vanish from the scene after his meeting with the Buddha. In the Therigatha," where he is called Kala, he is said to have fallen madly in love with a hunter's daughter Capa, whom he married and by whom he had a son, Subhadda. His wife appears to have treated him badly, con- tinually taunting him for his earlier Ajivika connections. One day he remembered his meeting with the Buddha, left his wife, and went to the Buddha at Savatthi. There he entered the Buddhist order, and later became an andgami. On his death he was reborn in the Aviha heaven. Upaka was a Magadhan. According to the Therigatha Com- mentary he was born at the village of Nala, near the Bodhi Tree, and lived there with Capa after abandoning his asceticism for the life of a householder. If the legend of Upaka be accepted it must be taken to imply that Ajivika mendicanta roamed the ronds of Magadha at least a generation before the commencement of Gosila's ministry. The towns mentioned in connection with the seven reanima- tions of Udai in the Bhagavati Satra 5 also suggest that, even before Gosala's ministry, the regions of Kosala, Magndha, Kāsi, Videha, and Campa were the homes of peripatetie naked philoso- phers of the Ajivika type. It is probable that these travelling philosophers, however abstruse their metaphysienl doctrines, aimed at gaining the support of the populace, and very often obtained it. An interesting picture of the conditions which must have prevailed at the time is given in Neru Jataka," where we find a certain Buddhist bhikkhu preaching in an unnamed frontier village, and winning considerable support from the villagers. On his departure his place is taken by an " eternalist" (sassalavads), then by an "annihilationist " (ucchedavadi), and

kathd iv, pp. 71-2. 1 Jat. i, p. 8l; Vin. i, p. 8; Majjh. i, pp. 170-1; Dhammapad' aj/ha- " E.g. Lalitavistra xxvl, p. 406, where Upakn's words " Tad bhavipyast Gautama [" are couched in the futare tense in place of the Pall optative, nnd seem to imply faith ratber than doubt. " Thertg., 201-311, with comm., pp. 220 ff. Paramaltha Dipant v, p. 225. . V. supra, pp. 31-32. · Jar ti, pp. 246 ff.

96 HISTORY OF THE ĀJIVIKAS finally by a naked ascetic (acelaka), who in turn gain the temporary loyalty of the villagers. The religious atmosphere of the time is perhaps comparable to that which prevailed in the Roman Empire, when many people had lost their implicit faith in traditional verities, and were ready to support any new cult which offered a more plausible and attractive system of belief. In Rome the changing spiritual requirements were met in large measure by mystery cults imported from the Eaat. In India, in the sixth and fifth centuries n.o., the wandering ascetica filled the need. It is quite evident that these wanderers maintained a wide range of doctrines and varied rules of conduct. They were known by various titles, which usually denoted loosely knit classes of nscetio rather than regularly organized orders, as the Buddhist bhikkhus and the Jaina samanas later became. Beside these two terms we find others such as acelaka, nigantha, and of course djivika, which are used quite loosely, and obviously do notimply membership of any organized religious body. Thus in the Majjhima Nikaya 1 the Buddha declares that in his long ex- perience of transmigration he has known no Ājīvika to go to heaven but one, and that one was a believer in karma and the efficiency of works." This suggests cither that all the early Ājivikas did not accept Makkhali Gosila's quietist determinism and that the term was sometimes used to denote a wider class of heretical mendieant with varying beliefs, or that there were early schiams of Makkhali's sect which rejected the cardinal doctrine of the founder. The former is the more probable explanation. In some texta Ajivikas are clearly distinguished from niganthas," but the Sandaka Sutta seems to embrace all six of the heretical teachers, including the great leader of the niganthas, Nigantha Nataputta or Mahavīra, in the general category of Ājīvikas.4 In the Dhammapada Commentary " Buddhaghosa describes the ascetio with unsettled mind (anavatthita-citto), who may start as an acelaka, then become an Ajivaka, then a nigantha, and finally

: Majh. 1, 483. " So p dri kammavadi kiriyavadı. Loe. elt. " E.g. Sulla-nipdta, 381. Ye ke c' ime tinhiyd vădasila, Ajtviba va yadi vă * Majjh.i, pp. 513 ff. V. aupra, pp. 18 19. Dhp. Comm. I, p.300.

THE EARLY AJIVIKA COMMUNITY (I) 97

& tapasa. Yet in the same work he tells the story of Migara,1 the banker of Savatthi, who is a follower of naked ascetics (nagga-samana), but who falls foul of them when his daughter- in-law becomes a devotee of the Buddha. Here the five hundred ascetics who besiege him in his house are referred to indiscrimin- ately as nagga-samana, acelaka, and ajīvika. Similarly the Divydvadana, in the story of Asoka, seems to use the terms Ajwvaka and Nirgrantha synonymously." The significance of this apparent confusion may perhapa be explained by reference to another story in the Dhammapada Commentary,3 in which the boy Jambuka is handed by his parents to a community of Ajivikas and initiated into their order ; but his asceticism takes a form too loathsome even for the Ajivikas to tolerate, and he is expelled from the community. After this he obtains a great reputation for sanctity as a " wind- cater " (vata-bhakkho), until he is ultimately converted by the Buddha. Buddhaghosa states that his career as a wind-eater lasted for fifty-five years, thus giving a further indieation of the existence of Ajivikas before Makkhali Gosila. But the significance of the story in this context lies in the fact that even fifty-five years after his expulsion from the order of Ajivikas he is still referred to by the Buddha as "Jambuka the Ajivika". We have here a clear indication that the term was used not only for the organized ascetic order of Makkhali, but for free-lance ascetics of a similar type, or for followers of other leaders who later merged with the Ajivika order. This has been recognized by Barua in his latest work on the . subject.4 " The term Ajivika," he writes, "is used in Indian literature; (1) in ita widest sense to denote the Parivrajakas or Wanderers as distinguished from the Tapasas or hermits; (2) in ita narrower sense to denote the religious orders ropresented by the five Tirthankaras, Pūrana Kassapa, Makkhali Gosāla and the rest, considered heretics by the Buddhists; and (3) in its narrowest sense to denote the disciples and followers of Makkhali or Mankhaliputta Gosala." We are doubtful about Dr. Barua's first category, although in the Janaki-harana the term may have been intended in this

1 Ibid.1, pp. 390 ff. * Dhp. Comm. il, pp. 62 ff. " V. infrn, pp. 147-48. . ABORI. vili, p. 183.

98 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS sense.2 We have seen that the second usage is very common in early Buddhist literature. But we must add a rider to Barua's statement, to the effect that some at least of the heretical firthan- karas seem to have been loosely allied, and to have had many points of doctrine in common. Dr. Barua has attempted to provide an ancostry for the Ajīvikas. "I cannot but strongly feel that all possible inquiries concerning Nanda Vaccha and Kisa Sankicca are sure to lead the historian back to a typical representative of the Vanaprastha or Vaikhanasa order of Indian Hermits."" In his latest article he is even more definite. "The Ajivika as a religious order and school of philosophy is known in the Vedie hymns, the Brahmanas, the Aranyakas, and other ancient Sanskrit compilations and treatises that ean safely be regarded as literary producta of a pre-Jaina and pre-Buddhistio age." " Unfortunately he gives no references to or quotations from any of these works. This being the case we can only regret that Dr. Barua did not develop his surprising theory more fully, and declare that no statementa known to us in pre-Buddhist literature suggest the existence of any such order. To the best of our knowledge the carliest non- Buddhist and non-Jaina reference suggesting the Ajivikas occurs in the Sveldfvatara Upanisad,4 which is of comparatively late date." Our own views on the origin of Ajivikiam have already been expressed-we do not believe that it derived from Vedio or Brahmaņical sources." We must also disagree with Dr. Barua's first statement, which implies that the Ajivikas derived from the forest hermita. What- ever the status of the mysterious predecessors of Makkhali Gosala, the first Ajivika of whom the Buddhist scriptures bear record, Upaka, is not a hermit with a settled dframa in the forest, but a mendicant, wandering from place to place. We believe also that Barua is mistaken in suggesting that the vana- prasthas were an order, in the sense of a body of ascetics with an organized system of practice and doctrine. Rather we believe that the terms vanaprastha and vaikhanasa were approximately synonymous and of broad connotation, both implying a forest

1 V. infra, pp. 165 ff. V. Infm, pp. 228-20. : JDL.ii, p. 4. : ABORI. vill, pp. 183-4.

. V. suprn, pp. 6-0. " Maedonnell, Sanarit Literature, pp. 233-4.

THE EARLY AJIVIKA COMMUNITY (I) 99

hermit of the third aframa; the diversity of the doctrines and disciplines of these hermits is clear from the Upanisads and from the Pali scriptures. Hoernle, in his discussion of the origin of the Ajivikas, pins his faith on the derivation of the name Makkhali. "It describes Gosäla as having originally belonged to the Mankhali or Maskarin class of religious mendicanta . .. The Maskarin, as a rule, led a solitary life and the adoption of this manner of life was open to very grave abuses. Hence some men of commanding personality conceived the task of regulating the tendency (to abuses) ... by organizing the mendicanta into communities governed by strict rules of conduct." 1 Much of Hoernle'sstatementseemscorrect. He appears, however, to imply by the word " class " a degree of precision only slightly less than Barua's "order ". The term maskarin was in fact a very loose one. Panini's etymology " seems only to imply that the word means a mendicant bearing a staff, of whatever class or order. Admittedly there is evidence, beside that of Makkhali's name, to show that the early Ajivikas carried staves. Hoernle himself quotes Tittira Jataka," the twelfth and thirteenth verses of which describe a mendicant, said in the commentary to be an Ājivika, as carrying a bamboo staff (vetcāra). "The verses occurring in the Buddhist Jatakas," Hoernle adds, "embody the most ancient folklore-of a much older date than Buddhism itself," thereby implying that long before Makkhali a body of staff-bearing ascetics existed, from which the later Ājīvikas developed. The Ajivika Upaka is also referred to as bearing a staff.4 Indeed staves probably became a regular mark of the Ājīvika order. But it must be noted that, except for its employment in the sutra of Panini, and as an epithet of Gosala, the word maskarin is not to be found until the classical period of Sanskrit literature, and then seems to be used with very varied connotations. Kumā- radāsa equates maskarin and ājīvika," but the Bhattikāvya, of the sixth or seventh century A.D." uses the word in a sense which certainly does not suggest a follower of Gosala .? Baņa describes BRE.i, p. 260. I V. supra, p. 78. * Jarmi, p.542. Lathi-hattho, Therig., 201. * Janakt-arana x, 76. V. infra, p. 165, n 4. * Keith, History of Sanakrit Literature, p. 116. * V. infra, p. 166.

100 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS n maskarin with a skull for a begging-bowl and wearing a red robe, who must surely have been a Saivite.1 The commentator Utpala seems to equate the words ajīvika and ekadandin," the latter certainly meaning an ascetio with a single staff as part of his insignia. But Haliyudha the lexicographer quotes the word djivika as a member of a class containing various other terms for a heretionl ascetic, while maskarin ocours in the same verse as do the names of more orthodox and respectable ascetics, such as tapasvin, parivrājaka, tāpasa, eto. Hemacandra also includes the word maskarin with vaikhanasa vanaprastha and yat in a group not including djtvika." In fact we have no reason to believe that the term maskarin ever meant more than a staff- bearing mendicant of any order. Certainly it was sometimes used to designate the Ajivikas, but it included a group much wider than they, as Dr. Barua ultimately recognized." This being the case we cannot believe that an " order " of maskarins existed before Gosala's day, and that the Ajivikas developed from them. It seems, in fact, an anachronism to suggest that any organized sanghas existed before the time of Buddha, Mahavira, and Makkhali Gosala. Certainly there existed hermita, either solitary or living in colonies, and wandering mendicants. We suggest that the hermit colonies gathered round locally respeoted leaders, the fame of some of whom probably spread far beyond the locality of their hermitages and often survived their denths. But the picture painted by the Buddha, when describing his search for truth among the forest teachers." and the flourishing and often fantastio speculations of the Upanisads, suggest that even within local groups there existed considerable differences of doctrine. In fact India at the time of the emergence of the heterodox sects seems to have been in a state of theologionl anarchy, mitigated only by orthodox Brahmanism, which was by no means satisfying to the best minds of the times. Harpa-corila ed. Führer, pp. 152-3. V. infra, p. 167. # V. Infr, pp. 169 ff. " AMiina-ralnamala ii, 189-190. V. Infra, p. 182. Thid. M, 254. · AMlidlana-oisihmapi, 800-810. V. infra, p. 182. . ABORI. vill, p. 184. For a further conalderation of the term maskarin v. infra, pp. 163 f. " Jat.i, pp. 00 f.

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The solitaries, whether hermits or wanderers, must by their very nature have been laws unto themselves. That they often held certain doctrines and followed certain practices in common might be expected from the basio similarity of human tempera- ments and the imitative propensities of the human animal. But there is no reason to believe that they were bound by any rules other than self-made ones, such as vows taken on embarking on their careers of mendicancy. The disciplinary innovations of the reforming leaders consisted partly in persuading some of these independent roving philosophers to accept common rules, and in linking them to hermit communities and giving them coherence by insisting on their residence in vihdras during the rainy reason. We believe that these wandering sophists and asceties, rather than hermits or non-existent ascetic " orders", played the biggest part in the development of the heretical sanghas of Buddhism, Jainiam, and Ajivikism.

ETYMOLOGY OF THE TERM ĀJIVIKA Among the earliest views on the derivation of the word Ajivika are those of Burnouf and Lassen. The former 1 believed that the term had no derogatory significance, but meant " one who lives on the charity of others ", deriving it from a-jiva, " the absence of livelihood," with the addition of the suffix -ka and the conse- quent lengthening by urddhi of the initial vowel. As an alterna- tive explanation Burnouf supported Lassen, who, on the basis of a similar etymology, believed that the word meant an ascetic who ate no living or animal food." Neither of these inter- pretations is acceptable. The presence of the alternative form Jivaka, attested by the lexicographers " and by the astrologer Vaidyanatha Diksita," proves that the first syllable of the word cannot be a privative. The most widely accepted theory is that the term Ajivika or Ajwvaka is derived from the word djiva. This, in Hoernle's words, means " the mode of life, or profession, of any particular class of poople, whether they live as householders ... or 05 1 Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi (2nd odn.), ii, p. 777. * Indische Altertumakunde ii, p. 107, n. 2, quoted Burnouf, op. eit., loc, clt. V. infra, pp. 182-83. V. infrn, pp. 184-85.

102 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS religious mendicants ". Hoernle adds that " the word ajivika, being a derivative of djiva, means one who observes the mode of living appropriate to his class .... There is some ground for believing that Gosala held peculiar views as to the ajiva of a mendi- cant who is truly liberated from the fetters of karma. It was probably for this reason that he and his adherents came to be known as Ajivika, or the men who held the peculiar doctrine of ajiva .... The name ' Ajivika', it appears, was originally meant to stigmatize Gosala and his followers as 'professionals'; though, no doubt, in later times, when it became the distinctive name of a mendicant order, it no longer carried that offensive meaning "1 Hoernle's hypothesis requires some qualification. From the examples given above* it is obvious that the term ajivika, like nirgrantha, originally had a wider connotation than the organized followers of Makkhali Gosala, and might be applied to almost any non-brahmanical naked ascetic. Furthermore it is possible to suggest an alternative ctymology. Admittedly religion offers a number of examples of derogatory nicknames ultimately becoming the regular titles of heterodox secta-the words " quaker " and " methodist " come immediately to mind. In this connection the story of Pandara Jataka may be of some significance." A man suffers shipwreck and is cast ashore near the port of Karambiya in a state of nudity (nagga-bhoggo). Like Makkhali Gosiln and Purana Kassapa in Buddhaghosa's stories,4 he is mistaken for an ascetic, and is given alms. There- upon he declares with relief: "I've found a way to make a living !" (Laddho me jivik'-opayo). This story surely indicates that the connection between the words ajiva and djivika was recognized in ancient India, at least by the Ajivikas' opponents. An alternative explanation of the term is provided in the Digha Nibaya." It is said that the Buddha met at Vesali a certain ascetie named Kandara-masuka, who maintained seven life- long vows, The firat of these is: " As long as I live I will be naked, and will not put on a garment " (Yavaj-jivam acelako assam, na vattham paridaheyam). The second vow is one of perpetual chastity ; by the third, surprisingly enough, the ascetic : ERB.Lp.250. . V. supra, pp. 37, 82-83. : V. supra, pp. 96-98. . Digha ill, p. 9. : Jat v, pp. 75 f.

THE RARLY AJIVIKA COMMUNITY (1) 103

undertakes to beg only spirits and meat, and not to eat gruel or broth; while the last four are vows of a Jaina type, delimiting the area in the four directions beyond which he undertakes not to travel. The ascetic Kandara-masuka is regularly referred to as acela, but nowhere as djivika, and we have no evidence that any of his vows, with the exception of the first, were taken by the organized Ajivika community. Nevertheless the formula yavajjivam, which precedes each of the seven vows, may be significant. It suggests the poasibility that the word djivika may be derived from some such phrase as a jivat, " as long as life." This view was put forward by Kern,1 but seems not to have been noticed by later workers in the field, perhaps because the author gave little weight to his theory, and does not appear to have provided references to back it. Admittedly the preposition a has more often the force of "until" than "as long as ", but "it may denote the limit 'to', "until', 'as far as', 'from', either including the object named or excluding it ",ª and therefore this interpretation is by no means illegitimate. The adjective yavajjwviba meaning "lifelong " is to be found in the Asvalayana Srauta Sutra," composed at a very early period, perhaps before Gosala's ministry. It is significant that it is there used in reference to the duration of vows to be taken in penance for errors in sacrificial ritual. The same term, in its Prākrit form javajjivae, with the same connotation, is to be found in the Bhagavali Satra. It is by no means impossible that the word djivika had a similar connotation with the religious community using it, and indicated the lifelong character of the vows taken by the followers of Makkhali Gosila and by the free- Iance Ajivikas, in contrast to the temporary vows of the Buddhist sangha. In this case the derogatory etymology from djiva must have been devised by the opponents of the sect, in the same manner as that in which Buddhaghosa devised derogatory etymologies for Makkhali and Pūrana. To this theory it may be objected that at least one Ajivika, I Der Buddhiamua und seine Geachichte in Indien ii, p. 7, n. 2. Monior Willinms, Sanskrit-English Dictionary, s.v. d. a Atvalayana Brauta Satra iii, 14, Poona odn., p. 156. Etat sämvalsaram 4 Bh. 0. 1i, ao. 133, fol. 288.

104 HISTORY OF THE ĀJIVIKAS Upaka, is said to have given up his asceticism.1 But this fact by no means invalidates our etymology, for even lifelong vows may be broken.

THE AJIVIKA INITIATION New members seem normally to have been inducted into the Ajivika order after an initiation ceremony. Before the ministry of Makkhali Gosila, among local Ajivika groups and independent mendicanta, the ceremony seems to have varied considerably from one group to another. We have already met unscrupulous men who initiated themselves into a profitable career of asceticism by the simple process of losing their clothes." Many spurious mendicants of this type, often loosely called Ajivikas, must have existed both before and after the days of Makkhali Gosala. We may, however, assume that Makkhali's organization of the loosely knit ascetics was effective in introdncing some regularity into the procedure of admission to the order and initiation. Two Pali references give us some indication of the processes of entry into the Ajivika mendicant fraternity. Tittira Jataka . tells of an unfortunate false ascetio (niggatiko duttha-tāpaso), who, after a career of chicanery and fraud, is judged and executed by a lion. The tiger who prosecutes him at the lion's court describes the prisoner in a few lines of verse of considerable interest; among other things, says the tiger, he has "burnt his hands by grasping a lump ".4 The commentary elucidates' the phrase: "At the time of his going forth as an Ajivika his hands were burnt by grasping a heated lump." 5 This seems a reliable indication that the early Ajivika was sometimes initiated by a painful ordeal, and there are faint suggestions of the survival of the practice at a much later date. In Mahanaradakassapa Jataka the ascetic Guņa is described as an "ignorant, naked, wretched, and blindly foolish Ajtvika "." 1 V. sapma, p. 06. # V. mupra, pp. 37,82-83, 102. : Jat. ili, pp-630-843. Hatthd daddha pindapatiggakapena. Op. cit., p. 541. Ajieika-pabbajjam-pabbajfita-bile unha-pinda-patiggahanena hattk' dpi kir' asa daddd. Op. eit., p. 542. . Jar. vi, pp. 219 ff. ? Ajananiaya nagga-bhoggam nisirikam andha-balam Ajivikam.

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The word used in this phrase to express his nudity is nagga- Mhogga, which the Pali Text Society's Dictionary interprets as " one whose goods are nakedness ". The term is thrice employed in the Jatakas,1 the first and second instances describing the con- dition of castaways, one of whom became a false ascetic,* and the third being an epithet of Guna. Very similar compound adjectives are to be found in use much later than the time of the Jatakas' composition. An inscription at Belagami, Mysore," dated A.D. 1162, catalogues the types of ascetic to whom alms were given at the Kodiya math ; as well as the Jaina kşapanakas and the Hindu paramahamsas, who seem to have been habitually naked,4 the visitors to the maph included nagna-bhagnas." The Rajatarangiņi refers to rugņa-nagnaļaka ascetica, with emaciated or decayed noses, feet, and hands," who have many points in common with, and may have been, Ajivikas. We therefore believe that the Pali word nagga-bhogga should be read as a doandta adjective, rather than as a bahuurihi, and that its second member is equivalent to the Sanskrit bhugne ("bent "), rather than bhogya (" property "); thus the meaning of the term would be not "one whose goods are nakedness", but " one naked and crippled ". The Ajivika initiatory ordeals may well have resulted in such mutilation and deformity as to qualify the ascetio for these titles. Another element in the Ajivika initiation, for which there is confirmation in a later source, is described in the Dhammapada Commentary, in the story of Jambuka, to which we have already referred.7 The events there described ostensibly refer to the unorganized pre-Makkhali Ajivikas, but the details of the account of Jambuka's initiation may have been provided by Buddha- ghosa, and perhaps apply to the organized community of Makkhali. Jambuka's habits are so disgusting that his parenta

1 Jar iv, p. 160; v, p. 76; vi, p.225. I V. supra, p. 102. : Epi. Carn. vil, Shikarpur no. 102. . V.infra, p. 114. Profeasor B. A. Saletore (Medisesal Jeiniam, p. 219), following Rice's translation, belleves that this word representa two elaases of ascotle, the nagas and the bhagnas. This we do not aecept in viow of the existence of similar torms in the Pali and in the Rajatarasgipl, which cannot apply to more than a singlo clasa. : Rajatarangipi vil, 1002-4. V. infra, p. 206. 1 Dip. Comm. ii, p. 52. V. supra, p. 97.

106 HISTORY OF THE ĀJIVIKAS decide that he is not fitted for ordinary life, but only for the Ājīvikas (Ajivikānam esa anucchaviko). Therefore they take him to a local group of Ajivika ascetics, apparently while he is still a child, and request that he be initiated into their com- munity. The boy is placed in a pit up to his neck, planks are laid over the pit, above his collar-bones, and, sitting on the planks, the Ajivikas pull out his hair with a piece of the rib of a palm- leaf.1 It seems that the carly Ajivikas, like the Jainas, extracted the hair by the roota, and that the custom persisted among them is attested by the Tamil text Civafana-cittiyar." Yet Gosala Mankhaliputta is described as tearing his beard in his last delirium, and in Kumaradasa's Janaki-harana the Ajīvikn's head, like that of the orthodox Hindu ascetie, is covered with a pile of matted locks.a The Ajivikas depicted at Borobudur have hair (Plate II).4 Thus it seems that Ājīvikas were not always tonsured or clean-shaven. The extraction of the hair by the roota, like the grasping of the heated lump, was probably an ordeal intended to render the novice oblivious to physical pain, and to test his resolution, and, as with the Jainns," was not usually repeated after initiation, or was only repeated at distant intervals. The other feature of Jambuka's initiation, burial up to the neck, is mentioned in Japanese Buddhist sources as being part of the Ajivika's ascetio technique." The pit in which the novice was placed may have symbolized his spiritual rebirth from the womb of Mother Earth, or, since burial was not unknown in Ancient India, his " death to the world". . Two further points connected with entry into Ajivika asceticism may here be noted. The story of Jambuka indicates that, as with the Buddhists and Jainas, novices were accepted by the Ajivikas while still children. And the Ajivika sixfold classification of men, as described in the Anguttara Nikdya and by Buddhaghosa, shows that women were permitted to enter the Ajivika order, 1 Gala-ppamdņe dvāļe tlapetoā, duinnam jaltūnam upari padarāņš datoā, . ONO. ed. Mudaliyar, p. 255. V. infra, p. 202. * Dambl'-djivikam uttunga-falā-mapdita-mastakays Kanein maskariņam Sna dadari daramam Agatam. JanakiAarana x, 76. V. infrn, pp. 150 f. . V. infra, p. 108. · Sehubring, Die Lehre der Jainas, p. 159. . V. infra, p. 112.

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and that their status was not significantly lower than that of the male members of the sect.1

ĀJĪVIKA NUDITY

The asceties ealled Ajivika in the Pali texta, whether the pre- Makkhali mendicants and hermits whom we may call proto- Ājīvikas, or members of the organized Ajivika sect, appenr usually to have lived in a state of nakedness. Makkhali Gosala and Puraņa Kassapa are described as completely unclothed," and it would seem that in the early days of Ajivikism the lesser members of the community were also habitually naked.3 In later times the rule of nudity does not seem to have been so regularly followed. The Bhagavali Sutra states that on his death the corpse of Gosala Mankhaliputta was arrayed in a splendid robe and bedecked with ornaments,4 which suggests that some form of pontifical finery was not unknown to the leaders of Ajivikism. The Dhammapada Commentary seems sometimes to distinguish between the words djivika and acelaka," the latter of which was a term of wide connotation and was probably used to refer to any unclothed ascetic. The Ajivikas depicted at Borobudur wear clothes," and Canarese texts confuse the Ajivikas with yellow-robed Buddhista." There is ample evidence that wide differences of doctrine existed within the later Ajivika community,8 and with some of its sub-secta, as with the Jainas, the cult of nakedness may have tended to die out at an early date. Pictorial and sculptural representations of Ajivikas contribute little to our knowledge of the usual Ajivika garb. Representa- tions of naked ascetics occur occasionally in Buddhist art, but in most cases there is no evidence that these are Ajivikas and not members of the Digambara Jaina order. A figure in one of the Ajanta frescos has been identified by Foucher as Pūrana Kassapa at the great miracle contest at Savatthi," and this is completely 1 Ajteika djrvinigo ayam sukk' -dbhijart 'ti vadatt. Sum. Vil. i, p. 162 ; Ang, ill, p. 383. V. Infrn, p. 243. V.supm, pp. 37, 40, 83, 87 " V. wapra, pp. 97, 102. 4 V. wapra, p. 06. . Dhp. Comm. i, p. 309. V. supra, p. 06. . V. infra, p. 108. # V. infra, pp. 203-4. * V.infra, pp. 279-280. . L'Art Grico-Bouddhique, vol. li, p. 204 ; alan J.A., 1900, pp. 21-3. V. supra, PP. 84 6.

108 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS naked. Certain sculptures of the Gandhara school, depicting the Buddha's parinirvāna, also show a naked ascetic, who seems to be the Ajivikn in the act of informing the bhikkhu Maha- knssapa of the great event (Plate III) 1; but a similar character in other works of the same school depicting the same subject is dressed in a garb resembling that of the orthodox Hindu ascetio." Representations of Ajivikas exist outside India. A sculpture at Borobudur shows the encounter of the newly enlightened Buddha with Upaka the Ajivika; Upaka is here accompanied by two fellow Ajivikas, and all three wear a peculiar skirt-like garment and have carefully arranged hair (Plate II).ª Krom is of the opinion that no reliance can be placed on the accuracy of these figures,4 but it must be remembered that at the time of the building of the Borobudur stupa the Javanese were in contact with Colamandalam, and that Ajivikas were to be found in that region. Therefore it is not wholly impossible that the Javanese soulpter was working from personal knowledge, or from an authentic report, of the appearance of Dravidian Ajivikas. Central Asian frescos show the Buddha disputing with the heretical leaders." Of the latter some are partly naked, but he whom Grunwedel identifies as Makkhali Gosala, by virtue of his staff (Plate I, ii), is attired in the garb of the orthodox ascetic, and wenrs the typical sannyasi's topknot." It is generally agreed that Mahavira founded his order upon a looser group of ascetics, wearing clothing and by no means strict in their chastity, who looked back to the shadowy Parśva Natha, the twenty-third firthanhara of Jaina hagiology. Jainism in ita later form, it is suggested, was but a development of the older proto-Jainism of Paráva.7 It seems, moreover, that the early Jaina monk, although called acela, was not normally completely nude, but wore a loincloth *; while Mahavira himself was habitually naked, he permitted his followers to wear a : Foucher, L' Art Grico-Bouddhigue, vol. I, pp. 568 ff. V. infra, p. 130. : Foucher, L'Art Gréco-Bouddhique, vol. ii, pp. 259 ff. Krom, The Life of the Buddha, plate 110; also Barabudur, vol. i, pp. 220-1. V. wapra, p. M. 4 Krom, Barabudur, vol. il, p. 203. Grinwedel, Al-Buddhisiische Kultetdnien, fgs, 344, 383. V. plate I. " Grinwedel, Al-Kuticha Il, pp. 21-2. " Hoernlo, ERR. I, p. 265. Full roferences in Shah, Jainiem in N. India, PP- 1-12. " Acardaga Satra 1, 7, 7, 1.

THE EARLY AJIVIKA COMMUNITY (1) 109 minimum of covering to avoid embarrasament and the accusa- tion of indecency. On the other hand the nudity of the Ajivika seems usually at this period to have been total. This point has been elearly made by Hoernle,1 who shows that in the Ajivika sixfold classification of men" the white class (sukk'-dbhijati) consisted of Ājīvikas and Ajīvinis, while the red (lohit'-dbhijāti), two stages below it, contained niganthas wearing one cloth (eka- sdļaka). The complete nudity of the Ajivika is further made clear from the description of Pürana in the Divydvadana, which pre- cludes the wearing even of a loincloth." Thus the Ajivika seems to have gone further in his nudity than the early Jaina. We may assume that his motive was the same as that which inspired Mahavira in instituting the custom in the Jaina order, the acquisition of complete indifference to all physical sensation.4 If our synchronisms are correct," and if we can accept the indications given by the stories of Upaka and Jambuka," it would seem that neither Mahavir nor Gosala was the originator of the cult of nudity, which must have existed before either reformer commenced his ministry. If we accept the existence of the clothed proto-Jainas we can only assume with Hoernle that Mahavira introduced his reform in their dress under the influence of Gosila and the proto-Ajivikas, adopting the latter's views on the necessity of nakedness for salvation, but making slight concessions to publie opinion and human frailty. Gosila, in this respect more extreme than his former colleague, seems to have insisted on the maintenance of total nudity. Thus, although later developments may have led to some relaxations in the rules, we may envisage the typical Ajivika of the early period as usually completely naked, no doubt covered with dust and dirt, perhaps bent and crippled, and armed with a bamboo staff.

AJĪVIKA ASCETICISM Whatever relaxation of discipline may have taken place in private, the early Ajivika performed penance of the most 1 ERE.I, p. 202. Sum. Vil i, p. 102; Ang. iil, p. 383. V. infra pp. 243 f. Purastal lambate dasa. Disydoadana, p. 165. * Acărdnga Sttra, loo. cit. . V. supra, p. 74. " V.suprs, pp. 94.97.

110 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS rigorous nature in publie. Significant deseriptions of his asceticism oocur in the Pali texta, but in reading them it must be borne in mind that some of the penances described may not have been regularly practised by the organized followers of Makkhali Gosäla, but are rather indicative of the activities of the free- lance proto-Ājīvikas. For instance in Lomahamsa Jataka1 it is stated that the Bodhisatta himself had once become an Ajivika. Naked and solitary, he fled like a deer at the sight of men. He ate refuse, small fish, and dung. In order that his austerities should not be disturbed he took up his abode in the depths of the jungle. In winter he would leave his thicket and spend the night exposed to the bitter wind, returning to the shade as soon as the sun rose. By night he was wet with melted snow (himodakena), and by day with the water dripping from the branches of trees. In summer he reversed the process, and was scorched by the sun all day, while at night the thicket shielded him from the cooling breeze. This nccount seems not to represent a typical member of the Ajivika order, although it is possible that certain solitary hermits were loosely affiliated to it. The figure here described, however, seems to be that of a forest hermit of the most psychopathio type, and the passage is yet another example of the very loose manner in which the term Ajivika was used in the Pali texta. It does indicate, however, how closely the word was connected in the popular mind with extreme asceticism. A picture of Ajivika penances which seems more probably to apply to the regular order is contained in the prologue to Nanguttha Jataka." Here it is stated that a company of Ajivikas was stationed behind the Jetavana at Savatthi, and performed false penances (miccha-tapam) of various types. These penances included " exerting themselves in a squatting posture " (ukkutika- ppadhana), the bat-penance (vagguli-vata)," lying on beds of thorns (kantaka-ppasaya), and the penance of the five fires (pafica-tapana). The acta of self-mortification here named seem to be those practised by Indian ascetics of all periods, but we have no reason to believe that they were not also practised by the 1 Jal.i. p.300. " Cowell (The Jalaka i, p. 307) tranalatea thia phrase on the basia of the : Jax. I, p.493. commentary sa" swinging in the nir like bata ".

THE KARLY AJIVIKA COMMUNITY (I) 111 Ājīvika sangha. At Sāvatthi Gosala seems to have made use of a "penance-ground ", as well as the pottery in which he regularly resided.1 It is possible that this adjoined the Jetavana, and that the Ajivikas described in the Jataka were the train of followers with which Gosala was usually surrounded. The Jaina Aupapatika Sutra contains a significant list of the typos of Ajīvika mendicant." These include dugharantariyā, who, according to Abhayadeva's commentary, were in the habit of begging food at every third house only ; tigharantariya, who begged at every fourth house; sattagharantariyd, who begged at every eighth house; uppala-bentiya, who, Abhayadeva explains, under a special vow employed lotus stalka in begging." and who perhaps used lotus leaves as begging receptacles; gharasamudaniya, those who begged at every house; vijju- antariya, who would not go begging when lightning was seen 4; and finally uitiya-samana, who, according to Abhayadeva, were ascetics who entered large earthen pots in order to do penance." It is difficult to provide a satisfactory alternative explanation of the last term, which seems meaningless if interpreted according to the primary meaning of ustrika (she-camel). For the last item of the list we have partial confirmation from a Tamil source. Naccinarkkiniyar, the fourteenth century commentator on the early Tamil grammar, Tolkappiyam, quotes as an example an unidentified verse which mentions the existence of ascetica who perform penances in tali, or funerary urns," Dr. K. R. Srinivasan, who has noticed this reference,7 states categorically that these asceties were Ajivikas, who, he seems to believe, were identical with Jainns. In faet the toxt does not give any information on the sectarian affinities of the ascetics in question, but since we know that Ajivikas were : V.supra, p. 50. * Aupapalika Sutra, ad. 41, fol. 106.

udpalasyofikds. Utpala-vujani niyama-uileşād grālyatayă Maikpatvena yeplsa santi le 4 Vidyuti satyăm antaram Milya-grakaņasya yegām asti te vidyud-andaribāā.

loo. cit. Filyul-sampāte bhikşăm n' djant li bhäs -drthah. Abhayndeva to Aupapātika, * Uaribā mahd-mrpmayo Majana-vilejas. Talra pravişā ye érāmyanti lapasyant' tri uypriba-framapdh. Ibid. * Ta-kavippa-t-tavai-ceysar mapşaka Valiya norragai mal varai. Tellappiyam Porul-atibiram, ed. Pillal i, p. 182. * Ancient India ii, p. 9.

112 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS present in the Tamil country, and since this strange system of penance is ascribed to them in the Jaina text, we may assume that the ascetica referred to in the Tamil verse were Ājivikas. The Sthandnga Sutra gives a further list of Ajivika ascetio practices, which are said to be severe penances, terrible penances, the abstention from liquids (rasa, which the commentator Abhayadeva interpreta as ghee, eto.),1 and indifference to the pleasures of the sense of taste." Unfortunately we are given no detailed explanntion of the distinction between the first and second forms of tapas, and the list is only of value as confirma- tion of the statementa of other sources to the effect that, at least in publie, the Ajivikas were given to severe self-mortification. The Ajivikas' reputation for asceticism apparently reached the Far East. Chinese and Japanese Buddhist Literature classes the Ashibikas (i.e. Ajivikas) with the Nikendabtras or Nirgranthas ns practising severe penance. "They both hold that the penalty for a sinful life must sooner or later be paid and since it is impos- sible to escape from it it is better that it be paid as soon as possible so that the life to come may be free for enjoyment. Thus their practices were ascetic-fasting silence immovability and the burying of themselves up to the neck were their expressions of penance." # That the Ajivikas continued to practise severe asceticiam at a late period is shown by one of our most recent sources, the Tamil Civafdna-cittiyar, which speaks of them as prescribing great suffering to all souls (as a necessary means of salvation).4 A reference in Tittira Jataka " indicates that the early Ajivikns performed secret magienl rites of a repulsive tantric type. The unfortunate Ajivika is there said by his prosecutor the tiger to have "removed blood at midnight "." The commentary clucidates this cryptic phrase thus: "Pupphakam means

i Affulydnam calleuile tave ... upgalane, ghoralane, rara-nifjahanai, jibb"indiga-padisamlinata. Sthandaga iv, 300. " Sagiura, Hinds Logio as Preserved in Ohina and Japan, p. 16, quoting Hyaku-ron 8o i, 22. The peasugo hns been notieed by Hoernle (BRE. i, p. 209) Jalnas. who, adhering to his own theory, identifles the Ashibikns with the Digambara * Pår mep mapp uyir evarrinakkum varunta olyarankal collum. GRO. ed. Mudaliyar, p. 256, . 1. . Jai. Bl, pp. 541-2. V. supca, p. 104. · Abbhekilam pupphakam addharaltam.

THE EARLY AJIVIKA COMMUNITY (1) 113 blood. ... He cut off the hands and feet of offenders against the king for his living, took them away, threw them into a room, and let the blood run out from the openings of the wounds; going there at midnight he made a heap of red rice-powder." 1 Francis and Neil, in their translation of this Jataka ignore the commentary, and give :- . . . in midnight fray wounded, he washed the blood away."" This is a brilliantly imaginative interpretation, but is by no means consistent with the commentary. Whatever the meaning of the strange phrase in the text, the commentary indicates that the wicked Ajivika was thought of as performing magionl cere- monies. This single reference is not reliably confirmed by other sources, although a significant passage in the Vayu Purăna also suggesta that the Ajivikas performed mysterious secret rites.ª Whatever may have been the practices of the primitive solitary Ājīvika in Lomahamsa Jataka,* the organized Ājīvika community does not seem to have countenanced the performance of ascetic practices of the most repulsive type. The boy Jambuka, to whom we have already referred," developed a propensity to nudity and the eating of ordure at a very early age, and for this reason his parents had him initiated into the Ajivika sangha. As he was quite satisfied by his repulsive diet he refused to go on the usual begging rounds with his fellow mendicants, who, when they learned of the disgusting behaviour of the boy in their absence, promptly expelled him from the community. The Dhammapada commentary gives as their motive for his expulsion the fear that the Buddhist monks might discover Jambuka's evil habits and expose the Ajivikas to scorn and ridicule. But 1 Pupphakam ti lošiar, idam vultam hoti ; iminā kira jīpibays niuāya räjdparddhikānam haltha-pode chinditvd te dneted atlyam nipajjapetod vapa- mukhelt paggkarantam lahitam addharalia-samaye tattha gantid kapula- thupam katvd thapitan ti. I prefer Fausboll's variant resding to thas in the text, kundakadhsmam nåma datså, which doss not make good sense. It is posaible that the word de in the commentary refems to the oriminala themsolves, in which onse it sooms that the Ajtvika stanched their wounds with rico-powder, but in this easo a magieal ceromony is also suggested. The Jataka, vol. ilf, p. 322. V. infr, pp. 102 f. 4 V. supra, p. 110. V. supra, pp. 97, 105-0.

114 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS it seems probable that the Ajivikas, extremists in asceticism though they were, had definite rules of ascetic conduct, and that their penances were exceeded in repulsiveness by those of some independent ascetics. That the Ajivikas lived in communities is clear from this and numerous other references. But it is probable that some Ājivikas at any rate withdrew themselves from human contacts. Hoernle,1 on the strength of Weber's paraphrase of the Paramahamsa Upanişad," has pointed out the existence of two classes of mendicant among the ekadandins, of which the higher, or paramahamsa, abandoned hia loincloth, staff, and begging bowl, and lived absolutely unimpeded by worldly possessions. Some such distinction may have existed among the Ajivikas, who were sometimes looked upon as a species of the genus ekadandin.3 But we have seen that even Gosala, although he seems to have been habitually naked, did not discard his begging bowl 4; and the mendicanta described in the Paramahamsa Upanisad are evidently orthodox Hindu ascetics; thus the conclusion is by no means certain. The strange Bodhisatta Ajivika to whom reference has alrendy been made," may be such a solitary, althoughit seems more probable that he was not thought of as being in any way affiliated to the order of Gosala. A more striking indication of the existence of such solitary ascetics is to be found in the Sutrakrtanga, in the course of the debate between Gosala and Adda." Gosala attacks Mahavira, who, he declares, was formerly a solitary ascetie (egantacari samane), but is now surrounded by disciples. One or other course must be wrong. To this Adda replies that there is no sin in preaching the dhamma to others.7 Gosala then changes the subject and maintains that, according to his doctrine, there is no sin for the egantacari in drinking cold water, eating seeds, accepting food specially prepared, or in women." 1 ERE.1, p. 200. : IB.ii, pp. 174-5. . V. infra, pp. 169 f. 4 V. supra, p. 52. . V. spra, p. 110, # V. supm, p. 53. " 8u.kj.il, 0, vv. 1-5, fola. 388-0. * Slodagam seval biyalāyam, āhāyabammam taša inhiyāo. fol. 390. Egantacaria' dha aaha dhammse, tarassino n'dbhisameti păuam, Ibid., v. 7,

THE EARLY AJIVIKA COMMUNITY (1) 115

We have here a definite indication of lonely wanderers, not gathered in communities, living according to the ascetio rules laid down by Gosala. The later Dravidian Ajivikas developed the concept of Markali, whom they confused with Purana, as remote, motionless, and silent-the Lord who, although he knew all things, did not speak.1 He appeared and disappeared mysteriously, "like the rainbow, of incomprehensible form, by nature without defect, Püranan, famed for his perfect knowledge." * These passages suggest that the superior grade of Ajivika monk, the leaders of the sangha, lived in almost inapproachable solitude, perhaps somewhat relaxing their ascetic discipline, and very occasionally bestowing a theophany upon the lesser members of the community. That "fasting silence and immovability " were among the ascstic practices of the Ajivikas is confirmed by the Far Eastern sources." Yet our authorities speak with two voices. The consensus of the Buddhist and Jaina references seems to indicate that both Makkhali Gosila and Porana were often surrounded by crowds of disciples, and freely conversed with their lay supporters.

THE AJIVIKA SABHĀ It would appear that the Ajivikas had regular places for meetings and religious ceremonies. The Uvasaga Dasdo refers to an Ajiviya-sabha at the town of Polasapura. When Gosila visited this town, attended by the Ajiviya-sangha, he went first to the sabha, where he deposited his begging-bowl (bhandaga- nikkhevam karei), and from whence he issued, attended by only a few followers, to visit his backaliding lay disciple Saddalaputta. From this it is evident that, whatever may have been the habits of free-lance Ajivika ascetics, the organized sect of Makkhali Gosala was a religious body with a normal corporate and social life, a sangha in fact, as were the Buddhist and Jaina ordera, with a regular meeting place. The use of the word sabha

1 Arindn iraioan avan akutalar cerintdn. .. Ni. v, 072. Varaiyā-vabai- oăp-iju-vil-agaiyap. Puraiya-s-arivir.pubal-Parapant. Ibid. v, 673. : V. sapra, p. 112, . V. sapra, p. 52.

116 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS in this connection is striking, since the term seems to imply a building of the type used for royal courts or for folk-moots of the free tribes, and is rarely used to designate a religious edifice. Of the latter usage the Pali texta seem to present only one example.1 The word may mean " a public rest house or hostelry "," and it may therefore be suggested that the Ajiviya-sabha at Polasapura was merely a rest house for ascetics of the order. But it seems more appropriate to accept the word in its more usual meaning of " an assembly hall ". Its use suggests that the Ajivika community employed their meeting-place not only for religious ceremonies but for secular meetings, and was tending, even at this carly date, to cut itself off from other communities. In the Dravidian Decean, at a much later period, it appears with some of the attributes of a caste," and it is possible that it began to develop caste characteristics very early. A closely knit corporate life, embracing monk and layman alike, may have arisen as a reaction to the opposition and soorn levelled at the community by other Indian sects, both, orthodox and heretical, and the rarity of references to Ajivikism in later Sanskrit literature may in part be due to the isolation in which the Ajivika community existed. As well as the Ajivika-sabha, we read in the Vinaya of an Ajivika-seyya, inhabited by Ajivika asccties who enticed the Buddhist bikkhunis settled near by.4 This seems to have been in the nature of a small monastery or vihara, probably a collection of huta. Further the Bhagavali Sutra refers to Gosala as returning to the pottery of Halahala from the " penance-ground " (aydvana- MhamT)." This place, we suggest, was merely an open space on the borders of the city, where ascetics of all types congregated to perform their austerities, and had no specifically Ajivika connection.

SONG AND DANCE Cryptio passages in the Bhagavati Satra suggest that Ājivika ceremonial may have contained elementa of a contemporary 1 Dhamma-sabld, Jat. vi, p. 333, teato PTS. Dictionary, a.v. sabhā. PTS. Ditionary, a.v. sabld. The Diotlonary gives only one roference in this sense, to Jal. i, p. 302. " V. infrn, p. 193. * Vin. iv, p. 223. V. infra, pp. 124-25. " V. supra, p.50.

THE EARLY AJIVIKA COMMUNITY (I) 117

popular religious cult, which are found later in devotional Hinduism. It will be remembered that, when in his last delirium, Gosāla was visited at night by the lay disciple Ayampula, with a question on the size of the Aalla.1 The teacher, in reply to Ayampula's question, is reported to have given the inconsequential answer : "Play the vina, old fellow ! Play the vind, old fellow ! " Most of the actions and words of Gosala in his last delirium seem to have been inserted in the story in order to provide alleged origins for later Ajivika practices and doctrines, and the strange phrases of the tencher may indicate that the Ajivika community was given to the singing of religious songs and to the use of musio for religious purposes. The suspicion is strengthened by Abhayadeva's definition of the two paths (magga), which the six disdcaras extracted from the Puwas, together with the eight mahanimitlas, at the conference with Gosala shortly before his death." These paths, according to the commentator, are those of song and dance." Two of the eight finalities of the Ajivikas are said to be carime geye and carime natte, the last song and dance,4 and Gosala himself is snid to have sung and danced in his Inst delirium. From these indications we infer that singing and dancing played an important part in Ajīvika religious practice. Possibly the Ajivikas, in their Ajiviya-sabha, held meetings for ecstatic religious singing and dancing, such as are to-day held by such secta as the Caitanyas. This at least seems the most probable interpretation of these obscure passages.

: V. supma, pp. 02-63. : V. supra, p. 56. fol. 650. " Tatha margau gila-marga-aplya-mirga-lakpanau sambbāvyete. BA. 80., 4 V. saprn, p. 68. . V. suprn, p. 02.

CHATTER VII

THE EARLY AJIVIKA COMMUNITY (II)

BEGGING AND DIETARY PRAOTICES

While it is certain that Ajivika ascetics normally begged their food, like their Buddhist and Jaina counterparta, the sources speak with two voices on Ajivika begging practices and dietary vows, just as they do on the ascetic customs of the seot. The most detailed description of the begging customs of naked mendicanta is contained in the Mahasaccaka Sutta of the Majjhima Nikaya. In it the Buddha asks the nigagtha Saccaka Aggivesana how the Ajivikas maintain themselves. He replies that " the acelalas, Nanda Vaccha, Kisa Sankicca, and Makkhali Gosala", are men of loose habita, who lick their hands (after eating). They do not obey when one says to them " Come Sir !" or "Stay Sir !" They do not accept food brought to them, or food specially cooked for them, nor do they accept invitations to dine. They do not eat food from the mouth of a pot or pan, nor on the threshold, nor among faggots or pestles. They do not accept food from two people eating together, from a pregnant woman, from a nursing mother, or from & woman (who has recently been ?) in coitu. They will not take gleanings, nor accept food if a dog is standing near or if flies are buzzing round it. They will not take fish, meat, spirita, wine, or other strong drink. They are one-house men, taking one mouthful, two-house men taking two mouthfuls, or seven-house men, taking seven mouth- fuls. They live on one saucer (of food daily), or on two, or on seven. They take one meal every day, or every two days or every seven. So they exist (even), eating food at fortnightly intervals.1 1 Majjh. i, p. 238. The paraphrase is somewhat expanded and ndapted en the basla of Chalmers' translation and Buddhaghosa's commentary (Papades Sidant ii, pp. 43 ff.). The original is as follows: " Seyyatk" Idam Nando Vaccho, Kiao Sankicco, Makkhali Gosdlo, ete hi bho Golama acelaba mutticara Aanti'. dpalekhanā na eibladantikā na tijhabhadantikā, na abhikaļam, na uddissabajam

THE EARLY AJIVIKA COMMUNITY (I1) 119 When the Buddha asks Aggivesana how these ascetics survived on so meagre a diet the latter replies that they ate enormous meals in secret. This passage seems to give a convincing picture of the begging habits of Makkhali Gosila and his two shadowy predecessors, who are named with him in the text; it might be inferred that it also applies to the community which he established. But ita reliability, as applying to the Ajivika order, is questionable. In another passage of the Majjhima 1 the same words are put into the mouth of the Buddha himself, when he deseribes his own ascetio conduct before his enlightenment. In fact the ascetics here described do not seem to be members of the organized Ājivika community, despite the inclusion of the name of Makkhali Gosala; the description of ascetic begging practice applics to the wide class of acelakas, or naked ascetica, which olass seems to have included not only organized Ājivikas, but free- lance Ajivikas and nirgranthas or Jainas, as well as independent ascetica and members of the smaller mushroom communities of the time. Some of the practices referred to may have been followed by Makkhali Gosala's Ajivikas, but there is no reason to believe that they followed all of them. Dr. Barua " has pointed out the parallel between the series one-house men (elágarika), two-house men (dvdgariba), and seven-house men (sattagarika), in the above passage, and that in the Aupapatika Satra already quoted," describing the seven types of Ajivika mendicant. These include dugharantariyā, tigharantariya, and saltagharantariya, and on the strength of this similarity Barua has suggested that the two passages may have a common source in an Ajivika text. The parallel is not very striking. The dugharantariya, who na nimantanam aldiyanti. Te na kumMi-mukha patigaphanti, na baļopimukhā paliaplanti, na ejabamantaram, na dandamantaram, na musalamantaran, na deinnam bhuijamdndnam, na gabbhinid, na pāyaminăya, na purisantara- galiya, na sankitim, na yattha al spajjhito Aoti, na yantha makkliba sapdasandacdrint; na macclam na mayuam na suram na merayam na thuoda. kam pipanti. Te eldüriba od honti ekálopika, dudgāriki vi honti dedlopikā, snlidgdribs honti sattdlopibt Ekism pi dattiyā yāpenti, duihi pi datliši yāpenti, sattali pi dattiki ydpenti. Ekdhikam pi akaram adrenti, deihikam pi ahāram dAArenti, saiáhíkam pš dAdram dhārenti, iti evaršpam addkamāsikam pi pariyāya- bhallabhojandnuyogam anuyulld viharanti. : Majih. i, p. 77. JDL. ii, p. 48. ' V. supra, p. 111.

120 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS on his begging round misses two houses and calls at every third, is probably not the same person as the dudgarika of the Majjhima passage, who, on the obvious interpretation which is confirmed by Buddhaghosa, confines his begging to two patrons only. The long Majjhima list makes no reference to the uppalabentiya, the vijju-antariya, or the utiya-samand of the Aupapātika. The statement of the Majjhima passage above quoted, that the Ajivikas do not accept invitations (to meals) is particularly suspect, for the Vinaya 1 tells of a relative of King Bimbisara who had become an Ajivika monk and who persuaded the King to invite all heretical communities to dine in turn, his own, we may presume, being included. A few pages further on we find the Buddhist sangha provided with a superfluity of food and inviting ascetics of other communities to come and partake of it; on this occasion Ajivikas seem to have made good use of the invitation. The Arthafdstra" finally shakes our faith in the applicability of the Majjhima passage to the organized Ajivika community, by stating that Ajivikns may not be invited to raddha feasts; the ban would have been unnecessary if cases had not occurred in which Ajivikas did attend such functions. Barua, however, takes the passage as applicable to the followers of Makkhali Gosala. "An Ajivika," he writes, " never incurred the guilt of obeying another's command. He refused to accept food which had been specially prepared for him. He did not sccept food from people when they were eating, lest they should go short or be disturbed. He did not accept food collected in time of drought. ... He did not accept food where a dog was standing by or flies were swarming round lest they lose a meal. He did not ent fish or ment, nor use intoxicants." 4 We cannot agree with Barua that such rigid conduct was demanded of the Ajivika, in view of the numerous references which tell a different story. The passage in the Majjhima on which he bases his state- ment must clearly contain a catalogue of the habita of non- Buddhist mendicants of all types, and cannot have applied in toto to the Ājivikas. : Vin. iv. p. 74. V.Infra, p. 136. : Vin. iv. p. 91. V.infrn, pp. 136-37. 3Arthakira il, 20, p. 109. V. Infra, p. 161. * Pre-Buddhiatic Indian Philesophy, pp. 167-8.

THE EARLY AJIVIKA COMMUNITY (nI) 121 Hoernle, in his study of the Ajivikas,1 has interpreted the phrase hatth'-dpalekhana in this crucial passage to imply that the Ajivika monk had no begging-bowl, but received his alms of sticky rice direct into his hand. This statement is open to the criticism that Gosala himself is depicted in the Uvdsaga Dasão as carrying a begging-bowl (Mandaga)." Further, the Sutra- Artdnga has a remarkable pasange, which, according to the com- mentator Silanka, describes Ājivikas or Dignmbaras, wherein they are stigmatized for eating out of vessels, presumably those of householders." Both in this passage and in the dialogue of Adda and Gosala in the same book,4 the Ajivika is accused of being willing to eat what is specially prepared, and thus the lie is given to another item of the Pili list." In fact, if the Buddhist thought that the fantastic dietary rules of the acelakas useless, or even ridiculous, to the Jaina the conduct of the Ajivika was little better than that of a houscholder, lax in the extreme. Gosala is also said to have disagreed with the pious Adda on the question of the propricty of the ascetie's drinking cold water, eating seeds, and having inter- course with women. Theearlier Sutrakrtdnga passage, which Silanka applies to the Ajivikas, records yet another practice in which the heterodox ascetie did not come up to Jaina standards of behaviour. The unnamed victim of Jaina condemnation was acoused of begging food on behalf of sick members of the community and of taking it to them," whereas the Jaina mendicant was not allowed to take more than he required for his own use. The Ajivikas are accused of "wavering between two ways of life" (duppakkham c'eva sevaha), a taunt similar to that levelled by an

: RRE.L p. 265. : V. supma, p. 52. · 8a. kr. i, 3, 3, 12, fol. 91. Tubbhe bhušjaka pāesu. - Se. kr. il, 6, fol. 388 ff. V. supra, pp. 53-64, 114. " This according to Jacobi'n interpretation (Goina Satras 8BE, xlv, pp. 267, 441). The phrases are " . . . bhuijada . . . fam uddissadi jam kadam (Bs. Ar. i, 3, 3, 12, fol. 91), and dldyakammam . . . padisevamănă (80, kr. Il, 6, 8, fol. 390). Both vernes aro very obscure. Jucobi's firas interpretation is based on Sdkaka. In the second ease Silanka's brief comment (. . . Adhalarma ... ) la ss ambiguous as the toxt. # Bambaddka-samakappă u, annamannem mucekiya Pindavāyam gilāşaua, jam sārela dalāla ya. Sa. Lr. i, 3, 3, 0, fol. 90.

122 HISTORY OF THE ĀJIVIKAS unnamed Ajivika at the Buddha, whom he called a "shaven householder " (munda-gahapatika)." One minor rule of Ajivika begging practice is that recorded by Jinapaha Suri, already noted in another context." His Vihimaggapava states that the ascetic followers of Gosala did not beg food of their female relations, because Gosala himself was once disappointed at not receiving alma, presumably from his own kin. Our conclusion on the begging and dietary habits of the Ajivikas must be that in general they were somewhat less lax than those of the Buddhists and less strict than those of the Jainas. Indeed if a passage in the Bhagaval Sūtraa is to be believed they even went so far as to permit the eating of animal food. "This is laid down in the Ajivika rule, that all beings whose (capacity for) enjoyment is unimpaired obtain their food by killing, cutting, cleaving, lopping, amputating, and attacking." It is noteworthy, however, that the same passago mentions the names of twelve Ajivika laymen whose lives were led on the principles of strict ahimsa approved by Jainism, and who were destined for reincarnation in heaven. The Vayu Purana, in a cryptie passage, refers to the Ajivikas as using wino and meat, among other things, in their religious ceremonies. This indicates that they were not averse to eating animal food, at least on religious occasions. Yet Nilakeci states that the silence of Markali is due to his solicitude for the lives of animaleules. "If he did not remain silent, by his speech he would destroy. He is of such a nature that he checks himself, otherwise he would be enmeshed in illusion."& This the com- mentator Vamana Muni explains as: .. . by speaking he would destroy several living beings as with a sword ... and, becoming sinful, he would be reborn in samsara, be deluded with passions, and perish indeed." Nilakcci, in common with the two : Vin. iv, p. 91. V. infra, p. 137. * V. wapm, p. 54. · Afiulya-jamayaua nam apam atthe paapatte: abbaina-padibhoino sava- satid se Aand cletts bhetia lumpitia vitumpita uddasaina abaram dharenti. BA. 80. vii, r0. 320, fol. 369. Vayu, 69, 286-7. V. infra, pp. 162 ff. " Ceriyaf uraippiş erindp: apaiya-viyalp' akutalā marinin raļumār rabltl mayanki. Nil. v, 672. * Ivap pecoil araiyunju antkam pirāpi marikkum ătalin vāļițtu-e eilarai sf/igăn pölum påpam ujaiyan atalil samsšrattu-p pirantu råkdliyåy mayanki-k

THE EARLY AJĪVIKA COMMUNITY (II) 123 other chief Tamil sources, appears to attempt a logical and unbiassed outline of Ajivika teaching before refuting it, and therefore seems to carry more weight than the two northern sources, which suggest that the Ajivikas were addicted to meat-eating. We therefore conclude that the Ajivikas, like the Buddhista and Jainas, were believers in ahimsd, and usually vegetarians. It is not impossible that, as the Vayu Purăna indicates, some of their number practised magical rites which involved the shedding of blood. But it is unlikely that the Äjivikas were unaffected by the doctrines of ahimsd which prevailed among other non-Brahmanical secta. It is probable that in the period of the formation of these sects no community practised vegetarianism as strictly as in later times; both the Buddha 1 and Mahivira " are said to have enten meat at least once in the course of their careers as religious leaders. .

ACCUSATIONS OF WORLDLINESS AND IMMORALITY By the Buddhist the Ajivika ascetic was accused of secret indulgence in rich foods behind a cloak of false austerity, while by the Jaina he was often condemned for his unchastity. The first accusation is best expressed in the Mahasaccaka Sutta, part of which has been quoted above." When the ascetie Saccaka has completed his description of the extravagant fasta of the acelakas the Buddha asks him : "How can they survive on such fare ? " To this Saccaka replies: "From time to time they eat excellent food, spice it with excellent spices, and drink excellent beverages. Thus they increase their bodily strength and grow fat." 4 As has been shown, the passage seems intended to apply to extreme ascetics generally, and not to the Ajivikas alone. It has already been made clear that Ajivika practices were not as strict as the Mahasaccaka Sutta suggests. The story of the princely Ajīvika mendicant, who persuaded the Buddha to relax his rulo

1 Digha il, p. 127. * V.supra, p. 67. V. mupra, pp. 118-19. " App ebadd bho Golama ujārāņi uļārānš kiādaniyāni blādanti, . . . Moja- năni bhuijanti, . . . sdyaniyūns adyantí, pănăní pieanti; ta imehi klyasn balam gākenti nāma brakenti nāma, medenti năma. Majjh. I, p. 238.

124 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS forbidding common meals in the order, and invited him and his bhikkhus to a meal provided by his relative King Bimbisara,1 suggests a freedom of discipline and an absence of austerity which is not to be disproved by passages of vague application such as that in Mahasaccaka Sutta. The latest available reference to Ajīvikas, that of Vaidyanitha Diksita, the fifteenth century astrologer, confirms their reputation for voracity ; the author states that the Ajivika is devoted to food (adana-paro) and loquacious (jalpako)." If the Buddhist insisted on the hypocrisy of the Ajivika in the matter of diet, the Jainn accused him of sexual laxity. The accusation is explicit in the dialogue between Gosala and Adda in the Sutrakrldnga, wherein the former is made to declare that, according to his dhamma, the ascetic incurs no sin from women." The same book also speaks of indifferent ascetica, the slaves of women, who maintain that there is no more sin in intercourse with women than in squeezing a boil.4. These, however, are identified by ŚtlAnka not with the Ajtvikas but with the Buddhists or Saivites. The Sutrakridnga again levels the same accusation at unnamed ascetics, whom Silanka identifies with the followers of Gosala, and who appear to maintain the doctrine of mandala- moksa, a characteristic feature of the creed of the Dravidian Ajivikaa,5 "A wise man," states the Sutrakrtdnga, " should consider that these (heretics) do not live a life of chastity." The nature of the relations of Gosala with his patron Halahala the potter woman are nowhere explicitly stated, but it seems to be implied that they were not honest. A possible Buddhist reference to Ajivika sexual laxity occurs in the Vinaya.7 At Savatthi a certain layman gave a building (uddositam) to the community of bhikkhunis. On his death his two sons divided the property, and the elder, an unscrupulous rogue, laid claim to the nunnery. After failing to obtain its return by legal means he tried to drive the bhikkhunis out by threats. : V.supra, p. 120, and infra, p. 136. I Jatkapdrijdla xv, 15. V. infra, p. 184. = 80. Lp. 1, 6, 8, fol. 390. V. supra, pp. 63-54, 114, 121. · Jaha gandam pildgam vå paripilejja muhullagam, Evam vinnavapinhiru doso lattha boo aid. Tbid. i, 3, 4, 10, f6l. 07. # V. infra, pp. 257 ff. * Sa. kr. i, 1, 3, 13, fol. 45. Etqueiti medhaui bambhacere pa fe vase. T Vin. iv, pp. 223 ff.

THE EARLY AJIVIKA COMMUNITY (IT) 125 Their elder, Thullananda, informed the officials (mahamatta), who punished the young man. His final stratagem was to import a community of Ajivika asceties, to whom he gave a settlement (Ajivika-seyyam) in the vicinity, with the instructions to entice the bhikkhunis (eta bhikkhuniyo accavadatha). The significance of the word accavadatha is uncertain, and it is possible that the Ajivikas were merely told to revile the nuns. This is the inter- pretation of Buddhaghosa.1 But the bhikkhunis had already been reviled to no effect, and it might be expected that a difforent stratagem would be tried in this case; therefore the alternative meaning of the word seems more appropriate here. With this uncertain exception the Buddhists do not depict the Ajivikas as sexually lax, but only as devoted to useless and hypocritical fasts and penances. Turning to Iater references we find but faint suggestions of Ājivika licentiousness. The Ajivika teacher in Nilakēci, howeyer, seems aware of the acousation, and tells his interlocutor not to be censorious because his community is addicted to ouvai, an ambiguous word which may mean sensual pleasure.# A Canarese poem, dated 1180, and inseribed near the doorway of the Gom- mateávara temple at Sravaņa Beļgoļā includes a verse on the "other guides who, while exhorting their ascetics against the evils of false penance, allow themselves to be closely associated with women "." The use of the word dptar to indicate the false guides, suggesta that the Jaina author had the Ajivikas in mind, since the term seems to have been a popular designation of Markali among the Dravidian Ajivikas.4 The Rajatarangini speaks of an ascetic, who may have been an Ajivika, living in the hut of a prostitute." These hints suggest that the small Ajivika community retained some of its bad reputation; but as its influence waned the accusations seem to have been pressed home less fiercely, and in many cases to have been forgotten. With the exception of the doubtful phrase in Nilakeci, the three chief Tamil sources make no mention of Ajivika immorality. : Atikkamited vadatha akkosathd ti. Samantapdaldiba iv, p. 008. " Ounai-y &-y ujalyamm ena ni-y tbal al. Ni. 878. Tho commentary equates euvai with sarasam, which is equnily ambignous. " Epi. Carn. il (2nd odn.), No. 234. The tranalation is that of Dr. Nara- simhachar. 4 V. sapra, p. 70. · V. infrn, p. 209.

126 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS The long Jaina tradition that the Ajivikas were not celibate cannot be wholly without foundation. It is clear that many ancient Indian ascetica, including the proto-Jainas who followed Parava,I took no vows of chastity. The legendary rsis shared their austerities with their wives, and must have had later counter- parta. Their own religious literature shows that the Jaina monks themselves were not always as strict in the maintenance of chastity as the founder of their order might have desired, and that occasional lapses were often looked upon as mere pecca- dilloes." The dissolute religious mendicanta of the farce Matta- vilasa are types of a class which must have been very wide- spread in Ancient India. We are not justified in believing, on the strength of Jaina evidence, that the Ajivikns were necessarily as debauched and degenerate as the charactera in that play however. That the Ajivika order was capable of survival for two thousand years, that it produced scriptures, and a philosophy and logic of its own, is proof that some at least of its members were educated, thoughtful, and sincere. The references to stern Ajivika austerities and to the Ajivika practice of ahiņsā in the texts which we have quoted, indicate that, however relaxed their discipline may have been in some respects, the Ajivikas generally pursued their religious quest by the traditional Indian paths of pain, fasting, and gentleness. Whether celibate or not, it would seem that the Ajivika mendicant was by no means continuously engaged in austerities. Besides those describing his begging and ascetio practicos, and the more reprehensible activities attributed to him, there are a number of references which show the Ajivika monk playing a comparatively active part in everyday life. The Majjhima," for instance, tells of Panduputta, the son of a wagon-maker,4 an Ajīvika ascetio of Rajagaha. This man was seen by the bhikkhw Mahamoggalana, standing in a wagon-maker's shop, and intently watching the making of a felloe. When the wheel- wright had finished his work the Ajivika is said to have cried out I Hoernle, ERE. i, p. 264, basing his view on UiarddAyayana Satra xxill, I Se. kr. iv, 2, and Jain, Life in Ancient India According to the Jaina Canon, pp. 100-202. * Majjh. i, p. 31. * Purdna-yinabira-putta suggests a repairer of old carta, perhapa a village wheelwright.

THE EARLY AJIVIKA COMMUNITY (II) 127 with joy at the excellence of the workmanship. His asceticiam had by no means destroyed his interest in his hereditary trade, and he may be taken as a type of his fellow Ajīvikas. The Ajivika seems frequently to have been an astrologer or fortune-teller. Nakkhatta Jataka 1 tells the story of an Ājivika regularly dependent on a certain family for support (kulūpaka), who was consulted about the most propitious date for a wedding after the preliminary preparations had already been made, and who caused it to be postponed in his annoyance. A similar kalūpaga Ājivika was attached to the court of King Bindusāra, and correctly prophesied Asoka's greatness." The ascetics of both sexes who appear so frequently in later literature from the Arthadastra onwards as spies, confidential agenta, matchmakera, and fortune-tellers, may have included Ajivikas among their number.

THE FINAL PENANCE Whatever corruptions and laxities may have existed in the Ajivika order, the Bhagavati Sutra clearly shows that the Ajtvika ascetic sometimes put an end to his own life by austerities of the extremest type. It will be remembered that, after the magic duel between Mahavira and Gosala, the former told his followers that the latter was mortally afflicted and was returning to Halahala's pottery to die, but that before his denth he would proclaim the eight finalities (carimdim), the four drinks (panagdim), and the four substitutes for drink (apanagdim)." These Mahavira described in oryptio language, which is only partially elucidated by the commentator Abhayadeva. The eight finalities have already been enumerated " and seem to be portenta of very rare ocour- rence. The four drinks and the four substitutes for drink, on the other hand, are apparently a series of rules regulating the final penance of the Ājivika ascetic. Mahavira, after describing the eight finalities, declared that Gosila, to excuse his own unseemly conduct, would also institute 1 Jai. i, p. 257. " MaMdeamsa Comm. i, p. 100. Divydoadana pp. 370 ff. V. Infra, pp. 146-47. # V. supra, p. 62. 4 Bh. Bo. xv, sl. 564, fol. 079. Comm, foL 084. · V.supra, p. 68.

128 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS the new doctrine of the panagaim and apanagatm. The former, which Abhayadeva defines as "kinds of liquid suitable to an ascetic "1are : 1. Goputhad, " that which has fallen from a cow's back." # 2. Hattha-maddiyae, " that which is soiled by the hand, such as the water used in a pottery."" 3. Ayavatallas, "that heated by the sun," and 4. Silapabbhajphad, " that fallen from a rook." The substitutes for drink are : 1. Thala-pānai, "taking a metal pot (sthala), as though a drink to soothe fever-by implication holding an earthen- ware pot (bhajana) also." 4 2. Taya-panad, holding an unripe mango or other fruit in the mouth without drinking the juice. 3. Simbali-panae, holding unripe simbali-beans or cortain other seeds in the mouth in the same way, and 4. Suddha-panae, the penance of the "pure drink ". The last item of the second list is described in the text of the Sutra. For six months the ascetie eats only pure food (suddha- khaimatm); for two months he lies on the ground, for two on wood, and for two on darbha grass. On the last night of these six months two mighty gods, Punnabhadda and Manibhadda will appear, and with their cool hands will soothe his fevered body. " He who submits to (the caresses of) those gods will further the work of serpenthood. If he does not submit, a mass of fire arises in his body, and he burns up his body with his own heat. Then he is saved and makes an end. That is the pure drink." & The six months' penance here described appears to have something in common with the fatal penance of the Jainas, and shows conclusively that the Ajivika ascetic of greatest

· Jalavišey eratí-yogyah. " Go-pryfldd yal patilam. " Hastena mardditam marditam malitam ity arthab, (sie) yath" aitad ev' dlanyanik'- odakam. 4 Sildlas traftam tat-pănakam ioa dåk'-opadama-hetudvāt athala-pānkam, upalakpanatod arya bhijandntara-prako 'pi drdyaļ. * Je pam te deve atijjali (Comm, : madate, anumanyale) ss par datvisann kammam palarai. Je pam te deve no adijjati, lasa pam samai sartragami agapi-bat sambhasali, se pam salpays telpar sariragam jhameti. Tad paccha sijjhari . . . antam kareti. Be Ham ruddhapănas. Bh. SB. xv, al. 564, fol. 640.

THE EARLY AJIVIKA COMMUNITY (II) 129

sanctity, like the Jaina, and less regularly the Hindu, cheer- fully died a lingering death for the sake of his spiritunl welfare. Of the eight items in the lista of pānagāim and apānagāim the last, the penance of the " pure drink ", seems to include the other seven. Despite Abhayadeva's definition, the four drink- ables in the first list cannot have been the usual beverages of the Ajivika, for in his argument with Adda Gosala maintains that there is no sin for the ascetio in drinking cold water." By this he must have implied water from any normal source of supply. In most respects Ajivika dietary practice seems to have been less strict than that of the Jainas, and it cannot have included the insistence on the drinking of dirty or stale water only. The suddhapanae penance seems to have differed from the fatal penance of the Jainas in that it involved not death from starvation, but from thirst. The ascetie finding his physical powers waning would enter on the six months' course of austeri- ties. At some stage in his penance he would refrain from all drinks but the four panagatin. At the final stage he would only allow himself the four apanagaim. This interpretation is substantially that of Barua," but we cannot wholly accopt his explanation. "The practices of the four drinkables and four substitutes ... appertain to three successive stages of religious suicide. ... In the first stage the dying Ajivika was permitted to drink something; ... in the second stage he was permitted not to drink anything but to use some substitutes (sic) ... while in the third he had to forego (sic) even that .... The Ajivika had to lie down for six months, lying successively for two months at a time on the bare earth, on wooden planks, and on darbha grass. This indicates that the longest period for the penance was six months, each stage having been gone through in two months .... " Apparently Dr. Barua implies that the Ajivika ascetio was capable of surviving for four months in a tropical climate without drinking. If this interpretation be correct it is surprising that a creed capable of imparting such superhuman endurance to its members should have become extinot. In the text it is nowhere explicitly stated that the panagalm and apanagaim are in any way connected with the first two 1 V.supra, p. 128, n. 1. * V. mupra, p. 121. : JDE.i.p.53.

130 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS stages of the suddhapdnad penance; in fact they are not said to be connected with it at all, except in so far as all eight were ordained by Gosala in his last delirium. If, as seems probable, the first seven items of the lists are all linked with the suddha- panae, the stage of the apandgdim can only have commenced within a few days of the end. Dr. Barua further believes that Gosila himself practised the penance. "Mahavira's prophecy," he writes, "that Gosala . . . would die ... in seven days ... is in conflict with the statement that cight new practices of the Ajivikas emerged from Gosala's personal acta. Considering that the first seven practices . . . are traceable in his acts in the delirium of fever, a presump- tion is apt to arise that the eighth practice, called the Pure Drink, also arose from his personal example. ... If the Ajīvikas observed this practice in blind imitation of their master, as I believe they did, Mahavira's prophecy can be reconciled with his statement about Gosila's death only by the supposition that he did not actually die in seven days but survived the attack of fever for a period of six months, during which he practised the penanco of Pure Drink in the manner above described." 1 Dr. Barua's contention, on comparison with the text, seems to be based on inadequate premises. Gosala is not explicitly stated to have practised any of the panagāim and apānagaini. Of the four drinks in the former list the first, third, and fourth are not mentioned as having been used in any way by Gosala. The second " water soiled by the hand, such as that used in a pottery ", he did not drink, according to the letter of the text, but merely used to sprinkle his limbs." Of the four substitutes for drink the only one suggested by Gosala's delirious conduct is the second, holding an unripe mango in the mouth. The Sutra states only that Gosala held a mango stone in his hand," and although the commentator suggesta that he sucked it to allay his fever this is not expressly stated in the text, which makes no mention of Gosala's lying on the ground, on wood, or on darbha In fnet the resemblances between the details of the Ajivika fatal penance and those of Gosala's last delirium are by

: JDL.B, pp. 30-7. " Gâylim parisincemdne. Bh. Sü. xv, e. 653, fol. 679. : V. supra, p. 61.

THE EARLY ĀJĪVIKA COMMUNITY (IT) 131

no means close. Perhaps, as the Bhagavali Sutra suggests, some features of the former were modelled on the latter. But that Gosala himself died by this means cannot be demonstrated. Certain elementa in the penance are significant. The goputthad (which both Hoernle and Barua interpret, perhaps unneces- sarily, as " that which is excreted by the cow "1), ocours first in the list of the legitimate drinks of the dying ascetie ; his last bed is the sacred darbha grass. These two features strongly indicate that the Ajivika was by no means unaffeoted by orthodox ideas. We have already found one faint indication that some Ajivikas may have been closer to the main current than their Buddhist and Jaina contemporaries," and the inclusion of the cow and the darbha in the account of the Ajivika fatal penance confirms our views. The atrange divinities Punnabhadda and Manibhadda raise questions which are more appropriate to the second part of this work." The fire which consumes the body of the emancipated ascetic, and the mysterious reference to "serpenthood ", suggest a magical or tantric element in Ajivikism, of which we have found traces elsewhere.4

ĀJĪVIKA LAYMEN The early Ãjivika community, both religious and lay, was drawn from all sections of the population. Like Buddhism and Jainiam, Ajivikism seems to have made no stipulations about the status of its converta, and apparently did not encourage caste distinctions. At the bottom of the scale of castes is Panduputta, the son of a wagon-maker." This trade, by the time of the Buddha, had lost the respect in which it was held in Rg-vedio times and had become a despised occupation." Yet Panduputta appears to have been a full member of the order, and well respected. At the other extreme is the kuldpaga Ajivika, Janasana, the adviser to the chief queen of King Bindusara, who, according to the Mahavamsa commentary, came of brahmana stock." As an example of the numerous Ajivikas who must have joined the Order from the military class we have a kinsman

1 ERR.I, p. 203 ; JDL. ii, p.53. * V.supra, p. 00. 4 V. supra, pp. 112-13. T V. supra, p. 127, and infra, pp. 146 f. V. supra, pp. 126-27. : V. infra, pp.272-73. * CHI.i, p.207.

132 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS

(Rati salohito) of King Bimbisara, who, even after becoming an Ajivika monk, appears to have continued his friendly relations with the King.1 The epie tradition of fatalism, of which the Mahabharata presents many indications," suggests that Ajivikism made a special appeal to the warrior element of the population. The greatest support for Ajivikism seems to have come from the industrial and mercantile classes. The Vinaya mentions one unnamed mahamatta who was an adherent of the Ajivikas," but with this and the other exceptions mentioned above all those Ajivikas referred to in the Buddhist and Jaina texts whose caste affiliations are specified were of the trading classes. Ajīvika layfolk seem to have been specially numerous at Savatthi, but there is evidence that they also existed elsewhere. Among the Savatthi Ajivika lay-adherents were the faithful potter-women Halahala, Gosila's host for sixteen years 4; Ayampula, the rich and earnest disciple who visited Gosala by night during his last delirium "; and the wealthy septhi Migira who, when he began to favour the Buddha, was besieged in his home by a body of ascetics who are called indiscriminately naggasamana, acdlaka, and ajivika." We have also a reference to a family of lay Ajivikas visiting Savatthi from a village at some distance from the capital," from which we may infer that the sect gained converta in the surrounding countryside. At Polisapura the Ajivika community is said to have had its own meeting place at the time of Gosala's visit," so it may be inferred that the town was an early centre of the organized Ajivika sect. The only local Ajivika whose name is mentioned is Saddalaputta, who, like Halahala, was a potter. He is described as being very wealthy, the owner of five hundred potters' work- shops as well as a krore of hoarded gold and another krore lent out at interest." Although these figures are no doubt exaggerated, and Saddalaputta himself may be a fictitious character, his story

1 Vin. iv, p. 74. V. suprn, p. 120, and infra, p. 136. " V. sapra, p. 7 ; and infra, p. 218. " Vin. li, p. 165. V. infrn, p. 130. 4 V. supra, p. 32, oto. # V. mpra, pp. 62-63. * Dhp. Comm. i, pp. 390 ff. V. supra, p. 97 ; and infra, p. 138. # V. Infra, p. 135. . V. sapra, p. 115. · Uu. Dos. vil, 180 f.

THE RARLY AJĪVIKA COMMUNITY (II) 133

is significant both for the study of the economios of Ancient India and for that of the Ajivikas. Polasapura, the town in which he lived, is of doubtful location. The only evidence of its whereabouts is given by the statement that its king was Jiyasattu, but this king's name occurs so fre- quently in the Jaina scriptures, and in so many and varied contexta, that it is impossible to attach it to any historical figure.1 Although the organized Ajivika sect seems to have been strongest in Kosala, communities of Ajivika laymen must have existed beyond the bounds of that kingdom at a' very early period. The Anguttara mentions the conversion by the bhibbhu Ananda of "a certain disciple of the Ajivikas, a householder "," at Kosambi, but no information of interest is given about this single witness to the presence of Ajivikism in the kingdom of Vamsa. In Magadha we have evidence of the presence of early Ajivikas of the pre-Makkhali loosely organized class, such as Upaka"; Panduputta 4 is a further example of a Magudhan Ajivika, whose relations with Makkhali Gosala's order are un- certain. Barua " would include among wealthy Ajivika supporters one Kundakoliya of Kampilla, a seghi even wealthier than Saddalaputta." But this would appear to be an error, for through- out the relevant passage of the Uvasaga Dasdo Kundakoliya is referred to as a " servant of the Samana" (i.e. of Mahavira), and actually succeeds in converting the Ajivika deva who tries to shake his faith in his master. The above evidence indicates that at an early period com- munities of Ajivika laymen were to be found in all the great cities of the Ganges basin. While they included members of all

1 Hoernlo (Ue. Das. vol. il, p. 3, n. 4) suggested that Jiysttu was Mabivira's maternal unole Cedaga, the chleftain of Veshli. This view la based on the statement of the text that Jiynanttu was king of Viniyaglma, beliered by Hoernle to be Veakli. (Ue. Das. i, 3.) But the same toxt states that he was abo king of Campd, Baniraai, Alnbhlyn, Kampillapura, and Savatthi, and Cedaga can hardly have controlled theso towns, moat of which were in Kosals. Rayohaudhuri (PHAI. p. 161) belleves that the name waa a title, held by & number of contemporary kings. · Aniataro Ajtoaka-seako gakapati. Ang. i, p. 217. . V. mpr, pp. 94-95. 4 V. supra, pp. 120-27. . JDL.i, p. 18. # Ue. Das. vi, 103 ff.

134 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS classes the sect was especially patronized by members of the rising mercantile groups. That two potters, Halahala and Saddalaputta should be included among the few names which are mentiened, that Gosala should have used a potter's work- shop at his headquarters, and that pots were employed in Ajīvika penances,1 together suggest that the sect was in some way specially connected with the potter caste, and made a special appeal to its members. There are few indications of the social status of Ājivika laymen in later centuries. One intimation is, however, contained in the Tamil classie Cilappatikaram. Here the father of the heroine Kannaki, who, on her death, gave away all his wealth and entered the Ajivika order," is described as a manaykan." This word Dikshitar translates as "sen-captain ",4 but his translation may be questioned, and the word may here have the more usual meaning of " general". In either case the reference shows that the Dravidian Ajivikas received the support of men of substance. The imposition of the Ajivika tax in South India indicates a certain degree of affluence among those subject to it. The social status of the remnants of the Northern Ajivika community seems to have fallen at an early date. By the time of the final composition of the Vayu Purana, which may perhaps be related to the Gupta period," the Ajivikas seem to have possessed the humble status of didras, or even of outcastes. They are described in the Purana as being of mixed varna, a class of workmen, worshipping pifdcas; but they still seem to be comparatively wealthy, and employ much ill-gotten wealth on their religious ceremonies."

RELATIONS BETWEEN AJIVIKAS AND BUDDHISTS The Pali texts contain many strictures upon Ajivika ascetica, and they are generally described as being fooliah, repulsive, and hypocritical. In the Majjhima the Buddha is said to have told the wanderer Vacchagotta that no Ajivika had ever " made

: V. supma, pp. 111-12. # Ibid., 1, 23. · Cilappatikdram ed. Aiynr xxvii, 84-102. : V. Infra, p. 195, 4 " Silappadibiram," p. 88. * Patil, Cuilteral History from the Văyu Purdņa, p. 10. " Vayu, 09,286-6. V. infra, pp. 162 fr.

THE EARLY AJIVIKA COMMUNITY (II) 135

an end of sorrow " on his death, and that in the ninety-one kalpas of his previous births he remembered but one Ājivika who had been reborn in heaven.1 The latter was a believer in karma and in the efficiency of works, and therefore was not an orthodox follower of Makkhali Gosala. In the Anguttara the Buddha accuses the Ajivikas, together with numerous other classes of ascetics, of committing all the five sins, and declares that they are all destined for the infernal regions.ª Ajivika laymen are depicted as cruel and deceitful. The lay Ajivikas from a distant village who bought the daughter of a Sävatthi prostitute as a wife for their son, through the interven- tion of the Mhikkhu Udayi, are said to have treated her like a slave, and would allow neither her mother nor the matchmaker to see her.ª Two references in the Vinaya indicate the shame and annoy- ance felt by Buddhist monks at being mistaken for Ājivikas. The first incident is said to have taken place when a group of bhikkhus was robbed of their robes on the road from Saketa to Savatthi. Not being permitted to beg fresh robes of householders, thoy entered the city of Savatthi naked, and the citizens wondered at the handsome naked Ajivikas whom they saw talking with the clothed bhilkhus.4 The second incident also took place at Savatthi, at the Jetavana, when the Buddha allowed his monks to remove their robes and expose their bodies to a cooling shower of rain. At the time the pious laywoman Visikha sent her maid to invite them to a meal, but when she saw the naked bhikkhus the girl returned to her mistress and declared that the arama was no longer occupied by Buddhist monks but by Ajivikas." As a result of both these incidenta the Buddha amended the rules of the order, to avoid any danger of similar misapprehensions in future. 1 Jto kho so Vascka ekanasuio bappo yam akaı anumarāmi, n' dāhijāănămi kailel Ajieakam saggūpagam ašilatra ekena, so p' dai kamma-pādi kiriya-oādi. Majjh.i, p. 483. Ang. lil, p. 276. Buddhaghosa, howover, is somewhat more lenient with the Ajivikas. He states that their nigld or condition of perfeetion, is the heaven of Anantaminum, and thus seems to imply that this hearen is attalnsble by Ajtvikna of the highest sanetity (Papaies Sadani to Majjh. 11, vol. E, pp. 9-10. V. infra, p. 261). " Vin. lii, pp. 136 M. . Ibid. ii, pp. 212 ff. * Ibid.i, pp. 200 ff.

136 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS Yet the attitude of dislike and distrust indicated by these stories is only one side of the picture. There is evidence to show that, like Asoka 250 years later, many laymen of the Buddha's time, while bestowing special favour on one sect, were the friends and patrons of all. We have seen that King Bimbisara fed the Buddhist sangha and other religious communities, at the behest of one of his kinsmen who had become an Ajivika ascetie.1 A further Vinaya passage tells of a mahamatta who was an jivika disciple, and who also gave a meal to the Buddhist order, which was graced by the Buddha himself. On this occasion the Master is said to have reprimanded the bhikkhu Upananda for his impoliteness in coming late to the feast." The Vinaya also mentions a Buddhist layman who visited a park in the company of a number of Ajtvikas"; and we have seen that the bhikkhu Udayi was not too proud to act as matchmaker on behalf of Ājīvika laymen.4 A very significant indieation of friendly relations between the two sects is the story of the announcement of the Buddha's pariniroana to the elder Mahakassapa. At the head of a band of 500 bhikkhus he was resting by the roadside on the way from Pava to Kusinara, when there passed by a certain Ājīvika, who eame from Kusinara holding a mandarava flower in his hand ; this indicated that some great and auspicious event had taken place, for the mandarava grows in the worlds of the goda, and only rains upon earth on such occasions. The monks asked the Ajivika if he knew their leader, and it was he who told them that Gotama had passed to nirvana seven days previously." In the Vinaya story the Ajivika's words are very respectfully spoken. He addresses Mahakassapa by the title dvuso, and implicitly admits the greatness of the Buddha by referring to him as parinibbuta instead of mata." He, too, is addressed by the courteous title dvuso. Not only did Ajivikas feed Buddhists, but on occasions Buddhists fed Ajivikas. While at Vesali the Buddha's followers 1 Ibid. iv. p. 74. V. sapra, pp. 120, 131-32. # Ibld. il, p. 165. Ibid. il, p. 130. V. infra, p. 137. . V. sapra, p. 135. . Vin. i, p. 284. . Am, desso, jandmi. Ajja satt-dha-parinibbuto samapo Golamo. Talo me idam mandārasa-pupphamı gakitayı.

PLATE III.

THE BUDDHA'S PARINIRVANA. (From Fuucher, L'Art Grico- Honddkique.) On the right an Ajivikn Informs Mahaknsapa of the Master's drath.

THE EARLY AJIVIKA COMMUNITY (II) 137 found themselves with more food than they required, and gave their surplus to those ascetics who accepted leavings (vighas'- dda). An Ajivika who had been thus fed by the bhikkhus was later overheard by one of them telling a fellow Ajivika of the food which he had obtained from the "shaven-headed householder" (munda-gahapatika), Gotama. The bhikkhus reported the matter to their master, who forbade the distribution of surplus food to mendicants of other orders in future.1 This story may be the traditional explanation of a hardening and worsening of relations betweon the two seots, which perhaps took place in the Buddha's lifetime. Its implication is that the breach arose from the discourteous conduct of the Ājivikas. Perhaps the latter, with their sterner discipline, began to ridicule the easy-going Buddhists, and the growth of mutual recrimina- tions and of sareastie attacks on both sides, led to the ostracism of the Ajivikas by the Buddhist order. The incident of the Ajivika who declared the Buddha to be a "shaven householder " is not the only such case recorded in Buddhist literature. The Vinaya also mentions a company of Ajivika laymen who mocked a group of bhikkhus in an unnamed park, bocanse the latter were carrying sunshades. The Ajivikas are said to have derided the bhikkhus before the Buddhist laymen to whom they were talking, saying that they looked like officials of the treasury (ganala- mahāmaltā), and were "bhikkhus who were not bhikkhus" (bhikkha na bhikkha)." It is clear from these examples that the Buddhista were very sensitive to these accusations of laxity in discipline. No doubt many of the simpler lay folk of the time were inclined to estimate the sanctity of a religious order by the soverity of its discipline, and to bestow their alms accordingly. It may be inferred that the Ajivikas were equally sensitive to the Buddhist accusations of hypocrisy. They are said to have expelled the repulsive Jambuka from their community for fear of the scandal that the Buddhist sangha would make of his conduct if it became known." With each sect attempting to win members from the others animosity must inevitably have arisen. The violence of the competition for supporters is evident from the story of Migara, 1 Vin. iv, p.91. * Ibid.ii, pp. 130-1. * V. aupra, p. 97.

138 HISTORY OP THE AJIVIKAS the rich banker of Savatthi of whom we have heard before in more than one context.1 Migara first appears on the scene as an earnest devotee of the naked ascetics, but his loss of faith begins when his newly married daughter-in-law, the Buddhist lay- woman Visakha, refuses to pay reverence to the 500 mendicants whom he entertains, declaring that they are devoid of modesty and shame, and unworthy of reapect. When Migara agrees to entertain the Buddhist sangha the Ajivikas besiege his home, in a frantie attempt to prevent their rivals from obtaining so wealthy and influential a convert. That of Migara is not the only example of conversions from Ajivikism to Buddhism. The ascetics Upaka and Jambuka and the unnamed Ajivika layman of Kosambi have already been mentioned." The kulupaga brahmana Ajivika of the Mauryan court, Janasana, is also said to have been converted to Buddhism." The wanderer Sandaka, who seems to have owed loose allegiance to Makkhali Gosala, is another ense in point.4 That strong animosity, aroused by rivalry in conversion, continued among the less tolerant members of both communities may be inferred from Asoka's pleas for mutual forbearance and respect among the seota of his time,5

RELATIONS BETWEEN AJIVIKAS AND JAINAS That Ajivikas and Jainas were originally on good terms and indeed closely related, is evident from the Jnina tradition of the early friendship and association of Gosala and Mahavira." The near relationship of the two secta is confirmed by the Buddhist tradition associating Makkhali Gosala and Pūrana Kassapa, the two chief Ājivika leaders, with Nigantha Nataputta, or Mahavira, as members of the group of six heretics with whom the early Buddhists waged a continuous war of words. The frequent confusion of the terms nirgrantha and djivika in the Buddhist texts? also points in the same direction. That the confusion persisted in some Buddhist circles even as late as post- Mauryan times is shown by a story in the Divydvadana, in which

1 Dhp. Comm. i, pp. 390 ff. V. suprn, pp. 97, 132. * V. supra, pp. 04f, 07, 133. : V. infra, pp. 146 47. . CHT.i, p.504, eto. 4 Mojjh. i, p. 513. V. supr, pp. 18-18. . V.supm, pp. 30 ff. V. supra, pp. 90-97.

PLATE IV.

DISCOMFITURE OF A NAKED ASCETIC. (From Foncher, L'Art Gréco- Nonddhigne.) "This is believed by Poueher (op. cit., i, p. ode) to reprenent Visakhi defying n naked ascetle. 'The old man on the terraee is perhaps Migim.

THE EARLY AJIVIKA COMMUNITY (II) 139 a nirgrantha layman is said to have defiled an image or picture (pratima) of the Buddha, as a result of which desecration the Emperor Asoka ordered the destruction of all the ajivikas in the region.1 Here the terma seem plainly intended to bo taken synonymously, in striking contrast to Asoka's own inscrip- tion, where the two sects are sharply distinguished." Our belief in the early and close relationship of the two sects is strengthened by similarities in practice and doctrine, such as in the custom of ascetie nudity, and by the Ajīvika abhijātis, or six classes of mankind." The points in which these resemble and differ from the lesyas of the Jainas will be considered in our second part.4 Meanwhile the classification is of interest for the intimations which it gives of the attitude of the early Ajivikas to their rivals among the heterodox communities. The highest, or supremely white group (parama-sukk'-abhijati) contains only Nanda Vaccha, Kisa Sankicca, and Makkhali Gosala. Below these is the white category (sukk'-dbhijati), containing Ājivikas and Ajivinis. Next comes the green (halidda), which holds " the householder clad in white robes, the disciple of the acelakas", to which Buddhaghosa adda: "he (i.e. Makkhali) makes the nigantha (laymen), who give him hia necessities, superior (to the nigantha ascetica of the red class)." # Fourth from the top is the red class (lohita), " niganthas who wear a single garment "#; while in the lowest place but one is the blue (nila), "bhikkhus who live as thieves, and believers in karma and (the efficienoy of) works."? Finally in the lowest and most debased and reprobate class, the black (kank'-dbhijati), are found thieves, hunters, and others who live by violence. The classification of the abhijdtis indicates that the Ajivika regarded the Jaina as second to himself in sanctity. The Buddhist

1 Divydoadana, p. 427. V.infra, pp. 147-48. V. infra, p. 148. a Ang. Il, 383 ; Sum. Vil.i,p. 102. V.supra, pp. 20, 27, 100, and infra, pp. 243f. V. infra, p. 245. · Gils edata-vasana acdaka-savaka (Any. El, 384). Ayam altano paceaya- dayake niganthe Ai pi jejfhakatare karoti (8um. Vil. i, 162). Our Interprotation of Buddhaghoss's obseure addition is admittedly tentativo. It mecma thas In this oase Buddhaghoan wed the term nigaptha very loosely. Nigantha eka-sataka. Hare (Gradual Sayings tii, p. 273) seema to socept an omitted ca. Hoernle gives a different intorpretation (v. mupra, p. 100). " Rhikkha kandaba-vutnika ye să pan' adnle pi keci hammna-nāda kiriya-vādā (An. ill, 383). Our interpretation differa from Hare's. V. infra, p.243.

140 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS Mhitkhu was but a poor third, and the orthodox brahmana was presumably included with the wretched kurūra-kammanta in the black category, although, as has been shown,1 there are certain indications that early Ajivika praetice and doctrine were closer to orthodoxy in some particulars than were the practices and doctrines of Buddhism and Jainism. The Bhagavati Satra's account of Gosila's death indicates that for most of the period of the ministry of the Ajivika leader relations between Jaina and Ajivika were not unfriendly. Ananda, Mahavira's disciple, to whom the long story of the merchants was told," seems to have treated Gosala with great respect before Mahavira forbade all association with him. Further evidence that Jaina strictures on Ajivika morals did not always imply intolerant social relations is given by the story of Saddalaputta, wherein Gosala is said to have praised Mahavira in the usual Jaina torma." The Bhagavaf Sūtra4 names twelve Ājīvika laymen, including one Ayampala or Ayambula, probably Ayampula of Savatthi, who are held up to the Jainas as models of virtue and non-violence. They are surprisingly described as "worshippers of the arlants and the gods", or " worshippers of the arhants as gods"," although Abhayadeva the commentator states that the false arhant Gosala is here meant. The Buddha declared that he knew of only one Ajivika to reach heaven," but the Jaina Aupapatika Sutra" assures Ajivika ascetics of various types " of a divinity of twelve sagarovamaim in duration in the heaven called Accuakappa. The promise is repeated in the Bhagavali Satra." The same rebirth was forecast for Gosala by Mahavira, although in hia case it was to be followed by a long succossion of births in less pleasant conditions.11 Thus the early relations of the two seots seem to have been of a friendly and mutually respectful type, broken only from time to time by quarrels over doctrine and discipline. We have already suggested that relations between Ajivikas and Buddhista worsened owing to strenuous competition in conversion. With the Jainas

: V. supra, p. 131. : V. wapra, p. 50. * BA. Se. vili, al. 329, fol. 360. V. suprn, p. 122. : V. supra, pp. 52-63. . V. supra, p. 62. d Arihanta-devata-gå. · Aupapdtika Butra, s0. 41, fol. 196. # V. supra, pp. 134-35. " V. aupra, p. 111. Cf. infra, p. 261. # Ibld. xv, wa, 069, fol. 687. V. infra, p. 142. Bh. SG. 1, aū. 20.

THE EARLY AJIVIKA COMMUNITY (IT) 141

the same worsening may have taken place, and for the same reason. The Uvasaga Dasao speaks of two conversions from Ajivikism, the first that of Saddalaputta by Mahavira,1 and the second that of an unnamed Ajivika deve by the Jaina layman Kundakoliya of Kampilla." The Bhagavati states that many of Gosäla's adherenta deserted him after the magie duel at Savatthi. We have no mention of counter-conversions from Jainism and Buddhiam to Ajivikism, but if the lost Ajivikn scriptures wero restored to us records of these too would doubtless be forthcoming. Dr. Barua has ingeniously snggested that the Bhagavati account of the killing of the two Jaina disciples Savvaņubhūti and Suņak- khatta " conceals their defection from Jainism to the cause of Gosala. In view of the clear statement of the text this must remain an unproved and unacceptable hypothesis. More probable is Barua's further snggestion, that Mahavira's ban on all contact between his followers and those of Gosale may represent measures taken by the early Jaina community to counteract large-scale defections to the Ājivikas.4

1 Ue. Dos. vil ; v. suprn, p. 52. 1 Ibid. vi ; v. supra, p. 133. : V. supmn, p. 60. JDE. E, pp. 34-6. Baran's viow thas Sunakkhatta of the Bhagasatt is identical with Sunakkhatta the Licchavi of Majjh. i, pp. 68 ff. ia quite unprovable. The two characters have nothing in common except thelr names.

CHAPTER VIL

AJIVIKAS IN THE NANDA AND MAURYA PERIODS

MATAPADMA

After the death of Gosala, Mahivira is said to have prophesied hia future births. He forecast that the false prophet would ascend to the Accua-kappa heaven, and would there enjoy divinity for twelve sagarovamaim periods. Then he would be reborn on earth as Mahapauma, the son of King Sammuti and his queen Bhadda, in the city of Sayaduvara in the land of the Pandaa, which is situnted at the foot of the Vindhyas in Bhira- tavarşa. On his accession the two devas Punnabhadda and Mānibhadda would serve as his generals (senā-kammam kāhinti), and he would ride through the city on a white elephant; hence he would obtain the titles Devasena and Vimalavahana. He would become a violent persecutor of Jainas until, one day insulting the ascetic Sumangala while the latter was engaged in meditation, he would be reduced by the magic power of the suint's asceticiam to a heap of ashes. The soul of Gosala would then, according to Mahavira, con- tinue to transmigrate through many births of all types, until at last the harvest of his evil deeds would be fully reaped, and he would become a Jaina ascetio Dadhapainna in Mahavideha. Remembering all his past lives he would die by slow starvation in the orthodox manner, and would thus make an end of all SOTTOW." Although Dr. Barua has tried to make a historical figure of Dadhapainna," the later rebirths as described in the Bhagavati 1 Bh. St. xv, fol. 687 ff. : BA. Na. xv, s0. 560, fol. 094. . .Dadhapalnnn, a wealthy eiiizen of the great Videha country, sought to bring about a reconcilintion between the heatlle secta by conferring with the Jainss" (JDE. li, p. 54). " The Bhagavati Sutra refera to an Ajiviya committing religious suicide sometime affer Gosala's death " (ibid., p. 7i). Barua bneks both thess statementa hy references not to the Sera but to Hoernle's paraphraso of ita relevant chapter (Uv. Das., vol. ii, app. i). Both the

AJIVIKAS IN THE NANDA AND MAURYA PERIODS 143

seem to be of no value for the reconstruction of the story of the Ajtvikas. But it is possible that some significance is to be found in the account of Mahapauma, which seems to contain a veiled attack on a king who was a patron of the Ajivikas and an opponent of the Jainns. If the king in question is not concealed by a false name the only historical figure whom the sovereign described in the Bhagavati can represent is Mahapadma Nanda. This conclusion has been tentatively accepted by Barua.1 The inference rests on very slight evidence. The great city of Sayaduvara, with its hundred gates, suggests Pataliputra; . the inference that the author had Pataliputra in mind is slightly strengthened by the alternative reading of the text, as used by Hoernle," which locates the city in the land of the Pundas, and beneath the Vaitadhya mountain.a The latter is a mountain of Jaina legendary geography which defies location, but which may represent the Himalayas. Pundra, or Northern Bengal, was not far distant from Magadha and probably formed part of the Nanda dominions. The power and splendour of the Nanda are attested by various sources,4 and in this respect also he resembles the Mahapalima of the Bhagavafi. The Puranas suggest that he was by no means orthodox." Although the titles Devasena and Vimalavahana are not elsewhere attributed to him he is referred to in the Mahabodhi-vamsa as Ugrasena." Two kings named Devasena are mentioned in the legends of the Katha-sarit-sagara. Of these the first rules at Srivasti, and has nothing in common with Mahipatima of the Bhagavati,? but the second has some points of similarity." He rules in Pundravard- hana, thus agreeing with the Mahapauma of Hoernle's text of the Bhagavali Satra. He compels brahmaņas and kşattriyas original and the paraphrase mako it elear that Dadhapainna is a Jaina ascetle of the normal type, who, by virtue of his spiritual perfectlon, remembera his past births and informa his disciples of his earlier Birth aa Gostla, Barua's conelusion is quite unjustified. 1 JDL.i. p. 67. I U .. Das., vol ii, app. i, p. 11. " The sme foems ccour in tho Sthandaga Sutra (Ix, st. 693, fol. 458), in the description of the espital of the great king Mahlpadma, who will become the firat firthanbara of the coming Uisarpini ago. . PHAI, pp. 187 f. · E.g. Mataya Purdna, 272, 18. Sarea-kpartr'-dntako nrpah. 1 Kathd-sarit-Sagara ll, xv, pp. 200-I. " Ibid. iil, xviii, pp. 268 ff.

144 HISTORY OF THE ATIVIKAS to pass the night with his daughter, who is possessed by a rāksasa, and thus encompasses their death ; this suggesta the traditional antipathy of the historical Mahapadma to the two higher castes. Finally he is reported to have said : " It is impossible to bar the course of fate, whose dispensations are wonderful."1 We have here a further legend of a cruel king of Eastern India with a fatalist philosophy, but the link with the historical Mahapadma is still very tennous. Evidence almost as strong can be found to suggest that the Mahapauma of the Bhagavali Satra has no historical significance. No reference can be found to show that Mahapadma's father was named Sammuti, for which name Hoernle quotes the variant Sumati; the Purdnas declare him to have been a baseborn son of his predecessor Mahinandin." The only Nanda name which bears the faintest similarity to that of Mahapauma's father is that of the eldest of Mahapadma's eight sons, called in the Bhagavata Puraņa Sumalya"; it is remotely posaible that Sammuti is a corruption of this. Doubts as to the historicity of the Mahapauma of the Bhagaval are strengthened by the fact that there are several other figures of the same name and similar description in Jaina mythology.4 The first firthankara of the coming Utsarpini will also be named Mahapaiima, a reincarnation of the Magadhan king "Seniya Bhimbhisara", will be a prince of the same titles, kingdom, and parentage, and will only differ from the reincarnation of Gosala in his later career. Other Mahapatimas are the ninth cakravart of the coming Utsarpint, and the ninth of the current Avasarpini. Furthermore, Jaina tradition, unlike that of the Puranas, is generally favourable to the Nandas; Hemacandra's Parifistaparvan praises an unnamed Nanda king and repeats several favourable legends about him, none of which suggests that he was an enemy of Jainism. Indeed it has even been suggested that Mahapadma was himself & Jaina. Argumenta for this theory are based on the favourable

267, p. 269. - Galib dakyå parisehetum na hy adbhuda-vidher vidheh. Ibid, Il, 18, v. # B.g. Bigauata Purăna, 12, 1, 8. # Ibid, 12,1, 11. PHAT., p. 190, m. 1. 4 Abh. Raj. s.v. Makdpakma. · PariHyaparvan vi, 231 ff. . CHI.i.p. 184.

AJIVIKAS IN THE NANDA AND MAURYA PERIODS 145

tone of the Jaina legends about him, and on the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela, which, according to one reading, rocords that Kharavela restored to Kalinga a statue of a Jina, taken by the Nanda.1 The argument is not conclusive. If Mahā- padma had been an earnest Jaina it is unlikely that he would have outraged the Kalingan Jaina community by robbing their temples of their ikons. It would scem more probable that he carried away the image as a trophy, obtained by harrying a seet to which he was opposed. The inscription is in very bad condition and the reading may be incorrect. Dr. Barua has suggested janai for jinam, and the acceptance of this reading would seriously weaken the theory that Mahapadma was a supporter of Jainism. Further, the Nanda mentioned in the Hathigumpha inscription may not have been Mahapadma at all, but another Nanda king. In favour of the view that Mahapadma was a patron of Äjivikism it may be argued that the Ajivika community certainly existed in some strength in Magadha at the time, and received some patronage from the Mauryas, who were the successors of the Nandas. Whatover his sect, Mahapadma seems to have been no friend of orthodox Hinduism, and it may therefore be inferred that he patronized horetical secta. The reference in the Bhagaval Satra suggests that he may have given his special support to the Ajivika sangha. This view is slightly strengthened by a phrase in the Mahavamsa Commentary, which states that the great Canakya, after cursing the last Nanda, escaped from his clutches in the guiso of a nude Ajivika ascetio." If any inference is to be derived from this late and unreliable tradition it is that Ajivikas were numerous in Nanda times and not subject to perseeution from the royal officers.

AJIVIKAS IN MAURYA TIMES It would seem that Ajivikism spread fairly rapidly beyond the region of its origin. The Mahdvamsa records that, by the time of the Mauryas, it had found its way to Ceylon, where the

Epi. Ind. xx, pp. 72 ff. Nanda raja-nitam ca Kajlijaga-jinam sannisa ... : THQ. xiv, pp. 281 ff. Famaattha-ppabdaini, vol. i, p. 183.

146 HISTORY OF THE ĀJIVIKAS king Pandukabhaya, the grandfnther of Asoka's contemporary Devanampiya Tissa, built a "house of Ājivikas" (Ajivikanam geham) at Anurādhapura.1 A passage in the Petavatthu telle of King Pingala of Surattha, who, two hundred years after the Buddha's nirvana, left his kingdom in the service of the Mauryas (Moriyanam upatthanam)." As he was returning to his capital he was met by a pdta, who told him that he was the disembodied soul of one who had formerly been a heretic of Surattha, who had held Ajivika views. The passage indientes that Ajivikism may have spread to Gujarat by this period. Evidence that Asoka was a friend of the Ajivika order, and that it flourished during his reign, rests on the very solid basis of his own inscriptions. Literary references also link him with the Ajivikas. Both the Divydvadana" and the Maha- vamsa Commentary 4 tell of an Ajivika mendicant attached to the court of King Bindusara, Asoka's father, who correctly prophesied the coming greatness of the Prince. In the first account he is called Pingalavats'-4jiva, a parivājaka, and seems to havo been a court prognosticator. At the invitation of Vindusāra he watches the princes at play, and by various omens he recognizes that Asoka will become king. As Asoka is not the favourite prince Pingnlavatsa dares not tell the King of his prophecy, and when questioned refuses to give a definite answer. But he tells Asoka's mother, Queen Subhadringi, of her son's coming greatness, and on her advice he leaves the kingdom, lest Vindusara force an answer from him. On the death of Vindusara he returna to the Magadhan court. In the Mahavamsa Commentary's version of the story the Ajivika is a kuldpaga, or household ascetic, of the Queen. Hia name is given as Janasina, of which there are the variants Jarasona and Jarasana, and he is said to have been of brāhmaņa family. The Commentary states that he was very wise, having been born as a python in the days of Buddha Kassapa, and in this form having overheard the discussions of bhikkhus well versed in philosophy. He correctly prophesies Asoka's future greatness from the Queen's pregnancy longings; no reason is 3 Makdoanua x, 101-2. * Dieydvadana, pp. 370 ff. : Petavatthu iv, 3,p. 57. 4 Vamsauha-ppaboeinfi, p. 190.

AJIVIKAS IN THE NANDA AND MAURYA PERIODS 147 given for his quitting the court, but by the time of Asoka's accession. he appears to have abandoned his former patrons. The king is said on one occasion to have asked his mother whether any prophet had forecast his prosperity; the queen replied that Janasana had done so, whereupon Asoka sent a deputation with a carriage to bring the Ajivika to the palace. Janasana was then residing at an unnamed place a hundred yojanas distant from Pataliputra ; on the journey to the capital he met the elder Assagutta, by whom he was converted, and he entered the Buddhist order. The two stories, while differing considerably in important details, including the name of the Ajivika prophet, seem to have a basis of fact. The very discrepancies in the two accounta suggest that the authors drew their material independently from a wide- spread tradition which had developed with the passage of time. Such a story seems more probably dependent on a real occurrence than on a monkish fiction. We may therefore believe that Bindusara kept at his court an Ajivika fortune-teller who was persona grata to the chief queen. The Divydvadana's story of his flight is not altogether convincing ; it fits too well into the frame- work of Vindusara's hostility to Asoka and the latter's usurpation of the throne of Magadha to give an impression of authenticity. The account of the conversion of Janasana in the Mahavamsa Commentary, with its strong flavour of pious edification, is even more suspeet. But neither account is intrinsically impossible. Bindusara's interest in unorthodox philosophy is strikingly attested by a classical reference.1 We may conelude that, oven before the introduction of Asoka's policy of toleration, Ajivikas were patronized by the court of Magadha. The Divydsadana gives another much more questionablo story of Asoka's relations with the Ajivikas." Asoka, henring that a nirgrantha in Pundravardhana had defiled a picture or statue of the Buddha, ordered the destruction of all Ajivikas in the locality, as a result of which order 18,000 were massacred in a single day. The same crime was later committed by another nirgrantha layman in Pataliputra, in punishment of which the king offered a roward of a dinara for the head of every 1 Athenmus xiv, G7. Quoted OTT.i, p. xxxY. * Divydeodana, p.427. V. suprn, p. 139.

148 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS nirgrantha brought to him. This second wave of porsocution led to the murder of the king's younger brother, Prince Vitisoka. The loose use of the terms nirgrantha and ajwvika in this story makes it uncertain whether they were intended to apply to the order of Mahavira or to that of Makkhali; it may indeed have been intended to refer to both sects indiscriminately. As it stands, the story is quite incredible, in that it makes the apostle of toleration a monster of quite un-Buddhist fanaticism. If it has any significance it is to indicate a tradition of hostility to Ajivikas and Jainas, which may have occasionally flared up under other monarchs into open persecution. The story suggesta that Ajivikism was specially prevalent at the time in Pundra, a suggestion also conveyed by the Jaina story of Maha- pauma.1 The trampling on the image, with its indication of iconoclasm on the part of the anti-Buddhist nirgrantha-ajivikas, is a theme which recurs at a much later date in Kashmir, in connec- tion with the mysterious naked ascetics employed by King Harga." The inscriptions of Asoka give us references which for the first time are completely reliable records of the contemporary influence of the Ajivika sect. These oceur in the Seventh Pillar Ediet, and in the dedicatory inscriptions in the Barabar and Nagārjunī caves. The Seventh Pillar Edict " is found in only one version, on the Delhi-Topra pillar. It was issued in the twenty-seventh year of Asoka's consecration, or 237 B.C., according to Hultzsch's computation. It describes the imperial policy for the propaga- tion of dharma, and especially the duties of the officers of publio morals (dharma-mahamatra), who, in Hultzach's translation, " were ordered ... to busy themselves with the affairs of the samgha; likewise others were ordered ... to busy themselves also with the Brahmanas (and) Ajivikas; others were ordered . . to busy themselves also with the Nirgranthas ; others were ordered ... to busy themselves also with various (other) sects; (thus) different Mahimatras (are busying themselves) specially with different (congregations)." 4 1 V epra, pp. 142 f. # V. infra, pp. 200 f. " CII.i,pp.131 ff. . danglaphasi pi me bate ime viyapaj Nohamti ti, hemena Sābhaneru aflivibemu pi me baje ime viyūpajă hokati nigamthesu pi me kate ime viydpapā Aohamti ndnd-plsamdesu pi me [kalle ime viyapap hohamti ti pativisipam palivisiphays ter teru [te]. .. maid. Ibid., p. 136, ii, 15-16.

AJIVIKAS IN THE NANDA AND MAURYA PERIODS 149

The absence of any conjunction linking the words babhanesu and ajivikesu has led Bühler to interpret the former as an adjec- tive governing the latter ... "likewise I have arranged it that they will be ocoupied with the Brahmanical Ajivikas ".1 Follow- ing Kern, he expresses his belief that the Ajivikas were Vaignavas .* The theory of Kern and Buhler has been attacked by Hoernle " and D. R. Bhandarkar,4 and few would now accept it. In the Seventh Pillar Edict the word babhanesu seoms certainly to be a noun. The absence of a copulative conjunction presents a difficulty, but no doubt other examples can be found wherein a ca seems to be omitted. But, even granting all these provisos, there may be a modicum of truth in the old theory of Kern and Bühler. A close connection between the Brahmana and the Ajīvika is indicated by Asoka's classification of the sects. The bodies among which the mahamatras were active scem to be divided into four sections, to each of which is given a clause in the inscription, the clauses each concluding with the verb holamti. The four classes are (1) the Buddhist sangla, (2) Brahmanas and Ājīvikas, (3) Nirgranthas or Jainas, and (4) various heretics. Even if we admit that Asoka intended to make a distinction between Brihmanns and Ajivikas, it is evident that he con- sidered the Ajivikas to be more closely related to the orthodox brahmanas than were the Jainas, since Brahmaņa and Ajivika nre included in the same clause. We have already found references which point to the fact that the Ajivikas were nearer to the orthodox ascetio orders in their conduct than were either of the other great heretical communities.5 Asoka seems to have reoog- nized this fact. It will also be remembered that Jarasana, the Ajīvika fortune-teller at his father's court, came of a brahmaņa family." Even before Asoka's day it is possible that some of the Northern Ajivikas had begun to draw very close to the parent stock. The Seventh Pillar Edict also gives some indication of the influence of the Ajivikas at the time. The Ajivika sangha appears as a fully developed religious community, on an equal footing with the two other non-brahmanic systema, and is not relegated to the last category of the " various heretics ". It may be suggested 1 Api. Ind. i, p. 272. . /A. xll, pp. 280-290. * IA.xx, p. 302. · V. sapra, p. 131. · ERE. I, p. 257. . V. wopra, p. 146.

150 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS

that, since Adoka mentions the Ajivikas before the Nirgranthas, or Jainas, the former sect seemed to the king to be either more influential or more worthy of support than the latter.

THE BARABAR AND NAGARJUNI CAVES

Even more convincing evidence of the continued influence of the Ajivikas in Magadha are the dedicatory inscriptions of Asokn in the artificial caves of the Barabar Hill,1 fifteen miles north of Gaya. These caves are four in number, three of which contain Afokan inscriptions. The nearby hill of NāgArjuni contains three similar caves, which were dedicated to the Ajivikas by Asoka's successor Dadaratha." Of the three Barabar caves with dedicatory inscriptions (Plate V), the first two, according to Hultzach's restoration of the texts," were given to the Ajivikas in the twelfth year of Asoka's consecration. The first cave is named in the inscription Nigoha (Skt. Nyagrodha) (Plate V, i), and the second is referred to merely as a cave in the Khalatika Mountain (Plate V, ii). Little doubt can exist about the interpretation of these two insorip- tions, but the third (Plate V, iii) has been badly defaced, and is in parta illegible. Hultzach reconstructs the text as: Lājā Piyadasī ekunavī- sati-vasā [bh] isi [f]e ja [lagh] o [sāgamā] thāta [me] iyam kubhā su phily]e kha . .. [di] nẫ.

" When King Priyadarin had been anointed nineteen years, this cave in the very pleasant Kha [latika mountain] was given by me for (shelter during) the rainy season." The inscription is followed by the auspicious symbols of swastika and dagger. Senart, basing his view on the reproduction in the first edition of Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, read in the third line the word camdamasuliyam, and translated, on the analogy of the Dasaratha inscriptions : "[Ceci est fait] pour aussi longtemps

: CII.L,pp. 181ff. V. Plate V. # CII.i,p. 181. * IA.xx, pp. 301 ff. V. Plate VI. * Ibld., p. 182.

PLATE V.

(i) Sudima (Nigoha) Cave.

(i) Visvimitra Cave.

(iii) Karņa Chopar Cave. BARABAR CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. (From CII, i.) Seale : one-fifth approx.

AJIVIKAS IN THE NANDA AND MAURYA PERIODS 151

que dureront la lune et le soleil."1 Buhler enutiously avoided any attempt at a transcription of the doubtful letters." Senart's translation will not stand in the light of the more recent reproduc- tion employed by Hultzsch, whose interpretation is not incon- sistent with the remains of the text. It might be expected that some reference to the Ajivikas would occur in the third inscrip- tion on the analogy of the first and second, but this does not seem to be the ense; no trace of the relevant aksaras ean be found in its defaced portions. It seems quite reasonable to believe, however, that the Ajivikas oceupied the third cave, as they did the other two. One question not absolutely certain is whether the donor of the caves was in fact Asoka. This uncertainty has been recognized by Hultasch," who admits that they may have been given by another member of the Maurya dynasty. But he points out that "two of the caves ... were dedicated ... when the donor had been 'anointed twelve years' ... This happens to be the regnal year in which the author of the rock- and pillar- edicts commenced to issue 'rescripta of morality'". If the Piyadasi of the Barabar Hill inscriptions was not Asoka then we must assume that he was Candragupta, Bindusira, or one of the shadowy successors of Dafaratha, for the latter has left dedicatory inscriptions in the caves of the nearby Nagarjuni Hill in which he has used his personal name, and we may assume that, had he been the donor of the Barabar caves, he would have recorded his name in these also. No other king has the same strong inherent probability of being the donor of the Barabar caves as has Asoka. We have no evidence that the custom of incising insoriptions upon rock was practised before his reign, and there are no epigraphic records whatever of the successors of Daśnratha. The Dasaratha inscriptions of the Nagarjuni Hill caves (Plate VI) are in better condition than those of Barabar. The formula used in the dedication differa from that of Asoka : "The Vahiyaki cave has been given by Dasalatha, dear to the gods, to the venerable Ajivikas, immediately on his accession, to be a place of abode during the rainy season as long as moon and sun (shall

1 Lea Inacriptiona de Piyodosi, vol. ii, p. 212. : JA.xx, p. 304. a ClI.i,p. xxix.

152 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS

endure) "1 (Plate VI, i). The other two caves, called Gopika and Vadathika, bear similar inscriptions, the only significant. alterations being in their names (Plates VI, ii and iii). The caves themselves are impressive monuments to the patience and skill of Mauryan craftsmen and to the honour in which the Ajivikas were held at the time. The hills in which they are located must have been especially popular with hermits, for they seem to be covered with the traces of religious oceupanta, both Buddhist and Hindu." In the time of Cunningham the caves were visited by thousands of pilgrims annually," and presumably are still so visited. When Cunningham inspected them the floors were strewn to a depth of three feet with broken pottery and brick, among which were mixed fragments of stone pillars, indienting that at one time the caves had had porticos or cloisters of some sort. Of the caves on Barabar Hill, that now called Karna Chopar (Plate VII, i), which contains the third Asokan inscription, measures 33 ft. 6} in. by 14 ft. by 10 ft. 9 in.4 The roof is vaulted, and the whole surface of the granite walls of the cave is polished. The interior is of a plain rectangular shape, and contains a small platform, mised 1 ft. 3 in. from the floor level, and measuring 7 ft. 6 in. by 2 ft. 6 in. On the doorway of the cave are inscrip- tions in Gupta characters : " Bodhimala " and " Daridrakāntāra" which suggest that at some time the cave was taken over by Buddhista. Other Gupta inscriptions appear to be the autographs of visitors. The cave now called Sudama (Plate VII, ii), in the inscription referred to as the Nigoha cave, consists of two apartments. The outer one, entered by a small recessed doorway at the side, measures 32 ft. 9 in. in length by 19 ft. 6 in. in breadth, and has an arched roof rising from a height of 6 ft. 9 in. at the walls to 12 ft. 3 in. at the centre. The inner chamber is approximately circular, of 19 ft. 11 in .- 19 ft. diameter; its outer wall, facing 1 Vahiyak(a] Lubha Dayalathena Devdnampiyend dnamtaliyam abhisitend [AjtvikeM] d-cadama-saliyars. Hahler, IA. xx, p. 364. The interpretation of sāsa- nigidiyage in that of Fleet (JRA8. 1900, p. 404). Cunningham, Four Reports . . . Vol i, p. 41. @ Ibid, p.43. Ibid., p. 45.

PLATE VI.

(i) Vahiyaka Cave.

(il) Gopikā Cave.

(iii) Vadathika Cave. XAGARJUXI CAVE IXSCRIPTIOXS. (From IA, xx.) Seale : one-fourth approx.

AJIVIKAS IN THE NANDA AND MAURYA PERIODS 153 on the rectangular outer chamber, is underout " to represent thatch with its overhanging eaves ",1 The whole structure is of the same high polish as the others. The cave of the second inscription, called in modern times the Visvamitra cave (Plate VII, iv), is of similar design, with a cireular inner chamber of about 11 feet in diameter, somewhat smaller than that of the Sudima, which is unpolished, and apparenty incomplete. The outer chamber is cut straight back from the rock face, and the entrance, according to Cunningham's diagram, extends to the full height and breadth of the chamber. Its length is 14 feet and ita breadth 8 ft. 4 in. The Asokan inscription is engraved on the right-hand wall near the entrance. The floor of the cave contains four socket-holes, which apparently held timber framing." The fourth cave of the Barabar group (Plate VII, iii) contains no Asokan inscription. This is the Lomas Rai, the structure and dimensions of which are very similar to those of the Sudima cave. The outer chamber is polished, but the inner chamber is rough-hewn. Cunningham suggesta that the work was abandoned on reaching a deep fissure, which forms one of the natural lines of cleavage of the rock. The similarity of interior workmanship and design convinced Cunningham that the Sudama and Lomas Rai caves had been excavated at the same time and for the same religious purpose, and that an Asokan inscription originally existed in the porch, and was removed when the latter was enlarged." The carved porch of the Lomas Rai cave is ita most outatanding feature. This highly finished entrance, with its frieze of elephanta, was thought by Cunningham to have been constructed in the Gupta period, since an epigraph of Ananta- varman Maukhari is to be found inscribed above it. This view was supported by Fleet,4 but few would now subscribe to it. The arch is carved in slavish imitation of timber construction, and this, and other details of its workmanship and design, indiente a much earlier date." Fergusson recognized that the fagade was of approximately the same period as the cave itself." The row of elephanta above the entrance emerges from two

1 Ibid., p. 46, * IbkL, pp. 47-8. * CIT.ili, p. 222. Brown, Indian Architecture, p. 13. " Ibid., p.47. History of Indian . . . Architecture, 1910 edn., vel. I, p. 131.

154 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS crocodile-like makaras at either side, and appears to be wor- shipping three caityas. Whether these elephants are specifically Ajivika symbols cannot be decided with certainty. The "Last Sprinkling Elephant " was one of the eight finalities (carimdim) of the Ajivikas,1 and King Harsa of Kashmir, who may have been a patron of the sect, introduced an elephant motif on his coins "; but these feeble indications are very inconclusive. From the Bhagavali Setra it would seem that the Ajivikas, like their rivals, respected caityas," which were probably sacred sites in pre- Aryan times. It is not therefore impossible that the façade of the Lomas Rai cave was added by a later patron of the Ajivikas, not long after the death of Asoka. The Lomas Rai cave bears on the door-jamb the short inscrip- tions Bodhimula and Kleda-kantāra, in Gupta characters of two different sizes and hands. This indicates its Iater occupation by Buddhista. Above the porch is a longer inscription of Ananta- varman Maukhari,4 in which he records that he placed in the cave an image of Krgna. Anantavarman apparently visited the Hill before his accession to the throne, for the inscription refers to his father Sardhlavarman in the present tense, and gives the son no royal titles." It must therefore have been engraved shortly before c. A.D. 450," and the caves cannot have been evacuated by the Ajivikas at a later date than this. Of the three Nagarjuni caves the Gopika (Plate VII, v) is a single rectangular chamber, its length parallel to the rock- face, entered by a passage in the middle of its length. Ita dimen- sions are 46 ft. 5 in. by 19 ft. 2 in., and its ends are semicircular. The vaulted roof is 6 ft. 6 in. high at the walls, rising to 10 ft. 6 in. at the centre. The interior, like those of the Barabar caves, is highly polished. As well as the dedicatory inscription of Dasaratha it bears an inscription of Anantavarman, which records that the Prince caused an image of Katyayanī to be placed in the cave, and gave a village, the name of which is illegible, to the support of the goddess Bhavani, of whom Katyayani appears to be an epithet." A hundred years ago the cave was occupied by a Muslim holy man, but it was empty when surveyed by Cunningham. 1 V. spra, p. 68. 4 CIT.im, pp.221-3. : V. infra, p. 205. * V.suprn, pp. 31-32. * Tbid., chart opposite p. 156. Pires, T'he Maukharis, p. 52. " Canningham, op. cit., pp. 48-0. F CII.ii, pp. 226-8.

PLATE VII.

BARÅBAR CAVES

NĀGĀRJONI CAVEE

Mans of the BARABAR AND NAGARJUNI CAVES. (From Cunningham, Four Reports, vol. L.)

AJIVIKAS IN THE NANDA AND MAURYA PERIODS 155

The Vahiyakā cave (Plate VII, vi) consists of a single rect- angular chamber measuring 16 ft. 9 in. by 11 ft. 3 in., entered by a small porch and a narrow doorway. The vaulted roof is 10 ft. 6 in. at ita highest point. Like those of the other caves, the whole interior is highly polished. Near its entrance is a well 23 feet deep, from which fact Cunningham interpreted the inscription of Dasaratha to read Vapiyaba-kubha (" the Well Cave ").ª It bears no Maukhari inseription, but one in characters of a somewhat later style records that " Acarya Sri Yogananda does reverence to Siva "." Like the two other Nagirjuni caves, this was later occupied by Muslim hermits. The third cave, the Vadathika, (PL. VII, vii) is entered by a very narrow passage, 7 ft. 2 in. long by only 2 ft. 10 in. wide, which was originally elosed by a wooden door, the socket- holes of which remain. It is amaller and less imposing than the other two Nagarjuni caves, the chamber being only 16 ft. 4 in. long. Cunningham gives ita breadth as 4 ft. 3 in., but this seems to be a misprint; his small diagram suggests a breadth of about 10 feet. The cave has been divided into two by a rude brick wall of which " the only opening to the inner room appears to be too small for the passage of any grown-up man, and could only have been used by the occupant for the reception of food ". Cunningham does not state how he managed to pass through this small opening to survey the whole room ; presumably the wall was partly broken down when he visited the caves." He gives no estimate of the date of the construction of this interior partition, but there seems no special reason to believe that it had any connection with the cave's firat Ajivika occu- panta. It is known, however, that the Ajivikas sometimes performed penances in large jars, and it may be that even the enrliest occupants of the caves also practised self-immurement. This cave also contains an inscription of Anantavarman Maukhari, recording that he installed in it an image of Bhūtapati and Devi, probably an Ardhanārifvara figure of Siva."

• Acdrya árl Yoglnanda pranamati Sidahedvara. Cunningham, op. cit, : IbL, p.50.

pL xx, no. vili. In Cunningham's eye copy there sems to bo no traco of eiaarga ur anuepira. The Acrya's name is alo recorded in the Gopiki Cave. @ Cunningham,op. cit., pp. 50-1. . V. supra, p. 111. . OIf. lil, pp. 213-5.

156 HISTORY OF THE AJÍVIKAS The large cave chambers of Nagarjuni were excavated, as the inscriptions proclaim, as shelters for Ajivika ascetics during the rainy season. The caves of Lomas Ri, Sudama, and Visva- mitra, of the Barabar group, apparently served a different purpose, for all possess a ciroular inner chamber, which seems to have been a sanctuary of some sort. This inner chamber is in the spot which, in Buddhist cave temples, is occupied by the stupa, or aymbolic mound, hewn out of the living rock.1 Only two caves of the Lomas Rai type are known, other than those of Barabar. Of these one, at Guntupalli in the Kistna District of Madras Province, which contains a stupa, is thought to be a little Iater in date than those of Barabar." This cave is not far distant from the region where Ajivikas are known to have persisted in comparative strength until the Middle Ages." In the tenth century a village called Acuvula- parru, the name of which may contain the Tamil inscriptional form of the word Ajivika, existed in the same neighbourhood.4 It is therefore not impossible that the Guntupalli cave was also once an Ājivika hermitage. The second cave, at Kondivte near Bombay, is Buddhist. It is of later construction, but it retains the cireular inner chamber with a stupa." It is possible that the Barabar caves originally also contained stupas, not hewn from the rock, but artificially erected and since removed. In the designs of the Lomas Rai and Sudama caves we probably have a representation in stone of the earliest Ajivikn meeting- place-a rectangular courtyard, at one end of which was a circular thatched hut, perhaps containing some sacred symbol. This, no doubt, was the Ajiviya-sabha of the Uvasaga Dasdo,ª The fact that these caves are the earliest surviving religious edifices in India suggesta that the Ajivikas were the first com- munity to use material more solid than wood for religious pur- poses. That Asoka should have gone to so much expense and

1 Fergouon, History of Indian . . . Architeeture, p. 131. : Brown, Indian Architecture, p. 19. . V. infra, pp. 187 ff. . V. Infra, p. 187. Brown, loc. cit. Fergusson, Care Temples of India, pp. 300-1. . V. supma, pp. 115-16.

PLATE VIII.

7 FACADE OF THE LOMAS RSI CAVE. (From JBORS, xii.)

AJIVIKAS IN THE NANDA AND MAURYA PERIODS 157 trouble to provide the community with hermitages is indicative of his support of the seet, and of ita influence in Magadha at the time. That Dadaratha, Asoka's grandson, should have recorded that he dedicated the Nagarjuni caves immediately after his consecration strongly indicates that he bestowed his special favour on the sect. The fact that his name is omitted from the king-lists both of the Buddhists and of the Jainas suggeats that he was looked on with disfavour by both secta, perhaps on account of his patronage of the Ajivikas.1 But the prosperity of the Ajivikas, and their enjoyment of the patronage of the Kings of Magadha, may not have been long- lasting. The inscriptions of Asoka and Dasaratha have been mutilated or defaced, most of them in such a manner as to indi- cate that the original inhabitants of the caves were evicted in favour of their religious opponents. Of the three Asokan inscrip- tions of the Barabar caves that of the Karna Chopar (PL. V, iii) has been so badly defaced as to be almost illegible ; the Sudima inseription has the word s'dbhisitend in the first line and ajicikehi in the second effaced (Pl. V, i); while of the Visvamitra cave inseription (Pl. V, ii) the aksaras a, jt, and vi only are effaced, while the rest of the inseription is remarkably clear and legible. Of the three Dadaratha inscriptions of the Nagarjuni caves, that in the Vahiyaka (Pl. VI, i) has the whole word Ajieikehi obliterated; the Gopika cave inscription shows no signs of deliberate defacement, although some aksaras are badly worn (Pl. VI, ii); while the Vadathik cave inscription (Pl. VI, ii) is defaced in two lettera-the A and ji of Ajivikehi. The selective nature of most of these defncements indicatea that they were carried out by the religious rivals of the Ajivikas, who made use of the caves after them, and did not wish to be reminded of the former occupanta. The evidence of later inscrip- tions, and of the other remains in the vicinity, shows that, after the Ajivikas, the caves were occupied by Buddhist, Hindu, and Muslim in turn. Of these, it is improbable that the Muslims were responsible for the defacement of the inscriptions, for it appears that, by the time of the Muslim invasion, the Brahmi alphabet was illegible even to the moat learned Brahmanas." De In Vallle Poussin, L'Inde ouz Tempe des Mouryan, pp. 166-6. Ishwari Prasad, History of Mediaeval India, p. 290.

158 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS Hultzach has suggested that the inscriptions were defaced at the time of the installation of the Hindu images by Anantavarman.1 There is little to be said in favour of this view, which rests on a very slender basis, and is disproved by the fact that the only cave inscription in which the word Ajivikehi remains quite intact, that of the Gopika cave on Nagarjuni Hill, is one of the three in which Anantavarman placed a Hindu ikon." If the defacement had been the work of the carvers of the Maukhari inscriptions they would surely have taken special care to obliterate all record of the Ajivikas in those caves which their master had dedicated to Hindu deities. A very clever suggestion has been put forward by Dr. A. Banerji Sastri.ª The Hill of Barabar, called Khalatika in the Asokan inscriptions, was known in the time of Anantavarman as Pravaragiri. It also had another name, which is incised in the rock in Brahmi characters, in two forms, Gorathagiri and Gora- dhagiri.4 The Mahabharata refers to a hill of the same name as situated not far from Rajagrha." According to Jayaswal's reading of the Hathigumpha inscription of Khiravela, that king oceupied Gorathagiri in the eighth year of his reign, in the course of his Magadhan campaign. A clause in the 7th-8th line of the inscription is read by Jayaswal as: " Athame ca vase mahati senāya maha[ta-bhitti]-Goradhagirim ghātāpayitā Rājagaham upapidapayati." This Jayaswal translates: "In the eighth year he (Kharavela) having got stormed (sic) the Gorathagiri (fortress) of great enclosure (lit. ' wall', ' barrier ') by a great army causes pressure around Rajagrha."" The word Goradhagiri, sup- posed by Jayaswal to exist at the end of the seventh line of the inscription, is not definitely legible in the reproduction to which he refers," but his reading is apparently supported by Konow" and also by other competent authorities,10 and does not seem to be questioned in this particular. Banerji Sastri 11 suggests that Khāravela, known to be an earnest Jaina, was responsible for the expulsion of the Ajivikas from the caves, the mutilation : OII.i,p. xxvill. : JBORS.xm. pp.53-62. : V. spra, p. 134. Mbh. Sabha xvill, 30 (Poona edn.). Jackson, JBORS. i, pp. 159-172. Ibid, pp.378-0. . JBORS.iv.p.399. · Acta Orientalia i, pp. 12 42. . JBORS. in, opp. p. 472. 1 PHAI., p. 348. Sirear, Seleet Inseriptions, vol. i, p. 208. = JBORS. xil, pp. 60-1.

AJIVIKAS IN THE NANDA AND MAURYA PERIODE 159

of the inscriptions of Asoka and Dasaratha, and the carving of the facade of the Lomas Rai cave. He believes that the façade shows resemblances to those of the Jaina enves of Udayagiri, in one of which Kharavela's inscription is found; he admits that these resemblances are not striking, but points specially to the monsters at the corners of the frieze of the Lomas Rsi cave, which are very similar in design to those at Udayagiri, where the elephants are replaced by lotuses or lions. This argument is not convincing, but is a mere expression of possibility. It seems more plausible if we adopt Jayaswal's dato, and place Kharavela in the first half of the second century n.c.1 But few recent authorities would admit that he reigned so early ; the latter half of the first century n.c. is the date now usually favoured for the Kharavela inscription, which must thus have been inscribed a century or more after those of Dasaratha.' The Lomas Rsi fagnde seems to be either Mauryan or immediately post-Mauryan-the very primitive imitation of woodwork in the design," and the early form of the crocodile-like creatures to the right and left of the frieze,4 point to an early date for its construction. Even though Kharavela may not have caused the carving of the entrance to the Lomas Rsi cave it is still possible that he was responsible for the eviction of the Ajivikas and for the defacement of the Mauryan inscriptions. But the evidence ia quite inconclusive. On the basis of a barely legible inscription Kharavela is said to have occupied the hill, and he is known to have been a Jaina; these are the only facts on which the argument is based. Any local Magadhan ruler between the Maurya and Gupta periods is an equally possible persecutor of the Ājivikas. The Ajivikas must have lost possession of the caves and the inscriptions must have been defaced at some time before the fifth century A.D, and probably before the commencement of the Gupta era, at a period when the Brahmi alphabet was atill widely understood. Whether the Ajivikas voluntarily abandoned the caves or were forcibly evicted, it is evident that their influence 1 JBORS. Iv. p. 340. * Siroar, Select Inseriptions, vol. i, p. 206, n. 1. : Ferguson, Case Temples of India, p. 38. * Vogel, Revue dea Arta Aaiatigues, vi, p. 138.

160 HISTORY OF THE ĀJIVIKAS waned rapidly in Magadha from the end of the Maurya period onwards. We find no later material or epigraphic remains of them in Northern India, and although references to them occur in Sanskrit literature for over a thousand years after the deathe of their Maurya patrona, these are brief and few. It is doubtful if they were again a significant factor in North Indinn culture.

CHAPTER IX

AJIVIKAS IN LATER TIMES

REFERENCES IN SANSKRIT LITERATURE

After the Mauryas the Ajivikas, although occasionally men- tioned in Sanakrit literature, never again appear in Northern India as serious rivals to the greater sects. The passages from the early Buddhist and Jaina seriptures may indeed have takon final shape at a comparatively late period, but the flourishing Ajivika community referred to therein seems to be a recollection of Maurya and pre-Maurya times, rather than a picture of conditions in the fourth and fifth centuries A.D. In the Arthasastra the Ajivikns are mentioned once. The house- holder who feeds Sakyas, Ajivikas, or other base mendicants at sncrificinl or commemorative ceremonies is to be fined a hundred (panas).1 The Ajivika is mentioned with the Buddhist as the leading representative of the heretical orders. He is still a significant force in the community, for he, and not the Nir- grantha, comes second in the list. The latter is presumably included in the general group of base mendicants of other secta. It will be remembered that Adoka, in the Seventh Pillar Edict, gave the Ajivika precedence over the Nirgrantha," and the absence of reference to the latter by name in this passage suggesta an early date for at least this regulation of the Arthalastra. Had it been composed as late as the third century A.D., as Keith supposes," surely the Nirgrantha would have been mentioned in preference to the Ājivika as a typical representative of heterodoxy. By this time there is ample archæological evidence to show that

dandab. Aribattatra li1, 20, p. 100. # V. wapra, p. 150. * Asutish Mooberji Commemoration Volume, pt. I, pp. 8-22.

162 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS Jainism was widespread, while similar evidence of Ajivikism is non-existent. The Mahabharata, with its many strata, cannot well be attri- buted to any century. No doubt it was in process of receiving final shape during the period between the Maurya and the Gupta dynasties, and its contents may be taken as indicative of the climate of thought and of social conditions in Western Indin during thnt period. It contains no reference to the Ajivikas -- indeed it appears to contain no specific references to the greater heterodox orders of Buddhism and Jainism; but, beaides the strange story of Manki,1 it has a number of passages very similar in content to the doctrine of Makkhali Gosala as outlined in the Samalina-phala Sutta. This perhaps indicates that Gosala's teachings were by no means uninfluential. We have already suggested that he did but systematize an attitude to life which must have existed long before the emergence of the sect, and which may even have been found among Aryan warriors before their entry into India." The Ajivika sect must have acted as a stimulus to such an attitude, which is explicitly expressed in several Mahabharata references.3 Though the Ajivika doctrine of fate may have found ita supporters the sect itself continued to decline. A reference in the Vāyu Purāņa seems to depict the Äjivikns struggling for survival, as a sort of secret society. The relevant passage follows a desorip- tion of the goblins (pisdcd), who lurk at twilight among ruined houses, at crossroads, and at other places of doubtful omen. "Roads, rivers, fords, cnitya-trees, highways-pisacas have entered all these places. Those unrighteous people the Ajivas, as ordained by the gods, are the confusers of varna and aśrama, a people of workmen and craftamen. Goblins are the divinities in their sacrifices, which they perform with wealth (stolen) from beings who resemble the immortals (i.e. brahmanas) and (gained by acting as) police spies, and with much other ill- gotten wealth, and with honey, meat, broth, ghee, sesamum, powder, wine, spirita, incense, greens, krfara (boiled sesamum and rice), oil, fragrant grass (? bhadra), treacle, and porridge. The Lord Brahma likewise appointed black garments, incense,

1 V.supra, pp.38-39. * V. supma, p. 7. * V. infrn, p. 218.

AJIVIKAS IN LATER TIMES 163

and flowers to be the oblations of the goblins at the quarters of the moon." 1 The equivalence of the Ajiva here mentioned and the Ajivikn is attested by the lexicographers.ª The Vayu, which is mentioned by Bana and refers to the Guptas, is probably an early specimen of its class." In it the habits of the Ajivikas seem to have changed very considernbly since the days of Makkhali Gosila. The sect has developed a magical and sacrificial cult, and its memhers are typified not as naked ascctics but as workmen and crafts- men. We may conclude that this description representa the Ajīvikas at a later stage than do any of the Buddhist or Jaina references so far considered. It is perhaps a picture of the degener- ate remnant of the Ajivika lay community in North India during the Gupta period. The same text gives a description of nagna ascetics, who should not under any ciroumstances be allowed to be present at śraddha ceremonies. "Formerly brāhmaņas, kşattriyas, vaišyas, and sūdras were perverted into hereties by the Asuras, defcated in the battle of gods and demons. This (perversion) is not the creation of the Self-existent. Since the nirgranthas who perform no draddka and the ragged (beggars) live by force, they who do not live righteously are the naked (ascetics) and other peoples, The twice-born man with vainly matted locks, vainly tonsured, vainly naked, (performing) vain fasta, muttering vain (mantras) -- he is of the naked (asceties) and other (heretical) peoples, base- born men, outenstes, the destroyers of prosperity. Although they do not perish as a result of the deeds which they commit,

1 Patho nadyo 'tha tirthani caitya-erk an makapathan

Adharmik jands te vai Ajint vikiinh aurath Varndlramah sankaribh bāru-dilpi-jands tathd. 285.

Elair anyail en bakubkir anyay'-dpårjitair dAanair, Arbhante kriya yãs tn, pildeks tatra derath, 288. Madhu-mms'-audanair dadana tila-rarna-aur'-daaraib Diapair haridma-kyanrais taila-bhadra-gud -dndanath. 287. Krandnie aiva vismsi dhapãh aumananas tathd Evam yukias subalayas tesim vai parva-sandkigi Pičmnów annjůya Arahmá so 'dhipatir dadau. 288. Voyu, 09. The test is olvure and eorrapt. On the weeond line of v. 285 I have trandlated Varydarmndh autbaribay as though a single cumpound adjective. My rendering of tho firat line of v. 280 in very tentative. V. infra, pp. 182-84. * Winternitz, Gerhiekte der indischen Literainr, i. p. 403.

164 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS they are well known as men of evil courses. In vain,does the conceited man go to a draddha ceremony or to (a sacrifice) per- formed by them."1 This passage, as well as that previously quoted, seems to be very corrupt, and has a number of variant readings. Among these an alternative for the second half of verse 30 may be of significance. As well as the reading saktya jivanti karpata there is the variant Sakyd pusti-kalamdakah." The word pusti- kalamdakah here seems to be out of place, since it ocours again at the end of verse 32, where it is probably a corruption of pusti-vinddakah. On comparing these two versions, both of which are probably corrupt, we are tempted to offer the tentative reconstruction : Ye viśraddhaka-nirgranthah Saky'- Ajivika-karpatah. This, with the first half of the following verse, might be translated : " The nirgranthas, who perform no śraddha, the Buddhist (Sakya) and Ajivika ragged mendicants (and) they who do not live according to dharma are the nagna people eto." In the first Vayu Purana reference we read of the Ajivas, apparently prosperous craftsmen and artisans, who devote their ill-earned wealth to the worship of the goblins who haunt the sacred groves, with ceremonies suggestive of later tantrism." In the second passage we have a group of false ascetics, naked and otherwise (nagn'-ddi), who, like the Ajivas, are the objecta of the scorn and opprobrium of the orthodox. Whatever reading we accept for the crucial second half of the 30th verse of the

1 Brākmapāh kyatiriyā maišyā erpalas e'aiva sarvašah Pură devdaure yuddhe nirjiiair asurais tada 20. Fad vilrdddhaba-nirgranthaa saktya jivanti karpatah, 30. Ye dharmam n' dnusartante, de vai nogn' ddayo jandh. Vriha jali urtha-mundt urihd-nagnas ca yo duiah 31. Vrthd-sraft urthd-japf te vai nagn'-ddayo janda Kud'-ddlama Nijadas ca tatha pupf-sindiakah. 32. Krta-karm' dkyits to ele kupathah parikirish, Ehhir siryttam cå fraddhain vthd gacokali mdnavdn. 33. Vayu, 78. In the Poona text the second half of v. 32 rends : KulundAamd mikdind ea taihd puati-kalamdakah. For this I have substituted a variant ronding (p. 291, n. 21); and I havs altered kulandhamd to kulddhamd. Otherwise the text scems almoet unintelligible. # Vaym (Poona edn.), p. 291, n. This reading is necepted by the Caloutta text (vol. i, p. 191). * An alternative interpretation might be offered that the gollina reccive, by deoree of Brahma, the offerings intended by the Ajivas for other divinitica.

AJIVIKAS IN LATER TIMES 165

second passage, it is clear that the group nagn'-ddi must inelude the ascetic leaders of the Ajivas of the first passage; unless indeed the author of the first passage has confused asceties and goblins, and the pisacas who lurk in the twilight in ruined buildings, in groves, and at crossroads actually represent the Ajtvika ascetics, who, like the Bodhisatta Ajivika of the Jataka,1 fled at the sight of men, no doubt in this onse owing to rising popular antagonism. This puzzling reference in the Vayu Purana leaves many questiona unsettled, but at least it indicates that there survived in North India in Gupta times an Ajivikn community, which had by now become corrupt and was probably rapidly declining. Mahayana Buddhist literature refers to Ajivikas in conneo- tion with ita legends of the Buddha, but otherwise takes little note of them. The Lalita Vistara mentions them briefly in a list of ascetics which ineludes carakas, parivrājakas, urddhaśrāvakas, gautamas, and nirgranthas." They are included in a similar list in the Saddharma-Pundarika,a where it is stated that a Bodhisattva does not associnte with them. More significant is a reference in Kumaradāsa's Jānakī- harana. Here Ravana, planning the rape of Sita, appronches Rama's hermitage in the guise of " a maskarin, a false Ajivika, his head adorned with piled and matted locks ".4 Here the word maskarin is employed with Ajivika, but in other references it would seem to refer to ascetics of a different type"; we have already suggested that the term ineluded any mendicant bearing a staff." The matted locks of this false Ajivika are not altogether consistent with the description of Ajivikas in earlier sources, where they are said to have pulled out their hair by the roots." We cannot decide whether the author was using the term loosely, whether he was ill-informed as to the habita of Ajivikas, or whether he had in mind a sub-sect of the Ajivika order which had abandoned the custom of tonsure.

: V. supra, p. 110. Lalita-Viatara, ed. Lefmann, vol. i, p. 380, 1. 12. # xill, Kem edn., pp. 276-6. * Dambl'-djieikam uitunga.jajd-mandita-mastakam Kaiein masbarinam Siia dadari' diramam dpatam. x, 76. . V. supra, pp. 99-100. . V. mpra, p. 100. ? V. supra, p. 106.

166 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS The Janaki-harana, the authorship of which is attributed to a King of Ceylon, is thought to have a southern or Sinhalese provenance.1 The Bhatti-kavya, written on the same theme and at about the same time, but probably originating from Valabhi," deseribes the ascetic guise of Ravana in terms which leave no doubt that the author has in mind a Saivite ascetio; like Kumaradasa's ascetie his hair is piled upon the top of his head (Sikhi); he holds an earthen pot; he has a skull in place of the usual begging bowl; he wears two garments died with lac; and he bears a staff." Mallinitha's commentary states that he must have been a tridandin, or Saivite ascetic, for he is said to have a topknot, wherens the eladandins or Vaisnavite ascotics, with whom Ajivikas were sometimes included, did not wear topknots.4 The ascetic is further described as a knower of the soul (atma-vid), and as maintaining the vow of a maskarin (dhārayan maskari-vratam). In both references the ascetic is a maskarin, but in the former he is referred to as an Ajivika, while in the latter he is clearly orthodox. It will be remembered that Ajivikas survived in South India, the home of the Janaki-harana, while in the north they seem to have been almost forgotten. It is perhaps significant that the Southern poem at least employs the term Ajivika, even though the sectarian affiliations of its owner may be in some doubt. Profeasor D. R. Bhandarkar, however, is of the opinion that the authors of both poems were describing Ajivikns. " Ravana ... approaches Sita in a disguised form (and) is called both Ajivikn and Maskarin, which must therefore be taken to be synonymous terms. In the Bhattikāvya also Rāvaņa is represented ... in the garb of a maskarin. Among ... various characteristics ... that of his being a dikhin is specified. From this the commentator Mallinatha argues that he was a Tridandin, and not an Ekadandin as the latter have no matted hair. But this does not agree with what Utpala says, for ... he gives Ekadandin as a synonym of Ajivika. The word fikhin Koith, History of Sanakrit Literature, p. 119. Ibid., p. 116. 3 /njlibaeya, v. 61-3. Dandavăn tridond fty arthab. Ata eva Hikl' try uhtam, ebadandinah

AJIVIKAS IN LATER TIMES 167 of the Bhattikavyn ... agrees with the udtunga-jald of the Janaki-harana, and as the latter calls an Ajīvika a Maskarin it appears that an Ajivika was really a Tridandin and not an Ekadaņdin as Utpala supposes."1 This argument falls to the ground when it is recognized that the terms ajivika and maskarin are not, as Bhandarkar assumes, synonymous .* In its wide connotation the latter term might be applied to the Vaigpavite beggar with his single staff, to the Snivite with his triple staff, to the staff-bearing Ajīvika, perhaps even to the Digambara Jaina, who also carried a staff, and no doubt to many nondesoript religious mendicants who habitually carried staves. It seema, however, that the torm maskarin was most frequently applied to the Saivite ascetic. For example the Harsacarita introduces a maskarin who comes as a messenger from the grent Saivite ascetio Bhairavacarya to the court of Harşa's ancestor Pusyabhiti. His figure is graphically doscribed by Bana, and has few characteristics in common with the Ajivika. He wears a ragged robe, which is stained rod; he has a skull, which he uses as a begging bowl and stores in a box of kharjūra wood; and he possesses various other articles which hang from a pole over his shoulder. He is evidently a Saivite like his master.ª In the same text we find that " renowned maskarins, who had correctly learnt the truths of the soul ",4 attended the court of Harsa's father, Prabhakaravardhana. These are evidently orthodox ascetics. The lexicographers also show that the maskarin and the Ajivika were, from the doctrinal point of view, in different categoriea.5 Dr. Barua cites references from the Pafcalantra and the Mudrrāksasa to kșapaņakas whose characters and descriptions "combine the Jaina with the Ajivika". Those in the former reference do honour to Jinendra .? In the latter " one of the spies of Canakya, the great minister of Candragupta, is a tonsured

1 TA. xli, p. 200. # V. supra, pp. 99-100. " Ed. Fohrer, pp. 152-3. 4 Yatlnvad odhigar -ddhydlma-lattels . . . samalul maskarigah. Murencarita, el. Fohrer, p. 230. s V. Infra, p. 182. . JDL. ii, pp. 62 fT. Pallcatantra v, 1. Bahler odn., vol, iil, pp. 38-41. . The character ealled simply Kjapanaku, in Mudrtrak,asa, act iv.

168 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS ascetie who respects the teaching of the Arhants, foretells the future, and uses the slogan: "There is no sin for the true believera " (N' atthi pāvam sāvagānam). The kşapanakas in the former reference seem to be Jainas, and the ascetio of the latter also suggests a Jaina in most particulars. We can draw no inferences from the fact that he was a fortune-teller, for fortune-telling was the trade not only of Ajivikas, but of ascetics of all orders, as Barua himself admits. The only hint of Ajivikism in this figure is the antinomianism of his slogan, which suggests the doctrine ascribed by the Buddhista to Pūrana Kassapa and Pakudha Kaccayana." It is therefore possible that Visakhadatta did introduce an Ajivika trait into the character of his ascetic. Another doubtful ense is to be found in the Harsacarita. Prince Harsa, following his brother Rajyavardhana against the Hunns, hears of the illness of his father, Prabhakaravardhana, while somewhere to the north of the capital Sthanviávara. On his way back to his dying father he mects an evil omen in the form of a naked ascetie (nagn'-dtaka), his body covered with many days' accumulation of dirt, and " marked with a peacock's plume "." This dirty and repulsive character suggests a Digambara Jaina monk, with his peacock-feather brush. On the other hand mysterious naked ascetics, also called nagn'-dtakas, appear in Kashmir in the eleventh century." These seem not to have been Jainas, and may have been Ajivikas. In South India we find Digambaras and Ajivikas living in the same distriota, and the same may have happened in North-Western India, where Jainiam seems to have found a home at an early date. The ascetio met by Harşa may therefore have been an Ājīvika, although it is perhaps more probable that he was a Digambara, whose sect still survives in the same region.4

VARAHAMIHIRA AND UTPALA The astrologer Varihamihira, writing a century earlier than Bana, seems to have known of Ajivikas, whom he mentions in 1 V. supm, pp. 13, 16. * Silf-piecha-ladcana. Harpacarita, ed. Führor, p. 213. # V. infra, pp. 206 ff. . Jacobi, AR.E. vil, p. 472.

JJIVIKAS IN LATER TIMES 169

a catalogue of ascetics. His tenth century commentator, Utpala or Bhattotpala, apparently confused them with Vaispavites, quoting in support the Jaina writer Kalakicarya, of the fifth century. The passages have been variously explained, and are worthy of close scrutiny. The relevant verse in Varihamihira's Brhajjataka states that asceties of various orders are born under the influence of four or more powerful planets occupying a single astrological house. According to the dominant planet of the group, so will the child become an ascetic of one or other order.1 Varihamihira mentions seven types of ascetic, with the heavenly bodies under whose influence they are born; seven categories are further defined by Utpala, as follows :- 1. Sakyas, defined by Utpala as "Raktapata (Red-robed), born under the dominant influence of Mars (Maheya). 2. Ajivibas, called by Utpala Eladandins, born under Mercury (Jha or Budha). 3. Bhiksus, called by Utpala Sannyasts, born under Jupiter. 4. Vrddhas, enlled by Utpala Vrddhakrvakas or Kapalis (skull-bearing Snivite ascetics), born under the Moon. 5. Carakas, called by Utpala Cakradharas, born under Venus (Sita or Sukra). G. Nirgranthas, the member of whom is described by Utpala as a "naked ascetic without a robe, ete. "," born under Saturn (Prābhākari or Saura) ; and 7. Vanydsanas who, according to Utpala, are enters of what is to be found in forests-hermits eating roots and fruits. These aro born under the Sun (Ina). Having described each type of ascetio in turn, Utpala continues with the definitions of Kalakacarya. These are as follows :- Tapasvi born under the Sun; Kapālika the Moon ; Raktapaļa Mars ; Ekadandin » Mercury ; 1 Ehasthail caturddibhir balayutair jas prilaguiryagaih Baky.djieika-bhikau-erddha-carakd nirgrantha-vanydlanal

Brhajjataka xv, 1. Pravrajyā balibhiģ samdā parajitals lat-avāmibhiā pracyutiā. " Nagna) kşapapaka) prāvaraş'-ddi-rahitaā.

170 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS

Yali born under Jupiter ; Caraka Venus ; and Kşapaņaka „, Saturn.

After this quotation Utpala further defines some of the terms used by Varahamihira. "Here the word Vrddhaśravaka implies ascetics who serve Mahesvara, and the word djivika those who serve Nārāyaņa."1 This remarkable passage was noted by Kern," who inferred from it that the Ajivikas were orthodox Vaisnava ascetics. His view was supported by Buhler." The passage was studied by Hoernle,4 who commented on it fully. "Bhattotpala (states) ... that the Ekadandins or Ajivikas are devotees of Nariyana, that is Visnu. On the other hand Silanka, speaking of the Ekadandins in another connection, declares them to be devotees of Siva." It is clear that what these two commentators had in their mind was the class of ascetics who are still known as Dandins .... These ascetics are usually classed as belonging to the Saivite division of Hindus : but they are rather eclectics in that they invoke not only Siva but also Vişnu as Narayana." Hoernle then continues with a description of these ascetics, taken from the Bombay Gazetteer." After further discussion he concludes : "Ekadandin is a general term for a class of ascetics which includes two subdivisions, the orthodox Saivite Dandins and the heterodox Jain Ajivikas or Digambaras. (Here Hoernle refers to his own theory, considered below," that the Ajivikns merged with the Digambara Jainas.) The Jain writer Klakicarya, of course, meant to indicate the latter by the word ekadandin; and Varihamihira therefore, to preclude mis- understanding, substituted the more definite term Ajivika. The orthodox commentator, Bhattotpala, misunderstanding the 1 Atra vrddladravaka-rakanam Mahešvar'-daritnāi pravrajyānām upalakpa- pam, Ajiviba prahaņam ca Narāyan'-dšritānām. * Der Buddkismus und seine Geschichte in Indien, vol. i, p. 17. * IA.xx, p. 362. * ERE. i, pp. 266-7. . Hoernlo glves no reference for" this atatement. SilAnks's comment on Sa. Kr. li, 6, in one place rofera to ekadandins as performing Vrativara-yāga (ful. 401), bat a fow Hines Iater he speaks of them na having undertaken the reatrnints and rules of the Panesrdtra, whieh was cortainly a Vaispavite soot (fol. 402). * A Gastteer of the Bomlay Presideney, vol. ix, pt. i, p. 542. " V. infra, pp. 175 f.

AJIVIKAS IN LATER TIMES 171

position, confused the heterodox Ajivika with the orthodox Dandin." We agree with Hoernle's conclusion that the term ebadandin, like maskarin, was a word which embraced a large class of mendicants. But he is perhaps too intuitive in recognizing Kalakacarya's intention, and Varihamihira's wish " to preclude misunderstanding", which was apparently ineffectual in the case of Utpala, who " misunderstood the position ". Even in the fifth century, when Kalakicarya wrote, the Ajivika must have been much rarer than most other types of staff-bearing mendicant. We believe that Kalaka intended by the term ekadandin not the Ajivikn, as Hoernle believes, but the whole class of ascetics bearing single staves. For astrological purposes both Vaişnava eladandins and Ajivikas would be classed together on the strength of this common characteristic. In compiling the Brhajjataka Varihamihira probably used the term Ajīvika in preference to eladandin for the simple reason that the latter term would not fit well into the metrical scheme of the Sardala-vikridita stanza, with the handling of which he seems to have experienced some difficulty. Utpala's position may be made clear by a further quotation from Kalakâcarya, oceurring in the former's long commentary to the crucial verse of Varahamihira: "The planets Surya, eto., in order are to be known as the presiding influences (nāha) of consecrations into the systems (maggesu) of Fire (Jalana), Hara, Sugata, Kesava, Śruti, Brahman, and the Naked."1 To this Utpala adds : "The Kedava-devotee means the Bhaga- vata." After the Sun and Moon Kalaka plainly intended the five planets to be read in their traritional Indian order ; Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, Venus, and Saturn. Thus Mercury, said by Varahamihira to dominate the Ajivika, would occur fourth on the list, and, according to Kalakacarya's second classification would become the presiding planet of the devotee of Keśava, or Visnu. When commenting on Varahamihira Utpala must have had before him the two lists of Kalaklcarya, whom he seems to have respected highly. Kalaka declared that the ascetie born under Mercury was a devotee of Vianu and an

" Kršum-Maktab, Bhagarata ity orthab.

172 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS ekadandin; Varahamihira stated that he was an Ajivikn; both were great astrologers and worthy of Utpala's confidence ; therefore the term Ajivika implied the devotee of Narāyaņa. It is, however, by no means certain that Utpala's mis- understanding was as grave as Hoernle supposed. It will be shown in the second part of this work 1 that by the time of Utpaln the Southern Ajivikas had adopted several theistio beliefa, for instance devotion to the divine Markali and a theory of avalāras. On the other hand the Pafcaratra Vaisnavites held a theory of niyati, which perhaps owed something to Ajivikiam." The heresy of Buddhism gradually drew nearer to the main stream from which it had deviated, and Jainism and Sikhism have done likewise. It would be surprising if at least some mem- bers of the small Ajivika sect had not by the time of Utpala abaorbed elements of the doctrines of the rising schools of theism. Before leaving this crucial passage of Utpala's commentary we must consider the interpretation of Professor D. R. Bhandarkar," which is supported by Barua.4 According to Bhandarkar the phrases : Atra vrddhaśravaka-grahanam Mahčfvar'-dáritanām pravrajyānām upalakşaņam, Ajīvika- grahaņam ca Nārāyan'-diritānām, have been completely mis- understood by Kern and Buhler, because they concentrated their attention upon the second phrase without giving due consideration to the first. The true rendering of the second phase should not be; "And the use of (the term) Ājivika refers to those who have taken refuge in Narāyana," but " ... used as a mark to denote the monastio orders seeking rofuge with Narayana ". "The point which Kern lost sight of," continues Bhandarkar, "was the word upalaksana, 'a mark indicative of something that the word itself does not actually express.' Sanskrit commentators often employ the word upala- ksana when they want a certain word or expression in the original to denote things, not, truly speaking, signified by that word or expression. ... Thus according to Utpala, Ajivika does not signify Narayan-diria ... but simply indi- cates it .... The theory propounded by Professor Kern . . . has, therefore, no grounds to stand on." 1 V. infrn, pp. 275 ff. * IA. xll, pp. 287-8. : V. infra, p. 281. . JDL ii, p. 73.

AJIVIKAS IN LATER TIMES 173 Dr. Barua expresses gratitude to Professor Bhandarkar for his discovery of the true meaning of this passage, and gives a rather imaginative paraphrase of it. " Professor Bhandarkar," he writes, " has rendered a great service by roctifying a fatal error in the interpretation of Utpala's commentary, which led such veteran Sanskritists as Professors Kern and Buhler to suppose that the Ajiviks were the worshippers of Narāyana, i.e. Bhāgu- vatas. But now thanks to Professor Bhandarkar no one doubta that Utpala's meaning was just the contrary. The Ajivikas and the Bhagavatas furnished him with a typical instance whereby he could illustrate upalaksana, a figure of Rhetoric used in characterizing what a word does not denote. ' Ajivikagrahanam ca Narayanâéritanam,' i.e. to accopt one as an Ajivika is not to denote a worshipper of Narāyaņa." In fact the term grahana in this context means simply " a word mentioned ",1 and not, as Barua implies, " the acceptance" of one as belonging to the class denoted by the word. Upalaksana means "implying something that has not been expressed "," the connotation of the word, as distinet from its denotation. Thus urddhasravaka literally means "an elderly disciple", but its secondary meaning or upalaksana is, according to Utpala, "a devotee of Siva." Similarly Ajivika means, necording to the usual interpretation, " a professional ascetic "3; but Utpala declares that it further means "a devotee of Niriyana" by upalaksaņa. The futility of Bhandarkar's attempt to escape this conclusion is evident without long comment. The term Ajivika, on his interpretation of Utpala, does not "refer " to worshippers of Narayana, but " is used as a mark to denote " them. It does not " signify " them, but " simply indicates " them. For all these hair-splitting distinctions without difference Professor Bhandarkar cannot show that Utpala's phrase means any more than : " The word Ājīvika connotes a worshipper of Nariyann." On Dr. Barua's interpretation of Professor Bhandarkar's explanation of this passage any comment is unnecessary. As with so many other references to the Ajivikas, we cannot

! Menier Williama, Sanskrit-Engliah Dictionary, a.v. # Ibid, s.v. upalakyana. . V. supra, pp. 101-2.

174 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS draw final conelusione from this quotation from Utpala. Certainly he believed that the Ajivikas were Vaisnavites. This conclusion may have been reached after the rule of thumb equation of Varāhamihira's Ajīvika with Kalaka's ekadandin, but it is possible that Utpala had heard something, perhaps at third or fourth hand, of the Dravidinn Ajivikas, some of whom had by this time become theistic in their outlook. From the space which Utpala devoted to the explanation of the term, it would seem that it was by now little known in North India. Thus this crucial reference provides, if nothing more, yet another indication of the lingering denth which Ajivikism was dying.

ŠILANKA AND THE TRATRĀŠIKAS Like Utpala, Śilanka, the ninth century 1 commentator to the Sutrakrtdnga, seems to have been in some confusion about tho Ajīvikas. He had a sound understanding of niyativāda,2 a cardinal doctrine of the Ajivikas, which was attributed by the later Jaina commentator Gunaratna to Pūrana,3 who was remembered as a prophet by the Southern Ajivikns,4 On the other hand Silanka does not associate the Niyati doctrine with Gosala, with Pūrana, or with Ajivikism. He recognizes one significant teaching of later Ajivikism, the doctrine of mandala-moksa," which he correctly attributes to the followers of Gosala ; but besides this he states in another context that the Ajivikas believe in the doctrine of salvation by good conduct (vinayavdda), and he associates them with the Digambara Jainas and with the lesser Jaina schism of the Trairidikns. The relevant references in Silinka's commentary are quoted below :- 1. The text refers to Mahavira as having understood the doctrines of the Kriyāvādins, Akriyavadins, Vainayikas, and Ajidnavidins. On the third of these schools Śilanka comments : "Saying ' Salvation comes only from good conduct ', the followers of the doctrine of Godalaka walk in the path of good conduct, and are hence termed Vainayikns." : Glasennpp, Der Jainiemna, p. 107. · V. wupra, p. 81. 4 V. sopra, p. 80. : V. infra, pp. 230 IT. . V. infra, p. 259. " Vinnyad ena mokja iy enam Goldlaka sal -dnusarino vinayena carant' Mi Vainayiba ryarasthiiah. To Sa. Lr. i, 0, 27, fol 152.

AJIVIKAS IN LATER TIMES 175 2. On another passage, which describes certain asceties who revile the monk leading a righteous life, Silanka commonts with an ambiguous phrase which has formed the basis of an important theory of Hoernle's: "They are the Ajivikas who follow the doctrine of Gośala, or Digambaras," 1 3. He uses a similar phrase when commenting on a verse describing the best means of converting the herctical opponenta of Jainism : "They are the Ajivikas, ete., who follow the doctrine of Godala, or Boțikas (i.e. Digambaras)."# 4. On the theory that the soul freed from karma may yet become defiled and return to samsara, Silanka atates that the view is held by " the Trairasikas, who follow the doctrine of Gosala, and who have twenty-one sutras, arranged according to the order of the Trairiika sutras in the Puruas ".ª The second and fourth of these references have been used by Hoernle to further his theory that the later Ajivikas merged with the Digambara Jainas. He writes: "Silanka states that the reference is to the Ajivikas or Digambaras. Seeing that, in his comment on another passage of the same work, he identifies . . . the Ajivikas with the Terasiyas (Sanskr. Trairadikas), it follows that in Silanka's viow the followers of Gosala, the Ajivikas, the Terasiyas, and the Digambaras were the same class of religious mendiennta." 4 We do not believe that these references are more conelusive as proofs of the merging of the Ajivikas and the Digambaras than is the dubious statement of Utpala as proof of the merging of the Ajivikas and the Vaisnavites. Hoernle notes only two of the references ; on a careful examination of all of them it may be necessary to modify his theory. In the second phrase, Hoernle has interpreted the conjune- tion wa in the sense of " i.e." It is doubtful if the particle was ever used in Sanskrit, as is "or " in English, in this sense, to denote the synonymity of two or more words or phrases. We admit that Silanka, by the use of the word va, indicated 1 Te ea Goltlaka-mal-dnutripa Ajieika Digambară vă. Ibid., tn i, 3, 3, 8, fol. 90.

43,3. 14, fol. 92. T Golilaka-mal dpudrina Ajteil'-ddayab (sir) Botika vd. Ibid, to * Trairāšibi Golalaba-mat -dnusrino, yeşim ebavimdnti aitrāņi Pūrna. ERE.i, p. 262.

176 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS that the Ajivikns were " of the same class of religious mendicanta as the Digambaras". But the toxt of the Sutrakytdnga plainly shows that the class implied by Silanka was a very wide one, comprising all those who revile the righteous Svetambara monk. The third phrase makes the position clearer. Here Śilanka makes separate mention of the Botikas or Digambaras, who are not included among the miscellaneous ascetics represented by the word ddayah, appended to Ajivika. The adjective Golalaka- mat'-dnusarina may apply only to the first, or to both, of the two nouns, but in view of the word ddayah, it would seem that Silanka intended it to apply to the first; otherwise he would have added this word to Botika- instead of to Ajivika -. Thus it appears that he did not look on the Botika as a follower of Gosala, and made a clear distinction between the two sects. If any doubts remain they are removed by a fifth phrase of Silanka, on a verse condemning the dietary habits of non- Jaina ascetics, which, he states, is "a description of the evil conduct of Ajivikas, eto., followers of other doctrines, and Digambaras ".1 In this phrase, not noticed by Hoernle, the conjunction oo is used in place of the ambiguous v. His use of the word adayah indicates that Silanka knew of more than one sect of followers of Gosala, and that the term Ajivika was not regularly used by all his followers. We shall see in our second part that differences of doctrine developed within the Ajivika community, small though it was .* Is it possible that the Vainayikas, called by Silanka followers of Gosala,ª but not referred to as Ajivikas, were one auch sohism ? Stlinka declares in another context that the Vainayikas seek a rebirth in heaven (not complete salvation or moksa, as in the first reference quoted above), by fourfold good conduct, in mind, word, body, and in giving towards gods, kings, ascetics, kinsfolk, elders, inferiors, mother, and father-a total of thirty-two categories.4 The same statement concerning the Vinayavadins is made by the later commentator Guparatna, but he includes among their i Ajieikaindm paratirthikānām Digambardņām e dandācāra-nirūpaņāya. Stianka to 80. ky. t, 3, 3, 12, fol. 91. * V. infra, pp. 279-80. # V. supra, p. 174. 4 Vainayikanam vinaydd eva kevalal paralokam ap" "techatlm duttrimad anma prakramepa yojyah : tad yathā sura-arpati-yati-jidti-stavir'-ddhama. mělr-pirpu manasă vacă kayena danena ca calurvidho vinayo vidhepab. To Su. I. i, 12 niryulti, fol. 200. Cf. infra, p. 261, n. 2.

AJIVIKAS IN LATER TIMES 177 teachers such famous names as Vasistha, Valmiki, and Vyasa,1 as well as Paradara, who is elsowhere said by Guņaratna to have taught a doctrine of natural evolution"; and he nowhere con- necta them with Gosala or with the Ajivikas. The doctrines of Gosala are often obscure; it is true that the Ajivikas were frequently accused by their opponents of antinomianiam and immorality, but perhaps their ethics were not in most respeots less strict than those of other sects of the time; yet, even after making the utmost allowance for the odium theologioum of their opponents, it seems unlikely that the average follower of Goaala's doctrines placed so strong an emphasis on ethics as Silanka suggests. Unless Silanka was mistaken we can only explain this puzzling reference by suggesting that the Vinayavadins or Vainayikas were a later sect, which perhapa arose as a schism of the Ajivikas, and which, while maintain- ing very different doctrines, yet remembered Gosala with respect. If it be admitted, on the strength of Utpala's statement and of other less definite suggostiona, that some of the Ajivikas drifted towards unorthodox Vaisnavism, we may tentativoly identify these with the Vinayavadins, and thus also account for the statement of Gunaratna that the latter revered the snints of Puranic legend. Thus we may also account for the difficult -adayah in the third phrase of Sianka quoted above. In Śilinka's fourth phrase the false prophet is said to be the leader of the Trairadikas, A sect of Trairadikas, a schism of the Jaina community, is well known in early Jaina literature, and is said to have been founded in the city of Antarinjikā by the monk Rohagupta, in the 544th year of Mahavira's nirvana," or in A.D. 18, according to the traditional reckoning. The Trairafikas held unorthodox views, resembling those of the Vaiseşika school of philosophy, on the fundamental entegories of Indian metaphysics, and they admitted only three principles of predication, sat, asal, and sadasat as against the seven of Jaina logio. 1 To Saddardana-samuccaya, p. 10. . V. wapma, pp. 81-82. : Niryukii to Avalyaka Seira 2451, quoted AbA. RAj., B.v. Terdsiya, V. also Gubrinot, La Religion Djaina, pp. 47-8. The Kalpa Setra (Stavirdrall, 6, ed. Jaoobi, p. 80) makes Rohagupta a pupil of Mahagiri, the eighth athavira, and mcond after Bhadrabahn. Thi tradition would date the origin of the Trairadikna over 200 years earlier than woald that of the Analyaba Sutre.

178 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS In the Samavaydnga Commentary1 it is stated that the Ajīvikas were also called Trairafikas, and held the three-category system of logic. It is nowhere stated that they maintained the Vaidesika eategories of the Rohagupta Trairasikas. It is unlikely that a pandit of the calibre of Silanka could have confused the latter with the Ajivikas, although they too had a trairasika system of logic, and perhaps other points of doctrine in common with the Trairadikas of Rohagupta. The fact that the two secta were well known to have been founded by different teachers, living in periods five hundred years apart, should be sufficient to show that they were not, as Professor Hoernle believed, identical. In this connection the passage in the Samavaya," commented on by Abhayadeva, is important. Both the text and the com- mentary are repeated almost verbatim in the Nandi Sutra," with its commentary by Haribhadra. This passage purports to describe the Drstivada, the lost twelfth angs of the Jaina canon. That book appears to have been a comparison, in parallel passages, of the doctrines of orthodox Jainism with those of three heresies, the Ajivika, the Catuskanayika, and the Trairasika. The first part of this text was a description of the parikammalm, which the scholinsta define as the preparations necessary to grasp the meaning of the sutras correctly. These parikammas were divided into seven groups, which were in turn divided into sub- sections. Their names are given as siddha-seniyd-parikamme, maņussa-, puttha-, ogahana-, uvasampajja-, vippajaha-, and ouydouya-seniya-parikamme. The commentators seem to have had little knowledge of the true nature of these parikammas, and they need not detain us. Significant for our purpose is a passage in the text: "Six (of these parikammas) are orthodox, seven are Ajivika, six are Catuşkanayika, seven are Trairādika." 4 The Ajivikas and the Trairasikas are said to maintain the ouydcuya-seniya-parikamma, which was not recognized by the orthodox Jainas, nor by the Catuşkanayikas. 1 To al. 147, fol. 130. V. infra, p. 170. : Samasdya, ad. 147, fol. 128 ff. : Nandi, sa. 50, fol. 107 ff. · Cha sncamaiydiy, salla ajiviyaim, eha caukkanaiyair, salta terdriyāim. Samaedya, fol. 128. The Bombay toxt has suda ... sosamaiydim, which is certainly a misprint, aincs it does not agreo with the commentary, nor with Weber's paraphrase (IS. xvi, p. 364). The Nandi (fol. 108) mentiona only the last two, cha coukkapaldim, salia terdsidimt.

AJIVIKAS IN LATER TIMES 179

The sect of the Catuskanayikas seems to have differed from orthodox Jainism mainly in the fact that it compressed the orthodox seven nayas into four, omitting the first Jaina naya (naigama), and including it with the second or third (sangraha and uyavaldra), according to its reference to generals or particu- lars ; and throwing the last three Jaina nayas (simprata, samabhi- ridha, and evambhala) together, as being all three concerned with words. The four mayas or standpoints of the sect thus become :- 1. Sangraha, predication from the general properties of a thing ; 2. Vyavahara, from its individual aspect; 3. Rjusutra, from its momentary condition; and 4. Sabdddi, from the implication of the words used to designate it.1 It thus seems that the Catuskanayikas were a small sub- sect of the Jainas, with a somewhat unorthodox epistemology. In describing the three heresies the commentaries refer to the Ajīvika system as that propagated by Gosala "; later, after dealing with the Catuskanayikas, it is stated that " the Ajivikas are also called Trairisikas "." The summary of the Drativde continues with a description of the contents of its second part, suttaim. It is stated that the doctrines of all four sects are contained therein, and are repeated in the form of sitras in both orthodox and heretical recensions. Each of the four secta has twenty-two sutras, of which those of the orthodox are in the form of separate aphorisms (chinna- cheanataim), while the Ajivika sutras are combined, and the sutras of the Trairasikas and the Catuskanayikas are arranged with reference to the three or four nayas of the respective secta.4 Here the Ajivikas are again referred to as followers of Gosala's doctrines, and the Trairasikas also are said to be called Ājivikas." It is not made clear whether these four parts of the sutra

Nandi Comm., fol. 113. Bamardya Comm., fol. 120. : Gollaka-pravartit'-4jiriba-påkkandika-siddhānta. Samandya, Comm., loo. cit. Numardya Comm., fol. 130. Nandi Comm., fol. 108. The Nandi doclarca that the Categknnayika satras aro in accordance with orthodox usage. Trairddikiao' Ajtsika eu' deyante.

180 . HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS

section of the Drstivada were written from the orthodox angle, as mere statements of the doctrines of the heresies, or whether they contained passages from authentie scriptures of the secta ; the former alternative seems more probable. In either case the loat Drstivada must represent a stage in the history of Jainism when sectarian animosity was by no means as strong as it later became. Reasons for the regrettable disappearance of the work may be readily suggested. But although the four sects were akin they are nowhere said to have been identical. None of the statementa contained in the Samavaya or the Nandi, or in their commentaries, justifies Hoernle's view that the Ajivikas and the Trairasikas of Rohagupta were the same sect. We interpret them to mean that the Ajivikas were sometimes also called Trairasikas, because they maintained the doctrine of the three mayas. From one of the statements 1 it would appear that the Trairaikas were also occasionally called Ajivikns. The Rohagupta Trairasikas, who had some points in common with the Ajivikas and some with the Vaiseşikas, were probably in other respects much closer to Jaina orthodoxy than were the Ajtvikas of Gosala's sect. That the commentarios to the Nandi and Samavaya use the words " founded by Goaala" only in respect of the Ajivikas, and never of the Trairifikas, also strongly suggests that the two were separate though in some respecta similar. The Trairadika sect of the Jaina church was founded by Rohagupta; but the Ajivikas, who were also trairadikas were founded by Goskla. In using the phrase Gosalaka- pravartita the commentators seem to have been consciously trying to avoid any cause of confusion between the two com- munities. We are now in a position to understand a little better the fourth statement of Silanka quoted above," which declares that the belief in return from moksa is held by the Trairasika followers of Gosala, who have twenty-one sutras arranged accord- ing to the order of the Trairasika sulras in the Purvas. The last word probably refers to the fourteen Purvas of the original Jaina canon, which have long been lost. According to the Samauaya and the Nands " these were summarized in the third part of the Drativida, called Pūrvagatam. Śilanka seems to 1 V. supra, p. 179, n. 5. * V. supra, p. 175. * Loo. elt.

AJIVIKAS IN LATER TIMES 181 have confused this part with the second, which contnined the sütras of the four secta, unless indeed he looked upon the Dretivada as itaelf a Purea. He seems to have known of the Drativada, but he disagrees with the Samavaya and the Nandi in attributing twenty-one sutras to the Trairasikas in place of twenty-two in the Samavaya and Nandi lists. Either Silankn did not know of these lists, or he was quoting from a defective memory. The best interpretation of his obsoure phrase that we can offer is: " The Trairatikas who follow Gosala (i.e. the Ajivikas, not the Rohagupta Trairaikas) have sutras arranged in the same way as are those of the Trairasikas (ie. the Rohagupta Trairisikas) in the Püreas (i.e. the Drstivada)."

NEMICANDRA ON THE AJIVIKAS The non-canonical Jaina work Pravacana-sar'-6ddhara, com- posed by Nemicandra in the twelfth century,1 contains interesting verses in which all ascetics are classified in five categories: Nirgranthas (Jainas), Sakyas (Buddhista), Tāpasas (Jațilas, or brahmanical ascetics with matted locks), Gairukas (ascetics who bear a triple staff, and whose clothes are stained with red ochre), and Ajivas (the followers of Gosāla)." Since Nemicandra was & Jaina philosopher, and his own sect ocours first on the list, it seems that the nuthor intended his five groups of ascetics to be read in declining order of excellence. If so it is plain that he viewed the Ajivikas with diafavour. Moreover, since Nemicandra was a Jaina of the Digambara sect," his reference to the Ajivikas further disproves Hoernle's contention that they and the Digambaras were the same.

: AM. Raj. wv. p. 2168, s.v. Nemicanda. Niggantha-Sakka-Tarasa-Geruya-Ajied paseald samagd, Tammi nigganid e je Jina-admasa band munino, 731. Sakka ya Bugaya-ats, je jadilă te u Tdvasd glyā, Je dhãu-ratta-cattha tidapdino Geruyă te u, 732. Je Gosdlaga-mayam apuaranti bhannanti te w djid. Samapallanena Mucane pancavi pantă pariddkiss ime, 733. Prapacanasirdddlara 1, sect. 94, fol. 212. A Berlin MS. of this toxt (Weber, Verseichnisa, no. 1930), reada samanatienam in the last line of v. 733. * Guérinot, La Raligion Djaina, p. 82.

182 HISTORY OF THE ĀJĪVIKAS

LEXICOGRAPHICAL REFERENCES Several lexicographers of the tenth to the twelfth centuries mention the Ajivikas in the company of a motley collection of ascetics. Their citations are significant in that they indicate that the name was not forgotten, but can be accepted as evidence of the continued existence of Ajivikas only in South India, for which much stronger evidence may be found elsewhere. Haltyudha and Yadava were southerners,1 and had no doubt come into contact with the Tamil Ajivikas, whom we consider in the next chapter. For Hemacandra and Ajayapala, who wrote in Gujarat,* we cannot suggest personal knowledge of the Ajivikas; they probably included the word in their lists by borrowing from the Southern dictionaries, or because of its presence in Jaina literature. The earliest surviving lexicographer, Amara, does not mention the word Ajivika, although maskarin occurs in his Koda,3 with the names of a few other ascetics both orthodox and heretical. Halâyudha gives two lists of unorthodox ascetics in separate verses,4 the first of which, including such words as muni, yati, évetavásãh, and sitmbara, contains clothed heretical ascetics, and the second members of the naked category :- Nagnáțo diguāsāļ kșapaņah śramaņaš ca jīvako jainaļ Ajivo maladhāri nirgranthah kathyate sadbhiķ. "By the educated a naked wanderer is called diguasd), eto." Maskarin is included by Halayudha among a further group of holy men, which contains such orthodox types as pārāfarin and tapasvin." Hemacandra's Abhidhana-cintamani does not mention the Ājīvika, but maskarin is included in two verses containing the names of mendicants of more or less orthodox types." The same author's Anekartha-sangraha gives ksapana as one of the several possible meanings of Ajivaka." : Kelth, Htstory of Sanakrit Literalure, pp. 133, 478. " Keith, op. cit., pp. 133, 478. " Amarakoda il, 41. Ibld., il, 254. . AMidMna-eindmaui vv, 809-810. ! Anehdrtha-sangraka, ed. Zacharine, 3,41.

AJIVIKAS IN LATER TIMES 183 Yadava's Vaijayant gives the following names of naked heretics : Kşapaņa-śramanau nagno nagnájaś ca digambarah Ajico jīvako jaino nirgrantho malavāry api,1 Finally Ajayapala, probably following Hemacandra, quotes ksapana as one possible meaning of jivaka." Of these lexicographical references Hoernle notes only one, that of Haliyudha, who " enumerates a large number of names of the two Jain divisions, the SvetAmbaras ... and the Digam- baras. ... The latter, he says, are also known as the Ajiva, which is only a shorter form of Ajivika. ... It is evident now, from what has been said, that the terms Niggantha and Ajivika denote the two Jaina orders which are known to us as Śvetâmbaras and Digambaras "." This appears to be an over-simplification. The verse which, according to Hoernle, enumerates the titles of Svetambaras, actually includes such broad general terms as tapasvin, dānta, muni, and even lingin, which probably refers to a Saivite ascetio bearing a lingam. On the other hand the next verse, giving names of naked ascetics, contains the word dramana, a term certainly used by the Svetambaras and Buddhista as well as the Digambaras, and also nirgrantha, which term, on Hoernle's theory, specifically denoted the Svetambara, as opposed to the Ājīvika or Digambara. We can only conclude that these verses do not contain exactly synonymous terms, but the names of various types, clothed and otherwise, who were not attached to any orthodox Hindu order, and had various characteristics in common. That the Ajivikas shared many characteristics with the Jainas cannot reasonably be denied, but that at the time of Haliyudha they had wholly merged with the Digambaras is not established. Hoernle's theory rests on a very dubious interpretation of the relevant reference, and is quite untenable against much contrary evidence, such as that provided by the Southern Digambara sources found by K. B. Pathak,4 which show that, at about the same time as the 1 Vaijayanti, ed. Opport, p. 202, v. 10, " Nandrthn-sangvaka, ed. Cintamani, p. 39, v. 3. ERE.L, pp. 260-7. * IA. xli, pp. 88-90. V. Infm, pp. 203-4.

184 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS lexicographers were, according to Hoernle, identifying the Ajivikns with the Digambaras, the latter sect was confusing them with the Buddhists. Hoernle's further suggestion, that the term nirgrantha implied only a Svetambara Jaina, is quite unfounded. "The evidence of Halayudha ' and Yadava," both of whom include the nirgrantha in the same category as the nagndta, should be adequate to disprove the theory. The term was obviously used for a Jaina of any type.

THE LAST REFERENCES TO ĀJĪVIKAS The Jaina commentator Mallişena, whose Syadvada-manjari was written as late as A.D. 1292,a knew of the Ajivikas. They are referred to by him as though still in existence; he under- stands an important point of their doctrine, and he even quotes what appears to be a verse from an Ajivika religious poem.4 It is probable that he was in touch with the Ajivikas of the Tamil country, who were still active at the time. The last reference known to us in Sanskrit literature occurs in the Jataka-parijata, the work of the astrologer Vaidyanatha Diksita, who was probably born c. 1425-50.# He declares that the Jivaka, according to the lexicographers a legitimate aynonym of Ajivika," is born in the same astrological conditions as those stated by Varahamihira," under the influence of four or five planeta, with that of Mercury dominant. Like Varihamihira he gives a catalogue of seven types of ascetic : the Vanaprastha, an ascetio dwelling in forests and mountains; the Vivasos, habitually naked; the Bhiksu, an ekadandin and a great soul wise in Upanisadio lore; the Caraka, one who wandera to many lands ; the Sakya, a yogi of evil habits; the Guru, honoured and of royal fortune; and the Jivaka, fond of food and talkntive." . : V. wopra, p. 182. Keith, Fustory of Banskril Literature, p. 497. # V. supm, p. 183. Syddodda-mailjari, Bombay edn., p. 3. V. infra, p. 222. Jalaka-parijata, ed. V. S. Baatri, vol. i, Introduction, p. vi. . V. mpra, pp. 182-83. V. suprn, p. 160. · Vanaprasilas tapaavi vana-giri-nilayo, nagna-dilo Vivlsd, 1 Jataba-pārijāta, xv, 15. Bhikiuh syad chudandt satatam upanipat-taltea-niptho makdimd, Nand-deda-pravdal Caraka-palivara), Bakya-yogl buštlo, Raja šrimăn yalasvi Gurur, atana-paro jalpako Jivakah ayāi. Jataka-pārijāta xv, 16,

AJIVIKAS IN LATER TIMES 185 Vaidyanatha, unlike Utpala, does not identify the Ajtvika with the ekadandin, nor with the naked Vivisas. His use of the word " talkative " (jalpako) suggesta that he had some personal knowledge of the sect, for no such word is elsewhere to be found applied to the Ajivikns. Chattering ascetics are certainly reforred to in the Buddhist texta,1 but the Ajivikas are nowhere accused of being more loquncious than their rivals. At about the same time, or perhaps a little earlier," Guņaratna, the Jainn commentator of Haribhadra's Saddardana-samuccaya, although not using the term Ajivika, shows a sound knowledge of the doctrines of the niyativadins, and names one of their founders, Purana." It is probable that he too obtained his knowledge from Dravidian sources. The decline of the Ajivikns is indiented by the Sarva-dardana- sangraha, which, despite its claim to completeness, makes no mention of them whatever, although it contains a chapter on such an obscure sect as the Raseivara-dardana, which taught that the use of meroury was necessary to salvation." This chain of fleeting referenccs, dating from Gupta times to the fifteenth century, is sufficient to indiente that the Ajivikas survived over that period. In the Dravidian South, as will be shown in our next chapter, they maintained themselves against discriminatory taxation until the fourteenth century. There, with Hindu, Jaina, and Buddhist, they were a definite factor in the religious situntion of Colamandalam, and their system was important enough to warrant detailed refutations from their chief rivals. In the North, on the other hand, Ajivikism may have become insignificant even as early as the Sunga period; but the references leave little doubt that oceasional Ajivika mendi- canta were to be found there at a much later date. In Kashmir they may even have risen for a short while to a position of . great influence, under the mad king Harsadeva, when strange naked ascetics destroyed the orthodox ikons of the capital. No doubt the surviving Ajivikas compromised with the doctrines and customs of the more popular faiths around them ; as 1 E.g. Sandaln Sutta, Majih. i, pp. 513 f. # Glasonapp, Der Jainismus, p. 108, · V. supma, pp. 81-82. * Sarva-dariana-sangraba, pp. 202-0. . V. infrn, pp. 205 ff.

186 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS

a little known minor community they would often be confused with the greater sects; thus Utpala declares that they were ckadandin Vaişnavites1; the commentator to the Acarasara believes them to be Buddhista "; and in the Jaina Tamil work Nilakeci the Ajivika leader declares that his followers are not Digambaras, although they might be mistaken for them." We may suggest that the amall Ajivika communities of ascetios and laymen, most common in the region of the Palar River, above Kifc, slowly approached more and more closely to the more popular and influential faiths in their distriota. An Ajīvika theism developed in the later period,4 and some Ajivikas may, as Utpala suggests, have drifted towards Vaişnavism. Magical ceremonies were not unknown to the Ajtvikas," and some Ajivika communities may gradually have merged with the left-hand or tantric secta. While Hoernle's theory as formulated is certainly incorrect, there is no doubt that it contains a partial truth. The latest surviving description of Ajivika doctrine, that in the Civanana-cutiyar," shows us a system not far removed from Jainism. The Ajivikas rose side by side with the Jainas and some groups must ultimately have merged with them. We may conclude that the work of the great popular religious reformers of the late Middle Ages completely annihilated the scattered and degenerate remnants of what was once a vigorous and independent sect, enjoying the patronage of the greatest of India's rulers. 1 V. aupra, pp. 160-70. - V. infra, p. 276. " V. Infra, pp. 203-4. · V. infra, p. 202. * V.supra, pp. 112-13, 102 f. * V. infra, p. 203.

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[focing p. 187

CHAPTER X

THE SOUTHERN ĀJIVIKAS

The Ajivikas maintained themselves in the Dravidian-speaking part of India in a more flourishing condition than in the North, and survived in the Tamil country until at lenst the fourteenth century. This fact may be established on very solid evidence: firstly by a number of inscriptions mentioning the Ajivikas, and covering a period of nearly a millonnium; secondly by the three Tamil religious texta, Maņimekalai, Nilakeci, and Civañana- ciltigar, of widely differing date, ench of which gives an outline of Ajivika doctrine from the Buddhist, Jaina, and Saivite standpoints respectively ; and thirdly by a number of shorter references in other Tamil and Canarese works.

THE INSCRIPTIONS The epigraphie references to the Ajivikas may be classified chronologically as follows :- 1. Simhavarman Pallava's grant of the village of Vilavatti to the Brahmana Visnusarman.1 The village is identified by Dr. Krgnamacarlu with Vidavaluru, in the Nellore District of Madras. The grant is dated in the tenth year of the King's reign, or A.D. 446. Among the numerous local taxes mentioned are those on iron, leather shops, clothworkers, cloak makers, ropeworks, and Ājīvikaa." 2. A grant of the Eastern Calukya Ammaraja II (945-970) of the four adjacent villages of Tandikonda, Ammalapūndi, Gollapūndi, and Acuvulaparru to the temple of Samastabhu- vanāáraya at Vijayavāțī.a Of these villages only the first can be traced, but they were all in the District of Guntar. The component

Epi. Ind. xxiv.pp. 296-303. : Jala-carmmabirdpapa-paljakāra.prūrūraheara-rajja-pratihārāpap'-Ājīvika- karlpi. Ibid, p. 303. Bpi. Ind. xxii, pp. 161-170.

188 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS Acuvula in the name of the fourth village is probably equivalent to Aouva, the usual form of Ajivika in the Tamil inscriptions, and the name therefore means " the village of the Ajivikas ". 3. An inscription of Kannaradeva or Kraņa III Rāştrakūța (mid tenth century) on the walls of the Kailasanathasvamin temple at Kavanur, in the North Arcot District of Madras.1 This lays down that seller and purchaser or mortgager and mortgagce must belong to the same community (jan) ... in the case of land being gifts to Gods, physicians, or Ājivikas." 4. An inseription of Rajendra Coladeva at Avani, Kolar District, Mysore," dated in the King's third year (A.D. 1072). In it the inhabitanta of the visaya declare a list of local taxes, and decide that the Acuvi-makkal are to pay one koow ench for the minor tolls, and that if they fail to do so they are to pay a further kacu. ... Except for the house of the schoolmaster, the temple-manager, and the village watchman, and the houses which have paid the minor tolls, one-quarter kacu is levied on every house,4 5. An inscription assigning loeal taxes to the Virattancávara temple, Kilur, South Arcot District, Madras, dated the 33rd year of the reign of Kulottunga Coladeva (A.D. 1103). Among the taxes is the Acuvi-kdcu. 6. An inseription of Rajaraja III's soventh year (c. A.D. 1223) at Tiruvorriyür," decreeing the levying of new taxes on this and other villages which had hitherto been exempt. Among the taxes is "the koou paid by the people of the Ajivikas", or

1 AR. No. 159 of 1921. Sastri, T'he Colan, vol. i, p. 445. The text of the inseription has been aupplied by the Govemment Bpigraphist for Indin. Epi. Gars. vol. x, Mulbagal 40 (a).

um lajarar-vium cirucunkattukku irutta viļu tavira nikki niņa vijubajukku cip kal kiou kejcatthacum. Rice's transliteration is modifed in nccordance with the system of the Madras University Tamil Lexicon. The obaoure words Acunam uppum in the ineeription eannot be Interpreted unless we nooopt the suggestion that uunum is a misreading or a soribe'a error for eppum. In thia cuso wo would translate the phrnse : The people of the Ajivikns, called the Aoweam should pay one kdcu per hend." Aowoam was probably a colloctive name for the whole Ajtvikn community. . AR., no. 283 of 1002. 8IT. vil, 912. Profewor Baatri belleves that this inseription is of Kulottunga III Parnkesarl, in which case ita date would be c. A.D. 1211 (The Colas, vol. li, p. 700). . AR., no. 199 of 1912.

THE BOUTHERN AJIVIKAS 189 "the Ajivika poll-tax " (Aowvikal-perar-kaou), which is followed by the tax on the Uvaicoas (Uvaiccar-perar-kuļi-k-kacum)." 7. An inscription of Rajaraja III's 22nd year, Saka 1160, or A.D. 1238, at the Perumal Temple, Poygai, near Virincipuram," recording the gift of the village of Kumaramangalam to the temple. Among the taxes there levied was tho Aciva(ka)-kãcu. 8. An inscription of Rajaraja III's 24th year, Saka 1161 (A.D. 1239-1240), in the same loontion." This records the gift to the temple of the village of Puttir, where the Acuva-k- kaamai was levied. 9. An inscription of Rajaraja III's 28th year (A.D. 1243-4), in the same location.4 This records the gift of the village of Attiyur to the temple, with all taxes and rights, including the Acuva-k-katamai. 10. A fragmentary inscription of one Rajagambhira-Sambhu- varayan, dated in the year following Saka 1180 (A.D. 1250), at the Ammaiappeavara temple, Padavedu." The donor gave a village, the name of which is lost, to the tomple ; among the taxes there levied were the Uvaccnp-per-I-bajamai and the Acuvikan-per-b-kajamai. The tax on the Uvaccas, which occurs in the list immediately before that on the Ajivikas, and which is also found in the Tiruvorriyur inscription (No. 6 above), is of some significance, and is considered below." 11. An inscription at Channakesava Temple, Madivaļa, Kolar District, Mysore,7 dated in the 37th year of a king whose name is illegible, but who was probably the Hoysala Ramanatha Deva, in which case the date of the inscription would be c. A.D. 1291. Various village taxes, including the Acuva-k-batamai are devoted to the maintenance of a perpetual lamp in the temple . for the vietory of the King. 12. An inscription at Kalluhalli, Kolar District, Mysore, dated Saka 1215 (A.D. 1294)8 A minister of Ramanatha Deva

1 Saatri, The Colas, vol. ii, p. 334, n. The text of this inseription haa beon supplled by the Government Epigraphist for Indin. SI.i, no. 50. " SII. i, no. 61. No. 62 is a duplieste of this Inseription. - SII.i.no. 64. * BII.i, no. 78. . V. Infra, pp. 192-03. 7 Epi. Carn. z, Kolar, no. 28. . Epi. Carn. x, Kolar, no. 18.

190 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS makes a religious donation of village taxes, including the Acuva- k-kaļamai. 13. An inscription at Kaivara, Kolar District, Mysore, dated in the 40th year of the Hoysala Ramanatha Deva (A.D. 1294).1 Lands are donated to establish an annual festival on the King's birthday. The Acuca-k-kalamai occurs among the numerous taxes mentioned. 14. An inscription at Madivaļa, Bowringpet taluq, Kolar District, Mysore, dated Saka 1251 (A.D. 1339).ª Village taxes, including the Acuvam aulambalam, are dedicated to the local temple. 15. An inscription at Halepalya, Kolar Distriot, Mysore, dated Saka 1268 (A.D. 1346)." A grant to one Komuppan of the village of Mataraican-palli, with the right to receive all taxes, including the Acuvam tari-irai. 16. A further inscription at Kaivara (v. No. 13, above), remitting certain taxes to the temple of Bhimesvara, including the Acuva-k-katamai.4 The grant is dated Saka 1267 (A.D. 1346). 17. An inscription at Gudihalli, Kolar District, Mysore, dated Saka 1268 (A.D. 1346).5 Certain inhabitants of the nāfu, including the samantddhipati Ankaya-nayakkar, make a grant to the temple at Cenkai. Among the taxes mentioned is the Acuvam avalambalam. The presence of the word Ajivika in certain South Indian inscriptions was known to Hoernle, who, following Hultzsch," identified the Ajivikas there mentioned with the Jainas. Barua also noted the recurrence of the name." But neither authority appears to have been aware of the full range of inscriptions, their knowledge being based on those at Poygai. We have here evidence that the Ajivikns existed not only around one small centre during the first half of the thirteenth century, but that they were present in what are now the Arcot and Nellore districts of

1 Epi. Garn. x, Chintamani, no. 88. : Epi. Corn. x, Bowringpet, no. 28. This is not the same village as that of no. 1l above, which la in Kolar taluq. à Bpd. Cara. x, Malur, no. 39. * Eni. Carn. x, Chintamnni, no. 00. : Epi. Carn. x, Sidhiaghattn, no. 07. . ERE.I.p. 200. = STI.i. p.88, m. 5. . JDL. If, p. 78.

THE SOUTHERN AJIVIKAS 191

Madras Province, and in the Kolar District of Mysore, for at least nine hundred years, from A.D. 446, the date of the inserip- tion of Simhavarman Pallava, until A.D. 1346, the date of the Gudihalļi inscription. The evidence of the astrologer Vaidyanatha Dikşita,1 indicates that they survived into the following century. Few authorities seem to have devoted much thought to these inseriptions. Professor Nilakanta Sastri has noted the Ājīvika references in two at present unpublished" without pausing to consider their significance from the point of view of religious history, while Professor B. A. Saletore has remarked on the implications of the Avani inscription, and has correctly inter- preted the nature of the Ajivikn tax there levied." A further brief contribution on these inscriptions has been provided by Professor A. Chakravarti, who quotes and considers the Poygai inscriptions in his introduction to Nilakeci, and arrives at original conclusions. "It is evident," he writes, " that Dr. Hultzch (aic) makes an unfortunate mistake in trans- lating Acuvalkajamai as the tax on Ajivikis (sic). 4 priori it is absurd to suggest that any minister would propose levying a tax on wandering mendicants who have to beg for their daily food. ... Further, from the context it is clear that the term refers to some kind of professional tax since it occurs in the midst of words relating to professional tax, ' the tax on looms, the tax on shops, the tax on gold-smiths (sic), and the tax on oil mills, and Acuvaklafamai tranalated as the tax on Ajivikas (sic).' Probably the term Acuvallatamai refers to the tax laid on Bronzesmiths (sie) who made moulds for casting vessels and other objects of bell-metals. The Tamil term dou is generally used synonymously with mould. Hence it can only mean a tax on moulding and casting. It is not for us to determine exactly what it means. It is enough for our purpose to state that it does not and cannot mean tax on Ajivikas (sic) and the rendering given by Dr. Hultzch (sie) is evidently wrong." 5 Professor Chakravarti is right to refuse to accept the equivalence of Acuva and Ajivika without question; but we cannot admit his two objections. The first is quickly answered.

: V.supra, p. 184. * Medimnl Jainism, pp. 223-4. " Nos, 3 and 6 above.

· Op. cit., p. 201. 4 " Nelalenl", pp. 251-201.

192 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS The tax was levied not on Ajivika mendicants, but on their patrons, the Ajivika laymen. Chakravarti's second objection is more sorious. The tax is usually listed among many trade taxes of various kinds. The usual form of the word as it occurs in the inscriptions is Acuva, a possible Dravidian corruption of Ajita or Ajivika, but a word which might be based, as Chakravarti suggesta, upon a Tamil word deu. One of the Poygni insorip- tions, however, gives a form much closer to the correct Sanskrit- Acivi(ka)," and any doubts should finally be set at rest by the earliest of our inscriptions, that of Simhavarman Pallava." This is in Sanskrit, and the Ajivika-kara is there mentioned in ita correet Sanskrit form. Professor Krishnaswami Aiyangar, controverting the earlier view of Sewell, that the tax was levied "on everyone who professed the Jaina religion ",ª remarks that : " There is nothing to warrant that it (i.e. the tax) was taken from them (i.e. the Ajivikas) as it is included among other general taxes. It is likely that it was intended for feeding and otherwise providing for these mendicants by the community." 4 He suggesta that the tax was not a special tax on Ajivikas, but a tax on the village communities for the benefit of the Ajivika ascetics. The general disfavour in which the Ajivikas were held makes this theory intrinsically improbable; it is completely disproved by reference to the Avani inscription," where the word Acuvi- makkal is obviously in the nominative, and where it is plainly shown that the Ajivikas were taxed at a higher rate than the rest of the villagers. Several other inscriptions would be very difficult to understand, on Professor Aiyangar's hypothesis. As Chakravarti has noticed, the Ajivika tax is usually men- tioned together with a number of trade taxes, including those on the low-caste leather-workers and oil-pressers. Moreover, the Tiruvorriyur and Padavedu inscriptions " mention the tax with that on the Uvaccas. The latter term is sometimes used in Tamil for Muslim settlers, and it was interpreted in this sense by 1 No. 7 abovo.

Hlisorienl Inacriptiona of South India, p. 137. Sowell apparently nooepted No. 1 abore.

the genernl theory that the Ajivikss woro Digambara Jainsa. * Ibid., p. 137, n. 1. · No. 4 abore. V. infra, pp. 104-06. * Nos. 6 and 10 abovo,

THE SOUTHERN AJIVIKAS 193 Hultzsch.1 It may also mean the low-easte temple-drummers of the sect of Kali." In cither sense the term indicates unortho- doxy, and that the Ajivika should have been placed beside the Uvacca indientes that both were looked upon as unorthodox. The juxtaposition of the Ajivika, the loather-worker, the oil- presser, and the weaver in other inscriptions is also significant, and perhaps indicates that the Ajivikas were treated as a caste, following one dominant ocoupation. The close connec- tion in earlier times between Ajivikas and potters and their wares" suggests that pottery was their traditional eraft, and it is perhaps significant that the relevant inscriptions do not elsewhere mention taxes on potters. On the other hand the considerable fund of tax- able wealth which they must have possessed, and the dislike which seems to have been felt for them, suggest that they may have been moneylenders or money-changers. The Simhavarman grant proves that, by the middle of the fifth century A.D., the Äjivikas were well established in the district, for the tax was not then newly imposed upon them, but ita pro- ceeds were merely transferred by the King to the recipient of the grant. The legends of the Jainas, with whom the Ajivikas seem to have been originally associated, ascribe the first important pene- tration of Jainism into South India to the Maurya epoch, when the pontiff Bhadrabahu led a band of ascetics, including the ex-Emperor Candragupta himself, to Sravaņa Belgoļā." Adoka sent Buddhist missionaries to the Tamil country, and his political influence extended as far as North Mysore." The Maurya period seems to have been one in which all unorthodox sects flourished and expanded. Probably Ajivika ascetics found their way to the Tamil country during this period, when they were patronized hy Mauryan kings, and perhaps exercised considerable influence. At this time it is unlikely that Brahmanical Hinduism had made any important impression on the indigenous popula- tion, whose religious practices seem to have centred round

: SII.i, p. 82, n. 4. * Madras Univeralty Tamil Lexicon, B.v. Unaccs, # V.supm, p. 134. 4 I am indebted to Dr. L. D. Barnett for this suggestion. . PHAT., pp. 241-2. . Ibid., pp. 256-7. 0

194 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS wild nature deitios, propitiated by village witch-doctors with ceremonies which involved religious hysteria and the shedding of blood.1 Dancing, probably ecstatic," and bloody magical ceremonies " seem to have been practised by the early Ajivikns. Thus the unkempt Ājivika ascetic might make a greater immediate impression upon the early Dravidians than did the grave Buddhist bhikkhu. Although Ajivikism never gained so strong a hold as did its rivals, we may suggest that it survived longer in the Dravidian South than in the North because it was more in keeping with Dravidian character and tradition. We may surmise that, with the growing influence of Hindu Buddhist and Jaina missionaries, the status of the Ajivikas in the South fell. Village communes levied a special tax upon them, which was maintained under the orthodox Pallavas, Colas, and Hoysalas. This tax is referred to as kara, kāou, kajamai, avalampalam, and tari-iroi. The Avani inscription 4 indicates that the term Acuvi-biou was, at least sometimes, taken in its literal sense, as the gold coin of that name, weighing about 28 grnins." The same inscription points to the fact that the dcuvi-kdou was a poll-tax. The Ajivika community paid it " per person" (pērāl), while the quarter kocu levied in respect of the minor tolls upon the rest of the village community was paid " per house " (villal). From thia we infer that the Ajivika household might pay as much as twenty or thirty times the tax of the orthodox; and the tax was doubled if payment fell into arrears. The word peral, here used in respect of the Ajivika tax, recalls the phrases Acuvikal-perar-kacu and Acuvikan-per-k-katamai, in other inscriptions." It seems that in both these cases per or per must be read in the sense of a person or individual. This is the view taken by Saletore." An alternative suggestion," that peral means "in the name of" the Ajivikas, does not seem probable. The contrast between peral and vitfal : Iyengar, History of the Tamils to 600 A.D., pp. 74 ff. . V.supma, p. 117. . V.supra, pp. 112-13. . No. Anboro. Madras Univeraity Tamil Lericon, s.v. kcu. * Nos. 6 and 10 above. 1 Mediaval Jalnism, pp. 223-4. " Offered by Dr. S. Vithiananthan.

THE SOUTHERN ĀJĪVIKAS 195 in the Avani inseription, and the use of the words per and per in the two other inscriptions mentioned, provide convincing evidence that the Ajivika tax was, in these cases at least, a poll- tax, in contrast to the house-taxes paid by most other members of the village community. But even on the alternative interpreta- tion of the Avani inscription, it seems that the Ajivikas paid much heavier taxes than did other classes of the community. Probably they were considorably richer than the averago peasant of the time, for the assembly of the visaya would hardly have imposed this oppressive tax if it had not considered its victims capable of paying it. The tax at Avani is a measure of the unpopularity of the Ajivikas, and shows that they were under a disability which marked them as a class apart from the rest of the population. In considering the Ajivikas in South India we must not dis- regard the many inscriptions in which no reference to them ocours. It is by no means certain that the examples given above exhaust the inscriptional references to Ajivikism, for the full text of many inscriptions is not available. But it is certain that there are many inscriptions from the region where Ajivikas are known to have existed, which make no mention either of the sect or of a tax upon it. One significant inscription of this type is to be found at Kaivara,I where the Ajivika tax was levied in A.D. 1294.ª This inscription, which is dated A.D. 1375, lista a number of village taxes, but not that on the Ajivikas. We may infer that by this time they had ceased to exist in the village. That the tax was rescinded by the village commune is a priori less likely. Similar evidence of the period of the disappear- ance of the Ajivikas in other villages is unfortunately lacking. The absence of the tax in villages other than those mentioned may either be due to the fact that no Ajivikas resided therein, or that they were not specially taxed. The latter alter- native is more probable, since literary evidence indicates that Ajivikas existed further south than the villages mentioned in the inscriptions, in Maduri and Malabar," and it is hardly likely that the Ajivikas in the extreme south came by sca. We have no reason to believe that an Ajivika tax was imposed there ;

1 Epi. Carn. x, Chintamani, 94. . V. Infra, pp. 107 ff. * V. supra, no. 13.

196 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS

but there is evidence that Jainism was sometimes severely perse- euted by Pindyan kings,1 and it is not impossible that the Ajivikas further south suffered more severely at the hands of orthodoxy than did those of the Arcot and Kolar districta.

AJIVIKAS IN TAMIL LITERATURE There appears to be no definite reference to Ājīvikas in the earliest Tamil literature, the only possible exception being the unidentified quotation by Naccinarkkiniyar in his com- mentary to the Tolkappiyam, which we have already men- tioned." In the anthologies of erotic and martial poems, which form the most striking monument of ancient Dravidian culture, the antanar or brahmanas are already present, although the Aryan way of life has only partially imposed itself." Yet the voluminous literature of the anthologies seems to contain no certain reference to any of the unorthodox secta. The famous Tirukbural, somewhat later than the anthologies, admittedly contains ten verses on fate (al).4 But all can be interpreted as applying to the orthodox karma, and although it is possible to suggest that they were in part inspired by Ajivika ideas this cannot be finally ostablished. In view of the Jaina tradition of the migration under Bhadrabahu, and of the claim of Asoka to have sent Buddhist missionaries to the Dravidian lands, we cannot accept the negative evidence of the anthologies as proof of a late penetration of heterodoxy into the Tamil country. The Bhattiprolu Casket, of the end of the second century B.c.," indicates that Buddhists existed in the Andhra country at this date, and it would be rash to claim that there were none further south. As we have already suggested, it is probable that the heterodox sects began their southward expansion during the Maurya period. But at the time of the composition of the antholo- gies it may be assumed that they had made little impression upon the lives of the people in the distriota south of the Kaviri, where most of the earliest Tamil literature was written. 1 Smith, Barly History of India, pp. 474-5. = V. mipm, p. 111. CHI.i, p.600. 4 Tirukkurel, 371-380. * Siroar, Seleet Iscriptions i, p. 215, n. 1.

THE SOUTHERN AJIVIKAS 197

Although Tamil authorities of the older school claimed a much greater antiquity for their early literature, we may tentatively attribute the oldest and most important of the anthologies, the Purananuru and the Abandnuru, to the early centuries of the Christian era.' Somewhat later come the so-called "epics", two of which contain definite evidence of the presence of Ajivikas in the extreme south. The translator of Manimekalai, Dr. Kriahnaswami Aiyangar, has claimed that the Buddhist logic propounded in the work is earlier than that of Dinnaga, and has suggested the fourth century A.D. for the composition of the text." Rather the evident similarity of the two systems suggosts the reverse. It is not probable that the great Buddhist logician borrowed his system almost intaet from an obseure Tamil poot, or even from an unknown third source to which both he and Cattan of Madura may have been indebted. More probably the author of Manime- kalai was himself versed in Dinnaga's logic. Therefore we must posit a somewhat later date for the composition of Mani- metalai than Dr. Aiyangar would admit, and suggest that it and the kindred "epic" Cilappatikaram represent con- ditions as they existed in South India in the sixth or seventh centuries of the Christian era. As already noticed," Cilappatibaram gives evidence of the existence of a community of Ajivika asceties at Madura, whose order the father of the heroine Kannaki entered on the death of his danghter. They are described as "sainta with the mien of gods, Ajīvikns (performing) severe penancos ".4 This indicates that Ajivikas were at least occasionally respected and it gives no suggestion of slackness or hypocrisy among their monks. The reference in Manimekalai is longer and more important. The poem treats of the religious quest of the heroine Maņimekalai, who, after many adventures of a magical and mystical type, arrives at Vanji, where she finds many religious tenchers of different sects, and listens to their doctrines. Already a convinced

! De Ia Vallde Pousain, Dynastire el Hisloire . : pp. 315-10. Manimekkalai in ita Mistorical Setting, pp. 78 ff. V. supra, p. 134.

08-9. 4 Katavular kolalı' -aşşalar perun-savatt-Acivakor. Cilappatibarom xxvil,

198 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS

Buddhist, ahe decides that no other sect has any profound knowledge of the truth, and becomes a nun. The text is an example of a class of philosophic literature which, stripped of ita fictional trappings, resulted in such works as Civandna- cittiyar, and the Sarva-darsana-sangraha. The doctrines of the opposing seota are stated in Manimakalai briefly, with an attempt at objectivity. Among the teachers of Vanji is "The Elder, knowing the book of the Ajivikas",1 who delivers a lecture which is of great importance for the elucidation of Ājivika doctrine and which will be considered in our second part. The author to whom the work is attributed, Cattan of Madura, seems to have looked upon Vanji, the ancient capital of the Kerala kingdom, as a centre in which representatives of many religions and sects rubbed shoulders. His testimony suggesta that Ajivikism had by this time penetrated to Malabar. Some doubt exista as to the exact location of the ancient Vanji, which was probably at what is now Tiru-karur, near Cochin." The most valuable reference to Ajivikas in Tamil literature is that contained in the anonymous Jaina poem Nilakeci. This seems to have been written by an author who had read the Buddhist Manimekalai, and wished to provide a Jaina counter- part to that work. But the poem is a step nearer to the fully developed study of various philosophical systema than Manime- kalai, wherein the philosophy is subordinate to the story. From the literary point of view the narrative of Nilakeoi is of little importance, but serves merely as a framework for the substance of the poem, the exposition of various philosophical systems, and the detailed refutation of all but that of the Jainas. The story has, however, some significance for the light it throws on the date of the work, and for its reference to the Ajivika teacher, Pūrana. The animal sacrifices at the temple of Kali in Pundra- vardhana are interrupted through the preaching of a Jaina ascetio, Municandra. The goddess summons from the South one of her underlings, the demi-goddess Nilakeci, to shake Municandra's resolution and thus destroy his power. Nilakeci, after tempting the ascetic in various ways reminiscent of those used by Mara against the Buddha, admits herself beaten, and is initiated by the muni into the Jaina faith with a long discourse on Jaina : Arhala-ntl-arinta-purdsap. Mopi. xxvil, 108. : OHI.i,p.595.

THE SOUTHERN AJIVIKAS 199

cosmology and the doctrine of karma. On her conversion Nilakeci makes good use of her power of flight by passing rapidly from one city to another, challenging the greatest non-Jaina teachers to debate, and invariably defeating them, with argu- ments often of considerable subtlety. It will be seen that this narrative is a mere vehicle for a dissertation on Jainism and the refutation of opposing theorios. The list of teachers whom Nilakeci is said to have defeated in debate, and the cities in which they are said to have taught, is of some interest. Despite the Snktie narrative framework the main enemy of the author of this poem is evidently Buddhism, the doctrines of which are the first to be refuted and to which are devoted four chapters, while the other secta receive only one each. The names of Nilakeci's opponenta, in their Sanskrit forms, are :- 1. The Buddhist nun Kuņdalakedi at Kampilya ; she describes the greatness of the Buddha and the five skandhas of Buddhism ; 2. Arkacandra, at Ujjain; he is a Buddhist preacher specially interested in ethics ; 3. Maudgalyayana (Tamil, Mokknla) at Padmapura, who rather attacks Jaina doctrines than defends his own; 4. Buddha himself, at Kapilapura, which is said to be by the seashore ; he discusses the five skandhas, the four noble truths, the doctine of emptiness (sanyavada), and that of momentari- ness (ksanikavada); he finally abandons his doctrine of soul- lessness (andtma) as a result of Nilakeci's subtle arguments; 5. Pūraņa the Ājīvika, at Kukkuțanagara; 6. Paridara the Sankhya, at Hastinapura; his doctrine, while recognizing twenty-five tallvas, is monistio, and deseribes Purușa as free from all activity, without gunas, always an enjoyer, not undergoing modifications, not bound by karma, eternal, all-pervading, all-perceiving, all-enjoying existence; 7. Lokajit, a Vaisesika teacher, at a place unspecified ; 8. Bhutika, a teacher of the Veda, at the town of Kakanti 1; his doctrine is that of the eternal and self-existent Vedas; and finally

1 Klkan, Monghyr District (Jain, Life in Ancient Indis, p. 291).

200 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS

9. Piśacaka, a materialist (bhūtavādi), at the court of a king named Madanajit, the location of whose enpital is not stated. The presence of such figures as Maudgalyayana, Buddha, and Parisara suggests that the anonymous author intended his poem to be historically plausible. He appears to have considered Parana, whom he thought of as the contemporary of Buddha, to be the founder of Ajivikism. Thus we have independent confirmation of the historicity of Purana Kassapa of the Pali canon. The doctrines propounded by the teachers give some indication of the date of the composition of the work. The author seems to have known Manimekalai, and consciously to have modelled his poem on the philosophical part of that work. His language is somewhat later than that of Monimatalai. We may therefore suggest the seventh century A.D. as the earliest posaible date of the poem's composition. The work must have been in existenco by the end of the thirteenth century, if, nccording to Professor Chakravarti's theory, Vamanamuni, the commentator to Nilakici, lived at that time.1 It is probable, however, that the poom antedates its commentator by several centuries on the evidence of the doctrines of the nine teachers. Nilakeci must have been written when it was still possible for a Dravidian Jaina to look on Buddhism as his sect's most dangerous rival. The author has nothing to say about the Vedanta school of Sankara or the Visistadvaita of Ramanuja, so we may assume that he wrote before the influence of these philosophers was much felt in South India. Moreover he does not mention devo- tional Saivism. It therefore seems that Nilakeci was written before any of these socts became very influential in the Tamil country. We may suggest the ninth century as the latest date at which it could have been written. Professor Chakravatti does not agree with this conclusion. The absence of references to the Ajivikas in the Tamil devotional anthologies convinces him that they were extinct when the hymns were composed." He overlooks the reference to them in the Civaftana-cittiyar, of the fourteenth century. The author of Nilakeci states that he learnt Jaina doctrine from one Tevar, " Chakravarti, " Nedlakeri," p. 11. # " Nelakmsi," p. 8.

TIE SOUTHERN AJIVIKAS 201 whom Chakravarti identifies with the author of the Tirukkural.1 Hence he believes that the poem was written as enrly as the first century A.D. Overlooking any other objections to this very carly date, the identification proposed by Chakravarti cannot be proved. Chakravarti gives the name in its honorific plural form, " Thevar," which title is sometimes used to mean Tiru- valluvar." But the text gives the name in the singular form, Tævan, which is not so used, but may be applied to the Jaina Arhant." We must thorefore reject Cakravarti's conclusion that Nilakeci was written at so carly a date, and assign the work to the eighth or ninth century. Most of the information about the Ajivikas given by the poom concerns their philosophy, and will be considered in the socond part of this work. It does, however, shed a little light on the general character of Dravidian Ajivikism at the poriod. In the poem Nilakeci is said to have "gone to the great city of Kukkuta, and entered Camatanța ",4 where she found Pürana's monastery. Vamanamuni, the commentator, gives no information about Camatanta, other than that it is the namo of a town (ar). The former place he iguores. In a foot- note Professor Chakravarti states that Kukkuta- or Koļi-nagar is a name of Uraiyur or Trichinopoly, but he gives no basis for this doubtful statement. The scenes of Nilakeci's other philosophical debates are all in Northern India, and we may infer that the author thought of Kukkutanagara as also situated in the north. The Dhammapada Commentary mentions a town called Kukkutavati," elsewhere referred to as Kukkuța, somewhere in the Himalayan region, at a distance of 120 leagues from Savatthi. Perhaps Kukkuțanagara was the town remembered by the Ajivikas as the birthplace of Pūraņa, ' since the Buddha is represented in the poem as meeting Nilakeci in Kapilapura or Kapilavastu, the city of his birth. Camatanta, or Samadanda, may have been a near-by suburb or village. A second possibility is that the Tamil author imagined the eventa as taking place in Samatata, the Delta region of Bengal. 1 Ibid., p. 10. Referencs to NII. v, 5. * Madras Univeraity, Tamil Lericon, a.v. Mvar. Ibid., a.v. debap. - Kukbuja mā mabar wipru . . . poy e-Camatanļam pukkaļ. Nit. 666. . DAp. Comm. il, pp. 116 f., teato DPPN. s.v. Kubkujarahi.

202 HISTORY OF THE ĀJIVIKAS

The near-by region to the west of the Delta was sometimes called Dandabhukti,1 and Samadanda may be a corruption of the two names Dandabhukti and Samatata. If so the name Kuk- kuțanagara ("City of the Cock ") may be explained by the similarity of the worda Tamralipti, the chief river-port of the area, and tamracuda ("the copper-crested "), a common literary epithet for the cock. That the author of Nilakeci had but a poor knowledge of North Indian geography is proved by his placing Kapilapura on the sea const, and in such an author confusion is not impossible. If this alternative be accepted it may indicate that the Dravidian Ajivikas looked upon Bengal as the original home of their faith. The Ajivika hermitage is described as adorned with fragrant flowers," and thus gives the impression of being a pleasant and comfortable place. Here the teacher rules with great respect and dignity, and expounds the Ājīvika soriptures (aranam) to visitors. He is " the Great Mind, the great one than whom none is greater, Puranan the Lord, the Most Learned "." He is careful to stress that his followers are not Jainas, as though the two sects might easily be confused.4 From this it might be inferred that the Southern Ajivikas practised nudity, and that the confusion was thus likey to arise, but Vamanamuni in his commentary took the phrase to mean that the Ajivikas, like the Jainas, maintained an anekdntovada system of episte- mology," and that misunderstanding might thus occur. The Ajivika monks are described as md-tavar, or ascetics performing extreme penances. Yet the teacher concludes his speech by urging his visitor not to condemn them because of their addietion to cuvai, which, as we have seen," may mean sensual pleasure. The chapter on the Ajivikas in Nilakeci yields no other informa- tion about the history and development of the Ajivika sect in the South. Civanana-citiyar, one of the most famous Tamil Saivite

1 History of Bengal, vol. i, ed. Majumdar, p. 23 and map opp. Kali-malar-pam-palli. Nil. 667. a PErwpar-wytipperitum-periyavag Paragap eppåp perusarakkarravan. Ni. 668. · Ayaligar lm alla v Actoakarka). Nit. 669. * Tikamparalıam oppigum anekånlapātikal akiya nirkkiranta-v-allar Ajivakar. · V. supra, p. 125.

THE SOUTHERN AJIVIKAS 203 texts, is the third important source for Dravidian Ajivikism. Its author, Arunandi Sivacārya, lived in the thirteenth century,1 and we therefore see in his work Ajivikas in their final phase. The text is in two parts, the Parapaksam and the Supaksam. The former outlines the chief opposing systems of the time, includ- ing Materialism, Buddhism, Jainism, and the orthodox secta, each of which is refuted. The second part is an exposition of Saivite doctrine and philosophy, and is of no importance for our study. In the Parapaksam the Ajivikas are disoussed immediately after the Jainas. The latter are described as naked ascetica," thus showing that the author had the Digambara sect in mind. Even at this late date, therefore, the Ajivikas were distinet from the Digambaras. But Arupandi appears to have considered the Ajivikas akin to the Jainas, for they are referred to in his poem aa Acivakan amanarka! " (Skt. śramana), the usual Tamil word for Jaina ascetics. Arunandi says little about the oustoms of the Ajivikas. They practise severe penances, and pull the hairs from their heads. Their doctrine is one of atomism; Niyati the principle of determinism, which looms so large in the Pali accounts of Makkhali Gosala's system, is scarcely mentioned; and some- thing like the usual doctrine of karma is maintained. Apparently Arunandi had met Ajivikas who had moved far in the direction of Jainiam, without completely losing their identity. Certain references of Canarese provenance, collected by Dr. K. B. Pathak 4 must here be mentioned. The first of these is in the Acarasara of Viranandi, a Digambara work in Sanskrit, of the twelfth century. This atates that the mendicant (pariwat) who practises extreme penance will reach the heaven of Brahmakalpa, lower than that destined for the Ajivika, who, ignorant of the true doctrine though he be, will attain the higher heaven of Sahasrara-kalpa." The commentary adds that the

V. Nallaswami Pilai, " Širajiāna Siddhiydr," pp. xlv-vi. . ONC.,p. 213. . CRO., p. 255, v. 1. The Ajivikas a Seet of Buddhist Bhibkhus, IA. xll. pp. 88-9. Parierad brakmakalpantay yity ugrarravin api firatab Sabamāra. kalp'-dniam darian'-4jjhitah. ATmrasăra xi, 127 (as quuted hy Pathnk, loe. cit.). In Bombay edn. xi, 128.

204 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS Ajivika is a kind of Buddhist bhiksu, subsisting upon rice- gruel (kanji),1 Vattakera's Mūldcara, not quoted by Pathak, containa a similar verse, followed by one which states that non- Jaina asceties can rise no higher than Sahasrara." Dr. Pathak also quotes a commentary to Nemicandra's Trilokasara by Madhavacandra, another Southern Digambara, who disagrees with Viranandi and Vattakera, and, like the Aupapatika Sūtra," forecasts an even more exalted destiny for Ājīvika ascetios. Ājīvika ascetics, who eat kanji, ete., will reach Acyutakalpa, the last stage before nirvana, but will go no further, while the naked carakas, and the parivrajakas with one or three staves, will be reborn in the lower heaven of Brahma- kalpa.4 This statement is confirmed by the Canarese commen- tator, Padmaprabha Traividya.5 These passages show that the Ajivika, although by one com- mentator believed to be a sort of Buddhist, was persona grata to the Digambara Jaina. He is promised a very high place in the Jainn heavens, rising far above the orthodox caraka, eka- dandin, and tridandin. This surely indicates that the Jaina theologians recognized him as akin to themselves, and paid him qualified respect. It is evident from these quotations and from the Civailana-cittiyar, that some Ajivikas were being absorbed into Jainism during the Middle Ages. As we shall show, other Ajivikas developed theistie tendencies, and may have found a place in the growing devotional Vaisnavism of the time. Ajimbih: Bauddha-bhedam appa btnys Mibpa. Quoted Pathak, loo. cit. * xli, 132-3. Bombay edn., vol. ii, p. 204. # V. supra, p. 140. kalpa-paryantam gacchanti, na lata upari. Kanjil -ddi-bhojina Ajivă Acyutabalpa. peryantam gacchanti, na tata upari. Midhavacandra to Trilobuara, 545. Quoted Pathak, loe. cit. · Ajtva ambila küļan umbaru Aeyuta-pad-otti Aeyuta-kalpa-paryyanta(m) puffusaru. Quoted Pathak, Inc. cit.

APPENDIX TO PART I

THE ICONOCLAST ASCETICS OF KASHMIR 1

Kalhana's Rājatarangiņī states that ascetica, in many respects resembling the Ajivikas, appeared in Kashmir in considerable numbers during the reign of the tyrannical and ill-fated King Harşa or Harşadeva (1089-1101). The chronicler relates that this king was, from his youth, strongly influenced by the customs of Southern India. He was the contemporary of the Calukya Vikramaditya VI Tribhuvanamalla, whose court poot was Bilhana the Kashmiri," and who is mentioned in the chronicle by his biruda Parmadi or Parmandi. Harea is said to have fallen deeply in love with Candala, the queen of Parmadi, and to have vowed to win her by force; it appears that he actually contemplated an expedition against the Calukya for this purpose." One of his youthful friends was a southerner, Kedin the Karnata, who was killed in a fruitless coup d'etat agninst Harsa's father, King Kalada. The poet further states that Harga favoured southern fashions, and introduced coin-types from Kirņātaka." The latter statement is atrikingly confirmed by the coins them- selves. For at least two centuries Harsa's predecessors had issued only a bronze coinage, bearing on the obverse a seated goddess, and on the reverse a standing king." Harşa's bronze coins, probably issued early in the reign, bear the same devices, but he also issued a plentiful gold and silver coinage, which generally bears new types. The first of these, in gold only, has the device of a horseman, which was probably borrowed from the Sahi dynasty of Gandhara; while the second type, both in gold and silver, bears on the obverse a standing elephant : The subatanco of this appendix has appearod in DSOAS. xii, pp. 688 ff. Rajatorangini, ed. Stein, vil, 905-7. : Ibid., vil, 1119-1127. 4 Ibid., vil, 675. " Dabrinaty' dbiavad bhangih priyā tasya vilisinab. Korpar-dnugunas junbas tatas tena pravartitah. Ibid., vii, 026. Cunningham, Coins of Medicval India, p. 45.

206 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS and on the reverse the inscription only.1 The latter type, accord- ing to Rapson, was borrowed from the coinage of Kongudeśn." The chronicler tells the source of the precious metals from which Harsa minted this abundant new coinage. When the king was short of money his evil counsellor Lostadhara, grandson of Haladhara, advised him to restore his fortunes by looting the treasure of the temples and melting down the images of the gods. He is also said to have advised the confiscation of the agraharas belonging to the Kalaseśvara temple at Srinagara, and even its demolition to provide materials for bridge-building." The king was at first dissuaded by his righteous counsellor Prayaga, but ultimately he accepted Lostadhara's advice, and methodically looted first the temple treasures, and then the sacred ikons themselves. The policy of iconoclasm was so thorough that one Udayaraja was specially appointed as " super- intendent of the destruction of the gods " (deu'-dtpatana-nāyaka)." Of the larger images in the kingdom only four, two Hindu and two Buddhist, were spared." This was followed by the inevitable palace revolution, and the assassination of the king. Harşa's tragic end, graphically described by Kalhana, took place in the hut of a base ascetic (ksudra-tapasvin) Guna, whither the king had been led by his faithful attendant Mukta. The ascetio betrayed his hiding-place to the usurper Uccala, the hut was surrounded, and the king and his good friend Prayaga were slain on the spot by Uceala's troops." As minor characters in this tragic story there appear strange naked ascetics, employed by Harsa to remove the images from the temples. They are described as "naked wanderers with wasted noses, feet, and hands "," and as " broken (i.e. crippled) naked wanderers ".8 They were not satisfied with the mere removal of the images, but, acting on Harsa's instruo- tions, they deliberately defiled them. "On their faoes he had ordure and urine, ete., thrown by naked wanderers ... in

: Cunningham, loo. cit. : Indian Coins, p. 32. * Rajatarangioi vil, 1075-8. * Ibid., vll. 1089-1001. * Thid., 1090-8. # Ibid., vll, 1035 ff. Noga' -dlai) firna-ghrăn'-dnghri-ppibhis. Ibid., vii, 1092. " Rugpa-nagn'-4jakaş. Ibid., vil, 1004.

APPENDIX TO PART I 207

order to ruin the images of the gods. The forms of the gods, made of gold, silver, and other (metals), rolled like bundles of firewood in the dung-covered roads. Crippled and naked ascotics and others dragged the images of the gods, covered with spittle, by ropes tied to their ankles." 1 Harşa's deliberate pollution of the images was obviously inspired by some motive other than poverty. Stein, in a foot- note to his translation of this passage," suggesta that the king was influenced by Islam, and draws attention to two other verses in the poem in support. These are : "There was no temple in town or city which was not deprived of its images by Harşaraja the Turk (turuska) " # ; and " He continually maintained with his wealth Turkish (turuska) captains of hundreds (and yet) the fool ate (the flesh of) village pigs until his death ",4 These two references, only one of which refers to Harsa as a Turuska, are inconclusive. The first verse employs the word metaphorically. It must be remembered that Kalhana wrote when the momory of Mahmad's pillage of Hindu and Buddhist temples was still fresh. The second verse merely states that Harsa was not affected by Islam, at lenst in diet, despite his Turkish mercenary officers. The naked ascetics described in the Rajataranginī cannot have been Muslims, who have never held that nudity is necessary for salvation. It is hardly likely that they were Jainas, who have never shown marked hostility to the Hindu gods, or (except in the case of the much Iater sect of the Sthanakavasis) to the use of ikons in religious cere- moniea. These ascetics, whoever they were, clearly objected to the graphic or plastic representation of supernatural beings. We have no definite evidence that the Ajivikas held such views, but the Divydvadana's account of the Ajivika or Nirgrantha who defiled a picture of the Buddha faintly suggesta it. The 1 .... Vodaneru sa magn' djaih Merti-ndliya devdnăm sakrp-matr'-ddy aptayat, 1002.

Adheasy indhana-gandalya iva adcaskarege api. 1093. Vibudha-pratimas cakrur dkrij gulpha-damaMih

• Kalhana's Chronide of the Kings of Kashmir, vol. I, p. 353. * Rajatarangipt, vil, 1005. 4 Ibid., vii, 1148. . V. supra, p. 147.

208 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS story of Gosala's giving away his picture-board,1 on abandoning the career of a mantha, may be a trace of an incident in the founder's life which led to iconoclastic tendencies in the sect. If these feeble indications that the Ajivikas opposed the use of religious images were the only argument in favour of their identity with Harsn's nagn'-dtakas the evidence would be very weak indeed. There are, however, a number of other faint indications and resemblances which, if taken together, strengthen the probability. We have already seen that Ajivikas were to be found in Southern India, and Harsa's personal interest in the South is well established. Travellers from the Deccan were fre- quent in the north. The Rajatarangini quotes a song, said to have been sung at Harsa's court, in which a traveller from the Deccan is told of the King's desperate love for Candala." It is said that the fame of Harsa's liberality reached the court of Parmandi, where the poet Bilhana, hearing of it, longed to return to his native country." A few years after Harsa's death we find the Gahadavala King Govindacandra patronizing a Buddhist monk Vagiivararaksita, who came from the Cola country.4 Legends state that RamAnuja visited Kashmir." Much evidence may be found to indicate close cultural and religious contacta between Kashmir and the Deccan at this period. In such circumstances it is not impossible that a group of Ajivika ascetics found ita way to Kashmir from the Deccan and obtained the confidence of the king, who was always ready to patronize the purveyors of novelties, and seems to have had a taate for the bizarre. On the other hand Bana indicates the presence of nagn'-djas of some sort in Northern Panjab or Kaahmir some 450 years earlier," and the ascetics may have been an indigenous and previously insignificant group of Ajivikas who rose to prominence as a result of Harsa's patronage. The phrase rugna-nagn'-djaka used by Kalhana may be compared to the phrases magna-bhagna and nagga-bhogga, to

1 V. wuprn, p. 40. " Rajatarangini vil, 1123. * Ihid., vil, 936-7. 4 Bpi. Ind. xl, pp. 20-6. De la Vallee Poussin, Dynaties ... , p. 325. * V. supra, p. 148.

APPENDIX TO PART I 209 which reference has already been made.1 Unless these ascetica suffered from a disease such as leprosy they must have been ritually mutilated in some way. This suggests the Ajivika initiation referred to in the Jatala," in which the novice had to grasp a heated lump of metal. Such an ordeal, if sufficiently pro- tracted, might well fit the ascetic for Kalhana's opithet firna -... pani. The same ceremony may also be connected with the name of Harga's evil genius, Lostadhara. From the name of his grand- father, Haladhara, he appears to have come from an orthodox Vaisnavite family, but his own name (" Lump-holder ") is very unusual, if not unique. Was this name connected with an initia- tory ordeal, and adopted by ita owner to mark his adherence to Ājīvikism ? On his gold and silver currency, probably minted after the looting of the temples, Harşa did not use traditional Kashmir coin device of the seated goddess. The disappearanco of the goddess is itself significant, and may be connected with the iconoclasm of the nagn'-dtas. It is just possible that the elephant which replaced the goddess was an Ajivika religious symbol. The elephant is, of course, the attendant of Laksmi, and has some symbolie significance in Buddhism; but it may well also have been an Ajivika emblem. We recall the elephants of the façade of the Lomas Rsi Cave," and the "Last Sprinkling Soent Elephant ", one of the eight carimaim of the Ājivikas.4 Finally the " base ascetic " with whom Harga took refuge from the troops of Uceala has some Ajivika characteristics. He lives with a prostitute, Bhisca," and thus lays himself open to the same sort of nceusations as were levelled at Makkhali Gosala and his followers." His hut is near a charnel-ground (pitroana), where a necromancer (siddha) named Somananda worshipped certain divinities called Somesvaras.7 We have alrendy seen that the Ajivikas appear to have performed tantric ceremonies,"

I V.supra, p. 105. . V. supra, p. 104. V. supra, pp. 153-54. 4 V.supra, pp. 68-60. · Rajafarangial vi, 1637. . V. supra, pp. 124 ff. " Somdnand' dohidMdnaaya pijydh siddharya deralah Somelvar'-dbhidhaļ santi bāleit pitrvan'-dntare. Rājatarangiņi, vii, 1835. . V. supra, pp. 112-13, 162 ff.

210 HISTORY OF THE AJIVIKAS and are said by one source to have worshipped pifdcas.1 The sorcerer seems to have been in some way connected with the ascetic, whose hut has "a courtyard marked by him (i.e. by Somananda or perhaps by them, the Someévara goda), its site hidden by high trees "." This suggesta the design on which the Ajivika caves of Barabar were based, the round hut in the rectangular courtyard." Finally the name of the ascetic, Guna, is the same as that of a famous acdlaka or Ajivika teacher of the Jataka, who propounds a fatalist atomism entirely consistent with the doctrines of the Ajivikas. We cannot claim that these resemblances finally prove the identity of Harga's nagn'-das and the Ajivikas, but we may well ask : If they were not Ajivikas, what were they ?

1 V. supra, pp. 162 f. AMad Guş'-dbkidhānaaya kuji kaudra-lapasvinaļ. Rajatarangiņi, vil, 1636. : V. supra, p. 156, 4 V. mapra, pp. 20, 104-5.

PART TWO

DOCTRINES OF THE ĀJĪVIKAS

CHAPTER XI

AJIVIKA SORIPTURES

THE MAHANIMITTAS, THR MAGGAS, AND THE ONPATU-KATIR

The contempt in which the Ajivikas were held by their oppo- nents does not conceal the fact that the sect possessed a fully elaborated system of belief, and that it produced its own philoso- phers and logicians, uninspired though they may have been, whose works and names are unfortunately lost to us. Moreover, it seems that Ajivika doctrine, like that of Hinduism and Buddhism, did not remain static during the two millennia of the sect's existence, but developed by a process comparable to that by which the Mahayana system emerged from early Buddhism. That the Ajivikas had a canon of sacred texts in which thoir doctrines were codified, is clear from several passages cited in the Pali and Prakrit texta of Buddhiam and Jainism, or by the Jaina commentators, which give the impression of being adaptations or actual quotations from these scriptures. The Jaina version of the origin of the Ajivika canon is given in the Bhagaval Sutra,1 where it is said that the six disacaras "extracted the eightfold Mahanimitta in the Puovas, with the Maggas making the total up to ten, after examining hundreds of opinions ", and that this was approved by Gosala Mankhaliputta after brief consideration. Abhayadeva gives the names of the cight angas of the Mahanimitta as follows :- 1. Diuyam, " of the Divine." 2. Autpātam, " of portenta." 3. Antarikşam, " of the sky." 4. Bhaumam, " of the earth." 5. Angam, " of the body." 6. Suaram, " of sound." 7. Laksanam, " of characteristics "; and 8. Vyanjanam, " of indications." 1 BA. Si. xv, si. 530, fol. 658-9, V. supra, pp. 56 f.

214 DOOTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS These eight Mahanimittas are listed in the Sthandnga Sutra,1 with the variation Suvine (dreams) for Divyam; here the com- mentator Abhayadeva makes it quite clear that they are systems of prognostication. The Uttarddhyayana Satraa gives a similar list, and adds that the Jaina bhikkhu should not live by such means, The Jaina saint Kalaya, or Kalaka is said to have learnt the Malanimittas from the Ajivikas." We have seen that the Ājīvika mendicant often acted as an astrologer or reader of omens,4 and it may be that the early scriptures of the Ajivikas did contain considerable sections on these topics. That the Jainas, despite the veto of the Uttarddhyayana, also employed the cightfold Mahanimitta is shown by Kalaka's know- ledge of it, and by an inscription at Sravana Belgola, which states that the pontiff Bhadrabahu "knowing the eightfold Mahanimitta, seeing past, present, and future, foretold in Ujjayinī a calamity of twelve years' duration"." The two Maggas are said by Abhayadeva to have been those of song and dance." This statement, although disbelieved by Barua, may be based on accurate information, and the Maggas may represent texts containing Ajivika religious songs and directions for ritual dances respectively. These ten scriptures are said to have been plagiarized from the Puweas. By the Puwwas it seems that the author of the Bhagavati meant the Jaina Pūrvas, the earliest scriptures of the sect, which are now lost. The accusation of plagiarism, whether correct or not, is a further indication of the close con- nection of Ajivikism and Jainism in origin. Hoernle makes this point strongly in his artiele on the Ajivikas." Barua, on the other hand, interprets the word puwa in the text not in the specialized Jaina sense, but merely as " past traditions "," The commentator Abhayadeva is himself vague, and defines the puvvas as " certain acriptures called Parvas "." Barua's view is perhaps strengthened

1 Rhandaga, vill, 608. UMfarddhyayana, xv, 7. Pafeabalpa Oerai, tente Jain, LAfe in Anciest India ... , p. 208. * V.supra, p. 127. " Epi. Carn. il, no. 1. . V.supra, pp. 116-17. . BRR.i, p. 261. JDE.W.p.41.

AJĪVIKA SCRIPTURES 215 by the fact that the eightfold Mahanimitta of the Ajivikas bears no resemblance to the titles of the fourteen lost Purvas of the Jaina tradition.1 The whole passage defies definitive interpretation. It indicatos, however, that the Ajivikas had scriptures at an early period, that the latter included considerable sections on divination, and that they may have had something in common with the earliest scriptures of the Jainas. The Tamil sources make it clear that the Dravidian Ajivikas also had soriptures, which they prized very highly. The Ajivika sage in Manimekalai is " the knower of the Book of the Ajivikas",* and his lecture is said to contain the essence of the teaching of this text, which is also called "the Book of Markali"." Apparently this is no mere fortune-teller's manual, but a disserta- tion on the nature of the universe and the means of salvation. The Ajivika teacher in Nilabeci further gives the name of the scripture as Oppatu-katir (" The Nine Rays ")." It is said in the text to describe the atomie structure of the universe,5 and is one of the four cardinal pointa of the Ajivika faith, the other three being the Lord (Annal), the Elementa (Porul), and their modifications (Nikalvu)." Around the Ajivika nul a mythology seems to have grown. The scripture was delivered by the divine Markali,7 who is otherwise characterized by his perfect silence. Very reasonably the Jaina interlocutor asks how, if the God is silent, he could have declared the scriptures. Besides Markali two divinities, Okkali and Okali, are mentioned as being responsible for the diffusion of the text among men." They were probably thought to have acted as intermediaries between Markali and his worshippers; in the words of the commentator Vamanamuni, they instructed in the seriptures.10 The accounts of the Ajivika soriptures in the Jaina Sutra 1 Uppāya, Aggeşiya, Viriya, Athiņatthippanāya, Nāpappavdya, Saceappaoāya, Ayappavāya, Kammappavdya, PaccakkMāņappaoāya, Vijjapuppavdya, AvanjAa, Papan, Kiriyăeisdla, and Logabindwāra. Samavaya, sa. 147, fol. 128. " Acivaka-mal arinta. Mapi. xxvil, 108, * Markali-nal. Ibid., xxvii, 163. * NO., 671. * Ib&L, 674. Ibid., 670. VAmanamuni gives the Sanskrit equivalents of the four ss Apla, Agama, Paddriha, and Praeptli. 7 Ibid. 080. Thid , loe. eit. * Ibid., 681. V. infra, pp. 272-73. w Akam'-6pattoai ceyyum.

216 DOOTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS and the Tamil poems differ considerably. In place of the eight- folk Mahanimitta and the two Maggas of the former the latter gives us the Marbali-nal or the Oppatu-katir. It is possible that the Southern Ajtvikas produced new scriptures in the same manner as did the Mahayana Buddhists.

PALI AND PRAKRIT QUOTATIONS

Buddhist and Jaina texts and commentaries contain frag- menta in verse and prose which appear to be adaptations or quotations from Ajivika sources and may indeed be paraphrases of the seriptures of the seet. The very important passage in the Samaitia-phala Sulta,1 already quoted, with its Magadhisms and ita impressive simile of the ball of thread, may well be authen- tic. Another such passage may be the story of the merchanta in the Bhagavali Satra," which Gosala is said to have told to the monk Apanda, and which may have been borrowed by the Jaina author from an Ajivika collection of jatakas or cautionary tales. The Pali seriptures contain a number of verse passages praising the heretic teachers or propounding unorthodox doctrines, which may also have been taken, perhaps with some alteration, from Ajivika sources. Thus the Samyulla Nikaya" contains verses in praise of the heretics, said to have been sung by various devaputtas in the presence of the Buddha. The verse sung in praise of Purana Kassapa closely follows the doctrine ascribed to him in the Samamila-phala Sutta,4 and may be the concoction of an early Buddhist poet: " Kassapa sees neither sin nor merit for the self in this world in maiming, slaying, striking, or violence. Since he has declared our faith, the Master is worthy of honour." 5 The verse praising Makkhali Gosala, on the other hand, ascribes to him qualities which elsewhere in the Pali canon 1 V. mupra, pp. 13-14. * V. aupra, p. 59. Sam.I, pp. 60 f. 4 V.supra, p. 13. · Idha chindita-mārite hatajāniau Kassapo Papam na pan' epassati puiiam nă pana attano. Sa ce vissdaam deikkhi sakid arahati månanam. Sam. i, p. 06.

ĀJĪVIKA SCRIPTURES 217 he is not said to possess, and may be a genuine Ājīvika composition : " Self-restrained, with penance and aversion (from things of the senses), abandoning speech (and) quarrelling with mankind, equable, abstaining from things to be avoided, truthful-now surely such a man commits no sin | " 1 Finally, after a verse in praise of Nigantha Nataputta, ocours one in which four hereties are praised together : "Pakudhaka Katiyana, Nigantha, and these two Makkhali and Purana, leaders of a school, versed in asceticiam-surely now they are not far removed from the righteous !" # This verse, as we have seen," looks back to a period when the non-Buddhist heterodox sects were not sharply differentiated. The Mahānāradakassapa Jataka 4 also contains a number of verses exprossing heterodox views, which may have been taken from authentic sourcos. These are put into the mouth of the ascetic tencher Guna, who is called indiseriminately acelaka and ajivika, and are verse paraphrases of some of the doctrines assigned in the Samaina-phala Sutta to Makkhali, Pūrana, and Pakudha. Similar passages may be found in Makabodhi Jataka," and in the Pelauatthu." These verses, and the similar prose passages in the Samailila-phala Sutta seem to have had a common souroe, whether in prose or verse, in an authentie Ajivika work. Comparison between the expressions of Ajivika views in Buddhist and Jaina texts shows notable similarities. Thus the Samatita-phala Sutla's version of Makkhali's doctrine contains the phrases : N'atthi altakare, n'atthi parakāre, n'atthi purisakāre, n'althi balam, n'althi viriyam, n'atthi purisa-thamo, n'atthi purisa- parakkamo . .. Sabbe salla niyati-sangati-bhava-parinatā ...

Vacam pakya kalakam janena, Samo, sarajja-viralo, saccavadi, Na hi nuna tdimm karoti papam. Sam., loo. cit. : Pakudhako Ktiyāno, Nigaptho, Yecap' ime MaklAali-Poranas,

Na hi ndna te sappurisehi dare. Nam., loc. cit. # V.suprn, p. 80. . Jar. vi, pp. 210 ff. . Jat. v. pp. 227 f. V. supra, p. 18. " Petnvaitku, iv, 3, p. 57 f. V. nupra, pp. 20, 146, and infrn, pp. 271-72. .

218 DOOTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS sukha-dukkham patisamvedenti.1 With this we may compare the words of the Ajivika deva, addressed to the Jaina layman Kunda- koliya in the Uvasaga Dasao : N'atthi utthane i vă kamme i vā bale i vā vīrie i vā purisakkāra-parakkame i vā. Niyayā savvabhāvā." (" There is no effort nor deed (karma), nor atrength, nor courage, nor human action, nor prowess. All beings are determined.") The Prafnavyakarana Sutra" contains a passage which also suggesta the text of the Samamna-phala Sutta. This purports to describe the doctrines of nastikas, but some parts of it are perhaps derived from the same sources as Makkhali Gosala's doctrine in the Sulla. Thus, the first phase, n'althi jivo, na jai iha pare va loe, suggesta the slogan of the materialist Ajita Kesakam- bali, n'atthi ayam loko, n'atthi paro loko.4 But the terms in which the Prasnavyakarana speaks of the view that no merit accrues from religious activities, dana-vaya-posahaņam tava-sanjama-bambha- cera-kallāņam āiyāņam n'althi phalam, resemble Makkhali Gosăla's na . . . sīlena vā valena vā tapena va brakmacariyena vā in the Samailia-phala Sutta." The phrase in the Prafnavyākarana, ammā-piyaro n'atthi na vi atthi purisabāro seems to look back to the sources which provided n'atthi mata, n'atthi pitd in Ajita's creed, and n'atthi purisabare " in that of Makkhali. The dialootical peculiarities of the two passages have already been noticed." A further recollection of Ajivika sources may be contained in the Mahabharata, wherein the fatalist Manki declares hathe n'aiva paurusam, "there is no valour in force."? Similar complainta of the uselessness of courage and human effort (pourusa or puruşakāra) may be found in the epio, for instance, in the words of Bhima to the python in whose coils he struggles; "Who can conquer Fate by human effort (purusabarena). I consider fate to be supreme, but human effort (paurusam) useless." # An impressive parallel to Makkhali Gosila's description of the cosmie process in the Samafna-phala Sutta is to be found in

: V. supra, pp. 13-14. : Uv. Das. vi, 106. V. spra, p. 133. ·PranavySkarana, sd. 7, foli. 26-8. 4 V. supra, p. 4, n. 15, & V. supm, p. 3, n. 14. . V. supra, pp. 24 ff. T Sanhi, 176, 12. (Kumbhakonam edn.). V. supra, pp. 38-30. : Vana, 176, 27. (Poona edn.). Numerons verses of aimilar import aro to bo found in the MM., e.g. Udyoga, 40, 30 ; HAipma, 58, 1. (Poons odn.).

ĀJĪVIKA SCRIPTURES 219

the Bhagavali. Here Gosala, after declaring his seven paufa- pariharas 1 states that all those who had reached or were reaching or would reach salvation must " finish in order 8,400,000 maha- kappas, seven divine births, seven groups, seven sentient births, seven 'abandonments of transmigration' (paülla-parikāra), 500,000 kammas, and 60,000 and 600 and the three parta of kamma. Then, being saved, awakened, set free, and reaching nirvana they have made or are making or will make an end of all sorrow." * The phrase caürasitim mahakappa-saya-sahassaim in this passage corresponda to the Samanlfia-phala Sutta's cull' dsīti mahakappuno sala-sahassani." The seven " divine births" (divve) are perhaps represented by the satta deva of the Pali, and the seven sentient births (sanni-gabbhe in Prakrit and safifii-gabbha in Pali) occur in both texta. The totals of kammas differ, but in the Bhagavati's enumeration of the kammas and the Samailla-phala Sutta's total of chief uterine births (yoni- pamukha) the formulas are similar. The former has pailca kammāni saya-sahassdim, satļhim ca sahassātm chac ca sae, tinni ya kammamse, while the latter has cuddasa kho pan' imani yoni- pamukha-sata-sahassăni, satțhin ca satăni, cha ca salăni, pailoa ca kammuno satāni, pañoa ca kammāni, āīņi ca kammāni, kammne ca addha kamme ca." The close similarity shows that both passages are garbled borrowings from a common source. Barua has recognized that the passages from the Jaina scriptures quoted above resemble that in the Samaitiia-phala Sulla, and on this and other evidence has declared that there existed an "Ajivika language ", in which Ajivika texts were recited and written.4 As examples of this Ajivika language he quotes :- 1. The genitive singular form mahakappuno in the Samanila- phala Sutta's account of Makkhali's doctrine," which seems to

1 V. wapra, pp. 31-32. sntia sannigabbbe satta patlja-parilăre, paiea kammăņi saya-aahassăim sajhim ca sahasdim chac ca aae, tinni ya lammamue apupuevenam khavaitid, tao paechd sijjhanti bujjhanti muccanti parinivdinti savvadukkldnam antays baremru ed karenti oa barimanti ea. DA. Sa. xv, e0. 550, fol. 613. I nocepe Hoornle's reading of kammdni for kammapt in the text (Uv. Da., vol. il, app. il, p. 19, n. 5). Indis Ofics MS. 7447 hna kammdiy. * V. mpra, p. 14, n. 3. 4 JDL. i, pp. 46 f. # V. snpra, p. 14, n. 3.

220 DOCTRINES OF THE AJİVIKAS stand in place of the genitive plural and which represents the regular Pāli mahākappassa ; 2. The word supina, interpreted by Buddhaghosa as "a dream ". This Barua equates with the Ardha-magadhi suvina which, he says, means " a bird " (Sanskrit suparna). Actually this word has the same normal meaning as supina in Pali1; 3. The form Aupeyya, as used in the words of the Ajivika Upaka, " hupeyya dvuso"," which he believes waa specifically an Ajivika expression. In one version of the story the phrase ocours as huveyya pauuso," from which Barua concludes that "the sounds p and v were interchangeable in the Ajivika language"; and 4. The regular use of the present tense with future meaning. This Barua deduces from a single phrase placed in the mouth of Upaka in the commentary to the Sulta Nipata, sace Chavam labhāmi jivāmi, no ce marāmi " (If I win Chāva I shall live, if not I shall die). We do not believe that these four references are sufficient to indiente that there was a special " Ajivika language". The language of the Samailia-phala Sutla passage attributed to Makkhali is, however, sufficient to indicate that some of the earliest Ajivika religious literature, whether verbal or written, was composed in a Magadhi dialect probably very like the language of the Jainas.5

QUOTATIONS BY THE COMMENTATORS Whatever the language of early Ajivikism, it is probable that, like the Jainns and the Buddhista, the Ajivikas in later times adopted Sanskrit for their religious writings. Several Sanskrit verses, quoted by Jaina commentators with reference to Ajivikism or niyativada seem to be borrowed from such Ājīvika literature. One such verse, indeed, seems to have been specially popular with the commentators as a brief state- ment of the fundamental doctrine of niyativada, for it is quoted by no less than three of them, Silanka, Jianavimala, and Abhayadeva : 1 V. infm, p. 252. * Vin.i, p.8. V.supra, p.04. * Paramatthajotika II, vol. i, p.250. " Majlh. i, p. 171. . V. supra, pp. 24 ff.

ĀJIVIKA SCRIPTURER 221

" Whatever thing, fortunate or unfortunate, is to be obtained for men will come of necessity by recourse to the power of destiny. Though beings make great effort, that which is not to be will not be, nor does that which is to be perish." 1 In his commentary to the Praśnauyakarana Satra Jñanavimala quotes further verses :-- "Some babble that the universe is produced by Fate, saying 'Destiny is everywhere the stronger ', (as in) such (verses) as :- " For what reason does a man obtain that thing which he must obtain ? Inevitable Fato ! Therefore I do not grieve or despair. That (destiny) which is ours is not that of others. #' Fate suddenly, bringing what is desired even from another continent, even from the midst of ocean, even from the end of (the world in any) direction, makes (it appear) before one's face. " " According to one's destiny so is one's intellect successful, so is one's resolution, so are one's companions.' " a The niyativadins, to whom these verses are referred by the commentator, are stated by Gunaratna to be followers of Prana," the prophet of the Southern Ajivikas; it may therefore be assumed that the verses refer to the Ajivikas, whose doctrines thoy well express. Jhanavimala furnishes his commentary with many authentic quotations from orthodox Hindu sources, thus strengthening the probability that he borrowed also from actual Ajivika works. A further verse is given by Abhayadeva in his commentary

1 Prāptauyo nigati bal -dirayena yo 'ribah So 'valyam bhavali nynăm dubho 'tubho vå. Bhetndm mabati krte 'pi Mi prayatne N' dbleyan bharati na bharino "ati năšn). Stlanka to St. kr, 1, 1, 2, 2, nnd ii, 1, 20; Jhanavimala to Pramnaryabarapa, 7; Abbayadera to Ur. Dat. vi, 165. " Kecin " niyali-bhāvitam jagad" iti jalpanti, " bhavitaryar aira earvatra Jallyas' " Mi, yatha : "Priplaryam artlam lalhale manurya). Kim kärapam / Daisam alangha- Tasmăn na docāmi na eimmayāmi. Yad asmadiyam na Ai tat pareşăm. " Defpåd anyasmad api, madhyad api jalanidher, dito' py antat, Antya jhat iti ghajayati vidhir aMlimalam abbimukhiskatam. " Sa a smpadyale buddhir, vyasasdyas ca lidriah, Sahayda mdrla jieyā yādrai bavitasya," Jilnsvimals to Pratsosyabarana, eū. 7. # V. sprn, pp. 81-82.

222 DOCTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS to the Uedsaga Dasdo, following that quoted above. The verso is cited with reference to the story of Kundakoliya and the Ājivika dema1 :- "That which is not to be comes not, that which is to be comes without effort; but it perishes, even in the palm of the hand, of one for whom it is not destined." " Guparatna, the commentator to Haribhadra's Saddardana- samuccaya, quotes further verses which he attributes to the niyativadins :- "Since all things come about in determined form, they are produced by Destiny, conformably to its nature. " An object, the time of its existence, its origin, and its duration " come about in determined order. Who is able to resist it (i.e. Destiny) ?"4 Finally, Mallişeņa quotes a remarkable verse in his Syādvāda- maRljari :- " And thus say those who follow the Ajivika school :- " The knowers, the founders of the faith, having gone to the highest state, return again to existence, when the faith suffers injury.' " & This quotation states an important point of later Ajivika doctrine, which is confirmed by other sources." These verses indicate that, besides their early literature in - Prakrit, and the Tamil scripture Onpatu-katir, the Ājivikas

1 V. sapra, p. 133. " Na Ii Macari yan na Mdeyam, Mhanati ea bhavyam vind 'pi yatnena.

Ue. Das. vi, 185, Karatala galam api nalyati yasya tu bhasitavyalā ndsti. Abhayadova to With the abore ef. Hitdpadela 1, 20 : Fad abhdvi na tad bhdvi, bhdsi cen na tad anyatha, Iti cinta sia ghno 'yam agada) kim na piyale ! This seems to be the purport of the Sanskrit, which defies literal tranalation. - Niyalen" alva rapena sarve bhană bhasunti yal Tato niyati ja hy ete tat-svrūp' dnusedhatah. Yad yad' alva yato ydeat tat tad alua tatas tatha Niyalama jayate nydyat. Ka enăm badhitum kjama / Guņaratna to Şad- dardana-mamuccaya, p. 12. " Tathd e' dhur /jiviba-nay'-dnusrinab : i Jidnino, dharma-tirthasya kartdraļ, paramaņ padam Gate", dgacekanti bheyo 'pi bhavam tirtha-nibarata!," Byådeida-maijari, ed. Dhruvn, p. 3. . V. infra, p. 260.

ĀJĪVIKA SCRIPTURES 223

possessed a later literature in Sanskrit, containing much philosophical poetry. It might be suggested that theso verses were composed by the commentators themselves, to illustrate the views they were diseussing. Yet here are eight verses, quoted by different commentators in different centuries, and all attributed to Ajivikas or niyativadins. It is more probable that some at least are genuine, than that all are spurious.

CHATTER XII

NIYATI

The fundamental principle of Ajivika philosophy was Fate, usually called Niyati. Buddhist and Jaina sources agree that Gosäla was a rigid determinist, who exalted Niyati to the status of the motive factor of the universe and the sole agent of all phenomenal change. This is quite clear in our locus classicus, the Samania-phala Sutta.1 Sin and suffering, attributed by other sects to the laws of karma, the result of evil committed in previous lives or in the present one, were declared by Gosala to be withont cause or basis," other, presumably, than the force of destiny. Similarly, the eacape from evil, the working off of nccumulated evil karma, was likewise without cause or basis." Fatalism proper finds no place in orthodox Hinduiam, Buddhism, or Jainism. A man's fortune, his social status, and his happiness or grief, are all ultimately due to his own free will. The Indian doctrine of karma, as it is usually inter- preted, provides a rigid framework within which the individual is able to move freely and to act on his own decision. His present condition is determined not by any immutable principle, but by his own actions performed either in this life or in his past lives. By freely choosing the right course and following it he may improve his lot and ultimately win salvation either by his own unnssisted efforta, or, if he is a member of a devotional sect, with the aid of a personal deity. This doctrine Gosala opposed. For him belief in free will was a vulgar error. The strong, the forceful, and the courageous, like the weakling, the idler, and the coward, were all completely subject to the one principle which determined all thinga.4 " Just

1 V. supra, pp. 13-14. " N' afthi hetu, . . . n' atthi paccayo sattnam samkilemya. Digha i, 53. dketu-apoccayd satd olsujjhanti. Ibid. kamo. - N' antli purisalare, n'alihi balar, n'atthi viriyam, n'attli purisa-parab- Ibid.

NIYATI 225

as a ball of thread when thrown will unwind to ita full length, so fool and wise alike will take their course, and make an end of sorrow."1 This absolute determinism did not preclude a belief in karma, but for Makkhali Gosala the doctrine had lost its moral force. Karma was unaffected by virtuous conduct, by vows, by penances, or by chastity, but it was not denied." The path of transmigration was rigidly laid out, and every soul was fated to run the same course through a period of 8,400,000 mald- kalpas. This figure is corroborated by independent testimony," and is a measure of the gigantic and weary universe of the Ājīvika cosmologista. The process of regular and automatio transmigration seems to have been thought of on the analogy of the development and ripon- ing of a plant. All beings were " developed by Destiny (Niyati), chance (sangali), and nature (bhava) ".4 This ripening process was completely predetermined, thus differing from the paripdma of the Sankhya, wherein " cvolution follows a definite law which cannot be overstepped (parinama-krama-niyama), or in other words there are some natural barriers which cannot be removed, and thus the evolutionary course has to take a path to the exclusion of those lines where barriers could not be removed." # Sankhya accepts the proposition that progress and change are rigidly limited by natural law. Ajivikism goes further and declares that they are completely controlled. The term niyati-sangati-bhava-pariņata in the Samanfa-phala Sutta is ambiguous and obscure. It may be translated " ripened by the nature of the lot of (i.e. decreed by) Destiny ", or " brought about by the existence of union with Destiny ". But we prefer to follow Buddhaghosa and to take the three first elementa of the compound as in deandea relationship, translating the phrase as above.

• Seyyathd pi năma sutla-guje bAitte nibbejhiyamdnam ena phaleti, eram eva bdle ca papdite ca sandidvitel aayuarilvd dukkhas' antam karimanti. Ibid. " Taltka n'otthi : imin' dhays allena od satena vå lapena vd brakmasariyena v aparipakbam od kammam paripdesssami paripakkay va kammam phussa- phussa-cyanti karisami ti. H'evam n' alhi." Tbid. : V. supra, p. 219. 4 Niyali-sasgati-Mdpa-paripath. Digha 1, p. 68. Buddhaghosn interprota parinaia oa " differentiated" (nana-ppahdratam pantd). Sum. Vil. i, p. 160. " Das Gupta, Indian PAiloroply, vol. i, p. 256.

226 DOCTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS

The terms bhava and sangati appear to represent categories in the Ajivika metaphysical system which are subordinate to Niyati. Bhava seems in this context to be synonymous with svabhava, inherent character or nature. It suggests, below the fundamental eategory of Niyati, sets of conditions and characteris- tics in each entity, which, nctieg as factors subordinate to the great principle, control growth, development, and rebirth. Some heretics exalted Suabhava to the status of Niyati in the regular Ajivika system. Their doctrines are mentioned by the Jainn commentatora, though not in such detail as those of the niyativadins or Ājivikas. Thus Jhanavimala writes: "Some believe that the universe was produced by Svabhava, and that everything comes about by Svabhava only."1 Gunaratna quotes a verse which he attributes to the supporters of this doctrine : " What makes the sharpness of thorns and the varied nature of bensta and birda ? All this comes about by Svabhava. There is nothing which acts at will. What is the use of effort ? " ª Hence it appears that the svabhavavadins agreed with the niyativadins on the futility of human efforts. They were classed in the group of akriyavadins, or those who did not believe in the utility or effectiveness of purusakara. It would seem that the suabha- tavadin differed from the niyativadin in that, while the latter viewed the individual as determined by forees exterior to him- self, for the former he was rigidly self-determined by his own somatie and psychi nature. These ideas have much in common and we suggest therefore that suabhavauado was a small sub-sect of Ājīvikism. Sangati, interpreted by Hoernle, on the basis of Buddhaghosa, as "environment "," we would translate as " lot " or " chance ". It seems to represent the principle of Niyati as manifested in action. The term is known to Jaina writers, and is connected by them also with the niyalicadins or the Ajivikas. Thus, the Sutrakrtanga, quoting the opinions of foolish philosophers, " Keeil eabhdpa-Maeitay jagad manyante, ssabharen' aisa saroa) sampadyate. To Prafnauyakarapa 7, fol. 29. V. also Stlinks to St. Lr. i, 1, 2, 2, fol. 30. " Kağ kaştakāndı prakaroti taikynyai, Vicitra-ohdvay myga-pakşiņăm ca l SvaMidvataj saroam idam pranpiam, Na bamacaro 'sti. Kutak prayatnaļ ? Tarka rahasya-dipikā to Saddardana- samuccapa, p. 13. V. also Abh. Naj. B.v. : BRE. 1, p. 261. Us. Das. vol. I, app. 2, pp. 10-17.

NIYATI 227

declares one of their doctrines to be that pleasure and pain are not caused by oneself or others, but are the work of chance." On this Silinka comments: "Now the niyativadin declares his attitude. (The word) sangalyam (in the text) implies trana- migration wholly by inner development. Experience of all joy and sorrow whatever is fortuitous. Therein Niyati is ita (i.e. chance's) essential nature as fortuity. They say that since joy and sorrow, eto., are not produced by human action and so on, therefore for all beings they are caused by Destiny and are fortuitous." # The above verse and ita commentary explain both the phrases n'atthi hetu in the Samafia-phala-Sutta passage and niyati- sangati-bhava-pariņată. For the niyativadin causation was illusory. The European doctrine of causation conceived the universe as determined by an immense number of causes, going back to i first cause, which might or might not be expressed in theological terma. The Ajivika theory was evidently very different from this. The universe seems to have been thought of as a con- tinuous process, which was recognized by some later Ājivikss to be on ultimate analysis illusory." The only effective cause was Niyati, which was not merely a first cause, but, in ita aspecta as sangati and bhava, or chance and inner character, was also the efficient cause of all phenomenn. Sangati and bhava, the manifestations of Niyati in individuals, were only apparent and illusory modifications of the one principle, and did not in fact introduce new causal factors into the universal process. Thus, the Ajivika was sometimes called a believer in the doctrine of causelessness (ahctukavadin), Since all human activities were ineffectual he was also an akriyavadin, a disbeliever in the efficiency of works. The Ajivika process of salvation is sometimes in the Pali texta 1 Na tam sayam kadam dukkham, kao annakadam ca nam l Sukam tå jat vå dukkham, ackiyam vå aschigam. Sayam kadam na apnekim, vedayanti pudko jiyā. Sangaim tam tald fesim, iham egest aliam. Sa. kr. i, 1, 2, 2-3, fel. 30. : Niyativodi aodbkiprāyam dviskaroti. Sangaiyam ti samyak svapari. pāmena galiļ. Farya yada yatra yat aukha duļkk' dnubhananam ad sangath. Niyatia lasyum bhanam aangatikam. Yatas e' alvam na purupabar'-ddi-kptam autha-dubkh"-ddi, atas tut teşām prāņindi niyati-krtam sangalikam ity ueyalr. Silanka to Sa. Ly., loc. cit. · V. infra, pp. 235 ff. 4 E.g. Jal. v, p. 228.

228 DOOTRINES OF THE ĀJIVIKAS called samsara-suddhi, or salvation by transmigration, a very apt definition of the doctrine. "There is no short out (lit. door) to bliss, Bijaka. Wait on Destiny. Whether (a man has) joy or sorrow, it is obtained through Destiny. All beings are purified through transmigration, (so) do not be eager for that which is to come."1

NIYATIVADA DIALEOTIO

The usual Buddhist eriticiam of the Ajivika Niyati doctrine was pragmatic. Thus, the Sandaka Sutla of the Majjhima Nikaya" condemns the four "antitheses to the higher life" (abrahmacariya-vasa), which include the doctrines elsewhere ascribed to Makkhali, Purana, Pakudha, and Ajita. The fatalism of Makkhali entails the antinomianism of Porana. Since there is no possibility of modifying one's destiny by good worka, self-control, or asceticism, all such activity is wasted. The Ajivika doctrines are, in fact, conducive to luxury and licentiousness. This practical criticism of the Ajivika philosophy might have been easily countered by the Ajivikas with the claim that ascetics performed penances and led righteous lives under the compulsion of the same all-embracing principle as determined the lives of sinners, and that they were ascetios because Niyati so directed it. This very obvious argument ocours nowhere in the Buddhist seriptures, though it was known to the Jaina commentator Śilanka," who quoted it as one of the argu- ments used by niyativādins. Although orthodox Hindu literature rarely mentions the Ajivikas, we have some evidence that Hinduism was not wholly unaware of them. The doctrine of Niyati is mentioned in the compendium of Susruta, among a number of other theories on the nature and origin of the universe.4 The Svetdśva- tara Upanişad gives a list of first causes according to the 1 N' althi dodram augatiyā. Niyatim kamabha, Bijaka. Sukkam vå yadi vå dukllam, Niyatiya kira labMati. Samuara-auddhi aabbesam, ma turitho andgate. Jat. vi, p. 220. Cf. Ime aotil somdra-mldhiba, Jat. v, p. 228. # Majh. i, pp. 513 fF. V. aupra, pp. 18-19. : V. infra, p. 233. 4 Suiruia Samhia iI, 1.

NITATI 229

unorthodox systema, which includes most of the hypothetical entities referred to with disapproval by the Jaina commentators- time, nature, destiny, chance, the elementa, and the Sinkhya category of Purusa.1 Commenting on this passage Sankara ascribes belief in Niyali to the Mimamsakas, no doubt erroneously, and describes it as " karma characterized by the equal (reward) of good and evil". He briefly dismisses the theory by stating that Destiny is variable (in-ita operation)." Jaina criticisms of Ajivika determiniam are based both on logio and common sense. Of the triter sort is the argument of the Uvdsaga Dasao, attributed to the Jaina layman Kunda- koliya in his debate with the Ajivika deva." The latter praises Gosala's determinist theory and disparages Mahavira's doctrine of qualified free-will. Whereupon Kundakoliya asks the deva whether he attained his own divine status by any efforts on his part. He replies that he obtained heavenly bliss without effort (anuthanenam). "Why then," asks Kundakoliya, "are not those other living beings in whom there is no effort ... also devas ?"4 This argument, though blatantly illogical, is sufficient to convince the deva of the wrongness of his views, but we may be sure that the early Ajivikas had their rejoinders to such feeble attacks. Another amusing argument of a similar nature is ascribed to Mahavira himself, in the account of his conversion of the Ajivika potter, Saddalaputta, Mahavira aaka whether the potter's ware is made by dint of exertion or not, to which the Ajivika replies that it is made without exertion. Mahavira then asks what Saddalaputta would do if one of his workmen stole or broke his pots, or made overtures to his wife. To this the potter indignantly replies that he would berate and strike the oulprit, or oven kill him. But such actions, Mahavira retorta, would

1 Kalab, avablāvo, niyatir, yadrecha, Marani, yonib, purup", (nio) di cintyāā. Samyoga ejåm nanu dima-Mhandd, Atm' dpy antiah aukha-duhkha-hetob. Svidloatara, 1, 2. " Niyatir avijama-punya-papa-lakjapam karma. Nigatir iN Mimdquabas.

loc. elt. Niyaler api anaibdniatoad dasitam ean malam, Sankara to Sueldlvalara, : Ue. Das. vl, 160-8. V. supra, p. 133.

168. 4 Je ... nam jiănam n' apthi uipldpe ... de kim na devă l Uv. Daa. vi, * Ibid., vil, 108-0. V.mapra, pp. 52, 132.

230 DOCTRINES OP THE ĀJIVIKAS be quite inconsistent with the doctrine of Niyati and of no exertion. If all things are unalterably fixed (niyayā savvabhāvā) and there is no exertion, no man can steal or break the pota, and the potter cannot revile or strike or kill the culprit. Yet such things do happen in everyday life, and so the claim that there is no exertion and that all things are determined is false. No doubt the Ajivika had his answer to this appeal to common sense, which reminds us of Dr. Johnson's famous refutation of Berkeleyan idealism. We may surmise that the niyativadin explained the apparent existence of freedom of choice by the postulate of a double atandard of truth. In other and more exalted Indian philosophical systems such a double standard of practical and empirical (uyāvahārika) and absolute (pāramarthika) truth existed, and its adoption by the Ajivikas would solve the apparent antinomy of a postulated determinism and an inner conviction of free-will. In everyday life, and for all practical purposes, free-will existed, and the Ajivika layman like Saddalaputta acted on that assumption. But ultimately free-will was illusory- Niyati was the only determining factor, and human power and effort were completely ineffectual. The Jaina commentators give us a better impression than do the Buddhist and Jaina Prakrit texts of the niyativadin's powers of logical argument. Thus Srlanka in his commentary to the Sutrakrtdnga, quotes the argumenta of the niyativadins, who, although not expressly identified with them, must surely have been Ajivikas. "If happiness is experienced as a result of human activity there should be no difference in the reward (of equal exertion), nor should there be lack of reward when equal effort is exerted, whether by servants, merchanta, or, peasanta etc. Yet it is often seen that even when no means of livelihood such as service, etc., is followed, rich reward is obtained. So nothing is achieved by human effort." 1 This is another example of the argument used by Mahavira agninst Saddalaputta, the argument from human experience; but here it is employed by the Ajivikn against his opponents. The successes and failures of men of equal ability prove that their happiness 1 Yadi puruşabāra-kriam suklddy anubāūyela tatağ sevaka vanik-karpal'- ddinăm samăne purupabāre sati phala-prăpti-vaisodrdyam phal'-dprăptis ca na Mhanet. Karya cit tu sev'-ddi-vyupar'-dbhave 'pi visita-phal-dedplir driyata in. Ato na purupaktrai kidcid asadyale. Silanka to Sa. kr. i, 1, 2, 2, fol. 30.

NIYATI 231

does not depend on their own powers. Man is not an effective factor in the universal procoss. Continuing his disoussion of niyativada Śilanka, with com- mendable impartiality, temporarily adopta the determinist atti- tude, and considers possible causes of the manifest inequalities of the world. " What then (is the cause) ? Only Destiny. .. . Time is not the agent, for the varicty of results (of effort) in the world is inconsistent with the uniformity of time. Variation in the effect arises from variation in the cause, not from uniformity." 1 After thus dismissing Time as a possible prime mover, SrlAnka considers the theistie explanation from the Ajivika point of view. "Likewise happiness and grief do not come nbout through the agency of God. (If they do,) is God formed or formless ? If he has form he has no more the capacity to create all things than has the ordinary man (who also has form). If he is formless, his inactivity must be greater than that of empty space (which is also formless). Moreover, if he be subject to passion and other (emotions), since he is not superior to us (mortals), ete., he is not the maker of the universe. And if he were devoid of passion the variety of good and evil fortune, of lord and poor man, which he has caused in the world, would not come about. Therefore God is not the creator." " The logic of this passage seems to be that, as all beings, who are subject to passions, are created and ineffectual, so God, if also subject to passions, must also be created and share the ineffectuality of the creature. On the other hand, if he were devoid of passions he could not be responsible for the inequalities and injustices in the world.

1 Kim tarhil Niyaler ed etf jagali phala-saicitry'-dnupapatteh. ... N° đpi kalaļ karia, tasy" aikarūpaloāj Karapa-Mhede Ai hirya-bhedo Mapati, w'dbhede. Silanka, loo. eif. The commentator continues very temsely : Tatha M; ayam eoa hi bhedo bheda-hetur va ghajale yad uta virwldha-dharm'-ddhydsah karana-Medad ca. Thia obcure pasage seoms to imply that variations do in faet oceur, and that they must have a cause. Thus the Lilasddin has committed the fallaey of sscribing contrary qualities to Time, sinee the enuse must itaelf

of ita effocta. be variable. He simultancously werta the uniformity of Time and the varlety

1 Taih' doara-kartrke 'pi aukha-dubkhe na bhavatab. Yato 'sāp Žtvaro mērlo

At' dmertas? Tatha saty aktlasy' eva autardm nigkriyatvam. Api ca yady asou rigddimama, tato "amad-ady-avyatirebad eilvany" dhart aima. Ath' drau na ghajm praicati. Tato a' Eivaras kari' ei. Śilankn, loe. cit.

232 DOCTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS Śilanka, still writing as a niyativadin, next dismisses the suabhavavadin, who, as we have seen, held a doctrine very similar to that of the Ajivika : " Moreover the causing of joy and sorrOw cannot be ascribed to inherent character (svabhava). For is this different from a man or the same as he ? If it is different it is not capable of causing the joy and sorrow which befall him, on account of that difference. Nor (if it is) the same (as he). For, if it were, it would be a mere man, and it has been shown that man cannot be an effective agent." 1 Karma, the favourite Indian scapegont for all human mis- fortune and inequality, is disposed of similarly. "Nor is karma a possible cause of joy, sorrow, eto. For is a man's karma different from the man or the same (as he) ? If the same, karma is mere man, and the flaw (in this argument) has already been stated. If it is different, then is it conscious or unconscious ? If conscious, there are two consciousnesses in one body. If unconscious, how can it be an effective agent in the production of joy and sorrow, when it is as devoid of freedom as is a mere block of atone." # After thus exhausting the possible causes of man's joy and sorrow Silanka states the niyativddin's view, that these are caused by chance or one's lot (sangati) of which Niyali is the essential nature (bhavam). This passage we have para- phrased above." An even more important passage on the argumenta of the niyativadins is contained in the same text. A chapter in the second part of the Sutrakrldnga deals with four schools of false teaching, the Lokayala or materialist, the atomist, the theist, and the determinist. The chief argument of the last is para- phrased by Silanka at the outset in terms similar to those of the earlier passage. " Of those who put forth equal effort only one has material success, through the force of Fato. Hence only

sablavas purupid bhinno 'bhinno să / Yadi binno na puruy'-dirite subha- dubkhe karium alam farmad bhinnatsdd iti. N' dpy abhinnab. Abheds puruja esa apdi, lsya e' dhartrisom ublam ena. Sillnks, loo. cit. s N dpi karmanah autha dupkham prati bartrtvam ghajate. Yalas fat barma purupăd bhinnam abhinnam ud Mavsi? Abhinnam cit, puruja-matrat-dpattih karmanal, tatra e' dhio dopah. Atha Minnam. Tai kim sacelanam acstanam ua f Yadi sacetanam, ebasmin baye caitanya-dony/-dpattih, Atl deetanam. Tatha seti kutas taaya piydna-khandasy' fva' davalantraja aukha dubkk'-dipādanam prali karipivam in/ gillnka, loo. cit. " V. supra, p. 227.

NIYATI 233

Fate is the cause."1 He then quotes one of the verses para- phrased above." The text of the Sutrakrtanga then states the thesis of the niyativddin. " Here are two men. One maintains (the efficiency of) action, the other does not. ... Both equally and alike are affected by (a single) cause." To this Silanka adds: " ... One of them maintains (the efficiency of) action, saying that otion, such as going from one country to another, is (characteristio) of a man, not of something compelled by time, or by God, eto. But (actually it pertains to) one driven by Fate. And likewise with inaction. If they, not being free, follow the doctrines of action and inaction (respectively), both (may be) equal (in fortune), owing to their subservience to Fate. But if they wero free, then, owing to the difference between action and inaction, they would not be equal (in fortune). Hence, being alike dependent on a single cause, by the force of Fate they have taken to the doctrines of determinism and free-will respectively."4 This argument is a repetition of the previous one. The man who exerts himself and the passive believer in Destiny may both enjoy equal fortune. But if their efforts were really effective the energetic man would be more fortunate than the other. Both are, in faet, dependent on Destiny, and their very belief or disbelief in the Ajivika doctrine of Niyati is also dependent on that principle. The Sutrakrldnga continues that the fool imagines that he is responsible for his own sorrow, as others are responsible for that which befalls them. But the wise man recognizes that he is not the cause of his own grief." Silinka expands this passage: " By

1 gamana-kriyanăm kasya cid eva Niyati-balad artha-siddhih. Ato Niyatir ea kdragam. Silanka, loe. oit. : V. supra, p. 221. " Tha khalu duve purisd bhavanti. Ege purise kiriyam dikthai, ege . . . so kiriyam . .. Dovi le purisd tulla egappla karapam dvanna. Sa. kr. ii, 1, 12, fol. 287. * . . . Elaş kriyam aklyati. " Kriyå hi delöd deldntar' -duapdi-lakpanā purpaaya bhanati, na kal'-(var'-ddina coditasya bhanati," Apt tu Miyati- preritasya. Evam akriyd 'pi. Yadi tv amatantrau kriyāvādam akriyāssday ca samdlritau, tou dedu api Niyary-adhinadodt tulyau. Yadi punas tau avalantrau Mavatas tatah kriy'-dkriyā-bhedān na tulyau aydtăm iti. Ata ebdrthde eba-karan'. dpannalod in Niyati-valen' aiva tau niyati-sddam aniyati-nădam e' dirite ifi Mharad. Silinka to above, fol. 258. . Meldvi puna eoam vippadivedenti [ate) . .. "akom amui dukblāmi od

234 DOCTRINES OF THE AJIVIEAS Destiny, though against his will, he is so made that he suffers a series of sorrows. ... So the determinist, rejecting the visible human action and having recourse to the doctrine of invisible destiny, is ironically called a wise man."1 This last sentence is another appeal to common sense, of the sort used by Mahavira in his argument with Saddalaputta.2 But Śilanka continues with his exposition of the Ajivika standpoint. "In this world (atra) grief does not arise for a man, even though he delight in evil courses, while for another virtuous man it does. Therefore only Destiny is the cause. Thus, with the doctrine of Destiny established, in order to show everything else to be subject to Destiny, he maintains that, so determined, all beings ... have union with new bodies ; & (new) body is not obtained by anything else such as karma, eto. So they experience under the compulsion of Destiny (niyatita) the varied stages of life from childhood to old age. Under the compulsion of Destiny they are separated from their bodies. And under the compulsion of Destiny they experience various repulsive conditions, such as being hump- backed, one-eyed, ... a dwarf, ... death disense, and sorrow." a The text of this section of the Sutrakridnga concludes with a passage which is repeated for all four types of heretio, aceusing them of ignorance and licentiousness. Silanka then proceeds to demolish the niyativadin's argumenta. Is Niyati determined by its own nature or by another niyati ? If by its own nature, why are not all other entities so determined ? If by a higher niyati, that too must be determined similarly, and so on in an infinite regression.4 Again, owing to the charaoter 1 Niyatyy' aly' dale anicchann api tat kāryate yena duhkha-parampară-bhag bharati ... Para' py esam eva pojaniyam ... Ba kila niyatioādi dryam purujakiram parityajy' ddrpja-nigati-vad'-d/rayena mahdvivek" ullanjAyale. Silinka to above, fol. 288. My coom

V. suprn, pp. 229-30. " At' afkany' daad-anu thana-ratasy' dpi na dubkham utpadyate, parasya iu aad-anu(ltyina tad bhasat' fty ato Niatir eva kartr' fti. Tad evam niyalivdde sthite param ap yat kilteit tat sarvam Niyaty-adhinam iti darlayitum Aha . .. ye ke ca na . . prdpinas te sarve 'py evam migatild eva . . . darira-sambandham agaschanti ; n' dayena kena cit karm'-ddina dariram grakyate. Tathd bala- . . . ea . . . Aarirdt prthagbkacam anubhavanti ; tahă niyatita ena visidham . . 1 erastha-vilejam kubja-bina- . . . tdmang- . . . marapa-roga-dob'-ddikam bibhatsam dgucchanti. Silknkn, op. eit., fola, 298-9. · Asau Niyatis kim mada eva nigati-svabhārā ; ut' duyayā niyatyā miga- myale? ... Tatra yady asau soayam eva tatkd-mabhava sarva-padarthanam cea fatha-scaldvatoam kim na kalpyate? ... Ath' dnyayā niyatyā tatha

NIYATI 235 of Niyati as inherent nature (Niyater svabhavatvāt), thinga must come about through it (Niyati) with its determined nature, and not through (a Niyati possessing) various inherent natures. But, since Niyati itself is single that which it eauses should be uniform, in which case there should be no variety in the world. This, however, is not borne out by experienco." Silanka dismisses the Ajivika argument for determinism from the fact of human inequality by recourse to the doctrine of karma. The man who is proaperous and fortunate is enjoying the fruits of virtuous conduct in past lives. A similar but shorter diseussion of Niyativada occurs in Gunaratna's commentary to the Saddardana-samucoaya, where a further argument for determinism is put forward, based on the uniformity and regularity of natural processes. Niyati, declares Gunaratna, taking the determinist point of view, is the principle by which all things are manifested in determined form. Every- thing whatever is found to exist in a determined form. Otherwise, in the absence of a controlling agent, there would be no laws of cause and effect, and no fixed form of anything. What man skilled in logie ean deny Niyati, the existence of which is proved by the determinate nature of the effects (of like causes) ? "

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE NIYATI DOCTRINE

For the early Ajivikas Niyati is the ruling principle of the cosmic process. This concept of process, of the slow evolution of all entities along rigidly determined lines, is clearly stated in the Pali and Ardha-migadhi sourcos. The universe is, in fact, & dynamie one. But the Tamil texts which treat of Ajivikism show that other views existed.

fol. 289. niyamyale. 8 dpy anyayå, a' apy anyay' (ty eram anarantha. Stlanka, op. cit., 1 Tetha Niyate szabhavatvān niyata-sabhānay" đnayā bhavitaryum, na nănd-suabhanay" di. Ekatede en Niyales tat-biryen' dpy ekdbren' aiva Mharila. syam. Tathi ca aati jagad-raicitry -dbhdoah, Na e' aitad dratam iyam vd. " Niyatir ndma tatly'-dntaram ani yad-rasid ele bhavah sarce 'pi miyalen' aina ripena pridur-Mdoam alnusate, n'nyathd . ... Yad yadd yato bhanan tod dadd tata eva niyaten' aiva rapesa Marad upalaMyate. Anyathd birya- ktraşa-eyarasthd. Tala enam karya-naiyatyata pratīyamănăm enăm Niyalims ko nama pramana-patha-busalo badhitai kpamaie. Op. cit., p. 12.

236 DOOTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS We have seen that the atomic doctrines ascribed in the Samañfia-phala Sulta to Pakudha Kaccāyana, which certainly had their effect on Southern Ajivikism,1 maintained that the elementary categories were as firm as mountains, neither moving nor developing nor in any way affecting one another." The author of this passage conceives a statio, not a dynamio universe. Similarly, Mahavīra tried to convince Saddālaputta that his action in punishing a careless or immoral workman would be a real action, and not a mere illusion." Hoernle translates the phrase niyayā sauvabhāvā not, as might be expeoted, as "all things are determined", but as "all things are unalterably fixed ",4 which makes better sense of Mahavira's argument. Here are the germs of the static view of the universe ascribed to the Ajivikns in Nilakēci. We have no information as to the process of thought which led to the emergence of the new doctrine of Avicalita-nityatoam, or a completely statio universe. It was probably imported into the Ajivika system by the school of Pakudha, which seema to have played a significant part in the formation of the doctrines of the Southern Ajivikas. The doctrine could easily be har- monized with the determinism of Makkhali Gosala, and is, in fact, a logical development of the latter. We conceive the train of thought which led the Ajivika teachers of the South to accept the doctrine to have been as follows: If all future ocourrences are rigidly determined and there is no room for novelty in the universe, coming events may in some sense be said to exist already. The future exists in the present, and both exist in the past. Time is thus on ultimate analysis illusory, and if so all motion and change, which take place in time, must be illusory also. Thus, we have almost arrived at the system of Parmenides. This is the doctrine of the Ajivika teacher in Nilakeci. . "Though we may speak of momenta," he declares, "there is (really) no time at all." This sentence clearly shows that the Ajivikas were well versed in the doctrine of the two ordera of renlity, which we have already suggested as the Ājivika

1 V. aupra, p. 91. . Uv. Das., vol. Il, p. 132, # V. sapra, p. 16. * V. mapra, p. 230. · Kaşam &y egip umms oru balam ilai. Nil. 677.

NIYATI 297 solution to the paradoxes of the Niyati theory.1 In his sermon, however, the theory of the statio universe is not explicitly stated. Such a theory is, however, criticized at length by his interlooutor, and commented on by Vamanamuni, so it seems certain that it was held. From this passage we obtain a clear iden of the theory, called by the commentator Avicalita-nityatuam, or unchanging per- manence, which, for the Ajivika, is said to obscure all know- ledge of the truth." Every phase of a process is always present. Just as the stars still exist after the sun has risen, so in a soul which has attained salvation its earthly births are still present." Nothing is destroyed, and nothing is produced.4 Events are rigidly fixed. The doctrine of Niyati had developed far from that of Makkhali Goaala in the Pali scriptures. Not only are all things determined, but their change and development is a cosmio illusion. This static view of the universe is countered by several arguments from human experience and common sense. If souls in a state of salvation retain their old incarnations in latent form the saint must from time to time show characteristics of the boar, and eat filth." If the passage of time is illusory the food wo eat must already be excreta." The pragmatie argument is also used. The doctrine of unchanging permaneney destroys all moral sanctions-the ascetic is still a householder, and may behave as such.8 The obvious unreality of the doctrine is illustrated by a number of homely examples. If it be true, ghee is on fire, and the child has already conceived. If all change is illusory, how can the elements rise and fall, as the Ajivika doctrine itself claims ? " According to Avicalita-nityatuam a horse trots while still in its stable.1" How can the ripening of fruit be explained ? " How can boata be hollowed from logs, or bowls be beaten from sheots of metal ? 1 Even words undergo grammatical change.1 Causa- tion must exist, for the child will not grow unless ita growth is

1 V. suprn, p. 230. " Avicalita-nityatoam kejum adalip, ugakku! tallumaidpam illaiy dm, To NI. 094. : Ni. v, 095. Tân keta-e-illaga-m-un toprd-vepr' oppiyd tume illatu. Ibid., 600. * Niyatan nikalcel. Ibld., 711. Thid., comm, to 605. Ihid, 606. * Ibid., 697. # Ibid., 608. 10 Thid., 000. 11 1bld., 700. " Ibid., 701. # Ibid., 703.

238 DOCTRINES OP THE ĀJIVIKAS caused by adequate nourishment and care.1 These examples show conclusively that the school of Ajivikism treated by this text had a metaphysic very similar to that of the Eleatics. The other Tamil sources do not mention the doctrine of unchanging permanence. But the length at which it is treated in Nilakeci, and the relinbility of that work, together with the traces of such a theory to be found in Northern works, are sufficient evidence that it was held by some Ajivikas at least. Vamana, the 13th-14th century commentator on the work," seems to have understood the doctrine, and greatly expands and elucidates the elliptical verses of the text. From this we may infer that the static world view was held by some Ajivikas until the sect lost ita independent existence. It was probably conceived and elaborated by the ascetio leaders of Ajivikism, and had little influence upon the laymen. Manimckalai and Civanana-cittiyar stress the Ajivikns" atomic doctrines rather than their determinism. Indeed the Ājivika teacher in Manimekalai is scarcely aware of the doctrine of Niyati, and merely states in a single line that Fate (uli) is respon- sible for existence." Civanlana-cittiyar understands the doctrine, but here it is referred to in only one of the ten verses in which Ajīvika teaching is propounded, and in the six verses of refutation determinism is not explicitly mentioned. The text states that wealth and poverty, pain and pleasure, living in one country and travelling to another, are ordained beforehand in the womb, and that the world moves subjeet to a sure Fate.4 The reference to the womb in this verse suggesta that with the school of Ajivikas represented by this text, which is almost the latest of our sources, the orthodox Hindu and Jaina view was in process of replacing the traditional Ajivika doctrine of Niyati. By this time the distinction between Niyati and karma had almost gone. In fact one verse of the Civandna-cutiyar states that kagma is the cause of the incarnation of the soul.8 Ajivika doctrine never wholly excluded karma, but insisted that it operated in an automatio and determinate manner." It seems that the status

Munnula-e of' & pipgum ura-e fppatu. Mani., xxvil, 104. 1 Thid., 710. : V. muprn, p. 200. * Teriya s ejir pattu-e celvaf isv wlakam. ONO., p. 265, v. 9. · Caniuant ak-kagmattil & nappijum urukkaj aki. Ibid., p. 201, v. 6. . V. supra, p. 225,

NIYATI 239 of karmna rose as that of Niyati fell. This is strongly indicated by the commentary of Tattuvappirakicar to Civandna-citiyār, which interprets ali (Fate, Sanskrit Niyati) as vinai (action, Sanskrit karma). It seems that within the later Ajivika sect at least two schools emerged. With the first, typified by the Ajivika teacher in Manimēkalai, Niyati was pushed more and more into the back- ground. With the second school, whose doctrines are diseussed in Nilakēci, the Niyati doctrine developed into Avicalita-nityaluam, and new fentures emerged, which will be discussed in the following chapters. Just as the simpler Buddhists must have found the Theravada teachings unpalatable and difficult to understand and developed for themselves a more emotional approach to their religion, taking some of their logicians and metaphysicians with them, so with the Southern Ajivikas the sterile doctrines of Niyati and Avicalita- nityatvam seem to have been put on one side by some branches of the sect and replaced by more attractive and more intelligible teachings. With the decline of Niyati in importance the iden of the futility of human effort probably slipped into the background also. Nilakeci seems aware of the doctrine, and counteracta it with the usual argument, that it leads to antinomianism.1 But Maņime- kalai states that those who do not wish for destruction (aliyal tețār) will obtain the supremely white birth, and salvation." This suggests not a mere acquiescence in Destiny, but a definite effort of will on the part of the believer. Indeed it is probable that the rigid determinism of Ajivika theory never greatly affected Ajīvika practice, and that its influence on day-to-day life was negligible. 1 NI. 097. * Maại. xxvil, 150.

CHAPTER XIII

ĀJIVIKA COSMOLOGY THE CATEGORIES OF THE SAMANRA-PHALA SUTTA We have shown that for the early Ajivika all the proceeses of nature, including the actions of human beings, were rigidly fixed by Niyati. According to the inherent character of that impersonal principle the universe retained its shape and size, and new entities replaced those which passed away in rigidly determined order. The total of the contents of the universe was always absolutely the same. That this was the Ajivika view even before the emergence of the later doctrine of Avicalita- nityatvam is evident from the long list of categories in the Samaitfa-phala Sutta.1 The full significance of this remarkable list is by no means clear, but from the last sentence of the relevant passage of the Sutto it would appear that it is no mere catalogue of the contents of the coamos, but a list of conditions and states, the whole range of which must be passed through before emancipation. It seems that Buddhaghosa " often did not understand the text upon which he was commenting, but merely guessed at ita mean- ing. The sccuracy of the list itself cannot be relied on, for before being written it must have been passed down by word of mouth by several generations of Buddhista who did not understand ita full significance and were often careless of the acouraoy of what was to them an unimportant passage. That later copyista introduced further errors seems probable, in view of the large number of variant readings quoted in the PTS. edition of the text. Nevertheless the partial acouracy of the Samaffa-phala Sutta's catalogue is confirmed by Jaina sources.ª As it is, it gives us the best available picture of the fantastic universe conceived by the early Ajivikas. We consider the items of the list, in the order in which they are given in the Sulla. 1 V. supra, p. 14. * 8um. Vil.i, pp. 161-4. * V. mpra, pp. 218-19.

ΑJiVIKA COSMOLOOY 241 Yoni-pamukha. Chief sorta of womb, or birth. Of these there are 1,400,000 and 6,000 and 600, or 1,406,600 in all. This figure probably applies to the total number of species of living beings in the universe, and the final phrase of the list (" through which fool and wise alike will take their course ") 1 implies that ench transmigrating soul must be reborn in each state in the course of ita samsāra. Kamma. The classification of the kammas is very obscure, and the significance of the term in this context is not abaolutely certain. We have seen that the place of karma in carly Ajivikism was taken by Niyati." Yet on the lower level of truth the trans- migratory chain of cause and effect does not seem to have been categorically denied. Possibly the numerous karmas are the ways in which an individual's behaviour can, on the uyavaharika plane only, affeot his future condition. On the paramarthika level of truth, of course, the only effective agent is Niyati. The kammas are divided into groups. There are five hundred, five, three, one, and one-half a kamma. On the first group of five hundred Buddhaghosa comments: "By mere sophistry he explains a useless heresy."" The five are interpreted by Buddhaghosa as actions connected with the five senses, although he seems to prefer the alternative theory that the five are an appendage to the five hundred.4 The three, he states, are act, speech, and thought; the one is either act or word; and the half is thought. This interpretation is far from complete or satis- factory, but Buddhaghoea's explanation of the addha-kamma is supported by a passage in Yadomitra's commentary to the Abhidharma Koda." This implies that the Ajivika disagrees with the Buddhist view of kama as the covetous imaginings of the mind, and maintains that passions only arise from sensuous perceptions, and not from thought alone. With the Ajivikas kama was external to the man, with the Buddhists it was 1 Yāni bāle ca pandite ca sandhāvilvă aamaaritoă dukbiass' antars kariuanti. V. wupra, p. 14, n. 3. : V. supra, p. 224. * Takka-mattabena niratthakam dinhims dipeti. Sum. Vil., loo. eit. Adim pi e' eva nayo. Kooi pan' dhu pailca kamman' tti paile'-indriya- easena bhanali. Ibid. AbiAarmabola-eyåklyd, ed. Wogihara, vol, 1, pp. 287-8. V. also De la Vallde Pousain, L'AMidharma-Lola de Vasubandhs, vol. Ei, pp. 7-8. .

242 DOCTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS internal. On the Ajivika theory, even the Buddha was liable to kama with all ita consequences, on looking at sense-objects. Thus thought could not be productive of such strong karmio offects as physical activity or the operation of the senses. This may account for the Ajivika conception of the inactivity and silence of the Lord Markali,' and for the practice of penance in large jars,ª perhaps to avoid the use of the senses, and hence the development of kāma. The Bhagaval Satra gives different figures for the totals of kammas, but it confirms the Pali source in showing that the Ajivikas believed in a large number of these, which were divided into groups. In the Bhagavali there are 500,000 kammas, 60,000 and 600, together with three parts of lamma," which must be worked out in order before the process of salvation is completed. Here the figures 60,000 and 600 suggest the totals of the yoni- pamukha in the Pali text, and the kamm'-amse, or parts of a kamma, perhaps correspond to the act, speech, and thought of Buddhaghosa. Although our translation of tinni ya kamm'- amse is based on the commentator Abhayadeva,4 it seems possible that a second ya is to be understood at the end of the phrase, in which case it should be translated as three (kammas) and a part of a kamma. Thus the kamm'-amse of the Bhagavati would represent the addha-kamma of the Samaitna-phala Sulla. The Sutra shows that, whatever the correct total of the lammas according to Ajivika doctrine, they were types of action affecting the individual soul in its transmigration, which each must perform in regular order (anupuveenam khavaitta). On the higher level of truth they were not causal factors, but from the relative viewpoint they had to be taken into account. Pafipada. "Paths." These are sixty-two in number and are unexplained by Buddhaghosa. Rhys Davids renders the word as " modes of conduct ". Perhaps it should be taken in its pregnant Buddhist sense, and signifies religious systems of conduct, of which the majjhima patipada of Buddhism was one. We may infer that the transmigrating soul must pass through each in the course of ita pilgrimage. 1 V. infra, p. 276. # V. supra, p. 111. : DA. So. xv, 4l. 560, fol. 673. V. aupra, p. 14, n. 3. 4 Triml en karma-Medan. Op. elt., fol. 676.

ĀJĪVIKA COSMOLOGY 243

Antara-kappa. Lesser periods within the kappa or scon. Buddhaghosa points out that there are actually sixty- four antarakappas to each kappa, whereas Makkhali allowed only sixty-two. Either Ajivika chronometry differed in this particular from that of the Buddhists, or an error crept into the text at an early date. Abhijari. Classes of men. These we have alrendy dis- cussed in another context." The Ajivikn sixfold classification is given in full in the Angudtara, where it is ascribed to Pūrana Kassapa." The Angutara passage is borrowed, with few altera- tions, by Buddhaghosa." That the Ajivikas divided humanity into six groups, classified according to their paychie colour, is confirmed by Tamil sources. The classification of the Pali text is as follows :- 1. Black (kanha) includes all who live by slaughter and cruelty, such as hunters, fowlers, fishermen, thieves, gaolers, and others. 2. Blue (ntla), contains, according to the Angullara, " monks who live as thieves " (kandaka-vuttiba), together with other believers in the efficiency of works. Hare 4 translates this phrase as "who live as though with a thorn in their side ", on the strength of Buddhaghosa, who apparently interprets kandaka or kantaka as " thorn ", gives it the secondary sense of " impedi- ment", and states in a very obscure manner that the four paccayas of the Buddhist bhikkhu are implied." 3. Red (lohita), niganthas, who wear a single garment. The exnet significance of this apparently simple phrase is far from clear, as we have nlready shown. It probably applies to all monks of a Jaina type. 4. Green (halidda) are the lay disciples of the acelakas. This passage also has its obscurities," but seems to refer to Ājīvika laymen, who are promoted above the ascetics of other communities. 5. White (sukka). Ajivikas and Ajivinis (the latter called in the Anguttara Ajivakiniyo). Ājīvika ascetics of both sexes.

: V. suprn, p. 130, - : Ang. ili, p. 383 f. Sum. Vil. i, p. 162. Gradual Sayings, ili, p. 273. V. wapra, p. 130, n. 7. * Te Kira catum paccayes baştbake pakkbipird khadanti. Bhitthe ca Lantaka-outtika li ayam hi 'ma pali yeea. Bum. Vit. i, 102. " V. supra, p. 13), with n. 6, and p. 100. " V. supra, p. 139, with n. 5.

244 DOCTRINES OF THE ĀJĪVIKAS 6. Supremely White (parama-sukka). According to the texta, this class contains three names only, those of Nanda Vaccha, Kisa Sankicca, and Makkhali Gosala.1 We cannot believe that the class was such a small one, and suggest that it contained all the arhants, firthankaras, or dplas of Ajivika mythology." The omission of the non-Ajivika layfolk, who did not live by killing man or beast, suggests that the list of categories is in- complete. No system could ignore such people in its classification. The Ajivika use of the term abhijati is confirmed by the Bhagavati Satra; here, when Gosala declares that his body is now inhabited by the soul of Udai," he states that the soul of the original Gosila was of the white elass (sukk-dbhijate). That the Ajivikas classified humanity according to its spiritual colour is confirmed by Manimekalai and Civanlāna-cittiyār. The former text 4 quotes the coloura of the births (pirappu, equivalent to Sanskrit abhijati) as follows: (1) Black (karu), (2) dark blue (karu-nīla); (3) green (pacu); (4) red (cem) ; (5) golden (pon), and (6), white (ven). It is further stated that those in the pure white (kali-ven) category reach salvation." It may be suggested that the pon category in this list corresponds to the sukka of the Pali, and the ven to parama-sukka. The text, however, also mentions a pure white category, the colour of salvation, and this is confirmed by the Civaflana-cittiyar, which inoludes " supremely white " as one of the six colours, stating that it only exista in those who are saved from samsara (vittin), while the othera are to be found on earth." It will be noted that in the Manimekalai list green is lower in the seale than red. If we attribute the colours to the same classes as those in the Pali list, this would place the nirgranthas above the Ajivika laymen, and is not wholly impossible. The Manimekalai order is that of the Jaina ledyas, to which the Ajivika abhijatis are closely akin. The list of coloura given in Civanana-cittiyar seems to be without order : white (venmai), golden (ponmai), red (cemmai), blue (nil), pure white (kali-venmai), and green (paccai)." The black

: V.aupm, pp. 27 ff. : BA. So. Iv. ad 550, fol. 073. V. aupra, p. 31. V. infra, p. 275.

• Keji-ven pirappir kalantu vi-aşaikunar. 4 Mani. xxvil, 160-5.

• Ibid. . ONO.,p. 263, v. 8.

AJIVIKA COSMOLOGY 245 of the other two lista is omitted. The disorderly arrangement of the colours seems to indicate that the author of Civanaga- cittiyar was unaware of their full significance; apparently at this Inte stage of Ajivikism the doctrine of abhijati was becoming confused. The abhijatis have much in common with the Jaina ledyas. According to this classification the six colours are: (1) black (kaņha), (2) blue (nīla), (3) grey (kat), (4) red (teu), (5) yellow (pamha), and (6) white (sukka)." All have characteristio paychio tastes and amells, and give characteristio sensations of touch. In the black class is the man of blood and violence; in the blue among others, are the envious, the deceitful, and the luxurious ; in the grey are the heretic and the thief; these three are evil ledyas. The three latter ledyas contain men of good karmio character; in the red category are the well-disciplined and studious ; in the yellow those men who are calm, attentive, and subdued ; while in the white are men who meditate on the law and the truth with their minds at ease, and are self-controlled, even though they may not be wholly free from passion. The ledyas are conceived as substances, which may adhere to the soul for a longer or shorter time, and all living beings are subject to them," although men only are quoted as examples. The Ajivika system of spiritual colours is a general classifion- tion of humanity according to creed or occupation, while that of the Jainns classifies man's psychie development and virtue. There can be no doubt that, as Hoernle has suggested," the two doctrines are connected. But it cannot be shown that their similarity indicntes the dependence of Ajivikism on Jainiem, or the reverse. It seems more probable that the two systems of colour classification are derived from a common body of ideas which were widespread among ascetie groups in the days of the Buddha. Of the two the precisely defined Ajivika abhijatis are less sophisticated and therefore probably earlier than the Jaina lefyas, the differences of which are mainly of degree, and the dependence of which on moral characteristies is more strongly stressed. It may be concluded that the Ajivika believed that the soul must transmigrate through all the abhijatis before ita release " UMarddAyāyana, xxxiv. " Ibid., verso 47. * ERE.I,p. 262.

246 DOCTRINES OF THE ĀJIVIKAS from samsara. Even the most highly developed soul must have spent part of ita long existence among the basest and wickedest of mankind. Purisa-bhumi. Stages of human existence. These are said by Buddhaghosa to be cight, namely : 1. Manda-bhami (stupid stage), the condition of the new- born infant; 2. Khidda- (pleasure), the older infant who laughs and weeps without self-control; 3. Vimamsa- (investigation), the stage at which the child begins to walk, holding his parents' hands; 4. Ujugata- (upright walking), when the child is capable of walking without help; 5. Setha- (learning), when he learns arts and crafts; 6. Samana- (monkhood) ; 7. Jina- (enlightenment), at the end of his service at the feet of a spiritual instructor; and 8. Panfia-Mumi, the stage of highest cognition, when he does not speak at all. It is doubtful whether Buddhaghosa's interpretation of the eight stages of man is wholly correct, especially as it disre -- gards the stage of the householder, and applies therefore only to those ascetics who abandon their homes in their youth, unless the layman is looked upon as never passing the stage of sekha-bhdmi. Another surprising feature of the list is the inclu- sion of a stage above that of jina, which does not here seem to connote the same degree of spiritual excellence as elsewhere. It is possible that Buddhaghosa has reversed the order of the seventh and eighth stages; but it will be remembered that other sources speak of the silence of Makkhali,1 and the final stage of human development may have been introduced in order to establish his superiority over other leaders of the seot. If Buddhaghosa had not specified the eight purisa-bhumiyo it would have been logical to interpret them in its literal sense as "worlds of men ", fewer in number than the purgatories and serpent-realms also mentioned in the list, through which the transmigrating soul must pass. We cannot avoid the suspicion that the eight stages of men were devised by Buddhaghosa 1 V. supra, p. 82.

ĀJĪVIKA COSMOLOGY 247 himself, since there is no confirmation from other sources of this Ajivika classification of the stages of life. Ajtva. This is translated by Rhys Davids, on the basis of Buddhaghosa, as "professions", of which there are 4,900. The scholiast's briof comment (ajiva-vutti) does not completely convince us that the term is thus used here. The Siameso version of the text gives it as Ajivala," and Ajiva itself is a legitimate form of the word Ajivika," in the sense of an ascetic. If we accept Buddhaghosa's interpretation, the phrase must imply that the soul in its rebirths takes up 4,900 different means of earning a living; otherwise it could imply that it is born 4,900 times as an Ajivika. The latter interpretation is supported by the Tibetan version of the text, which, according to Rockhill, gives this item as " 4,900 akelakas " (sic)." Barua 4 accepta this interpretation. Paribbājaka. Wandering mendicanta, also to the num- ber of 4,900. We do not believe that this means " sorts of mendicant ", as Rhys Davids translates it, but rather that the soul will be reborn as a wandering ascetie 4,900 times in the course of ita transmigration. Nagdvasa. Of these there are again 4,900. They must be, in Buddhaghosa's words naga-mandala, or regions of serpenta. The evidence of the Jaina sources indicates that the Ajivikas were interested in the nägas of popular religion, who played a significant part in their mythology. Thus Gosila com- pares himself to a gigantie serpent, deatroying those who attack him." On the last night of the Ajivika six months' fatal penance those ascetics who yield to the ministrations of the two gods, Punnabhadda and Manibhadda, will not be emancipated but will "do the work of serpenthood "." This cryptic phrase probably means that they will be reborn as serpents in one of the nāgávűsas. Indriya. Of these there are 2,000. Buddhaghosa gives no elucidation of the word, which Rhys Davids translates

1 Tote Rhya Davida, Dialogues of the Buddha, i, p. 72, n. # V. wupra, pp. 103, n. 1, 181-83. " The Life of the Baddla, p. 103. + ABORI. vill, p. 185, and n. 16. . V.supra, p. 60. * Asteiaalidc kammam pakareti. V supra, p. 128, and infra, pp. 257 ff.

248 DOCTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS "faculties ".1 The 2,000 must include not only the human senses, but many supernatural ones, of which the transmigrating soul was thought to make use in the course of its long pilgrimage. Niraya. These, 3,000 in number, are certainly purgatories. Rajo-dhatu. Of these there are only thirty-six. They are interpreted by Buddhaghosa as " places covered with dust, such as shelves and foot-resta "," an explanation accepted by Rhys Davids for want of a better. Barua translates as " celestial, mundane, or passionate grades "," without comment or explana- tion. Franke suggests the possibility of some connection between this phrase and the rajo guna of Sankhya philosophy.4 The Vedie meaning of the word rajas, " atmosphere," must not be forgotten as a possible interpretation. The most probable mean- ing of the phrase seems to us to be " elementa of impurity ", or perhaps " of passion ". The three following categories, of each of which there are seven members only, are best considered together. They are : Saffi-gabbha, according to Buddhaghosa types of sentient birth, such as camels, oxen, eto. ; Asaffi-gabbha, types of unconscious birth, such as rice, barley, wheat, eto. ; and Niganthi-gabbha, types of birth from knots, as examples of which Buddhaghosa gives the sugar-cane, the bamboo, and the reed." We can feel no confidence in Buddhaghosa's explanation of these three items. First in the catalogue of Ajivika cate- gories occurs the item, "1,406,000 yoni-pamukha," which seem to be chief sorta of birth. On this interpretation the twenty- one classes of birth above are but a drop in the ocean of the yoni-pamukha, and seem quite unworthy of being placed in a category of their own. To this it might be objected that the yoni-pamukha represent species, while the seven members of each of the three above classes are genera. The three categories are followed by those of deva, manusa, and pesaca, and it is there-

1 Dialogues of the Buddha, i, p. 72. Raja-okinna-thandns Aathapijha-padaptA'-ddini. Sum. Vil. i, p. 163. Pre-Buddhiatio Indian Philesophy, p. 306. Digha Nikaya in Auswall Oberselel, p. 57. · Gapphimhi jata-gabbha ucchu-veļu-năl' ddayo, Sum. Vil., loo, cit.

ĀJĪVIKA COSMOLOGY 249

fore not impossible that this section of the list is an enumera- tion of the chief types of ench category of living being, all of which are included in the yoni-pamukha at the head of the list. Thus the seven saitfi-gabbha might well be divided in some such way as human, mammal, bird, reptile, fish, insect, and worm, and the seven asafni-gabbha in a similar way. But Buddhaghosa must surely have been mistaken in his interpretation of the niganthi-gabbha; we cannot believe that the larger grasses played so great a part in the Ajivika scheme that they required a category to themselves. We would tentatively suggeat that the niganthi-gabbhd were "those not bound ", not in this case members of the Nirgrantha sect, but beings not so closely tied to gross matter as are mortals." Thus the category of niganthi- gabbha would link with the devd who follow, and correspond to the satla saitjahe of the Bhagavali Satra list, which we consider in the following paragraph. We believe that the nigan/hi- gabbha were seven types of demigod, yaksa, apsaras, eto. The Bhagavat Satra throws some further light on these obscure categories, and must modify our interpretation. Here Gosala is said to have maintained that before ita final release the soul must pass through seven divine (births), seven sanjahe, and seven conscious births, using for the latter the same phrase as the Pali text, sanni-gabbhe." The first group of seven is interpreted by the commentator Abhayadeva as existences as a god, the second as existences in the seven samyuthas or groups (of demi- god), and the third as human existences. These lives, as Gosala himself explains later in the Sutra, will all be lived at intervals by the soul nearing salvation." These groups of seven births occur at the end of the soul's long 'cosmio journey of 8,400,000 mahakappas' duration. The text of the Bhagavani Satra gives a list of the last fourteen births, as followa :

I This interpretation is partially confirmed by the Tibetan version, which gives "soven modms of existence ns cauras " in place of the niganthi-gabtid of the Pili, which appears aa " 49,000 of the nirgrantha epecien (of mendieant) ". Rockhill, op. elt., pp. 103-4. " Satta diuve, satia sanjake, sntla sannigabbbe. BA. Se. xv, eu. 560, fol. 673. (sapla) sanjti-parbhān, manupya-garbha-vasati) ; ele ca tan-matena mokja. găminăm sapta-sántara bhasanti, vakyyati e air" aitin svayam eva. Abhayndevn to.HA. Sa., fol. 675.

250 DOCTRINKA OF THE AJIVIKAS 1. In the Uvarille Manase or upper Manasa heaven, as a god ; 2. The first conscious birth (sanni-gabbhe) ; 3. In the middle (Majjhile) Māņasa ; "4. Second conscious birth ; 5. In the lower (Hethile) Manasa; 6. Third conscious birth ; 7. In the upper Superior Manusa (Manusuttare) ; 8. Fourth conscions birth; 9. In the middle Maņusuttara ; 10. Fifth conscious birth ; 11. In the lower Manusuttara ; 12. Sixth conscious birth ; 13. In the heaven of Bambhaloga, or of Brahma, where the soul resides for the duration of ten divine sagarovama periods; and finally 14. The seventh and last conscious birth, at the end of which the soul performs the seven reanimations (paütta-parihdra),1 and finally passes to nirvina after the penance of the "Pure Drink "." It will be seen that the names of the Ajivika heavens are not the same as those of the Jainas," except for Bambhaloga. The difference in the names of the three higher heavens and those of the lower, Manusuttara and Manasa, is unexpected, and is probably the result of the error of an early scribe.4 It seems probable that the seven sanfi-gabbha of the Pali list are the same as those of the Bhagouat; on the analogy of the latter text's account of the heavenly births it is also probable that each of the " sentient births " was in a different state or con- dition. The Bhagavati list makes no mention of the asañi-gabbhd of the Pali, but it is possible that the latter's niganthi-gabbha represent the Bhagavati's seven santjahe. The latter term is also used with each of the Minasns and Manusuttaras in the second Bhagavati list, and in this context is interpreted by Abhayadeva

: V. muprn, pp. 30 ff. : V. supra, pp. 127 ff. Saudharma, Iltna, Sanatkumara, Mihendra, Brahmnloka, Lantaka, Mahidukra, Sahasrira, Anatn, Prinnta, Arann, and Acyuta, In rising order of excellence. Guerinot, La Religion Djaina, p. 184. This is confrmed by Abhayndeva, who reads Manas'-oftara. Bh. S#. comm., fol. 676. * Uuarilla Mapase Sailjūhe dece Buarajjati, eto. DA. Sa., loo. eit.

ĀJIVIKA COSMOLOGY 251 as "a god of a special class ",1 The wording of the firat list (salla divve, satla sañjahe, satta sannigabbhe), however, indientes that the seven saitjahe were thought of as distinct from the divve, or divine births in the Manasas and Manusuttaras. Deva, of which there are seven. Buddhaghosa takes this term as meaning gods, and naively states that there is in fact a very large number of gods, thus stressing the Ajivika's ignorance. The word should surely be interpreted adjeotivally, as equivalent to the Sanskrit daiva, corresponding to the satta divve of the Bhagavali list. These are the seven divine births in the Manasa and Mapusuttara heavens. Manusa. These are also seven. Buddhaghosa accepted this word literally, and noted that the total number of men was not seven, but infinite. Were it not for the equivalence of the Bhagavati's sanni-gabbhe and of the sailili-gabbha of the Pali, it might be suggested that the seven manusa were the last seven human births of the soul. It is also possible that they are connected with the paulla-pariharas, and represent the seven human bodies which the soul rennimates in ita last existence, but these are better represented by the pajuva below. We have already seen that, according to the Bhagavati Satra the Ajivika heavens were called mapasa and manusulara. It is possible that mdnusa in the Pali list is an error, and that the term should be manasa, the seven heavens which the soul inhabita in ita last seven divine births. It will be recalled that the confusion of maasa and mapusa occura in the Prakrit text itself. Pesdca. Again seven. Both the readings pisdcs and pesdca * occur, of which Buddhaghosa accepts the former, and contents himself with stating that the total of goblins is in fact very large. We believe that the word is adjectival, and refers to seven births as pisacas or goblins, which the soul must experience before ita release from samsāra. Sara. Interpreted by Buddhaghosa as "great lakea " (maha-sarā) of which he gives the names: Kaņņamuņda, Rathakāra, Anotatta, Sīhappapāta, Tiyaggaļa, Mucalinda, and Kunaladaha. It will be noted that the term used for the Ājīvika heavens, manasa, may also mean " a lake ", and that the 1 Nikdya-vileje deve. Abhayadova to above, fol. 676 .. * Sum, Vil. i, p. 104, n. 4. Digha l, p. 54, n. 2.

252 DOCTRINES OF THE AJĪVIKAS Ajivika system of chronometry also knew a period called & sara, of which 300,000 constituted a mahakappa.1 But possibly Buddhaghosa's explanation is correct, and these are seven great lakes, in each of which the soul becomes a denizen before the end of its journey. The names given by Buddhaghosa are those of the seven lakes of Himavant according to Buddhist geography." It is not impossible that the Ajivikas had a similar classification. Patuva. Of these, according to the Sulla, there are seven and seven hundred. The word is not translated by Rhys Davida, who admita that he does not know its meaning. While it is given in this form in the Digha, Buddhaghosa reads pacutd," and there are several varianta, such as pamuļā, pamucā, and papuļā." Buddhaghosa equates the word with ganthiba, a knot or block, & very improbable meaning. The text of the Sutta gives the total of the patuvas, like those of the two following categories, as seven and seven hundred. In the case of the two latter, Buddhaghosa interpreted the seven as being of major and the seven hundred of minor rank, but his commentary makes no reference to seven hundred paoutd. We therefore conclude that the text on which he worked gave the total of these as seven only, on the analogy of the previous categories. We believe that the pafuea actually represent the seven paulla-parihara of the Bhagaval, Succeeding generations of seribes, ignorant of the true meaning of the term, might easily corrupt the first element of the Prakrit term into the forms given above. Papata. Precipices, seven and seven hundred in number. Perhaps these are falls from a higher to a lower state of being. Supina. This word Barua has identified with the Sanskrit suparpa, a divine bird,e but we cannot agree. Supina, in Pāli, like suvina in Ardha-magadhi, must be equivalent to the Sanskrit suopna, and mean dream. We can only suggest that the seven and seven hundred supind are dreama of great psychic significance, supposed to occur just before the final emancipa- tion of the soul. Mahdkappa. Great aeons, of which the number is 8,400,000. Through these, and all the preceding categories, fool 1 V. Infra, p. 253. 4 Sum. Vil.i, p. 164, n. 7. : PTS. Dictionary, s.v. sard. . V. supra, p: 31. » Sum, Vil. i, p. 164. . V. supra, p. 220,

ĀJĪVIKA COSMOLOGY 253 and wise alike must travel before they " make an end of sorrow ". The same total of mahakappas is given in the Bhagavali Sūtra, where it is stated that they and the other categories must all be duly passed before release from transmigration, when the souls accomplish their journey (sijjhanti), are enlightened (buijhanti) set free (muccanti), and finally emancipated (parinivvdinti), making an end of all sorrows.' These terms may give us some idea of the Ajivika conception of final bliss, but it must be noted that with some later Ajivikas even the state of nirvana does not seem to have been looked upon as final. The verb in the final clause of the above passage in the Bhagavati is quoted in its past, present, and future forma.ª This indicates that the Ajivika cosmos contained many more mahakappas even than the enormous figure quoted, and that at any time a soul might complete its 8,400,000 aeons of samsara and attain nirvdna. These mahakappas are not the total of universal time, but merely the acons through which each soul must pass in order to gain salvation. The Bhagavati Satra gives an estimate of the duration of a makakappa, which shows that Ajivika chronometrie specula- tions were even wider in conception and more awe inspiring than were those of other Indian schools, all of which seomed to delight in imagining fantastically long periods of time. After expounding his doctrine of transmigration Gosala is pur- ported to have said that according to his system the bed of the Ganges was 250 yojanas in length, half a yojana in width and 500 dhanus in depth. Seven gangas equal one mahāgangā; seven mahāgangās equal one sādīņagangā ; seven sādīņagangās, one maccuganga; seven maccugangās, one lohiyagangā; seven lohiyagangās, one avatīgangă; and seven avalīgangās equal one paramdvati. The latter therefore equals seven to the seventh power or 117,649 gangas. If one grain of sand were removed every hundred years from the bed of this imaginary river the total time required for the removal of all the sand would be one sara. 300,000 saras of this duration equal one mahakappa, and even here Ajivika chronometry does not stop. Gosala coneludes by : BA. Sa. Iv, al. 550, fol. 673. " V. infra, pp. 267 ff. : Savea-dukkhass' antam karemau oå karenti så karimanti va. BA. Sa., loo. cit.

254 DOOTRINES OF THE ĀJIVIKAS stating that 8,400,000 mahäkappas, the period of the transmigra- tion of a soul, are called one mahamanasa,1 Buddhaghosa gives another account of the mahakappa, according to which its duration seems comparatively modest; a malakappa is the time taken to exhaust a great lake seven times, by removing one drop of water every hundred years." This definition agrees with that of the Bhagavat in so far as it introduces a lake (sara) into the calculations. But here the mahäkappa consists of only seven sara, in place of the 300,000 of the Bhagavati. Beside the system of Mahakalpas, the Bhagavali Satra also indicates that the Ajivikas maintained a doctrine of cosmic progress and decay, similar to that of the Jainas, since Gosala is referred to as the twenty-fourth firthankara of the Avarsarpiņi age, .or aeon of decline." As his status would thus correspond exactly with that of Mahavira in Jainism, the suspicion cannot be avoided that the passage is a Jaina interpolation, although, in view of the close connection between the two secta, it is not impossible that it represents authentio Ajivika teaching.

THE EIGHT LAST THINGS

A few further categories are mentioned in the Bhagavali Satra, but do not occur in the Buddhist texta. These include the four panagaim and the four apanagaim, the eight carimaim, and the six anatkkamanijjaim. The two former are rules governing the conduct of the ascetie in his last penance, and have alrendy

1 Ba. Sa., loe. cit. The toxt used by Hoornle scems to have differed somewhns in ita terminology from the Bombay edition. The commentator Abhayadova appears to have confused the sara with the mdpasa heaven, and the makdmdpasa period with the heaven ealled mdpusutara (v. aupra, p. 250). He belioved that the soul wonld spend sara and madmanasa perioda in the manasas and monuaul- targs respectively (to BA. Sa., fol. 676). The text of the Bhagavati may thua bo interpreted (v. supen, p. 219, n. 2). Bus if the last births are exoluded from the total of the malalappas the kommas muat alao be exeluded, and the soul must bo thought of na performing these 560,000 types of deed outalde tho period of 8,400,000 malakappas. This does not ssem the intention of the text. The Bamadila-phala Sutta referenco clenrly showa that the entegorics aro of different ordera, and inelude actions, types of being, and thelr coamie loeations, all within the framework of the 8,400,000 malAkappas. Sum. Vil. i, p. 164. · V. supr, p. 08.

AJIVIKA COBMOLOGY 255 been dealt with." The eight carimaim have also been treated in another context," and require little further attention. The ultimates or finalities are stated by the Blagavati to be connected with the last life on earth of the migrant soul, and to herald ita final relense." As Hoernle realized, they are based on the actions of Gosala in his delirium and on events which oceurred at about the time of his death. The Sutra declares that they were laid down by Gosala to excuse his own objectionable conduct, to which Abhayadova adds that he declared that there was no sin in these actions since they were inevitable at the death of a jina. The first four items of the list, the last drink, song, dance, and greeting, are evidently related to the behaviour of the dying firthankara; the following three, the storm cloud, the sprinkling elephant, and the battle with large stones, are portentous eventa which herald his nirvina; while the cighth and last is the firthankara himself. No information about these eight finnlities, as part of the Ajivika creed, occurs in other sources. They have no philosophicnl valuo, but are probably a mere list of omens, borrowed from the popular traditions of the less instructed members of the Ājivika sect.

THE SIX INEVITABLES

Another Ajivika doctrine of little apparent importance, and naive in its simplicity and triteness, is that of the six inevitablea (anaikkamanijjatm). These six factora, inevitably accompanying all existence, are said to have been declared by Gosala immediately after he and the six disacaras had codified the Ajivika scriptures, and, if we accept the Bhagavali Sutra's definition of them, say little for the profundity of those works. The six are: gain (labham), loss (alabham), joy (suham), sorrow (dukkham), life (jiviyam), and death (maranam). It does not seem likely that these six were very important. Some of the Dravidian Ajivikas, following the doctrine nscribed in

: V. supra, pp. 127 f. ! V. suprn, p. 08. BA. So. xv, s. 564, fol. 679. fol. 684. * Eini ca kila nirăna-bile jinaay' deadyam-bhavin' tri n' daty eiepu dosah, · V. sapra, p. 56.

256 DOCTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS the Digha to Pakudha Kaccayana, certainly classed joy, sorrow, and life as atomie, together with the four material atoms.1 We read nothing of a sixfold classification elsewhere. The nearest approach to such a classification occurs in the Civanana-cittiyar, wherein Fate (uli) is said to produce wealth (peru), poverty (ilavu), obstacles (i.e. misfortunes, ițaiyūru), joy (inpam), separation (pirivu), dwelling in one place (irukkai), travel (uer' oru nattir cēral), old age (muppu), and death (cital)." These categories resemble those of the Bhagavati Sutra, but contain additions. We may infer that they derive from the same source as the anatikramaniyas of the Prakrit text; this may have been an Ājivika hymn or popular poem, for the anatikramaniyas seem to possess no profound metaphysical significance.

OTHER ĀJĪVIKA CATEGORIES

The Tibetan version of the Samañnia-phala Sutta categories, according to Rockhill's translation," differs somewhat from the Pali. The list contains seven senses (sanjfia), seven modes of existence as asuras, seven and seven hundred " kinds of writing", seven and seven hundred "proofs", 49,000 " of the garuda species ", ten " kinds of ranks", and eight mahāpurusas. Of these the asura existences replace the niganthi-gabbha of the Pali, which in Rockhill's veraion become 49,000 of the nirgrantha species. It is possible that the obsoure patuvd of the Pali list are represented by the Tibetan " kinds of writing " or " proofs ", but neither of these is helpful in the elucidation of the Pali term. The maha- puruşas evidently represent the purisa-bhamiyo of the Pali, which do not occur in the Tibetan list. The Tibetan totals some- times differ from the Pali, as does the order in which the items ocour. The list seems to be even more corrupt than the Pali version, and throws little fresh light upon it. A probable recollection of the Ajivika list of categories is contained in Jinapaha Suri's Vihimaggapava.4 After the passage already quoted," mentioning Ajivika begging practices, the text reads : "(According to) Gosala's instructions there are forty-nine

1 V. infra, pp. 262 f. * The Life of the Buddha, pp. 103-4. * CNC., p. 265, v.9.

· V. aupra, p. 54, n. 4. * Weber, Verzelekniss, vol, il, p. 870.

IJIVIKA COSMOLOOY 257 times (kala), beside which they declare 2,600 further (times), time by time."1 This fleeting reference appears to recall some of the contents of the original Ajivika list, but kalas are not included in any versions known to us; Nilakci explicitly states that the Ajivika does not recognize the category of time .* But the figure forty-nine ocours in the Pali list, and the enumera- tion of the times is also suggestive of it. We can only conclude that Jinapaha Suri had obtained a very fragmentary and garbled knowledge of the Ajivika's fantaatio system of cosmological classificntion.

MAŅDALA-MOKȘA Time for the Ajivika seems to have been infinite, con- taining an incalculable number of mahdmanasa periods. But the time spent by the soul during its passage through samsara was finite, and limited to one mahāmanasa, or 8,400,000 mahā- kappas. " Samsara is measured as with a bushel, with its joy and sorrow and its appointed end."# The soul passes through samsara, and, after being reborn in many forms and con- ditions, and in various regions of the universe in regular and rigidly unalterable order; after passing seven times from one human body to another without dying; and after performing the suicidal penance of six months' duration, it may reach the state of bliss beyond samsara. It would seem, from an obsoure passage in the Bhagavafi, that souls were sometimes fated by Niyati to reach the very threshold of the blessed state, only to fall and resume their wanderings through the cosmos. In the description of the final penance it is stated that on the last night of the ascetic's life the gode Punnabhadda and Maņi- bhadda descend and caress his limbs with their cool hands; if he resista or ignores their attentions he will be released from samsara, his body consumed by spontaneous combustion; if he submita to them, he will " further the work of serpenthood" (asīvisattāe kammam pakareti)." On the subjective and everyday level of truth this ordeal is Goall'-dpunnam ... epinasannăsă bală hasanti; tad uoari suāņi chap. viam saylnš ekkekkepa kālepa vaccanti. " V. sapra, p. 236. i V. aupra, p. 14. * Bh. Sa. xv, al. 564, fol. 680. V. mpra, p. 128.

258 DOOTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS the last test of the ascctic's resolution. On the brink of death from thirst and starvation he must resist the divine ministranta, and still maintain his stern self-control. Otherwise his life of penance and asceticism will have been fruitless, and he will be reborn in one of the 4,900 worlds of nagas. This is the only interpretation which we can place upon the strange phrase of the Setra. From the ultimate and absolute point of view the decision whether or not to rosist the caresses of the devas is not in the ascetic's handa. His rebirth as a serpent, or his salvation, are determined by Niyati. The passage suggesta that, within the period of 8,400,000 mahakappas during which it passed through samsara, the soul was thought to be destined to perform several oyeles in regular order, passing through the rigidly fixed series of births, only at the last moment to yield to the devas, fall back, and repeat the dreary process. At the very end of its destined span it would resist, and be freed from birth and death. Thus by the dispensation of Niyati the ultimate salvation of all souls was assured, and thus the gloomy reaches of Gosala's cosmos were lighted by a faint gleam of optimism. This has been stressed by Barua, anxious to present his "Pre- Buddhistic Indian Philosophers " in the most favourable light possible.1 But the doctrine that all beings reach ultimate and inevitable perfection raises certain awkward questions, which must have occurred both to the friends and the opponents of Ajivika fatalism. If all souls are ultimately removed from the material universe of samsra what becomes of that universe ? Either it remains uninhabited, or it is absorbed in some sort of pralaya, or new souls must be continually coming into being to replace those entering nireana. Again, if the period of the soul's existence in the universe is 8,400,000 mahakappas, a time un- conscionably long, but certainly not infinite, the soul's existence must have had a beginning. Either at the beginning of its course in the cosmos it was created out of absolute nothingness, or it was in some way injected into the universe from the ground or substratum underlying space and time, to which it returns on ita nirvāņa. Such problems as these were tackled by Hindu, Buddhist, : Pre-Buddhintic Indian Philoroply, pp. 316-17.

ĀJĪVIKA COSMOLOGY 259 and Jaina theologians, and, we may infer, by the Ājivikas also. While we have little direct evidence that such questions were ever posed by the Ajivikas, a new doctrine indicates that thoy did arise in the Ajivikn community, and were solved to the seot's satisfaction. The new doctrine is that called in Nilakici Mandala- mokşa, or cyclie salvation. It appears to have emerged somo time after the death of Gosila, and to have been held especially by the Dravidian Ājivikas. It is first mentioned in the Sutrakrtdnga : " It is said by some that the sinless soul is pure, but will again become sinful through pleasuro and hatred. He who here has been a restrained monk afterwards becomes sinless. As pure water free from defilement becomes again defiled (so does he again become sinful)."1 On these verses Silanka comments that the Trairisika followers of Gosala are meant." He interprets the verses as meaning that the blessed souls in a state of moksa are still conscious of the affairs of the world. They are liable to feel triumph and joy at the victories of the faith, and anger and hatred when it is in danger. Hence they again fall back into samsara." Hoernle believed that the verses referred to the Jaina arhants from the Ajivika point of view." This seems certainly to be a false interpretation, for other sources explicitly state & doctrine of mandala-moksa, to which this verse and SilAnka's commentary closely correspond. It is thus clear that for some Ajivika schools at any rate, nirvdna was not the end. Sin penetrated even beyond the bounds of the universe, and was still liable to drag back the emancipated soul for another round of 8,400,000 makākappas in samsāra. This doctrine is not elsewhere mentioned in the Pali or Jaina Prakrit texts, and seems not to have loomed large in the minds of the earlier Ajivikas. But it became an important feature of the doctrines of the Dravidian sect, and is referred to by two of our three main Tamil sourcos. 1 Suddie apdeae âyā thay egesim dhiyar Puno Lidda padesņam so taltha ararajjhai. Iha samuuds mupl jae paccha Noš apăeae, Viyad-ambu jald basijo nīrayam sarayam taM. Se. kr. 1, 1, 3, 11-12, fol.45. " V. supra, pp. 175 f. 3 Ssalaana-pajam upalabhy', dnya-Meana-parabhavars e" dpalabiya . .. loc. cit. pramodaļ sailjdyate, saiasana-nyakbara-dardunāe ca deesab. Silinkn, to Sa. Kr., 4 ERE.i, p. 264.

260 DOCTRINES OF THE ĀJIVIKAS Nilakēci states explicitly that the doctrine of mandala, the return of souls from the highest bliss, was devised in face of the objections we have suggested above to the older Ajivika cosmio theories. In a given place there is a limited number (of souls), and so by devising (the doctrine of) mandala the Ajivikas remove objections, bringing back (the saved souls).1 The elliptical verso is much expanded by the commentator Vamanamuni, who makes it clear that the Ajivikas postulated the doctrine to allow for the continuity of the universe. But for that purpose, he continues, it is quite unnecessary, for the number of jivas or living souls in the universe is infinitely infinite (anantdnantam), and no sub- traction from the total can make it less than infinity. The Jaina commentator's logio is sound, but we have no confirmation that the Ajivikas did actually believe that the number of souls in the universe was infinite. The sharply defined and classified nature of the Ajivika cosmos, and the Ajivika predilection for very high numbers, suggest that the total number of souls in the universe was considered to be finite, as the Jaina com- mentator's insistence on the infinity of souls also indicates. CivaRana-cittiyar contains what seems to be a further refine- ment of the same doctrine. There are two classes of arhant, called mantalar (Skt. mandala) and cempötakar (Skt. sambodhaka), of whom the former return to earth and reveal the scriptures." This theory would seem to be that mentioned in the verse quoted by Malligena, in which the Ajivika firthankaras are said to return to earth when the religion is in danger." The doctrine may be that implied in Buddhaghosa's classification of the seventh and eighth of the stages of man, wherein the jina-bhami is below the panña- bhami, whose occupanta do not speak at all.4 Thus the Ajivikas seem to have developed from the dootrine of mandala-moksa the tenet that the great teachers of the faith performed from time to time an ouatara in order to restore the true seriptures and the pure doctrine. The Ajivika nirvāna seoms to have been far less rarefied than that of the other secta. Here too Niyati held sway, and would from time to time drive - En tagaiy akki-y ianakai-y uj poruj iru colli maşjalam åkki marulun koparum. Nil. v. 710. Iru-påpmaiyar ivar, maptalar cmpllakar eprl; varu-påpmaiyar isar manjalar, map mei saru nalum taru-påpmalyar epi al . . . ONO., p. 269, v. 2. . V. supra, p. 222 . V. waprn, p. 240.

ĀJIVIKA COSMOLOGY 261 souls back to the universe in order to restore the preseribed total of souls in samsara. But according to Civafana-cittiydr some of the liborated souls had somchow become free of the liability to return. They were the sambodhaka, beings completely outaide the universe, whose status in this respect resembles that of the Jaina firthankaras. The mandalar, on the other hand, remind us of the Vaisnavite avataras, and the Mahayana Buddhist bodhisativas. Our picture is by no means complete, but it shows that the Ajīvika nirvana differed from that conceived by more orthodox secta. The supreme state of bliss did not entirely transcend the affairs of the world, and was still subject to Niyati. It was in fact little different from the other secta' conception of the highest heaven. This fact may throw light on the surprising statement of Silanka, who, writing surely with full knowledge of the Jaina attacks on Ajivika antinomianiam and immorality, states in his commentary to the Sutrakrtdnga that the followers of Gosala are called Vainayikas 1; these, he declares elsewhere, desire the attainment of salvation in heaven, from good conduct alone." The phrase svarga- moksa perhaps indicates that the Jaina looked on the Ajivika nirvana as comparable to his own heaven. It will be remembered that both the Aupapatika Sutra and the Jaina commentator Madhavacandra promise the Ajivika ascetio an abode in the highest Jaina heaven of Acyuta-kalpa." This seems to indicate that the Jaina metaphysicians believed that the state which the Ajivikas fondly imagined to be the highest was actunlly a lower and less rarefied paradise. The same view appears to have been held by Buddhaghosa, who states that brahmanas, tāpasas, paribbājakas, and Äjivikas held the heavens of Brahma- lokn, Abhassara, Subhakiņha, and Anantamanasa respectively to be the highest state (nifha). Buddhaghosa adds that all these ascetics believed to be complete emancipation what in fact was only arahat-ship.4 : V. aupra, pp. 174 ff. " Fainayiba vinaydd eva kevaltt wvarga-maky"-dsāptim abhilapanto millyā. drafayo, Introduction to Su. kr. i, 12, fol. 208. " V. mupra, pp. 140, 204. * Brăhmasānam &i Brahmalabo nipla, Mipasānam AMassarā, paribbajakdnam SubhakinÃa, Ajivikanam Anantamdnaso . . Salle så c'ete aralatiam erd nirha ti vadanii. Papaiea Sadani, to Majih. i, vol. il, pp. 9-10.

CHAPTER XIV

OTHER DOCTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS

THE ELEMENTS

That the Ajivikas of South India had a theory of elemental atoms is made clear by all the three chief Tamil sources. This atomic theory does not seem to be connected in origin with the doctrine of Niyati ascribed in the Samañna-phala Sutta to Makkhali Gosala, but was probably derived from the primitive Eleatie atomism of Pakudha Kaccayann in the same text. Pakudha must therefore be included with Makkhali Gosala and Porana Kassapa among the founders of the community. We have already quoted the relevant passage,1 which states that there exist seven elemental categories (kaya), namely earth (pathavi-kāya), water (āpo-k.), fire (tejo-k.), and air (vāyo-k.), with joy (sukha), sorrow (dukkha), and life (jiva) as the seventh. Although all seven are described as kayd, in their enumeration this word is not suffixed to the last three; this perhaps indicates that the three latter elements were thought of as different and less solid than the others. Linguistic evidence points to the possibility that they are an addition to the theory by another hand." The seven elementa are described as unmanufactured (akata) ; they are barren (vanjha), which must imply that they do not multiply as do living beings; and they are as firm as mountains and as stable as pillars." They do not move nor develop nor affect one another.4 As a corollary all change is illusion-No man slays nor causes to slay." Thus Pakudha's theory of the seven stable elements lends to the later Ajivika doctrine of avicalita-nityatoam. 1 V. sapra, p. 16. I V. supra, p. 25. a Kepalikd, wiba-phdyi-phim. Digha i, p. 50. * Na injanti na viparinamanti, na andlamandam uybbadhenti, n'alam aniaman- doua aubldya så dukkläya vå sukhadukkhaya vā. Ibid. " N' atthi hantd vå ghdtel. Ibld.

OTHER DOCTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS 263 In none of the Pali texts is this theory associated with Makkhali Gosala, so perhaps it was not his. Yet it is often to be found con- nected with parts of Makkhali's teaching, when these are asoribed to some other philosopher. Thus the doctrine of the ancient teacher Guņa, in Mahānāradakassapa Jātaka,1 contains first a state- ment of the ineffectuality of all effort, whether human or divine, followed by an enumeration of the seven hayd which aro indi- visible and do not injure one another (acchejja avikopino), and concludes by a statement of Makkhali's doctrine of automatic salvation in a period of 8,400,000 mahdloppas through the power of Niyali. This teaching is falsely called in the taxt ucchedavada or annihilationism, but is obviously Ajivikism, and Guna himself is referred to as an Ājīvikn. These elemental theories seem gradually to have gained in importance at the expense of the doctrine of Niyati, which, as we have seen, plays a lesser part in the Tamil than in the Pali and Prakrit texta. The earliest of the three chief Tamil sources, Manimekalai, states that the atoms are the chief subject of discussion in the Ajivika seripture called "the Book of Markali "." They are described as " atoms of four types, together with life "." Thus it is evident that the atom of life is thought to be somewhat different from the four material elements. It is later stated that this element has the special characteristic of perceiving all the other four atoms in their combinations,4 The other two categorics of Pakudha are included almost as an afterthought in the penulti- mate line of the Ajivika elder's sermon-" Joy and sorrow, even these are atoms "." The atoms are said to be neither deatroyed nor created, and one atom cannot penetrate another. An atom will not split, nor multiply by fission, nor will it expand or grow." Unlike the bodies (kaya) of Pakudha Kaccayana the atoms in Manimekalai do move and combine, at least on the lower level of truth. They may come together densely to form a diamond,

1 JMl. vi, pp. 219 ff. Cf. Pelavatthu Iv, 3, pp. 57-61. V. Infrn, p. 271. Nor-porujbal. Mani. xxvil, 112. " Uyir of oru nal-vakai anu. Ibid., xxvil, 113. " Av vakal-y arivat' uyir eppa pajum e. Ibid., 119. Igpam un tuppam um inai-y um apu-v epa. Ibid., 163. " Citaivalu ceyya puritag-pirant our' oprir puluta. ... Our' tranf aki-p pllappatun ceyya-e apri-yum avar por parappatui ceyyd. Ibid., 127-131.

264 DOCTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS or loosely, as in a hollow bamboo.1 These combinations seem to have been thought of as mere juxtapositions of atoms of various types," and not as the mingling of one atom with another." Thus the character of the atoms of Pakudha is in one particular maintained in Manimekalai, although the latter text does not confirm their immobility. The combination of atoms oceurs in fixed ratios of "one, three-quarters, half, and one-quarter-according to their com- binations in this ratio so do they receive their names".4 This passage may be elucidated by a comparison with a similar passage in Civafana-cittiyar. This text states that the atoms will only combine in fixed proportions, into a sort of molecule, that of earth containing four atoma of earth, three of water, two of fire, and one of air. These proportions, 4 : 3 : 2 : 1, are the same as those of Maņimākalai, 1: į :: 1, and it soems probable that both refer to the same doctrine. Buddhist atomic theory allows no moleoule of one element only, but teaches that all gross matter is to some extent adulterated by the presence of atoms of other elementa." We may believe that the Ajivikas held similar views. The molecule of earth was constituted in the above proportions, and no doubt the molecules of the other elements were similarly constituted, but with the relative preponderance appropriately changed. To this doctrine of molecular combination Monimabalai adds that the atoms cannot be seen in their pure state, but only when they form aggregates as bhūtas or objeota." It is nowhere in the text stated whether all atoms of one class were thought of as being identical, or whether it was considered that apecial differences existed within each genus of atom, to account for the great differences in the material contents of the world. It would seem, however, that the macroscopie differences

I Vayiram dy-o ceriniu varpam um ăm wy åy-t tujai pajum. Ibid., 133-6. # Carintu. Ibid, 135. . Opt oprir pukuld. Ibid., 128. " Opru mub-bil aroi kål åy urun tuprum it-katapår peyar cola-p patum e. Ibid., xxvil, 140-1. " Keu-neri sila' ninku, nir mupr' inr', fran/ ajal, kal opr' ay. ORO., p. 282, v. 7. I am much Indebted to Mr. M. S. H. Thompson for valunble ndvice on this point. # V. fnfra, p. 269. " Pilatf irapiy uf. Maại, xxvil, 1, 147.

OTHER DOOTRINES OF THE AIVIKAS 265 in the structure and texture of matter were thought of as caused by the variation of the densities of the microscopie apus which composed it.1 The diminutive size of the atom is clearly stated. A single atom can only be detected by a divine eye,ª but a large aggregate of atoms may be seen, just as a single hair is invisible in the twilight, while a number of hairs together may be per- ceived.ª The four material elements are said to have characteristic properties and tendencies. Earth is hard, and has a downward tendency ; water is cold, and has a similar tendency to descend and find its level upon earth; fire burns and moves upwards; while air has the attribute of motion in a horizontal direction.4 Nilakeci confirms most of the statements of Mapimskalai. Here, however, the elements are only five in number, and joy and sorrow are nowhere mentioned as being atomie in nature. Their characteristics are expressed somewhat differently. Here earth has all sense qualities except sound5; water, coolness (tanmai); fire, burning (erittal), wind, blowing and howling (critta virai-y of'); and life, instructing and knowing (arittal arital)." The elementa are not said to combine in regular ratios, as in Manimekalai. They are without guna,7 which the commentator Vamanamuni translates as iyalpu, quality or characteristic. The sensual qualities of the elementa thus do not appear to have been thought of as present in the individual atoms, but were latent in them, emerging only on their combination. Atoms could not interpenetrate.# Civallana-cittiyar repeata the doctrine of Manimekalai, with few significant variations. The atoms are the usual five, to which virtue and vice are added, apparently as an afterthought, in the final verse of the ten which expound Ajivika doctrine."

1 V. supra, p. 204, n. 1. " Or anu-4 leyua-k-kappör uparkuvar. Mani. xxvil, 1, 146. · Malai-p-polil oru mayir ariyar, otlatt traş-mayir törrutal călum. Maņi. xxvii, 148-2. . Varpam Abi-y uru nilan Mjnh cor paju; cliatt" ofn cuvai-y utainay din ena milan cerat djoatu nir ; d-t ferutal u' mer efr fyalpum ufainan , bareu e ilanbiy acaittal balan. Ibid., 120-4. " Pulam db olf-y opr' oliya mulark' an. NI. 075. * Ibid, 676. " Kuritta porujin kupam al ieaty č. Ibid. * Ibid, v. 677. * Puaniya pdoam eppum fraptip um porunt' aral. ORC. p. 265, v. 10.

266 DOOTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS The change from the " joy and sorrow " of Pakudha and Mani- mekalai to "virtue and vice " indicates a movement towards orthodoxy, and brings the Ajivika classification of the elements nearer to the six Jaina categories of soul, matter, space, time, dharma, and adharma. We have already pointed out that Arun- andi, the author of Civafana-cittiyar, seemed to look upon the Ajivikas as an unorthodox branch of Jainism,1 and the alteration in the names of the two last categories seems to be a further indication of the direction in which the sect was moving. The characteristica of the atoms, as described in this text, are sub- stantially the same as those mentioned in Manimekalai. The two later texta, Nilakeci and Civañana-cittiyār, put forward arguments to refute the atomic theories of the Ajivikas. Nilakeci attacks Ajīvika atomism, as she does the theory of Niyati, with appeals to experience and common sense. The arguments of Civanaga-citiyar are somewhat subtler. If atoms have tendencies to move in different directions * they must be mutually repulsive, and cannot hold together. If they do not join or interpenetrate, interstices must exist between them, and therefore they should fall apart." The Ajivika apparently had his answers to these two objections ; the elements, inelud- ing the atom of life, are held together by wind or air (vali), whose atoms move horizontally, and thus tend to counteract the upward tendency of fire and the downward tendencies of earth and water ; the elements are united by "eternal action " (nita-vinai), which seems to be a synonym of Niyati.4 This term vinai (8kt. karma) is'used in the commentary to refer to what is called dli (Skt. Niyali) in the statement of doctrine," thus giving yet another indication of the gradual merging of the Ajivika Niyati theory with the orthodox doctrine of karma. In Civallana-cittiyar the Saivite has the last word in the argument. Neither air nor eternal action can unite body and soul, for both lack intelligence. "So seek ye the one Lord. He is the creator." 6

1 V.wapra, p. 203. : V. supra, p. 206. . ONC., pp. 272-3, vv. 4-5. 4 Ibid., p. 274, v. 6. s V. sopra, p. 238. " Thày Oruagai ni-y, ivai Ceysăp wļay. ONG., loa. cit.

OTHER DOCTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS 267 AJIVIKA ATOMISM IN RELATION TO OTHER INDIAN ATOMIO DOOTRINES If we compare Ajivika atomism with other Indian atomio theories we find significant agreementa and differences. With the Jainas the atom (paramanu) is not differentinted according to elements; it is permanent and unchanging in its substance, but liable to change in ita qualities. Atoms are susceptible to taste, smell, colour, and touch, and combine into aggre- gates or molecules (skandha). The atom is the minutest separ- able portion of the ultimate undifferentiated matter (pudgala), of which the universe is formed, and ita classification by elementa is not fundamental." While differing from Ajivika atomism in this very important respect, Jaina theory agrees in its tendency to conceive categories as material which by other sects aro thought of as abstract or spiritual. Thus both dharma and karmo are looked on by the Jainas as atomic." But with the Jainas jiva, the soul, is not paudgalika, or material, and thus Ajivikism goes further than Jainism in ita materialism. For the Jaina jiva is amarta and arupa "; the Ajivikas of the sect described in Nilakeci certainly thought otherwise,4 and the inclusion of jiva as one of the elements in both Pakudha's doctrine in the Samaitila-phala Sutta and in all three Tamil sources indicates that it was generally looked on as material by all Ajivikas. The atomism of the orthodox Vaidesika school differs from both that of the Ajivikas and that of the Jainas. The claim of the Jainas to have first formulated an Indian atomic theory may be found in their attribution of the foundation of Vaiseşika physics to the schismatio Rohagupta, the leader of the Trairadika school, with which the Ajivikas held their logic in common." This claim is not made until the late Avafyaka Sutra, and while the doetrine there attributed to Rohagupta contains the nine substances, seventeen qualities, five forms of motion, and other

1 Jacobi, in ERE. il, pp. 199-200. Sehubring, Die Lelre der Jainas, pp. 88 ff. " ERE. i, loe. cit. Schubring, op. eit., pp. 112-13. Gutrinot, La Religion Djaina, pp. 142-5. Guerinot, op. clt, P. 117. 4 V. Infra, pp. 270 ff. · Avalyaka Satra, niryukti, 2490 ff., quoted Abh. Raj. s.v. Terāsfya. V. supra, pp. 174 .

268 DOCTRINES OF THE ĀJIVIKAB elementa of Vaisesika theory,1 it is nowhere stated that the anus are divided into categories according to the elementa. From the point of view of the text the atom of Rohagupta is still the undifferentinted atom of the Jainas, and not that of the Vaišeşika. The Vaisesika atoms have apecifie qualities according to the elemental categories to which they belong," and in this respect they resemble those of the Ajivikas. The Vaisesika classification is more complete and thorough than that of the Ajivikas. The attributes of the four material elements are distributed as follows : earth possesses odour, savour, colour, touch or tempera- ture, gravity, velocity, and fluidity; in water odour is replaced by viscosity ; fire has temperature, colour, fluidity, and velocity ; and air, touch and velocity." This classification is much more detailed than that of the Ajivikas ; but it is to be noted that Nilakeci's version of the Ajivika atomie theory states that " carth has all sense qualities except sound" 4; this gives promise of a detailed classification such as that of the Vaisegika, with an immaterial akdia to be the vehicle of sound, but the promise is not fulfilled, and the remaining elements are in no way related to the senses. Vaisesika agrees with Ajivikism in stating that the qualities of the atoms can only be discerned in aggregates; in the isolated atom qualities and characteristica are potential, only emerging on juxtaposition." A third Indian atomic theory is that of the Sarvastivadin school of Buddhism. In this the four elements are given qualities and functions on principles rather different from those of the Vaišeşika :- Attribute. Function. Earth : Solidity Supporting Water . Moisture Cohesion Fire Heat Ripening Air Motion Expansion

1 V. Keith, Indian Logie and Atomism, p. 14. Jhoobi, Introduction to SBE. zlv. p. xxxT f. # Keith, op. cit., p. 212. Ibid., p. 220. 4 V. auprn, p. 265. Keith, op. eit., p. 220. * MoGovern, Manual of Buddhist Philosoply, vol. i, p. 115.

OTHER DOOTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS 269 The atom of Buddhism is not eternal, as in the other three systema, since Buddhiam dogmatically asserta the impermanence of all things. It is conceived as " flashing into being ; ita essential feature is action or function and therefore it may be compared to a focus of energy ".1 The atoms constitute molecules (samghāpa, paramdņu, kalāpa), which must include at least one atom of all four elements, and which acquire their characteristios aocord- ing to the atoms predominantly composing them. As well as atoms of the four elementa, the molecules also contain atoms of a special type related to the five senses, which are responsible for their perception by the sense organs. They cohere by virtue of the atoms of water in each." It will be seen that the qualities of atoms in Buddhism are more like those of the Ajivika atomie system than those of the Vaisesika and closely correspond to the system described in Manimekalai, which is, however, silent on the functions of the atoms. The doctrine of Manimekalai, that atoms combine in fixed proportions, with its apparent corollary that no element " may exist in its pure state, is similar to that of the Buddhista. Buddhist atomic theory also agrees with that of the Ajivikns in attributing the function of cohesion to one element only, although in the former system this is water, and in the latter air. Of all the theories so far discussed that of Pakudha Kacci- yana seems to be the most primitive, the parent of the theories of later times, unless indeed the theory outlined in the Samafna- phala Sutta is itaelf the refinement of an earlier theory which admitted only four elements." Pakudha's atomio system was preserved in its purest form by the Ajivikas, who at all periods of their history seem to have maintained the material naturo of the soul, and who are more than once referred to in the Pali Seriptures as holding Pakudha's theory. It has been suggested that Jaina, Vaisesika, and Buddhist theories all look back to Pakudha, and hence to Ajivikism. This view is probably correct. The subtleties and refinementa are the work of the philosophers of the respective sects ; but the conception of the world as divided into an enormous number of indivisible entities is the heritage 1 Kelth, Buddhist Phikuophy, p. 161. * MeGovern, op. cit., pp. 127-8. Kelth, op. elt., p. 161. a V. supra, p. 26 - Ul, The Vailepika Philosophy, p. 25.

270 DOCTRINES OF THE ĀJIVIKAS of Pakudha, and of other nameless contemporaries and predeces- sors of the Buddha, who were loosely called Ajivikas, and whose spiritual descendants merged with the school of Makkhali Gosāla.

THE SOUL

Nilakēci's criticism of Ajivika doctrines contains a verse giving surprising information about the nature of the soul (uyir, Skt. jiva). As we have seen, the material atoms were thought of as being too minute to be visible to mortal eyes.1 Jiva, however, was the colour of a palai fruit, and reached to the height of 500 yojanas." We are nowhere told how the Ajivikas justified this bizarre theory, which is quickly and easily disposed of by Nilakeci as being inconsistent with reason and common sense. The strange doctrine is not found in other Tamil sources, and we would be tempted to dismiss it as a fantastie invention of the Ajivikas' opponents, if it were not for the fact that the identical theory is to be found in a statement of heretical doctrine in the Pali seriptures. In the Buddha's day speculation about the nature of the soul was widespread. The Brahmajala Sutta of the Digha refers to heretics who declare the soul to have form and to be un- harmed after death, while others maintain ita formlesaneas." Buddhaghosa declares the Ajivikas and others to be in the former category, while the Niganthas or Jainas were in the latter.4 His obscure phrase ādisu kasiņa-rūpam attā, may imply that the former school thought of the soul aa having a complete form, or that Ajivikas on the lower levels of spiritual develop- ment endowed it with form as a kasina, or help to meditation. We have seen already that the Ajivika soul theory did in fact differ from that of the Jainas in the manner stated by Buddha- ghosa." The Petavatthu passage, which we have already mentioned in various contexta," confirms his statement. 1 V.supra, p. 265. " Palal-ppajattip irattana vay ppala măp ofu hap Nale i tunaly um ak apr' aintu nerum pukai-y uyarnu Nalatt iyan rana nall-uyir eppatu najukipray. Ni. 712. The palad is blue (Chakravarti, Nedaten, p. 240). * Rapi allh hoti arogo param marand sanili. Digha, i, p. 31. 4 Sum, Vil. 1, p. 119. . V. supra, p. 207. * Pelacatthu, iv, 3, p.07. V. supra, pp. 20, 146.

OTHER DOCTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS 271 This passage contains reminiscences of the fatalism of Makkhali Gosila, the antinomianism of Purana, and the positivism of Ajita; it also containa a reference to the seven-clement theory elsewhere ascribed to Pakudha. It is impossible to slay another being, because the sword-cut passes between the interstices of the seven (scil. elementa), which are thus literally atomio in structure. Life (jiva) cannot be cut or split, it is of eight parta, or octagonal (athamso), circular, and 500 yojanas in extent.1 Thus we find the enormous size of the soul according to the Tamil text confirmed by an independent source from a different sectarian tradition. Since the doctrine is not mentioned in other parts of the Pali canon, and only occurs in one of the three chief Tamil sources, we may infer that it was only held by a small sub-sect of the community. If it had been widely held this fantastio theory would surely have attracted more attention than it actually did. The term affhamso is rendered " octagonal" in the English translation of the text." No corresponding word or phrase occurs in the Tamil source; and it will be seen that it involves contradiction, since the soul is in the next word snid to be guļa-parimandalo, which must mean "round like a ball". The commentary to the Petavatthu tries to solve the paradox by explaining that nccording to this theory the soul is sometimes octagonal and sometimes circular." The commentary further states that the immense size of the jiva is found only in souls in their last stage before nirvana." It is possible that the author of Nilakeci intended to express this by the nall' (good), which is prefixed to the word uyir in the relevant verse." A further contradiction is to be found in the Pali roference in the word -amiso, which implies divisibility, while in the same line the soul ia said to be indivisible (acchejjabhejjo). The Ajivika soul theory

• Acekejjobbejjo jivo attiaquo galaparimandalo Fojanani sat paiea. Ko jioam eketum arahati / Pelasatthu, iv, 3, v. 29, p. 57. # Vimdnavatthu and Petavatthu, tr. J. Kennedy and H. S. Gehman, p. 233. Ajfšamso guļaparimandalo ti so pana jiro kadaci apharso Aot i, Aadaci gujaparimandalo. Paramatila dipani, iii, p. 253. 4 Yojanani satd paica ti kevali-Maram pallo parlea yojana-sal'- ubbhedo Aoti. Ibid. : V. supma, p. 270, n. 2.

272 DOCTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS is so strange that it may indeed have included these paradoxes, but since they are only to be found in one source they muat . be accepted with great caution. Equally questionable is the Tamil statement of the soul's blue colour, which is not confirmed by the Pali text. That the jiva should have a permanent colour is scarcely compatible with the doctrine of the six spiritual colours, especially as blue, acoording to Nilakici the soul's natural colour, occurs very low in the list of abhijātis.1 The enormous size of the soul, whether at all times or in the last stages of its progress, is identical in both sources, and may therefore be accepted. Jiva seems to have been thought of as an aura, extending far beyond the individual's body. Ita structure was atomic, and, as we have seen, atoms could not interpenetrate. It is difficult to suggest how the Ajivikas accoun- ted for the fact that living bodies were capable of approaching one another ; doubtless some answer was found to this problem, but it is now lost to us.

THE GODS

The Bhagavati Sutra names two divinities who were wor- shipped by the simpler folk of North-Eastern India at the time of the great teachers, and who filled a comparatively humble place in the pantheons of the greater communities, but who seem to have been given a special status by the Ajivikas. These are Punnabhadda and Manibhadda, or, in their Sanskrit forms, Pürnabhadra and Manibhadra. We meet them first as the divini- ties whose duty it is to test the dying ascetio on the last night of his final penance; if he yields to their caresses he is born again, if he resists he is saved." The same two appear again as the generals of the fierce Ajivika king, Mahapalima, the reincarna- tion of Gosala Mankhaliputta." The Tamil text Nilakeoi mentions two devas, Okkali and Okali, who, according to the mythology of the Dravidian Ajivikas, are said to have instruoted men in the

Markali.4 scriptures, presumably having received them from the divine

1 V. wupra, p. 243. 4 Nd. v,681. V.suprn, p. 215. * V.supma, p. 128. " V. supra, p. 142.

OTHER DOCTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS 273 Pürņabhadra and Manibhadra are well known yaksas, popular divinities of the period in the Ganges valley. The Mahaniddesa refers to worshippers of Vasudeva, Baladeva, Pupnabhadda, and Manibhadda.1 Thus they appear to have been coupled in popular devotion with the rising Vaisnavite heroes. In Jainism thoy are chiefs of the demigods, Pürnabhadra of the Southern hordo of yakşas and Manibhadra of the Northern." The Mahabharata refers to Manibhadra as a king of the yaksas, and he seems to have been a tutelary deity of travellers." In the epie his companion Pūrnabhadra does not appear as a yaksa, but as a näga, one of the hundred sons of Kadru.4 Despite this dis- crepancy, it is clear that the two demigods were popular objects of worship among the inhabitants of a wide area of Northern India. A relie of the cult is a large statue of Manibhadra, set up by a guild of his worshippers at Pawayi, Gwalior, in the first century B.C., which is among the carliest examples of Indian soulpture in the round." Okkali and Okali, the Tamil counter- parta of the two devas of the Northern Ajivikas, were probably popular local Dravidian demigods of a similar type, other record of whom has now vanished, who took the place of Pürnabhadra . and Mapibhadra when Ajivikism spread to the south. As well as of these two there is every renson to believe that Ajivikism, like Buddhiam and Jainiam, accepted the reality of the chief Hindu deities. Gosala, in defining the Ajivika heavens, in each of which the soul resides during ita last transmigrationa, mentions Brahmaloka among the Manasas and Mapusuttaras. This indicates that he recognized the existence of the god Brahma, and we may infer that the rest of the Hindu pantheon of the time was accepted by Ajivikism. Dr. Barua would go further than this, "The same chapter" (of the Bhagavali Sutra), he writes, " also points to an age when many Vedic and non-Aryan deities were affiliated to the Ajiviya pantheon, e.g. Punnabhadda, and Manibhadda, Sohamma, 1 Mahdniddesa, i, pp. 89, 02. : Siandnga, 9, testo AM. Raj. s.vv. Punnabhadda, Māpičhadda. " Vana, 61, 123 (Poona edn.), and rofa. in Sorensen, Index of Nomes in the Mbh. a.v. Mapibladra. + Adi, 36, 12 (Kumbhakonam edn.). The Poona edn. (Adi, 31, 12) gives the name as Püroadamputra. · Coomaraswamy, Yakjas, pt. i, p. 38, and pl. 1. . V.supra, p. 250.

274 DOOTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS Sanakkumāra, Bambha, Mahāsukka, Āņaya, and Āraņa."1 We can only agree with him as regards the first two names, and that of Bambha or Brahma. Admittedly these names and some others do occur in the relevant chapter of the Bhagavati Satra, but they are there spoken not by Gosila, but by Mahavira," who, after Gosala's death, prophesies that the soul of his renegade disciple will, after a long period of births in purgatories, attain divinity in the Jaina heavens; the names mentioned by Barua are merely those of some of the twelve Jaina Kalpas,ª and give no indication whatever of the divinities wor- shipped by the Ajivikas. We have alrendy seen that the Ajivika classification of the heavens was very different. Therefore our attempts at reconstructing an Ajivika pantheon must stop with Pūrņabhadra, Manibhadra, and Brahma. Other gods there must have been, but we have no evidence of their names.

ĀJIVIKA LOGIO The evidence of the Jaina commentators shows that the Ajivikas had their own epistemology and logic, which had much in common with that of the Jaina sect of Trairidikas.4 The distinctive characteristie of the Ajivika system of epistemology, like that of the Trairadika Jainas, was the division. of propositions into three categories, in contrast to the orthodox Jaina system, which allowed seven. Some information on this system may be gathered from the commentaries to the Nandi Sutra and to the Samavaydnga, which do not significantly differ :- " The Ajivika heretics founded by Godala are likewise called Trairadikas, since they declare everything to be of triple character, viz. : living, not living, and both living and not living; world, not world, and both world and not world ; real, unreal, and both real and unreal .. In considering standpointa (naya) (thoy postulate that an entity may be) of the nature of substance, of mode, or of both. Thus, since they maintain three heaps (rafi), they are enlled Trairafikas," & : JDL.M.pp.68-0. · V. supra, p. 250, n. 3. : BA. S0.xv, 40.560, fol. 603. 4 V. supra, pp. 174 ff. Tatha ta es Goldla-pravartiima Ajivikas pasandinas Trairalibā ueyante, yatas te saroam vaatu trpdimakam iechanti, tad yalld jīso 'jivo jtudjivas ca, loko

OTHER DOCTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS 275 The Ajivikas thus seem to have accepted the basie principle of Jaina epistemology, without going to the over-refined extreme of saptabhangi, as in the orthodox Jaina syodvdda and nayavada. The Ajivika postulato of a third possibility, neither being nor not being, muat have formed a convenient logical basis for the unusual doctrine that some souls were compelled to return even from nirudna.1 These would be classified in the third category, sadasat-emancipated from samsara and yet not emancipated.

THE STATUS OF MAKKHALI GOSALA

In the course of the Bhagavafi Sutra's account of his last days Gosäla is twice said to have claimed for himself the status of the twenty-fourth and last firthankara of the current Avasarpini age." The terminology of the phrase is distinctly Jaina, and the same words might equally well be applied to Mahavira. The Ajivika system of chronometry, outlined elsewhere in the Bhagavali," makes no mention of the Jainn Utsarpini and Avasarpini, or phases of universal development and decline. Furthermore the Buddhist description of the Ajivika abhijatis, or spiritual colours, places only three individuals, not twenty- four, in the highest rank. Yet Jainism and Ajivikism were so close in their origins, that it is possible that the two held a theory of firthankaras in common. It is unlikely that the Ajivikas, with their doctrine of immensely long mahakalpas, were content with only three firthankaras, and twenty-four seems a more probable figure. Whatever the total number of firthankaras it is evident that Gosala enjoyed a status among his followers comparable to that of Mahavira among the Jainas, and was treated with great respect. Like Mahavira, he seems to have been considered omniscient by his devotees, for Ayampula, who visited him in his last delirium, refers to him as such." Already in the

'lolo lobdlokas ca, sad asat sadasal. Naya cintyām dravy'-dstikam paryāydstikam ubhaydstikar ea. Tatas tribkf rasibkd carant tii Tratrakbah. Nandi comm., fol. 113, quoted Weber Verzeichniss, il, p. 685. Cf. Samardya comm., fol. 129. 1 V. mupma, p. 259. V. supra, pp. 243 ff. I V. supra, pp. 64, 68. # V. supra, p. 62. * V. supm, pp. 253-54.

276 DOOTRINES OF THE ĀJĪVIKAS Bhagavati Sūtra certain pious Ajivikas are referred to as arihanta- devata-ga, which possibly implies that they invested their arhants, Makkhali and othere, with divine status.1 The earliest of our Tamil sources, Manimekalai, mentions Markali only as the author of the Ajivika seriptures. Civanana- cittiyar refers to him as omniscient," and the commentator Tattuvappirakacar describes him as the arukan or arhant. The latter text does not mention him by name, but it is evident that only Markali can be meant. In these two sources his status is still that of a Jaina firthankara. Nilakici, however, seems to represent another school of Ajivikism, wherein the hagiology has become a theology. Markali, the Aptan, is, as in the other sources, the all-knowing Lord. He is perfectly motionless and silent, lest he injure minute living creatures by his speech." He is free from age and decay, his form is incomprehensible (terivill-uruvam), and he is like the rainbow.4 Yet he seems to be by no means completely removed from his followers, as were the Jaina arhants, but to appear to them from time to time, as unexpectedly and unpredictably as the rainbow," if we are to accept Vamanamuni's very probable interpretation of the obsoure passage in the text. The latter also refers to Markali as tevan, the God. With this we must compare the verse quoted by the Jaina commentator Mallisena, which declared that the Ajivikns believe that the firthankaras return to earth when their doctrine is in danger." The Vayu Purana shows us Ajivikas worshipping Pifacas with costly ceremonies," while Nilakeci depiots Markali as a sort of god, manifesting himself to his devotees in sudden and brilliant theophanies. Both Silinka and Mallisena, as well as the Civaftana-cittiyar suggest that, like Visnu, he was thought of as oceasionally performing avataras." We have here evidence of a school of Ajivikism which had developed a devotional cult, which may have had much in common with the less orthodox sects of Vaişnavism, such as the Paficaratras."

: BA. Su. vill, e0. 320, fol. 369. V. supra, p. 140. : Aramplla-v aricag. ONO. p. 255, T. 2. 4 Vag-iu-vill-apaiyan. Ibid., v. 673. : NI., 672.

Intira-lanucu-p.pdla-4 fogrum. Comm. to abore. . V. spra, pp. 222, 260. . V. infra, pp. 280-82. " V. supra., pp. 162 ff. " V. supra, p. 260.

OTHER DOCTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS 277 The Ajivikism represented by Manimkalai, and also by Civaildna-cittiyar, if we exclude the verse of the latter text referred to above, would seem to be that of a purer school, wherein the importance of Markali is like that of Mahavira in Jainism and of Buddha in Hinayana Buddhism. The more orthodox terminology in the latter text, for instance the employment of the word vinai, or karma,1 and the absence of emphasis on determinism in this, the most recent connected account of Ajivika teaching, suggest that one branch of the small Ajivika community was in the fourteenth century merging with the Jainas. This is the subatratum of truth in Hoernle's theory, that the Ajivikns and Digambaras were identical, and is the basis of the belief of such Tamil scholars as Schomerus, who, quoting Pope, believed that the Ajivika atomie doctrines expressed in Civaflāna- cittiyar were the product of an heretical Jaina sect." We havo reason to believe that other Ajivikas were, from the days of Utpala onwarda," drawing close to Vaisnavism. No doubt the last followers of Makkhali Gosala, the heretie of Savatthi, forgot their master for either Krna or Mahavira, according to the branch of Ajivikiam to which they belonged.

1 V. woprn, pp. 238-39, 266. * Der Saivanddhanta, pp. 104-5. " V. maprn, pp. 168 ff.

CHAPTER XV

CONCLUSION

SUMMARY

In the preceding pages we have traced as far as we can the history and doctrines of the Ajivikas. Great lacunae and serious uncertainties remain, but the main outlines of the story are clear. Out of the philosophical ferment of the sixth century B.c. at least three unorthodox sects developed in the same region, all seeking more satisfying explanations of the cosmie mystery than those of sacrificial brihmanism and the Upaniadic gnosia. These seota were built around the doctrines of Buddha, Mahavira, and Gosala, about each of whom a great body of legend ncou- mulated. From this unreliable material, it would seem that Gosila was at one time closely associnted with Mahavira, the Jaina firthankara, but that later their partnerehip was broken. Closely allied to Gosala were Purana Kassapa the antinomian, and probably Pakudha Kaccayana the atomist, whose doctrines were adopted by the later Ajivikas. Gosala's fatalism inspired the new sect, which developed around groups of naked wanderers, devoted to asceticism, but accused by their opponents of secret licentiousness. A vigorous lay community supported the Ajivika sect, which held ita own until the Mauryan period, when it appears to have reached ita zenith and to have received the patronago of Asoka and of his successor Dasaratha. After this, however, the Ajivika community in Northern India dwindled rapidly, and soon became insignificant. In South India it survived longer. Ajivika ascetics reached the Tamil country probably in the Mauryan period, and the communities which they founded survived at least until the fourteenth century, though often heavily taxed by orthodox kings and village communities. The one fifteenth century reference of

CONCLUSION 279 Vaidyanatha Diksita is the last we hear of them.1 We may infer that by this time or soon after they had ceased to oxist.

DR. BARUA'S THREE QUESTIONS In concluding his valuable paper on the Ajivikas, Dr. B. M. Barua asks certain pertinent questions, which, though stated by the author to be two in number, are in fact three :- . . . The simultancous process of absorption and assimila- tion which seems so largely accountable for the disappearance of the Ajivikas involve (sic) two questions of far-reaching importanco, which are :- "(1) Where are the Ajivikns who maintained their existence among the rival sects up till (sic) the fourteenth century A.D., if not later 1 " (2) Is it that the Ajivika (sic) system dwindled into insignifi- cance without enriching the systoms which supplanted and supplemented it ? "Finally if it be admitted that truth never dies and that the Ajivikas had a distinct message for Indian pooples, the history of the Ajivikas cannot be concluded without a general reflection on the course of Indian history, nor can the historian discharge his true function without determining the place of the Ājivikas in the general scheme of Indian history as a whole."# Dr. Barua's first question is quickly answered by all who have even cursorily examined the foregoing pages, or any other work on Ajīvikism. The Ajivikas have ceased to exist. Answers to the second and third questions are less easy, but we conclude by attempting to give them. Our conclusions must be tentative, but we submit them as our own inferences from and interpretations of the facta which we have gathered.

THE INFLUENCE OP THE ĀJĪVIKAS It has already been suggested that two schools of thought or sub-sects existed within the Dravidian Ajivika community. The first retained, with modifications, the seven element theory of the Samatña-phala Sutta." As far as we can gather it did not remem- : V. supra, p. 184. * JDL.M,pp. 70-80. : V. supra, pp. 202 ff.

280 DOOTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS ber Pürana Kassapa. In its later stages it seems to have adopted orthodox terminology,1 and when we last hear of it it is apparently in the process of assimilation with Jainism. This school is that referred to in Manimekalai and in Civafana-cittiyār. The second sub-sect had moved far from early Ajivikism. It taught the existence of only five elements," and the theory of avicalita-nityalavam,4 which, in its collorary of the illusoriness of all phenomena, represents a step in the direction of monism. This school remembered the early teacher Pürana, and believed that its founder, Markali, was a divine being, manifesting visions of himself to his devotees and incarna- ting himself for the restoration of the Ajivika faith." This is the Ājīvikism of Nilakēci. These two schools may be compared to Hinayana and Mahayana Buddhism. The tendency towards monism, theism, and bhakti, which is evident in the later schoole, both of Ajivikism and Buddhism, was part of the profound religious and cultural move- ments at work in the India of the time, which culminated in the popular devotional Hinduism of the Middle Ages. With the Ajivikas that tendenoy may have manifested itself quite early, for it is already suggested in the Vāyu Purdņa." As this branch of the sect decayed we may suggest that its mem- bers drew more and more closely to Vaişnavism, with its similar doctrines of theism and avatdras. From Utpala's commentary to Varahamihira " it seems that this process had commenced as early as the tenth century A.D. It is likely that former Ajivikas would not at first find a spiritual home with the more reputable Vaignavite secta, but rather with a seot on the fringes of orthodoxy, such as the Pancaratras, and there are features of Paficaratra teaching which are very reminiscent of that of the Ajivikas. The doctrine of avalaras or divine inenrnations is one such feature; others, though less obvious, are equally significant. For instance the Pancarātra, like the Jaina and the Ajivika, uses the term jiva for the soul," in preference to atma. As with the Ajivikas, the soul, according

: V. supra, pp. 238-30, 266, 277. . V. supm, pp. 235 ff. : V. supra, p. 277. . V. supra, pp. 80-81. * V. aupra, p. 265. " V. mpra, pp. 162 ff. . V. supm, pp. 168 fr. * V. supm, p. 270. * Sohrader, Introduction to Pailcardira, p. 66.

CONCLUSION 281 to Pafcaratra theory, is in some sense atomic,1 and liberated souls are of two classes, nityas and muktas, the former of which can incarnate themselves at will, just as Vişnu himself." We recall the mandalas and sambodhakas of Civafana-cittiyar." Like Ajivikism the Pincaratra syatem has a dootrine of niyati, although in the latter it is not so important as in the theory of Makkhali Gosila. "In the foetus like condition of the manus in the energy (fakti) of God there springs up from time-energy (kala-sakti) the subtle destiny (niyati) which representa the universal ordering element (sarva-niyamaka))." 4 Niyati is "not only what the Vaisegikas call Dis, to wit the regulator of positions in space ... but ... it also regulates, as karmic necessity, the intellectual capacity, inclinations, and practical ability of every being".5 Kala, " the mysterious power existing in time which urges everything on . . . is looked upon as originating from niyati." These similarities are by no means conclusive, but they suggest mutual influence. The doctrine of Niyati, as propounded by Makkhali Gosala, is to be found recorded in texts much earlier than the Pancardtra Samhitas, the earliest quotation from which is as late as the tenth century A.D.,7 although they are thought to have been written some centuries earlier." It is therefore possible that the Paficaratras borrowed the doctrine of Niyati from the Ajivikas, giving it a theistio basis by converting it into a secondary principle emerging from their god. Similarities may also be found between Ajivikism and other Vaișnavite schools, especially those of Southern India, where the Ajivika sect survived longest. Thus the Alvar Vaişnavite hymn- writers believed "that the grace of God was spontaneous and did not depend on any effort on the part of the devotee "." We recall the words of Makkhali : "There is no question of bringing unripe karma to fruition ... by virtuous conduct, by tows, by penance, or by chastity." 1° Contact with the Ajivikas may have Ibid.,p. 57. : Ibid., pp.56-8. " V. supm, p. 260. Das Gupta, History of Indian Philsioply, vol. Ill, p. 45. . Sahrader, Introduction to Paneardtra, p. 64. Ibid., loc. cit. South Indian Saivism also gives htla and miyati minor poaitions in ita metaphysieal schome, as the 7th and 8th totoas, through which the soul is controlled by karma. Schomerus, Der Caiva-Siddhdnta, p. 137. " Ibid., p. 18. Tbid., p. 19. " Das Gupta, History of Indian PAilesophy, vol. ili, p. 85. " V. pra, p. 14.

282 DOOTRINES OF THE AJIVIEAS developed this theistio akriyavada, or doctrine of salvation by grace. It is also possible that Ajivikism influenced the doctrines of Madhva and the Dvaita school of Vaisnavism. Madhva has been said to owe much to early Dravidian Christianity,1 and the parallels between Christinnity and some of Madhva's doctrines are certainly close. But we do not believe that the Syrian Chris- tians of Malabar have ever maintained a rigid Calvinism which classed all souls in three groups, those destined for salvation, perpetual transmigration, and damnation respectively." For this doctrine we can find no more likely prototype than the rigid determinism of Makkhali, especially when combined with the later Ājivika doctrine of the mandala and sambodhaka forms of salvation." Madhva scems to have taken Ājivika doterminism and recast it in a theistic mould. In fact it might be suggested that the whole school of salvation " on the analogy of the cat" (punai-campantam), which arose in the Dravidian country with the growth of Mhakti, owed much in inspiration to the originally atheistic Ājivika doctrine of Niyati. The influence of the Ajivikas on the doctrines of the Pancara- tras, Alvars, and followers of Madhva cannot be proved, but it may be inferred as a valid probability. A further line of influence may also be suggested. As we have shown, the Mahabharata proves that fatalist views, implying a far more complete doterminism than the orthodox doctrine of karma, were widespread in Northern India at a very early period.4 Further evidence, from the Epie onwards, showa that the small Ajivika community of later days was not alone in ita fatalism. Thus Manu inatructs the Aryan not to rely on Destiny but to act for himself." Bhartrhari's Nitiataka contains ten verses in honour of Fate." Like Manu, the Hitdpadesa bears witness to and deplores the existence of fatalist yiews." Even in later times we can still hear echoes of Makkhali Goshla's despairing cry, N' atthi purisa- kara. The Ajivikas survived until the late medieval period in the Tamil country, and certain later Tamil proverbs seem to show

" Grierson, ERE. vill, p. 234. * Ibid., loo. elt. 4 V.supra, p. 218. · V. suprn, p. 200. # vil, 206. " Hitdpadesa, i, 29. V. mupra, p. 222, n. 2. · Nitialaka, vv. 81-00.

CONCLUSION 283 traces of their teaching. We quote a few examples from Jensen's collection :- " That which does not exist will not come into exiatence, and that which exists will not be annihilated." 1 This is the Ājīvika doctrine of avicalita-nityatvam. " Even if a man do penance on the point of a needle he will not get more than was destined for him." # "One may bathe so as to wash off oil, but who can rub so as to free himself from fate." # "Though a man exert himself over and over again he shall only get what comes on the appointed day."4 This reminds us once more of Gosila's original teaching : " There is no strength, no courage, no human endurance." As the propagator of the doctrine of the futility of human effort and of the all-embracing power of Destiny, Ajivikism cannot have failed to "enrich the systems which supplanted and supplemented it ". It would indeed be an error of over- caution to assert that this system, in the two thousand years of ita existence, had no influence on the development of wide- spread and popular theories in agreement with its fundamental doctrine of determinism.

THE PLACE OF THE AJIVIKAS IN INDIAN HISTORY The position of the Ajivikas in " the general scheme of Indian history as a whole" can best be understood by again looking at their origins. They emerged at a time when the whole civilized world was in intellectual ferment, which was expressed in India in the heretical non-brahmanic socta, and the gnosis of the Upanişads. The reaction was in part a revival and restatement of pre-Aryan and pre-polytheist animism-an animism adapted to the high degree of material civilization already reached by its adoption of ethical standards and of speculative world-views, which were later worked up into metaphysical systems of great complexity and subtlety. Buddhism moved furthest away from

p. 5, no. 48. 1 Illatu varātu, ujļatu pokatu, Jenson, Clusrifed Collection of Tamil Proverbe, * Oci mugaiyi lavam ceyldlum uiļatu ip kijaikkum. Tbid., p. 5, no. 49.

p. 5, no. 51. · Bupey poka mujukigālum ejuttu-p poba-i tey-p pāruşļā. Jensen, op. eit., 4 Ajutu muyagrulum äkum nöj lp dhum. Tbid., p. 5, no. 65.

284 DOCTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS thia primitive animist background, but its humble ancestry may perhaps be traced in the doctrine of transmigration which it shared with all sects, and which appears by this time to have become a fundamental axiom of all Indian creeds. With the other creeds and sects the animist origins are clearer. The impersonal brakman of the Upanisads is probably derived not from the anthropo- morphie polytheism of the Aryans, but from the belief in im- personal magical power, or mana, common to most primitive peoples. The doctrines of the Jainas and the Ajivikas show further and stronger traces of the animist heritage. The conception of dharma, adharma, sukha, and duhkha as in some sense material 1 is surely a survival of the primitive mentality, which is scarcely capable of conceiving an abstract entity. The Ajivikas show an even closer relationship to animism in their doctrine of the atomic nature of the soul, a theory but little removed from the soul-stuff theories of the savage, who viewed even the life of man as a solid substance. It is to the credit of the Ajivikas that on this primitive basis they developed what was probably the carliest atomic theory of India; the concept of invisible and unchanging atoms is surely a manifesta- tion of a rationally controlled imagination of a high order, and for this we must give credit to Pakudha Kaccayana, the doctrines of whom, if not the name, were preserved by the Ājivika sect. Similarly the Ajivikns deserve credit for their doctrine of Niyali. This represents a very real recognition of orderliness in a universe on the human level apparently wholly unpredictable and disorderly. The same, it is true, may be said of the other new sects of the period, all of which, reviving in one way or another the Vedie concept of rla, but incorporating with it an atheistic or impersonal first principle, posited a framework of karmic cause and effect, within which the soul moved. It was for the Ajivikas to drive this doctrine to its extreme conclusion, and replace the chain of causation, new links of which might be forged by the free will of the individual, by the single determining principle, Niyati, which denied free will altogether. The prag- matio value of this doctrine was alight, or even negative, but at least Makkhali Gosala may claim the doubtful honour of 1 V.supra, pp. 263, 267.

CONCLUSION 285 anticipating by over two thousand years the now rather unfashion- able world view of the nineteenth century physicist. It is nowadays not unheard of for the historian to attempt to find economie and material counterparts to philosophio and religious developments, and to give logical priority to the former. Thus the development of philosophy in Ancient Greece has been ascribed to the replacement of the tribal warlords of the Homerio ago by a community of city states ; with the disappearance of the chieftains and tribal kings the gods, who were their heavenly counterparta, appeared obsolete to the best minds of the times, and new speculative systems were devised to replace them. Similarly the rise of Protestantiam in Europe in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries has been attributed to the growth of a powerful commercial middle class, antagonistio to the ruling aristocracies, and demanding a new order in religion as in politics. While we cannot share the view that this theory of the develop- ment of philosophy and religion contains the whole truth, it may be conceded that the philosopher and the religious reformer may often be inspired, consciously or unconsciously, in their search for deeper insight by social, economie, and political change. It is possible to suggest a social and economie counter- part to the great wave of spiritual unrest which awept the Ganges valley in the sixth century B.c. The thirty-three great gods of the Aryans, and the lesser earth-spirita of the aboriginals, were too motley a company to correspond to the orderly civilization which had already emerged, while the martial and capricious character of the former, and the chthonic nature of the latter group of divinities, were inadequate to meet the apiritual needs of the rising elass of merchanta, to the existence of which both Buddhist and Jaina texts testify. We will concede to the historical materialist that Buddhism, Jainism, and Ajivikism were to this extent a refleo- tion of the changes in the social and economio pattern of the times. Among the three new culta Ajivikism stands out for ita thorough- going recognition of order in the universe. The cosmos of Makkhali Gosala is immense in space and time, and ordered in every detail. The traditional cosmology, on the other hand, is an untidy confusion, wherein, for instance, the immediate cause of the monsoon is the victory of Indra over the cloud-dragon, and its

286 DOCTRINES OF THE ĀJIVIKAS ultimate cause the satisfactory performance of the sacrifices whereby Indra and the other gods are maintained. The earlier conception is only appropriate to a half-civilized tribal society. The efforts of the poets of the philosophical hymns in the Rg and Atharva Vedas, and of the brahmanic thinkers who attempted to systematize the theory of the sacrificial cult, probably took place at the same time as comparable developments in the sphere of political and economie organization. The great efflorescence of religious thought coincided with the growth of large well- organized kingdoms in Magadha, Kosala, Kosambi, and Avanti. Of the various now doctrines propounded in the sixth century B.C., that of Ajivikism, with its rigidly controlled cosmos, seoms the most appropriate to a closely knit autocracy, and it is sig- nificant that it appears to have reached its period of greatest influence in the time of the Mauryas, when Indian government attained a higher degree of centralization over a larger ares than at any other period before the nineteenth century. With the decline of centralized control, and the growth of smaller loosely knit kingdoms, to which lesser states were linked in quasi-feudal relationship, the sect waned in power, and ultimately vanished. The more orthodox concept of karma, which allows some scope for human initiative, seems more appropriate to such conditions than does the rigid determinism of Niyati. After the Maurya period central governmenta were by no means all-powerful; often indeed they were unable to maintain control in their outlying provinces ; and the political unity of Bharatavarsa had vanished. The rapid decline of popular support for Ajivikism, which seems to have taken place after the Maurya period, may perhaps be attributed to the unconscious conviction that Ajivika cosmology did not fit the facts as they appeared on earth. It will be remembered that the sect survived longest in districta ruled by the Cola kingdom, where the political machine seems to have functioned more smoothly and efficiently than in most other parts of India. A further religious development, which affected the Ajivikas, also shows a correspondence to contemporary political changes. While no monarch after Asoka exerted so much power as he, the status of kingship rose from Mauryan times onwards. Asoka, although " dear to the Gods", was a simple raja. The Guptas,

CONCLUSION 287 on the other hand, were emperors (mahdrajadhiraja). In the succeeding epoch almost every independent king, however small his kingdom, adopted this or some such magniloquent title. The theory of the king's divinity gained ground from Kushin times onwards. In the smaller kingdoms which succeeded the Mauryas, especially as the standards of bureaucratic administra- tion declined, kings claimed a more exalted status and at the same time, owing to the smaller size of their kingdoms, their presence must have been felt more directly by their subjecta. The imper- sonal principles of the heretical sects may have been appropriate to the less personal bureaucratio machine of the Mauryas, but they did not resemble the actual situation of later timos, when power was usually vested in a single very exalted individual. Theism would be better suited to such a state of affairs, and theism did in fact begin to manifest itself as a significant element in the Indian religious situation at about the time of the break-up of the Maurya empire. Strengthened perhaps by survivals from popular chthonie culta, or even by idens from the West, it developed throughout the Hindu period of India's history, and, as we have seen, Ajivikiam itself was not unaffected by it.1 Indian theism reached its final form when much of the land was in the control of alien monarchs, and when simple people must have been craving for the milder paternal despotism of such legendary rulers as Rama and Vikramaditya. Thus the growth of devotional monotheism fits into the perspective of India's political vicissitudes. We would not by this annlysis maintain that the rise and decline of religious systems and sects are mere reflections of social conditions, They are, however, manifestations of human need. If they can no longer fully satisfy the needs of their adherenta they will stagnate and die. But a religion is long in dying. It may obtain a new lease of life by a restatement of old verities in a more modern form, or by the introduction of new elements of belief. It may retain an attenuated and local existence long after it has outlived its period of general usefulness. And even when it is dead, some of its features may survive in a disguised form, incorporated into other systems, or maintained as folklore or superstition. Thus for a while Ajivikism met the needs of 1 V. mupma, pp. 276-77.

288 DOCTRINES OF THE AJIVIKAS a large body of adherenta, but soon began to lose its vitality ; it survived long in one region of Indin, incorporating new features into its doctrine; and it does not seem to have vanished without leaving some faint traces upon later Indian religion. So, tentatively, we answer Dr. Barua's questions, and conclude our study of the Ajivikas. Their long, but by no means glorious existence, has left but few traces, and we have only been able to reconstruct their history and doctrines in faint outline by extracting every possible hint from the material available to us, Even now it has been necessary to leave many questions unanswered, and large gaps in the structure of the history of the Ajivikas are unfilled. But new information may yet come to light which may enable the structure to be strengthened. No work of history can have more than a provisional conclusion-the remainder of the History and Doctrines of the Ajivikas is yet to be written.

INDEX In addition to those on pp. xxxi-il, the following abbrovintions are used in the index ; A. : Ajivika; esp. : espeoinlly ; k .: king : M.G. : Makkhall Gosila ; n. : note; n.pr. : proper namo; Pkt. : Prakrit; pl. : plnce name, whether of a toun or distriot ; Skt. : Sanskrit ; Tam. : Tamil. 4, Skt. partiele, 103 Abhassari, Buddhiat heaven, 261 akcubavădin, cns maintaining tho Abhayadovn, Jainn commentator, 35, doctrine of causelesancas, 18, 227 40, 48 n. 1, 63, 68, 111-12, 127, 129, akiyud, the doctrine of non-violence, 140, 178, 213-14, 220-1, 242 18, 01, 123, 126; Ajtyilin, 192 249-250, 254 n. 1, 255; quotod, Aiyangar, K., 192, 197 35 n. 3, 40 n. 6, 51 n. 1, 63 nn. 2, 3, Ajanti freaco, 107 68 nn. 2, 3, 111 nn. 3, 4, 5, 112 n. 1, Ajktasattn, k. of Magadhn, 5, 11, 13, 117 n. 3, 128 nn. 1, 2, 3, 4, 221 n. 1, 67-77, 89: war with Lioohavia, 222 n. 2, 249 n. 3, 255 n. 4. 69-70

AMidhana cinMimaai, lexicon Ajayapala, lexicographer, 182-4 Hemacandro, 35, 182 of ajira (Skt.), profasion, 247 AMidharmna-kola, Yalomitra's comm. Ajtva, form of Ajivikn, 102-3, 182-3 Ajivakinf, Ajivint, an Ajivika nun, on, 241 abhijaris, six olasaes of men, 14, 20, 27, 1S9, 243

80, 84, 106, 100, 139, 243 6, 272, Ajtvik-a, -lam, powim; an A. 276 announces Buddha's death, 136; góraÃmacariyavdab, e. antitheses 109-115; atomim. Acardnga Setra, Jaina soripture, 41, 46 262-6; beforo M.G.,04-101; begging Actrasdra, Jaina toxt, 180, 203 and dictary practioe, 118 123: Aokryn Srt Yogtnanda, n.pr., 155 Buddhists, rolations with, 184-8 : Acchiddn, diadcara, 56, 57 cosmology, ch. zill, psim; Dravi- Accn-kappa (Pkt.), Jainn heaven, s. dian, southern, 108, 115-10, 124-5, Acyuta-kalpa 174, ch. x, passim, 230, 255, 250, 282, 272, 270 ; oplatomology.274-5; acelaka, a naked nscotle, 06-7, 107-8. 118-19, 121, 123, 132, 139, 217, 243 etymology, 101-4; final ponaneo, influence, 279-283; Achille, 7 127-88 : Aciva(ba)-bdew (Tam.), 189 initintion, 104-7 ; Jainsa, relations deu (Tam.), 102 with, 188-141 : linguage, 219-220 : laat references to, 184-6: Laymen, dea, Tam. form of Ajivika, 191 Aeuva-A-batamai (Tam.), 189-101 131-0 : lendora, bofore M.G., 27-34: Acwibaj-kiow (Tam.), 188-0, 194 In Nanda and Maurys perlods, ch. viil, poarim; nudity, 107-9: acusi-makbal (Tum.j, 188, 192 Aouvuln-parcu, pl, 150, 187-8 origin, 04-101; plaoe in Indinm History, 283-8; -aabla, 52-3, Aoyuta-kalps, Jann heaven, 140, 142, 115-17. 150: schools of, 239. 204.201 Adda, n.pr., 53-4, 114, 121, 129 279-280; scriptures, 51, ch. xi, Addapura, pl., 64 possim ; -seyyam, 125; solitary wcetles, 114; in Tamil litersture, adharma, Skt., sin, 200 100-203 ; worldlines and Immora- adlydya, Skt., Ison, chapter of a lity. 123-7 text, 39 Ajita Keankambali, n.pr., 11, 17-23, Aggiveskyana, disdcara, 50-8 25, 50, 93, 218, 228 ; doctrine, 15 Apgivesaana, n.pr., 27, 57, 48, 118-19 Agni, the fire-god, 81, 03 n. 2 Ajjunna Gomayuputta, n.pr., 56-7 Ajluna Goyamaputta, n.pr., 32, 34, Agaiveln, legendary physician, 57-8 agnosticism, 17 ajAdnavddin, a sooptio, 174 agraldra, a grant of land, usually to brahmanas or temples, 206 Akandgoru, Tamil anthology, 197 akala, spaco, other, 268 289

290 INDEX

ariyavad-a, the dootrine of tho fruit- Ardhimagadht, the dialest of Pkt. lemneas of works: -in, & believer in thia dootrine, 174, 228-7, 281 In which the SvetAmbarn Jalna

akjara, a syllabie letter of any Hindu soripturos are written, 26, 35, 252 ArdhanArifvara, god, 155 soript, 151 Alabhlyl, pl., 32-3, 44, 133 n. 1 arkant, an Ajivika, Jalna, or Buddhist

Alavi, pl., 33 mnint of the highest rank; A., 28,

Ajsdra, Dravidian Valgoavite hymno- 20, 50, 79, 140, 244, 250; Jalna, 108, 201 diata, 281-2 Arjuna, mathemntician, 34; hero, 67 Amarn, lexicographor, 182 Ammarija II, E. Cilukyn k., 187 Arkacandro, n.pr. 109 Arthaldatra, taxt on polity, 120, 127, andgaml, one who will not be reborn 161 ; quoted, 101 n. 1 on earth, 05 anaīkkamapijjaim (Pkt.), insvitables, Arunandi Sivedryn, Tamil Saivite auther, 203

Ananda, diseiple of Buddha, 18-20, 204-0 Arynns, 4-6, 8, 44, 162, 106, 284-5 Aryavarta, pl, 8

Anandn, dieiple of Mahkvira, 50, 140, 27.153 asaddi-gabbia (Pali), unconscious births, 249-9 216 ancoticiam, 12; Ajivika, 4, 104-115; Anantaminass, 135 n. 2, 261 Buddhist heaven, u. also ponanco

Anantavarman Mankhari, chioftaln, nacotios, types of, 165, 160-171, 181,

Ashibikn, Japanese form of A., 112 184 153-5.158 anaudrikăni brakmacariyāni (PAH), v. Adokn, emperor, 53, 97, 127, 130, Tocations 138-0, 140-154, 156-7, 159, 161, andima, soullesaness, 190 Andhra, pl., 100 193, 196, 278, 286

anzkdntasdda, a doctrine of opistemo- dirama, hermitago, 08 ; stago of lifo, 00, 162 logiesl relativity, 202 Ankartha-rangraka, lexicon, 182 Assagutta, n.pr., 147

Angi, pl., 5 natrolog-y, -er, 7, 127, 168-170, 184-5 asura, & type of domon, 70, 163; anga, toxt of Jalna eonon, 178 modes of existenco aa, 258 Angamandir, pl., 32 Atvalayana Srouta Satra, Brahmaņio Angiraa, n.pr., 30 Angutiara Nikaya, Pli seripture, 20, text, 103

27, 54, 100, 183, 135, 243 ; quoted, Atharsa Veda, 286 ntom-iam, A., 17, 19, 91, 232, 238, 133 n. 2 262-8, 284; A., in relation to other animism, 5, 283-4 Indian atomio dootrincs, 267-270

Anotatta, lnke, 281 (Jalna, 207 ; Vaidegikn, 207-8: Buddhist, 268-9) antara-bappa, lessr mon, 243 Antarinjikh, pl., 177 Atreya, n.pr., 57

Anthologkes, Tamil, 196-7 aulambalam, asalambalam, tax, 100

antinomian-ism, 18-10, 21-2, 168, 228, Aupapatika Soira, Jaina soripture, Ill, 110-120, 140, 204, 261 230, 281, 271 antithesss to the higher Bfe, 18. Avani, pl., inucription, 188, 191-2, 196 Avantl, pl, 286 228 Avusarpial, an era of deoline (Jninism). aps, stom, 265, 268 Anurldhapura, pl., 148 27, 04, 68, 144, 264, 275

apdşagăim (Pkt.], v. substitutes for Avalyaka Satra, Jaina acripture, 287 ; cürpf, 41, 70 drink apsaras, a celeatinl nymph, 249 avatira, the incarnation of a god, 172,

Apta-y, title of M.G., 79, 125, 244, 260-1, 276, 280 duatiganga, A. messurement of time,

Apurna, son of Kadyapn, 90 270 253

drdma, n park or garden, 135 Avattl, pl., 44

Aranyaba, Brihmanie scripture, 98 aviealita-aityateam, uohanging per-

Aroot Diat. of Madmaa, 188-190 manence, 238-240, 262, 280, 283 Aviel, Buddhist hell, 86

INDEX 291 Aviha, Buddhist heaven, 95 Ayampula, n.pr., 62-4, 117, 132, 140 BhArntavaran, Hindn name of India, ayureeda, the selence of medicine, 58 Bhartrhari, post, 282 286

Bhaijí-hrya, poem, 90, 160-7 Babylonians, 6 Bhaitiprolu Caaket, 198 Bahula, n.pr., 39 Bhattotpala, commentator, v. Utpals bahuwrilt, type of compound noun, BAdea, naturo, 225-7, 232

105 Bhavani, goddems, 104 Baladevn, god, 44-5, 47, 273 Bhela, n.pr., 58

Bambhaloga (Pkt.) = Brahmnloka MikbAn (Pali), & monk ; Buddhist,

(q.v.). & henven, 260 11. 18, 76, 95-6, 124, 135-7,

Bambhanagama, pl., 42 130-140, 146, 194, 243 : Jalns, 214

Biņa, nuthor, 99, 163, 108, 208 Ahikyu (Bkt.) MikbAu, 169, 184, 204 Binkraal, pl. (Pkt.) = VAņarasl, Kisi, bhseEAunt (Pal), a nun, 116, 124 5

Bennres, q.v., 133 n. 1 Bhimn, hero, 218

Baneejl Saatri, A., 168. Bhogavati, eity of nagas, 90

Baribar, enves, 148, 150-160, 210; Bhotapsti, god -Siva, 155

hill, 161 bAdtaoddi, materialat, 200

Barun, B. M., 11-12, 17, 28-30, 32, Bihir, pl., 5

40-1,47 n. 4, 57, 61, 65, 92, 100, 119, Bilhapa, poet, 205

133, 141-3, 145, 167-8, 172, 214, Bimbisirn, k. of Magndha, 6, 61, 67.

219-220, 247, 262, 268; quoted, 73, 76-7, 85, 80, 120, 124, 132, 136

07-8, 120, 129-130, 142 n. 3, 173, Bindusdrn, emperor, 127, 181, 146-7, 273. 279 161

Battle, Last, with large stones, 68, 74 birtha, A. ostegories of, chief forma,

Bebhela, pl., 83 241 ; conscious, 250; divine, 249;

begging, A. praetico, 118-123 ; bowl, from knota, 14, 248 ; sentient, 14, 219, 248-280: unoonsclous, 14,

Belagkmi, Myaore, 105 248 ; uterine, 14, 241, 248

Benaree, 18, 29, o. alao Biņlraai, KAsi, Miruda, a mooodary name or roal title, 205

Bengal, 5, 41, 44, 202 Bodhisatta (Pall), in Hinayina

Bhaddi, n.pr., mother of M.G., 35-6, Buddhism, a previons inoarnation of & Buddhn, 29, 84, 110, 114, 105 78 : queen, 142 Bodhisattra (8kt.), in Mahiyina Bhaddih, pL, 44 Bhudrabkbu, Jainn pontiff, 193, 100, Buddhism, a being who voluntarily poatpones hia Buddhahood to work

Bhignvata, & devotee of Visou, 171, for the welfare of the world, 165,261 Bodhi Tree, the tree near Gay& under

Bhaganall Satra, Jnina scripture, 27, 173 which Buddha gained enlighten-

cha. iil and iv, pawim, 83, 68-9. ment, D5

94-6, 103, 110, 122, 127, 131, 140, Bombay Garettser, 170

142-6, 164, 213-14, 210, 219, 242, Borobodar, pl, 100-8 Boțikns, Digambara Jainaa, 175-6 244, 240-251, 253-7, 272, 274-6; Brahmi, god, 162, 104 n. 3, 274 quoted, 37 n. 4, 40 nn. 1, 4, 47 n. 4, Brahmadatta, k. of KRA, 18, 20 48 nn. 1, 4, 56 n. 2, 60 n. 3, 01 n. 1, 62 n. 9, 63 n. 1, 122 n. 3, 128 n. 5, Brakmajala Sutto, 270

219 n. 2, 249 n. 2, 250 n. 5, 253 n. 3 Brahmakalpa, Jaina heaven m Brah- malokn, 204 Bhairaviclrya, n.pr., 167 Brahmnlokn, heaven, 30, 261, 273 Mabti, devotion to a personal deity, Brahman, the imperional world- 47, 280, 282 Bhandarkar, D. R., 149, 107, 173 ; spirit, 284 Brihmana, the priestly elaas, 12, 15, quoted, 166, 172 Bhiraddai, n.pr. (Pkt.) = Bharad- 21, 29, 131, 180; soripture, 98 Brahmnglam, 10, 100 vija, 32-3, 58 Brihmi, the earlims Indian alphabetio Bharadvija, sag8, 58 BharndrAjn, goira, 33 script, 157, 159 Brhajjaiaka, astrologienl text, 169, 171

292 INDEX

Buddha, 5, 10-12, 20, 28, 34, 53-5, 57, 59, 60-7, 71-2, 74-7, 80-1, 83, causolossness, doctrine, of, 227 enven, A., 150-160; Baddhiat, 156; 85, 89. 93-7. 100, 102, 108, 118-10, Jalna, 150 122, 132, 134-7, 198-200, 242, Codaga (Pkt. = Skt. Cetaka), chiof. taln of Vesali, 69-70, 73, 70, Buddhaghosa, Buddhist commentator. 277-8 133 n. 1 27, 30, 37, 52, 71-2, 79, 82, 91-2, ermpblabar (Tam. = Skt. sambodhaka), 06-7, 102-3, 106-6. 118 n. 1, 120. 260-1. 281-2 125. 135 n. 2, 139, 220, 225, 240, Central Asia, fresoos, 108 242-3, 246-0, 251-2, 204, 260-1, Coylon, 106; As in, 146 270; quoted, 13 n. 2, 14 n. 2, Chakravarti, A., 192, 200 ; quoted, 16 nn. 1, 2, 3, 10 nn. 2, 3, 19 n. 7, 101 27 n. 7, 71 n. 5, 02 m. 2, 107 n. 1, chance, e. Bangali 125 n. 1, 130 nn. 5, 0, 7, 241 mm. 1,3,4, Chalmera, Lord, 15 n. 3, 19 n. 7, 243 n. 5, 248 nn. 2, 6, 281 n. 4 118 m. 1 Buddh-ism, -ist, 3, 0, 12, 25, 30, 35, Chorpentier, J., 30, 74, 94 101, 124, 131, 172, 183, 200, 288-0 280, 283 : confeaod with As, 107, chastity, vow of, 120 Chin-n, -ese, Buddhist literature, 112; 135: relations with As. 184-38 23.91 veraion of Samania-phala Sulla, 21, soriptures, 5-6, 27-8. 33. 285 Bohler, G., 149, 151, 170, 173 burial, ritual, in A. Initintion and Christianity, 82 n. 1; Syrian, 282 chronometry, A., 252-3, 275 ponance, 108, 112 Cilappatibaram, Tam. poem, 134, 197; Bumouf, E., 101 quoted, 107 n. 4 Oivanana-oltiydr Parapalyam, Tam. Saivito text, 81, 91, 100, 112,

Caitanyn, n.pr., 117 186-7, 108, 200, 202, 204, 238, 244-5, 250, 260-1, 264-6, 276-7, caitya, a morod spot in popular 280 : quoted, 91 n. 10, 238 nn. 4, 5, religion, unually & tree or mound, 31-3, 60-1, 67, 154, 102 260 n.2, 204 n.5, 206 n.0, 280 n. 6 cakradhara, type of nscetio, 169 cabravartf, a universal emperor, 144 elasses of men, v. ablijani coins, of Haren of Knahmir, 205, 209 Cilukya, dynnsty, 205 Cola, kingdom, 194, 208 Calviniam, 282 Camara, Indra of the asuras, 70 Colamandnlam, pl., 108

Camatanto, pL, 201 commentators, quotations from A.

Campi, pl., 32, 42, 73, 95, 133 n. 1 literature by. 220-3 Conselous Birtha, soven, 249 Clnnkyn, n.pr., 145, 167 Canareso, 204 Coraga, pl., 42

Candala, n.pr., 205, 208 Corkya, pl., 44

Candoyarana, caltya, 32 cosmology, A., ch. xili, passim, 285-6 Cuchullnin Sagn, 7 Candra Gupta I, 75 Onndragupin Mauryn, emperor, 77, Ouņda, n.pr., 75

151, 167, 193 Cunningham, A., 33, 152-5

Cipl, n.pr., 05 cürpi, commontary, to Asatyaka

curab, typo of ascetio, 109 Stira, 41

Caraka Samhitd, mediosl text, 57 cuoai (Tam.), aweetnems, sonsual

corimaim, s. lnst things plessure, 125, 202

Carvaka, & materialist nect, 3, 17, 25, 106, 184, 204; v. alo Lokiyata, Dadhapaluna, n.pr., 142 materinlism, ndslika ostegories, A., ch. xill, passim ; soven Dance, Lnst, 68, 117

elementary, 10, 262-6 dancing, ritual, 101

Cistag, Tam. poet, 197-8 Dandabhukti, pL, 202

Catusknniyika, achool of Jainism, Dandaki, k., 29

178-0 dandin, typs of ascetio, 170-1

cauation, European doctrine, 227 darbha, & graas, 128-131 daridda-thera, typo of asostio, 43, 47

INDEX 293 Dafaratha, k., 150-1, 164-5, 157, 159, Elentica, 238, 202

Das Gupta, S. N., quoted, 226, 281 278 elementa, 91, 215, 262-6: charso- Decoan, 208 teriatics of, 265, 208

De la Vallde Poussin, L., 74 n. 1 elophant, 153, 200; e. also Sprinkling Delhi-Topra Pillar, 148 Elephant

Destiny, 7, 222, 282-3; o. nlso Fate, Enojjagn, n.pr., 31-2

doterminiam, 3, 8, 17, 19, 22, 00, Miyati epie, liternture, 7; tradition, 132; Tam. 197

ph. xii, passim evoltion (paripdma), 82

deva, a god, 42, 133, 142, 210, 251, 258, 272-3; A., 218, 222, 220, 272-4 DevAnampiyn Tis, k. of Ceylon, 145 facultien, 14, 248

desapelta, demigod, 216 fatallam, 19, 21, 132; Aryan, 8;

Doraseon, n.pr., 142-3 A., oh. xil, powim; e. alo deter-

Dlamma (Pali) = Skt. dharma, 19 miniam, niyatisdda

Dhammapada Commentary, Pili text, Fate, 6, 221, ch. xii, passim, 256; 85, 06-7, 105, 107, 113, 201 v. alao Destiny, Niyali dhanu, & messure, nhout 6 feot, 253 Ferdind, n.pr., 7

dharma, good conduet, righteousnoms, Ferguason, J., 163 Finalitles, elghs; e. Last Things virtue, 286-7 dinlectie, 228-235 Fleet, J. F., 153

diet, A., 118-123 fortune-telling, 127, 147, 108

Digambarn, the branch of Jainism Fouchor, A, 107

whose asostios praotined nudity. Pranke, R. O., 24, 249

107, 121, 167-8, 170, 174-0, 181, freo will, 220-230, 233, 284

183-4, 180, 203-4, 277 famnerary urns, 111

Dighanakhn, n.pr., 57 Digha Nikaya, Pali seripture, 11, 23, 102, 256 ; quoted, 72 n. 3, 73 n. 5; Gähndavila, dynasty, 208

v. alao Brahmajala Sulta, Mahd- gairuba, type of asoetle, 181 gapardjas, tribal chieftains, 70 porinibbana Sutla, Samailila- Ganda, n.pr., 85 plala Suila Dikchitar, V. R. R., 134 gandhabkanda (Pali), seented mb-

Dinnign, Buddhist logiclan, 197 stance, 71-2

didoaras, 51, 58-8, 64, 70, 117, 213, gandba-hauhr(Pkt.),noent-elephant, 72 Gandhira, pl., 206 ; seulptures, 108 255 Divina Births, seven, 249 gangå, A. mossarement of time, 253

Divydoadang, Buddhist 8kt, text, 83, Gangós, river, 4, 6, 0-10, 13, 33, 51, 72, 133, 285 85-6, 07, 109, 138, 146-7, 207; Garuda, & mythical bird ; species of, quoled, 87 nn. 1, 2 256 Doab, pL, 4 Gautama, gotra, 34 dreams, 14, 262 Drink-s, four, 62, 127-130, 254 ; Inst, gaslama, typo of ancetio, 165 Gayll, pL, 150 08 Dryfivăda, Jainn seripturo, 178-181 Geiger, W., 74 n. 1

dugharantariya, type of A. ascotio, 111, gharasamudapiya, type of A. mcotic,

119 dulkha, sufforing, 91 Gijjhakūta, hill, 72

Duloa, Tibetan Buddhist seriptures, Gobabula, n.pr., 30 goblins, 182, 251 ; o. also pildca

Draita, sohool of Vaiggavim, 282 21.24 Gobhami, pl., 45

deandva, type of compound noun, 105, Godhivari, river, 20 goda, A., 272-4 225 Gommatolvarn, Jainn temple, 125

sbadapdin, typs of Vaignavito sscotie, Gopani, A. 8., 28, 65

47, 79, 100, 114, 166-7, 160-172, Gopiki, eave, 152, 154, 157-8

174, 184-6,204 populihac, one of the " Four Drinks". 131

294 INDEX

Gorathagirl, hill, 158 hermita, 98, 110 Goalla, Gośila, Makkhali Gosäls Gošilakn ; hero, doomed, 7 Himilaya, 143, 201 polra, & brähmanieal sopt, 33-4, 57 Hinnyina, the form of Buddhim govaliba, gram, 03 now praotlsed in Csylon and Govindscandra, k., 208 Burma, 277, 280 grace, anlvation by, 281 Hindu-lam, 3: devotional, 117, 280, grahana, dolinition of, 173 287 ; literature, 228 ; scriptures, 33 Grosce, 285 Hitopadsia, Skt. text, 282; quoted, Greeting, Last, G9 222 n. 2 Grünwedel, A., 108 Gudihalli, pl., inscription, 190 Hoernle, A. F. R., 11, 28, 33, 35-6, 40,

Gujarkt, 182 47 n. 4, 61, 69, 70 8, 109, 114, 121, 133 n. 1, 130 n. 6, 142 n. 3, 143-4, Guna, n.pr., ascetio tescher, 20, 104-5, 217, 203: ascetio of 172, 178, 180-1, 180, 180, 214, 226. 245, 254 m. 1, 265, 259, 277: Kaahmir, 208, 210 quoted, 38, 65, 68, 78, 99, 101-2. gupa, quality, 100, 265; the threo 175, 183 bnsio qualities of Shakhya philo- Homerio Age, 285 sophy, 30; rajo g., the second or Hoyaala, droasty, 180-100, 104 flery quality of Sinkhyn, 248 Hultasch, E, 148, 150, 158, 190-1, Gunaratnn, Jainn commentator, 80-2, 174, 176-7, 185, 221-2, 226, 235 ; 193; quoted, 151 Hanas, 168 quoted, 222 n. 4, 226 n. 2, 286 n. 2 hupeyya, Pill verbal form, 220 Guntupalll, pl., 156 Gopta, dynaaty, 134, 152-4, 159, 162-3, 165, 185, 286 guru, a religious tescher; typo of foonoelnam, 147, 185, 205-210 scetie, 184 idealism, Borkeleyan, 230 Tliad, 7 Indabhūi Goyams, disciple of Hagin, n.pr., 7 MahAvira, 35, 47, 58 hnir, extraction of, 106 Indo-European peoples, 7 Halsdhara, n.pr., 206, 209 Indra, god, 00, 285 Halkhali, n.pr., 32, 51, 53, 56, 58, indria, fnoulty, 247 61-2. 116. 124, 132, 134 Indus Civilization, 4 Halkyudha, lesieographor, Inevitables, six, 255-6 182-4: quoted, 182 100. infnity of souls, 260 Halodut4, pl., 43 Initlatlon, A., 104-7 halla, inseot, 02-3, 117 Ionian philesophers, 6 Hare, E. M., 130 nn. 6, 7, 243 Ialam, 207 Haribhadra, Jainn philosopher, 81, issaraktrapapidi, & believer in the 178. 185, 222 doctrine of the orestion of the world Harita, n.pr., 58 by & personal god, 18 Harjn, k. of Kananj, 167-8; k. of iyalpu (Tam.), quality, 265 Kaahmir, 148, 164, 185, 205-210 Horsacarita of Bion, 167-8; quoted, 167 n. 4 Hastin&pura, pl., 190 Jacobi, H., 17, 28, 74, 76-7, 121 n. 5

Hithlgumphl, cavo insoription, 145, Jain-4, -iam, 3, 6, 10, 12, 17, 30, 35, 110, 121-2, 131; eategories, 266:

heavena, A., 250; Jalna, 250 n. 3, 158 literature, 24 ; soriptures, 0, 17, 27,

274; salvation in, 261 34, 50, 133, 286 : tradition, 144

Hebrew, monothelam, 7 Jambukn, n.pr., 07, 105-6, 109, 113,

Hector, n.pr., 7 137-8

Hemseandra, Jaina polymath, 8, 35, Jambusanda, pl., 44

74, 77, 144, 182 Janaka, k., 4, 5

Horotios, six, ch. il, pamsim, 67, 85, Janaki-Aarapa, poem of Kumiradim,

92-3, 108, 138 97, 100, 105-7 : quoted, 185 n. 4 Janmana, n.pr., 131, 138, 146-7, 149

INDEX 295 Japaneso Buddhiat literature, 106, 112 Jataka, a folk-talo or other story kala, time, 257 : Pifcardtra docteino which has been adapted to Buddhiss of, 281; o. aiso thno

purposes by making the principal Kllnklekrya, Jaina tescher, 169-171, charncter the bodhualta, or the 174, 214; quoted, 171 n. 1 Buddha in & provious birth; kalakapni, senpegoat, 20 28-30, 51, 50, 02, 105, 113, 165, Kalunda, disicara, 56-7

209-210; quoted 81n. 0, 104mn. 4. Kalnda, k. of Kaahmtr, 206

5, 7, 112 n. 6, 113 n. 1, 228 n. 1; KAliya, pl., 42

Lomahamsa, 110, 113 ; Mahabodhi, Kalhana, Kaahmir historinn, 206-210 18, 217; quoted, 18 nm. 2, 3, 4; Kali, goddes, 103, 108

Makanarodakassapa, 20, 104, 217, Kallnga, pl., 145 263 : Nakbhata, 127; Nangultha, balpo, Skt., mon, 14, 31, 135; e. also

110; Nerw, 05: Pandara, 102; Lappa

Barabhanga, 29 ; Tiuira, 90, 104, Kolpa Selra, Jaina soripture, 41, 45, 112 74, 177 n. 3

Jataba-pārijdta, astrologienl text, 184 Kaluhalli, pl., Insoription, 189

ad, caato, 188 bama, passion, desiro, 241-2

jatila, typo of asoetio, 181 Kimamahavana, caliyo, 32

Jatükaron, n.pr., 58 kamma (Pill and Pki), types of

Java, island, 108 nction, 219, 241-2; o. also larma Kampilla (Pkt.), Kimpilya (Skt.), pl., Juyaawal, K. P., 158-9 133. 199 Jenmen, H., 282 Kanlda, Vaifesika philosopher, 57 Jonun, 38 Jetavana, park at SAvatthi, 86, Kaņanda, a.pr., 57

110-11, 163 Kanauj, pl., 33

jina (Skt.), jina (Pkt.], a toncher whoas KMfer, pL, 180

noul has reached Kandara-masaka, n.pr., 102-3 perfeotion, espocially with the Jalnas and As., kandaka-vuttika (Pali), interprotation

56, 60, 64-8, 79, 84, 00, 145, 246, 280 of, 243

Jinudias Ganf, Jaina commentator, Kaņiyirn, disdcara, 50-7

41, 45-6, 48 n. 2, 50 n. 1, 70, quoted, banji-ya, rico gruel, 02, 204 Kaņņkki, n.pr., 134, 107 42 n. 3, 44 n. 5 Jinapaha Sūri, Jalna writer, 54, 122, Kanoamundn, Lake, 251 lapdlin, type of meetio, 109 258-7: quoted, 257 m. 1 jivo, lit. life; the soul; A., 03, 200, Kapila-pura, -vaatu, pl., 34, 199, 202 Lappo (Pall and Pkt.), mon, 243; #. 270-2 Jaina, 207; Plioaritra, also kalpa

Jivaka, n.pr., & phyaician, 11; 230 Karmbiyn, pl., 102

Ajtvikn, 101, 182-4 barma (Skt.), the effeet of one's notions on one's future condition, Jiymattu, k., 45, 133 n. 1 Jiknavimala, Jnina commentator, whether in thia life or another, 5, 8,

220-1, 226; quoted, 221 nm. 1, 2, 18, 23, 70, 90, 102, 135, 176, 190, 199. 203. 224-5, 220, 235, 238 0. 226 m. 1 206-7. 277, 281-2, 284, 280; A., Jeheaon, Dr., 230 14. 241 ; e. alo kamma Jotipala, n.pr., 20-30 Karpa, hero, 37 Karpe Chopir, oave, 152, 157 Klritikeya, god, 37 Kabandhin Kityilyann, n.pr., 02-3 Knahmtr, 30, 185, 205-210 kdou, Tam., gold coln, 188, 194 KAN (Pall), KAI (Skt.) - Benares, 5 Kadall, pl., 44 KAlikd, grammar ; quoted, 79 n. 3 Kadru, n.pr., 273 Kaivira, Mysore, inseriptions, 190, basina (Pali), help to meditation, 270 Kassaph, Buddha, 146 195 Kalyapa, sago, 30 Kikanti, pl., 199 Kakuda Kityiyana = Pakudha, 21-2, Katangala, pL, 43 Kalhd-soril-adgara, Skt. toxt, 143; quoted, 144 n. 1 Kila, n.pr., prince, 69; = Upakn, 05 92 Kltylyani, goddems, 154

296 INDEX

Knundinya, n.pr., 30 Kāņlya, Ajātasattu, k. of Mngadhn, Klvanor, insoription at, 188 70,73-6 Kaviltha, forcab, 20 bya (lit. body), element, 262-3 Kurukystra, pL, 4

Kelth, A. B., 161 Kusintri, pl., 136 Kütgira-sali, at Veaill, 57 Kerala, pl., 108 Kushin, dynssty, 287 Kern, H., 103, 140, 170, 173 Kedin the Kamita, n.pr., 205 kesalin arkant, 50, 10 Ladha, pL, 41, 44-6 Lolita vistara, Buddhist Skt. text, 34, Khalatika, hill, 150, 168 105 Khiravela, k., 145, 158 ; date, 159 Lakes, grest, 14, 251 Hattauifjauddi, ono malntaining & form of antinomianiam, 18 Lambuya, pl., 44

Kilar, inseription at, 188 Lassen, C., 101

Kim Sankicos, n.pr., 10-20, 27-30, Lst Things, eight, 62-3, 68, 127, 209, 254-5 84, 00, 94, 08, 118, 139, 244 Letyds, Jaina olassifiostion of psychio Kisa Vaoohn, n.pr., 29-30 Klstnn, river, 166 types, 139, 246

Kodiya, maji, 105 lexicographera, 100-1, 103, 182-4

Kolnr, dintriet of Mysore; inscrip Lloohavi, tribe, 20, 60-71, 74 6 linga, the phallie emblem of Siva, 183 Mons at, 180-191 Kolliga, pl, 30-41 lingf, mcotia carrying a linga, 183

Kondanda, n.pr., 29-30 logio, A., 274-5; Buddhiat, 107

Kondivte, pl., 156 Lohaggala, pl., 45

Kondiylyans, n.pr., 32 lohigaganga, A. mowsaro of lime, 253

Kongudoin, pl, 200 Lobayata, materinlism, 3, 232 ; e. also

Konow, S., 108 Cčrcāba, materialism, ndstiba

Kosala, pl., 5, 51, 73, 80, 8, 05, 133, Lomas Rai, cavo, 153, 156, 159, 209 Loştadhara, n.pr., 206, 209

Kosambl, pl., 133, 286 280 lotua, 111

Kotthagn, caitya, 60-1, 67 Luko, St., Gospel of, 36

kriyduldin, & beliover in the efflelency lump, graaping & hented, 104, 200

of works, 174 Krna, god, 154, 277 maceugangd, A. measure of time, 253

Krşņa III, Riştrakūta k., 188 Maddanh, pl., 45

kyapikaodda, the Buddhist doctrine of Madhavncndra, Jaina commentator, 204, 261 ; quoted, 204 n. 4 momentariness, the impormanencs Madhva, Hinda theologian, 262 of all thinga, 199 kyapanaba, a Jalna ascotio, 105, Madivaļn, pl, inacriptiona, 189-190

107-8, 170, 182-3 Maduri, pl., 195, 107

kyadriga, the warrior elas, 21 Magadhn-n. pl, 4-5, 8, 11, 26, 35, 44,

Ksürapiol, n.pr., 58 47, 51, 07, 70-6, 78, 89, 95, 133, 143,

Kukkutanagarn, pl., 81, 109, 201 145, 147, 150, 157, 159, 160, 288

Kūlavalaya, ascotie, 70 mdgadha, bard, 8, 35

Kulottung Coladera, k., 188 Magadhi, dialeet of Pkt., 24-5, 216,

kuldpaga, an ssoetlo malntalnod by a 220

single houschold, 127, 131, 138, 146 Maggas, Pkt, patha, ofsong and dance,

Kumiradasa, poet, 00, 106, 166-6 56, 64, 117, 213-14, 216

Kumiraderi, queon, 75 mngie, 51, 60, 62, 131, 180, 104, 209 ;

KumArayn, pl., 42 A. rites, 112-13

Kumbhavati, pl., 29 MakaMarala, Skt. eplo, 7-0. 34, 38,

Kummāragima, 47, 49, 51 90, 132, 158, 102, 218, 273, 292 :

Kuņiladaha, lako, 251 quoted, 00 n. 2, 218

Kuņdaga, pl., 45 MaMdbodAi-samsa, Pali toxt, 143

Kundaggims, pl., 40 mahdganga, A. measuro of time, 253

Kupdakoliya, n.pr., 133, 141, 218, 222, Mahigiri, Jnina athavira, 177 n. 3 maha-kalpa (8kt.), -bappa (Pil and

Kundalakolt, n.pr., 100 Pkt.], a grent mon, 219, 225, 249, 252-4, 258, 263, 275

INDEX 297 Mahkknasapa, disciple of Buddha, 108, death, 64-6 ; date of death, 68-78 : Mahili, n.pr., 20 136 name and titles, 78-9: reineama-

mald-mdlana, a great brlhmana, 52 tions of, 142; states, 275-7;

mahdmanasa, A. measure of time, 254, 257 mahd-mdtra (8kt.), -matta (PLIn), & Malabar, pl., 195, 198, 282 38-8 dellled, 278 ; otymology of name,

minister or government offioial, Malalaaskern, G. P., 89, 02

132, 138, 148-0 Mallazämn, n.pr., 32

Mahamoggalina, disciple of Buddha, Mallinatha, "commentator, quoted, 168 n. 4 168 :

malans (Pkt.), a brihmaņa, 52 n.6 126 Mallisena, Jalna commentator, 184,

Mahknnndin, k., 144 222, 200, 276 : quoted, 222 n. 5

Mahaniddeso, Pill toxt, 273 mana, Impersonal magleal power, 284

Mahapimitias, A. soriptures, 56, 117, Mapasa, A. heavens, 250-1, 273

218-10 måndykan (Tam.), esptain, 134

Mahipadma Nanda, k., 142-4 masdalar (Tam.], v. maptalar

Mahlpadmn (Pkt.), k., 142 4, 148, 272 mandala-moksa, the A. dootrine of oyelio salvation, 124, 174, 257-281 mandarava, a heavenly flowor, 136 maldpuruaa, eight, 258 MaMdaaceaka Sutta, 118, 123-4 Mandiyn, n.pr., 32 MandIyakucchs, caltya, 31 Mahdsilabaptas, battle, 69 Maldvama, Sinhaleso ehroniele, 73-4, Mangaln, pl., 43 mango, 04, 85, 130; stome, 61, 03, 86 80. 145; quotod, 73 n. 2; comm., Migibhadda (Pkt.), Manibhadra 131, 145-7 Makdsastu, Buddhist Skt. text, 34, 78, (8kt.), A. god, a yalya, 128, 131, 142, 247, 257, 272 4 83 Mahivira, founder of Jalnism, 8, 12, Manimdhalai, Tam. poom and its

17, 22, 31-5, 40-54, 58-82, 64, 66, heroine, 81, 91, 187, 197, 200, 215,

69-71. 76-7, 83, 89, 00, 100, 108-9, 238-9. 244, 203-6, 209, 276-7, 280 :

114, 127, 130, 133, 138, 140-2, 174, quotod, 81 n. 5, 91 nn. 0, 0, 238 n. 3, 244 n. 5, 203 nn. 2-6, 264 nn. 1-4, 229-230, 234, 230, 254, 274-5, 265 nn. 2-4 277-8; meoting with M.G., 39: MaAkha, n.pr., 36 illnemn, 07 Mahlyana, the form of Buddhism mankla, typs of mendicant, 8, 35-7, 50, 78, 208 now practised in the Far Eust and Mankhali, father of M.G., 36, 78-0 Tibef, 280 ; Hiterature, 165 Makaliputta, patronymio of M.G., Maheivara, god - Sive, 170 78 Mabmad of Chaznt, 207 Majjima Nikya, Pali seripturo, 18, Manki, n.pr., 9, 34, 38, 162, 218

20, 23 4, 27-8. 91, 90, 118-120, mapjalar (Tam.), saints who return from niredna, 260-1, 281-2 120, 134, 228: qooted, 19 m. 7, Manu, Iawbook of, 289 96 n. 2, 118 n. 1, 123 n. 4, 136 n. 1. Manusa, soven, 14, 21 220 m. 1 Minusuttara, A. hesvens, 250-1, 273 makara, & fabulous sos monster, 154 Mara, god, the tempter of Buddhiam, Makkhali Goalla, chief leader of tho 80, 198 As., passim ; dootrine, 13: pre- mārga (Skt.), u. magga docessorn, 27-34; Iife, 34 68: Markali, Tam, form of name of M.G., birth, 35-9; meeting with Mahi- 34, 52, 78-0, 81, 116, 125, 172, 215, vira, 89: perogrinntionn, 41-7 242, 272, 276-7, 280; -nol, Book and masmum plant, 47-9; and ofML., 215-10. 203 Vesiydyana, 49-50 ; attains magio Maskarin Golila, Golilikilputra, power, 50; lender of Aw., 51: Godilipatra, Skt. form of name of taciturnity, 52 ; compared to fisher- M.G., q.T. man, 54 ; compared to hair blankot, masbarin, an actio bearing & staff, 55: lnst days, 56-68; exposed by 79, 99-100, 165-7, 171,182 Mahavir, 58 ; viaita MahAvirn, 60 ; delirium, 61; repentance and material-iam, -ist, 5, 18, 23, 200, 267 ; s. also Carodka, Lokdyala, nārtika

298 INDEX

marl, & Hindu monsstery, 105 Maltavildsa, 8kt. farce, 126 Nala, pl, 95 Nalanda, pL, 3D, 41, 46 matter, 267 Maudgalylyann, disciple of Buddha, Nanda, dynmty, 148-5

80, 100, 200 Nandaka, pda, 20

Maukhari, clan, 155, 158 Nanda Vacchn, n.pr., 19-20, 27-30,

Maurya, dynasty, 138, 145-102, 193, 84, 90, 94, 98, 118, 139, 244

106, 278, 286-7 Nandi Sulra, Jaina soripture, 178,

meat, enting, by As., 122 ; by Buddha 180-1, 274; commentary quoted, 274 n. 5 and Mablvir, 123 Menander, Greoo-Bactrian k., 67 Nariyann, god Vişņu, 170, 172-3

Mondhiyagama, pl., 67 NArisvarn, god - Siva, 81

mendioants, 04-107; Nasibg-sddin, a materialiat, 25, 218 ; wandering. typea of A., 111, 110 also Garāka, Lokāyata, materinliam. merchante, story of, 50 : elnas, 285 Meronry, planet, 169-171, 184 ; metal, nature, 225; v. niso Bhdoa

185 naya, in Jains opistemology, stand-

metempaychosin, 5 pointa of prediostion, -sida, the

Migira, n.pr., 97, 132, 137-8 doctrine of nayas, 170-180, 274-5

Milinda-panka, Pali toxt, 10, 21, 67 ; Noil, R.A., 113 Nellore Distriot, insoriptions, 187, 100 quoted, 21 mn. 1, 2 Mimimeaka, sohool of Hindu philo- Nemleandra, Jainn writer, 181, 204;

sophy, 220 quoted, 181 n. 2

miracle contest, at Savatthi, 84-90 Nopal, 70

moka, salvation, 170, 180, 259 Nowal, pl., 33

moleonles, 267, 260 Nibelungentied, 7

monastery, A., 81, 201-2 niganha (Pali), nirgrantha (8kt.),

monlam, 0, 280 heterodox ascetio, eap. a Jainn, 16,

monotheiam, Hebrew, 7 27, 96-7, 102, 109, 112, 118-19,

Mosen, 37 138-9, 147-150, 161, 103, 165, 160,

Muoslindn, Lake, 251 181-4, 243 4, 266, 270

Mudrardkjasa, dramn, 35, 107-8; Nigantha NAtaputta = Mahivira, 11, 16-18, 21-23, 61, 75, 80, 91-3, 06, quoted, 35 n. 7 Mukta, n.pr., 200 138, 217 : dootrine, 16

soukia, & soul relossod from trans. niganpll-gabMa, birth from knots (1), 248-250, 256 migrtion (in Pinoaratra ayatom), Nigohn, eave, 150, 182

Maldedra, Jalna text, 204 281 nikandabira, Japanese form of

muni, sage, 49, 108 nigantha, 112

Melim, 154-5, 157, 102, 207 Nilakiei, Tam, poem and its heroine, 52, 80-1, 84, 01, 122, 125, 186-7, mystory oulta, 86 191, 198-202, 215, 236-9, 257.

Naccinirkkiniyar, Tam. commentator, 259-260, 206-272, 270, 280;

111, 106; quoted, 111 n. 6 quoted, 81 m. 1, 115 nm. 1, 2,

ngas, divino. serpenta, 90, 247; 122 n. 5, 125 n. 2, 201 n. 4, 202 nn. 2 4, 230, 237 n. 4, 200 n. 1, worlda of, 14, 247, 258 Nighrjunt, hill, 148, 150-1 205 nn. 5, 7, 270 n. 2, 276 n. 4

ndgdedaa, worlds of sorponta, 247 niraya, purgatory, 248

nagge-Mogge (Pall), naked and Niraydvalika Satra, Jaina soripture,

crippled, 102, 105, 208 69, 71-3. 70-7

nagga-samana (Pall), a naked ascetic, Nirgranths Jiltriputra (Skt.)

nagna (8kt.), naked, a type of sscetio, 07 =Nigantha Natapatta (PAll), q.v. nireăpa, the highest blias of the soul,

103-6 68 : A., 219, 250, 253, 255, 258-261,

magna-bhagma (8kt), naked and 271, 275; Jaina, 204: death,

erippled, a type of ssoetio, 105, 208 parinirdna, Buddhn's, 73-4, 70, 80,

sagn dia, ha, a naked wandoring 108 ; Mahivira's, 75-7

ascetie, 168, 184, 208-210 niryukii, Jains commentary, 54 Noidataba, poem, 282

INDEK 299

nifia (Pali), condition of perfection, 135 n. 2, 261 Piņini, grammarian, 36, 78-9, 99;

nilya, type of perfeoted soul, capable quoted, 78 n. 6

of incarnation at will (in Pin- Paņiyabhümi, pl., 40-1, 46, 51

cariitra philosophy), 281 Panjab, 4

Niyali, the coamic principle of the An., pipa, sin, ovil, 01

FAto, 3, 6, 8, 25, 42, 60, 172, 174, Papailes Sodant, comm. of Buddha-

203, ch. xii, posrim, 240-1, 287-8. ghoss to Majja., quoted, 19 n. 7,

260-3, 266, 284, 288; in PAB- 27 n. 7

carltra philosophy, 281; in popdia, precipice, 262

Salviam, 281 n. 6; v. alo Destiny, paramahama, type of ascetie, 106, 114

determiniam, Fate paramdpu, atom, 207

niyativada, doctrine of Nigali, 17, 82, Paramaltha Dipant, Dhammaplla's

185, 220, 222, 288-285 ; dovelop. comm. to KAwidaba Nibdys,

ment of doctrine, 285-9 quoted, 271, nn. 3, 4

non-Aryan, influence on Indian paramdoali, A. mesure of time, 263

religion, 4-5 ; countries, 45 Parilara, n.pr., 58, 80-1, 177, 109,200

nudity, religioua, 83, 107-9, 114, 202 paribbajaka. (Skt.), q.v. (Pali) = parirjaba

paribammdim, Jnina term of uncertaln Okkali and Okali, Dravidian A. gods, nignifiosnco, 178 215, 272-3 parindma, evolution, 82 oligarchics, 5 parinirodna, of Buddha = death, 136 omnisclence, 10; of M.G., 275-6 Parilpla-parvan, Skt. Jnins text, 74, Ogpatu-katir, Tam. A. soriptare, pariwdjaba, wandering sacetie, 57, 07, 144 215-16, 292 outeastes, 21 100, 140, 165, 204, 247 Parmidi, Parmandi, biruda of Vikrs- maditya VI, 205 poccayas, requisltes of Buddhirt MAckkhu, 243 Parmenides, 17, 238

Padavedu, pl., inacription at, 189, 192 Piria Nitha, 23rd Mrthankara of Jalniam, 42, 44, 108 Padmaprabha Traividya, Jaina com- Pasenadi (PLll), Prasenajit (8kt.), k. mentator, 204 ; quoted, 204 n. 5 Padmapura, pl., 190 of Kosala, 5, 51, 85, 89

Pakudha Kncckyana, n.pr., 11, 17-20, Pitaligima, early name of Pitall-

23-6, 80. 90 3, 108, 217, 228, 250, putrn, 72-3

202 4, 286-7, 260, 271, 278, 284 : Pitalipotra, pl., 143, 147 Patafjali, grammarian, 78-D : quoted, doctrine, 16 70 n. 1 Palar, river, 188 Pathak, K. B., 183, 204 Pali, sored language of Hinsyins Buddhista, 25, 33, 71: osnon, Paths, two, s. Maggas: sixty-two,

seriptures, 10-13, 18, 34, 40, 54, 81, u. polipada. potipada, patha, 14, 242 99, 116 Pall Text Soclety, Dictionary of the, Pattakilayn, pL, 42 Pattakklagaya, coilya, 32 50, 105, 116 n. 2 pojund, A. estegory, 251-2, 256 Pallava, dynaaty, 104 palldia-parihara, sbandonment of pono, dlvor coin, 161 tranamigration, 31, 48-0, 57-8, 210, Popagdim, v. Drinka 250- Pincaritr, n Valipava religious Piwayl, pl., 273 eystem, 276, 280-2 : Samthims, 281 PATA, pl., 75, 136 Paiieatantra, Skt. text, 167, 170 n. 5, penance, A., 88, 110-12, 202-3:

Pafeikn, yaks, 80 172 bat-p., 110; p. of Ave fres, 110; in jare, 111, 242; final p., 187-181. Pandas, land of the, 142 247, 250: Jaina, 128-9. Plņdu, n.pr., 57 Pandukibhaya, k. of Caylon, 146 penance-ground, 111, 116

Pinduputta, n.pr., 57, 126, 131, 133 per, per (Tam.), namo, person, 104-5 pormanence, unchanging, v. avicalila- Pindyn, dynasty, 106 nityaleam

300 INDEX

peadea, births aa goblina, 14, 251 Purdnar, Hindu soripturen, 143-4, pda (Pali), & ghoat, 20, 146 PetavalAu, Plli text, 20, 140, 217, 177: Bhdgavata, 144; Vayu, 113, 122-3, 134, 162-5, 270, 280; 270-1 ; quoted, 271 m. 1 Pillar Ediot, Seventh, of Adoka, 148-9, quoted, 163 n. 1, 104 m. 1

161 ; quoted, 148 n. 4 Perana Kasapa, A. lender, 11, 17-24.

Pindola Bharadvija, diseiplo of 26-8,80-90, 02-3, 97, 102, 107, 100, 115, 138, 168, 174, 185, 198-9, 201, Buddbs, 85 216-17, 221, 228, 243, 262, 271, 278, Pingala, k., 140 280 : death, 84-90 ; doctrine, 13 Pingalavatss, A. nscetic, 146 Pippalida, n.pr., 92-3 Purdpan (Tam.), elder, 81, 202

pildea, a goblin, 14, 134, 162, 165, 210, Purandguru, Thm. anthology, 197 "Puro Drink," A. penance, 128-9, 250 276; births a4, 14, 251 Pillenka, n.pr., 200 purgatoriea, A., 14, 248 Purimatala, pl., 45 Pitthleampa, pL, 43 purisa-bhumi, stages of life, 14, 246, Piadasi -Aloka, 150-1 Pollsapura, pl., 52, 115-16, 132-3 Pürņabhadra (Skt.) - Punnabhadda 256

poll tax, on As., 194-5 (Pkt.], q.T. polytheiam, 4, 6, 284 Pope, G. U., 277 Parna Kidyapa Kassapa (Pali), q.T. (Skt.) - Parana

pots, 46, 88, 111, 134 Purusn, in Sinkhya philosophy, the potters, 134, 193 Poygai, pl.y insoriptions at, 180-100, soul, 199, 229 Pürsagatam, mnotion of Drytivada, 180

Prabhäknravardhana, k., 107-8 Paroas, enrliess Jalna scriptures, now

Prajkpati, god, 93 lost, 66, 117, 175, 180-1, 218-15

prakpii, In Sankhya philosophy, Pupyabhati, n.pr., 167 Pustor, pL, 189 matter, 81 pralaya, dissolution of the universe, Puvvas (Pkt.) = Pervas (Skt.], q.v. Pyrrhonista, 17

Pralnauydbarana Satra, Jalna sorip- 258

turo, 25, 221 ; queted, 218 quarters, six, of Indian cosmology, 58 Prasacana-shr'-oddhdra, Jaina toxt, 181; quoted, 181 n. 2 Pravaragiri, hill, 158 Rahamssala, bastle, 69-70

Prayaga, n.pr., 206 RAjagaha (Pali), Rajagrha (8kt.),

Pre-Huddhistic Indian Philosophy of Riyaglhs (Pkt.), pL, 11, 31, 39,

B. M. Barua, 12 40, 72-3, 85, 126, 158 RAjarkjs III, Coln k., 188-9 preciploca, 14, 252 prediestion, principlss of, 177, u. also Pajatarangini, Kashmir chroniela, 36, 105, 125, 205 210: quoted, 205

Priyadariin (Skt.) - Piyadasi (Pkt.), n. 5. 206 n. 7, 207 n. 1, 209 n. 7. 210 n. 2 q.Y. " proofs," A eategory, 258 Rajendra Coladeva, k., 188

prostitute, 87, 200 rajo-dAdiw, A. entegory, 248

Protestantlam, 285 Rjyavardbana, k., 168

proverba, Tam., quoted, 283 răksasa, demon, 144

pulbelatanddi, ono who maintains the raklapaja, type of asostie, 109

orthodox doctrine of karma, 18 Rims, bero, 287

pudgala, in Jalna philosophy, matter, Rimanitha Deva, k., 189-190 RimAnuja, philosopher, 200, 208

Pundaa, land of, 143 E ranks," kinds of, 256

Pupdra, -Tardhana, pl., 143, 147-8. Rapson, E. J., 206 Raselvara-darlana, syatem of philo-

Punnabhndda, A. god, 128, 131, 142, 198 sophy, 185

247, 257, 272-4 Rathakira, lake, 251

Punnakalasā, pl, 44 rationnlist, 19

punya, virtue, merit, 91 Ratnucandrajt, Ardha-mAgadht Die- Honary, 56

INDEX 301

Ratna Prabha Vijaya, Muni, 45 n. 1 Rivana, n.pr., 165-6 178-181, 274; quoted, 178 n. 4,

Riragiha, v. RAjagaha 215 n.1; comm, 178; quotod,

Rayohaudhuri, H. O., 71, 72, 133 n. 1 179 nn. 2, 3, 5

reanimations, of M.G., 28, 81-3, 49 ; sambodhaka(Slct.) = cempotaka (Tam.),

s. alao patita-parihara sohisa, a compilation, 281 q.7.

regression, Indnite, 234 restrnint, fourfold, 16, 23 Sammuil, k., 142, 144 .

Rg Veda, the moat aneient Hindu Samyulla Nibaya, Pali sripture, 52, 67, 80, 91, 216: quotod, 20, 67 sccipture, 7, 131, 286 Rhya Davida, T. W., 242, 247-8, 262 nn. 4, 5, 216 n. 5, 217 nn. 1, 2

Rice, L., 105 n. 5 samaira, the oyole of tranamigratlon,

rlee-gruel, u. kailji 14, 122, 241, 244, 257-9, 261, 275

robbera, M.G. onptured by, 44 samdra-suddhi, puriiiestion by trans-

Rookhill, W. W., 21-2, 89, 247, 258 migration, 228

Roha, n.pr., 32 Siņn, disdcara, 50-7

Rohagupta, n.pr., 177-8, 267-8 snd, mound of, 92 Sandakn, n.pr., 18-19, 28, 39, 80, 138 Roman Empire, 96 Sandaka Suno, of Majih., Pili sorip- ry, & legendary eago, 30, 126 ri, the order of nature, 284 bre, 18, 28, 9B, 228; quotod, 19 n. 7 ragna-nagndjaka, type of nscetio, 105 sangati, chance, 225-7, 232 sangla, an unorthodox religious com- munity, 3, 56, 100-1 ; A., 111, 113,

sabld, mooting place, of As., #. 116, 140; Buddhist, 103, 120, 138-8 Ajiviks sanpulika, a olster (1), 48 n. 1 Sacoaka, n.pr., 27, 57, 118, 123 Saddilaputta, n.pr., 62, 53-4, 115, Sanjaya Belatthiputta, Sanjayin, nceptio teacher, 11, 17, 19, 21-2, 80, 132-4, 140-1, 229-230, 234. 236 Saddardang-samuccaya, Skt. philo- 93 ; dootrino, 18

sophical text, 81, 185, 222, 235 saijiha (Pkt.), group (of demigoda). 240-251 Saddharma Pundarika, Buddhiss Skt. Sankara, philosopher, 93 n. 2, 200, 229 text, 165 Sinkhya, ayatem of orthodox philo- addinaganga, A., mesaurement of sopy, 81, 199, 225, 220, 248 time, 263 Sankioon, n.pr., 29-30 adparovama, Jaina messurement of aaliii-gabbha, consclous birtha, 14, time, 142, 250 248-251 Sahasrima-kalpa, Jalnn henven, 203-4 Škhi, dynasty, 205 sonnydal, an nacetio, 108, 160 Sanskrit, drama, 24; literature, St. Peteraburg Bkt. Lezicon, 56 reforonccs to An. in, ch. ix, pamsim Saiviam, cult of the god Siva, 124, 170, 200, 286 ; ascoties, 100, 100-7 Santi Parvan, book of MGh., 36 sptallani, Jains epistemologiea! Sikala, pl, 67 syatem, 275 Skkcta, pl., 135 sara (Pali), Inko, A. ostegory, 251 ; Bakka, god - Indro, 44. 86 Sakya, Buddhint, 161, 104, 160, 181, A. messurement of time, 252-3 Sambhanga, n.pr., 20-30 184 : tribo, 5, 34 Sarada, sosson, 40, 47 Salotore, B. A., 105 n. 5, 191, 194 Saravaņa, pL, 38-8 samana (Pkt.) - framana (8kt.), q.v. Sirdolavarman, chioftain, 154 Samaitia-phala Sulta, Pali soripture, Bārdūla-vikridita, Skt. metre, 171 ch. ii, poasim, 34, 35, 37, 07, 70, 80, Siriputta, 57 84, 80. 91, 162, 217-220, 224-6, Sarva-darlana-migraha, Skt. philo- 227, 230, 240, 251 n. 1, 256, 262, sophiesl text, 185, 198 7, 269, 270; quoted, 13 m. 1, Sarviatividin, sect of Buddhimm, 208 14 n. 3, 15 n. 4, 16 na. 1, 4, 17 n. 1, sossalavddl, " eternalist," 95 217, 224 nn. 2-4, 282 nn. 3-5 Sutri, K. A. N., 191 Samaiata, pl., 201-2 sallagharantariya, typo of A. ascetie, Samandydniga, Jains Seripture, 111, 110

302 INDEX

Savvaņubhoti, n.pr., 60, 141 standpointa, v. naya Savatthi, pl, 31, 32, 43, 50-3, 56, 58, static univerie, A. dootrine of, 236 50, 62,61-6, 71, 72, 75,84-0,88,00, 07, 107, 110-11, 124, 132, 133 n. 1, Stein, M. A., 207

135, 138, 140-1, 143, 201 SthinnknvAai, soot of Jainism, 207

Saynduvara, pl, 142-3 Sthininga Sotra, Jaina soripture, 112, 214; quoted, 112 n. 2 scepiie, 10 Schomerua, H. W., 277 Sthinvivarn, pl., 168

Schrader, F. O., quoted, 281 athavira, elder of Jaina or Buddhist sanpha, 177 n. 3 soriptures, A., ch. zi, passim Stormeloud, Last Great, 68 Semitea, 6 Senart, E., 150-1 atdpa, a mcred mound, esp. in Buddhiam, 108, 156 Seniya, k. - Bimbistra, 60, 78, 77, Subhndda, n.pr., 06 144 Subhadrangi, n.pr., 146 soneca, seven, 256 Subhakinhh, Buddhist heaven, 261 sorpenta, reglons of, 247 Subetituiea for Drink, four, 02-3, secpenthood, work ef, 128, 131 127-130, 254 sesamum plant, M.G. and, 45, 47-9 Sudima, cavo, 152-3, 158-7 seyhr, & wialthy marchant, 85, 132-3 Sdra, the loweat, sarvilo, eluas, 21, Sowell, R., 192 134 snzunl laxity, of As., 124-6 Siddhatthagkma, pl., 42, 45, 47 Sugiura, S., quoted, 112 n. 3

Sihappapata, Inko, 251 mulelde, of Cedngn, 70: of Plrana.

fikhin, tiype of ascotio, 166 84-90 ; ritoal, 64, 127-131

Sikhiam, 172 subla, joy, happiness, 91

SilAnka, Jaina commontator, 41, 121, Sumilyn, n.pr., 144

124, 170, 174-181, 220, 228, 259, Sumangala, n.pr., 142 of 261, 276; quotod, 174 n. 6, 175 Sumangala Filaainf, comm.

mn. 1-3, 176 nn. 1, 4, 221 m. 1, Buddhaghos to Digha, quoted, 13 n. 2, 14 n. 2, 15 nn. 1 3, 16 227 n. 2, 230 n. 1, 231 nn. 1, 2, 232 nn. 1, 2, 233 nm. 1. 4, 234 nn. 3-4; v. Buddhaghoss

nn. 1, 3, 4, 235 n. 1, 209 n. 3, Sumati, n.pr., 144 Sunakkhatta, disciple of Mahivira, 261 n. 2 silence, of M.G., 52, 242 60, 141

Simhavarman, Pallava k., 187, 191-3 Sunakkhatta, Licchavi, 141 n. 4

Sinhalese Chronicle, v. Maldsayua Sungs, dynaaty, 185

Sita, n.pr., 166 Sunidhn, n.pr., 72

Siva, god, 30, 155, 170 denyaudda, the doctrine of " empti-

abandlas, flve, of Buddhiam, 199; nems", the Illusoriness of the material world, 199 moleoules, 267 Soma, god, 81, 03 n. 2 supino (Pal), a dream, 220, 262

Bominanda, n.pr., 200-210 Suratthn, pl., 146

Someivara, type of god, 209-210 Serya, god, 171

Bong, Last, 08, 117; song and dance, Sudruta, phyaician, 228

116-17, 214, .. Maggas sütra, a coneiely expressed rule, 30;

sonl, A. doctrine of, 270-2 a text of religious or technicsl typo,

Sprinkling Elephant, Laat, 68-9, 154, 58 : of Trairidikas, 176, 180-1; of Dryivdda, 170

frdddha, ceremony in commemoration 209 Sarrakidnga, Jaina sorlpture, 53, 114,

of ancestora, 120, 163-4 121, 124, 174, 176, 226, 230, 232,

Iramana, an asoctio, esp. Jaina, 06, 234, 201; quoted, 58 nn. 3, 4,

183, 203 54 n. 1, 114n. 8, 121 nn.3, 5, 6, 124,

Sravann Belgoļā, pl., 125, 103, 214 227 n. 1, 233 mn. 3, 5, 250

Srivasti (8ki.), v. SAvatthi (Pali rta (Pali and Pkt.) = sttra (8kt.),

Srinagara, pL, 205 Srinivaasn, K. R., 111 Buila Nipăla, Pali seripture, quoted, q.v.

staff, of ancetic, 90-100 98 n. a: comm. quoted, 220

stages of life, v. purisa-bhdmi Suvaņņakhalaya, pl, 42 Svabhdsa, nature, 226; v. also Bhdea

INDEX 303

suabhävaeddin, a beliover in Nature as firat principle, 226, 232 Tralridika, unorthodox Juina mot,

Svetambarn, the seot of Jainiem whose 174-181, 259, 267, 874

nscctios wenr whito robes, 170, transmigration, 5, 21, 284 ; abandon. ment of, e. patlia-porildra

Syadedda, Jaina dooteine of epistomo- 183-4 Iriandin, type of nsostio, 166-7, 204

logieal relativity, 275 Trilobasra, Jalna text, 204

Syåduldamaifart, Jaina philosophiosl truth, double standard of, 230, 241 Turk, Turuşka, 82, 207 text, 184, 222

sali (Tam.), funerary urn, 111 Uccala, n.pr., 206, 200

Tambaya, pl., 44 ucchedasdda, dootrine denying wur-

Tamil literaturo, As. in, 34, 123, vival after dosth, 18, 95, 263

186-208, 202 Udai Kuņdiyiyaņa, n.pr., 30-3, 57-8,

Timralipti, pl, 202 60, 06, 244

dapas, sacetic penance, 112 Uddandapara, pl., 32

Mpara, type of nsoctio, 97, 100, 181 Udayagiri, pl., 159

laparrin, typo of ascstlo in tApasa, Udayarāja, n.pr., 200

100, 160 Udai, ahikau, 135-6

tari-irai (Tam.), tax, 100, 194 Ugriiona, k. m Mahäpadma, 143

Tarka-ralarya-dipika, oomm. Ujjain, pl., 100, 214 to Şaddariana-Jamuccaya, 80, 235; Upakn, A. mondioant, 94, 08-9, 104, 108-9, 133, 138, 220 quotod, 81-2 Tattavappirakiosr, Tam. upalakjana, conmotation, 172-3 0om- Upanandn, Bhikkhu, 136 mentator, 230, 276 faltoas, basio eategorics, 100 Upanisad, Hindu mystical texta, 4-6,

tax, on As, 134, 187-106, 278 90. 100, 283-4; Paramahamua,

temple, Vaisnnvite, 48 114; Pralna, 02; quoted, 93 n. 1;

Teriaiya (Pkb.), v. Trairkika (8kt.) Swidfvatara, 94, 228 ; quoted,

fevag (Tumn.), god, arhant, 201 220 m. 1

Mear, plural of above, title of Tiru- uppala-beptiya, type of A. mendioant, 1m, 120 valuvar, 200 theiam, 23, 231-2, 280-2, 287 Uraiyür, pl. = Trichinopoly, 201

Therasdda, Hinagina Buddhinm, 289 Uruvilvi, pL, 83

Thertgatha, Pall toxt, 05 Utpala, commentator, 100, 166-7. 168-174, 180, 277, 280; quoted, Thellanand4, n.pr., 125 170 n. 1, 171 n. 2 Tibetan, veraion of Samada-phala Ulaarpipt, an era of progress (Jninlam). Sutta, 21, 23, 247, 249 n. 1, 250 ; version of death of Pamņa, 85, 87, 143 n. 3, 144, 276 Ularddhyayana Seira, Jains seripture,

tigharandariya, typo of A. mendieant, 80 70m. 2, 214

111, 119 Ustar Pradeah, formerly Unlted Pro-

time, 81, 231, 233, 257, 281 ; u. also vincea, 5 slpiyd-samapa, type of A. anoetio, 111, 120 firthanbara, a fully perfeoted tesoher kdla Uvaccn, Uraicos (Tam.), 189, 192-3 of an unorthodox seot, esp. of Jalnism, 12, 27-8, 04, 68, 7, 97, Urananda, n.pr., 42

108, 143 n. 3, 144, 244, 255, 260-1, Uudsaga Dasdo, Jalna scripture, 52, 115, 121, 133, 141, 156, 212, 229 ; 275-6. 278 Tirukburol, Tam. text, 106, 201 quoted, 218, 229 n. 4

Tiruvaljuvar, Tam. post, 201 Tiruvorriyür, pl., insoription at, Vacchagotta, n.pr., 134 188-9, 1o2 Vaccha Kim, n.pr., v. Kias Vacchs Tiaggala, lake, 251 Vadathikā, eavo, 162, 155, 157 Tolkippiyam, Tam. grammar, 111, Vahiyaka, oave, 151, 165, 157 100 Valdyanatha Dikpita, sutrologer, 101, traditionalist, 19 124, 184-5, 191; quoted, 184 n. 9

304 INDEX

Vaijayanti, lexicon, 183 saikhdnasa, type of sncotie, 98, 100 Vijayn, n.pr., 39

suinayibo, a believer in the dootrine viijuantariya, typs of A. mendicant, 111, 120 of salvntion by good conduct, 174, Vikramtditya, legendnry k., 287 176-7, 201 Vailesiba, school of orthodox Hindu Vikramlditya VI, Calukya k., 205

philosophy, 67, 177-8, 180, 199, Vimalavahaņa, title of k. Mahapadma,

267-0.281 vind, musical instrument, 03-4, 117 142-3

Vainav-a, -iem, cult of the god Viggn, Vinaya Piaba, Pall text, 116, 120, 149, 100, 170-2, 174, 177, 186, 124, 132, 135-7: quoted, 136 n. 6 209. 261, 273, 276-7, 280-2: vinayacdda, the doctrine of the vina- escoties, 168-7 Vaidyn, tho third, meronntile elam, 21 yauddins or vainayikas, q.v.

Valtadhya, mountaln, 143 Vinagavijwyn, Jains commentator,

Vajjabhumi(Pkt.), Vajrabhami (Skt.), 41,48 Vindhya, mountaina, 142 pl., 41, 45-6 Vindusara, k. - Bindusira, q.v. Voll, tribe, 5, 69, 72, 74-5, 77-8 Viranandi, Jaina writer, 203-4 Valabbi, pL, 160 Viskkha, n.pr., 136, 189 VAlmiki, poet, 177 Villkhadatia, dramatist, 35, 168 Vimana, grammarian, 79 Vamanamun, Tam. commentator, vifistdvaita, school of orthodox

122, 201-2, 215, 237-8, 260, 206; philosophy, 200

quoted, 122 n. 0, 202 n. 5, 237 n. 2, Vişņu, god, 170-1, 276, 281 Vivimitra, cave, 153, 166-7 276 n. 5 Vamss, pl., 133 Vitadoka, peince, 148

dnaprastha, typo of nacetio, 98, 100, tiudaas, type of ascetle, 184-5 vocations, comfortlems, 19

Vanirasl (Pkt.), pl. - Băņārasī, 18% eritya, renegnde Aryan, 8 srddha, wddhafravaka, type of sscetlo, Benares, Kia, q.v., 32 Vaniyuglma, pL, 133 n. 1 165. 100-170 yaniara, typs of Jaina god, 42 n. 2 Vaafi, pl, 107-8 Vylss, legendary saga, 177 ranydlana, typo of sacetie, 169 Varihamihira, ntrologer, 168-174, 184, 280; quoted, 109 n. 1 eurpas, four, elnsses of Hindu society, wagon maker, 131 5, 134, 102 war-engines, 09-70 Vasistha, legendary sage, 177 weaving-ahed, 39 Vamsakirn, n.pr., 12-4 Weber, A., 114 Vinudovn, god - Krana, 43, 45-0, 273 wind-eater, type of ascetio, 97 Vattakera, Jainn writer, 204 women, in A. order, 106 Veda, the earliest and most saered writing, kinds of, 256 Hindu seriptures, 33, 08, 190, 248,

Vedinta, system of orthodox Hindu 284 Yadara, lexieographer, 182-4; philcsophy, 200 Vehslla, n.pr., 69 quoted, 183

Veatli, pl., 20, 32, 34, 44, 57, 69, 71-4, pakpa, typo of demigod, 86, 240, 273

76. 102, 133 n. 1, 136; siego, 70 Yama, god, 35

Vesiylynnn, nscetic, 49-50 Yama-eloth, 35

Vidavalüra, pl., 187 Yalomitra, Buddhist commentator,

Vidahs, pL, 1, 95 241

Vidūdabha, n.pr., 5 pati, type of ascetio, 170

vildra, a monastery, esp. Buddhist, yoni-pamukha, chief norta of birth, 14,

47, 101, 116 241, 248-9

Vilimaggapavd, Jaina text, 64, 122, yojana, league, a measure of longth

256 ; quoted, 54 n. 4 varying from 4 to 8 miles, 253, 270, 271

KOJAL

AGADF LAPHA

GIARÄT RENOA

AMAT URAT

KALINC

DESA

KARNATA BHARATA - TYAOAE VARSA showing plares ment ioned in the text

The contour line drawn at 1200 ft.,approk. Shaded tres over 6000 ft. 400 miles appro x.

2

Borrower No. Date of Ismge Date of Ralam

DyLD-9,M.N.

S.G.Rar 12/2/80

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