1. Bir Babas of Banaras Diane Marjori Cocarie (Thesis)

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University Microfilms International 300 N. Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48106

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Coccari, Diane Marjorie

THE BIR BABAS OF BANARAS: AN ANALYSIS OF A FOLK DEITY IN NORTH INDIAN HINDUISM

The University of Wisconsin - Madison PH.D. 1986

University Microfilms International 300 N. Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, MI 48106

Copyright 1986

by

Coccari, Diane Marjorie

All Rights Reserved

A dissertation entitled

THE BIR BABAS OF BANARAS: AN ANALYSIS OF A FOLK DEITY IN NORTH INDIAN HINDUISM

submitted te the Graduate School of the

University of Wisconsin-Madison in partial fulfillment of

the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

by

DIANE MARJORIE COCCARI

Degree to be awarded: December 19 May 19 August 1986

Approved by Dissertation Readers:

May 7, 1986 Major Professor Date of Examination

Dean, Graduate School

THE BIR BABAS OF BANARAS: AN ANALYSIS OF A FOLK DEITY IN NORTH INDIAN HINDUISM

by

DIANE MARJORIE COCCARI

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

(South Asian Language and Literature)

at the

UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN-MADISON

1986

Copyright by Diane Marjorie Coccari 1986 All rights Reserved

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Table of Maps and Illustrations V

Note on Transliteration vi

Acknowledgements vii

Introduction 1

Part l: The Bir Babas of Banaras: Identity and Function

1.1 Ghost, Hero, Ascetic: Who are the Bir Babas? 15

1.2 The Bir Image and Shrine 29

1.3 Worship of the Birs 51

1.4 Bir as Guardian Deity 66

1.5 The Exorcist, Exorcism and the Bir 88

Part 2: The Bir and the Rural Pantheon: The Deified Dead

2.1 The Rural Pantheon: Two Mantras 101

2.2 Deified Spirits of Women 117

2.3 Muslim Deities 127

2.4 Brahms 149

2.5 Bir Babas 179

2.6 The Bir and the Rural Pantheon: Conclusions 197

iii

Part 3: The Ahir Bir Tradition

3.1 Ahir Birs 208

3.2 Ahir Heroism: The Yadava Movement & the Epic Loriki 224

3.3 Ahir Heroism: Songs of Ahir Birs 238

3.4 The Ahir Bir Tradition: Conclusions 267

Appendix l: Transcription of Hindi and Sanskrit terms 282

Appendix 2: Transcription of biraha songs in Part 3.3 . 286

Bibliography 297

iv

TABLE OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS

page

Map 1. "The Banaras Region" 14

Figure 1. Ahira Bir 40

Figure 2. Karman Bir 41

Figures 3 and 4. Lahura Bir 42

Figure 5. Daitra Bir 43

Figure 6. Kolhua Bir 44

Figure 7. Daitra Bir (painting) 45

Figure 8. Kankara Bir 46

Figure 9. Mur Kata Baba 47

Figure 10. Dyorhiya Bir 49

Figure 11. Lahura Bir's Varshik Shringar 64

V

NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION

Only the underlined words are given diacritical

marks in the dissertation. The Hindi-Urdu or Sanskrit

terms used most frequently are underlined with diacri-

tics at their first use, and thereafter capitalized

without these markings, e.g., Bir, Brahm, Sati for bir,

brahm, satI. Proper names are given without diacritics.

The reader may refer to Appendix 1 for the Hindi-Urdu or

Sanskrit pronunciation of these unmarked words. In the

text sibilants are all represented by "sh" and aspirates

by ading "h" to the consonant, with the exception of ca

which is transliterated as "ch" and cha as "chh." A

tilde is used for a nasalized vowel in the translitera-

tions. Most of the terms used in the dissertation were

encountered in Hindi-Urdu or Bhojpuri speaking contexts.

The Hindi form is given with the omission of the final

and occasional internal vowel a. In a Sanskritic

context these vowels are retained. Occasionally a

Bhojpuri alternative is given.

vi

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am grateful to the University of Wisconsin's

College Year in India Program under the direction of

Joseph W. Elder for my first dizzy introduction to India

as an undergraduate, necessitating my return as a

dissertator to find out what happened. The fieldwork

for this study was financed in part by the American

Institute of Indian Studies (September 1980 - November

1981), and the remaining period through the indirect

support of the College Year in India Program (September

1980 - May 1982). I would like to thank the members of

my dissertation committee, especially my advisor David

M. Knipe for his encouragement of a project initially

very distant from his own area of specialization, and

A.K. Narain for acting as my advisor for the 1980-81

academic year at Banaras Hindu University. I would also

like to thank my friends and fellow students in the

Department of South Asian Studies for their support,

fellowship and intellectual generosity.

This dissertation would not have been possible

without the forbearance and cooperation of hundreds of

individuals in the Varanasi area who allowed me to pry

vii

into their lives and thoughts. As fieldwork assistant

Om Prakash Sharma was invaluable, as was the instruction

of my Hindi teacher Virendra Singh.

I am grateful to Ken Swift for his companionship,

emotional and financial support, and technical assis-

tance during the fieldwork period and thereafter. My

daughter Leah has been an integral part of the writing

period, making me a more efficient and contented worker.

In closing, I would also like to thank my parents,

Andrew and Arlene Coccari.

viii

1

INTRODUCTION

It is difficult to walk the streets, narrow galis

and suburban lanes of Banaras without noticing the many

small shrines which are the objects of ongoing ritual

attention. Iconic and aniconic images rest on raised

platforms, nestle in the roots of large holy trees, are

set into the niches of boundary walls, or are housed in

simple temple structures. Many of these images are

familiar: the ubiquitous lingas of Shiva, representa-

tions of Ganesh, Hanuman, Bhairava, Durga, Kali, Sitala

Mata, the recently popular Santoshi Ma. There are

goddesses with unfamiliar names (Sambho Mai, Saiyari

Mai), memorials to ascetics ("Babas"), and other shrines

dedicated to the memory or power of the human dead: the

satis, birs, and brahms. The Birs -- also called "Bir

Babas" -- appear to be the most numerous among these. The

city of Banaras contains hundreds of Bir Baba temples

and shrines, many of which show signs of recent

construction or repair. Having been alerted to the

existence of these shrines and familiar with the range

of their iconography, one suddenly sees them everywhere.

Extending the search to rural areas around the city, one

finds that there is hardly a village which does not

2

contain a Bir that is a focal community shrine. What do

we make of these Bir Baba temples, their number and

obvious attraction for city and village residents? Who

are the Bir Babas? Why do they have so many iconogra- phic forms? How are they worshipped and who are their

worshippers? What is their place in the profuse and

multi-faceted pantheon of Varanasi's deities?

Indian scholarship has provided us with the broad

context for the study of the phenomenon of Bir worship,

but has done little to add to our knowledge of specific

cults. Moti Chandra and V.S. Agrawal find sufficient

explanation of the Birs in their kinship with ancient 1 Indian yaksas. In his Ancient Indian Folk Cults,

Agrawal developed the theory that the Yaksha cult

survives today in the worship of "Bir-Barahm," terms he 2 attempts to prove synonymous with "Yaksha." He views

the contemporary cult as a direct descendent of "Yaksha-

Dharma," and identifies specific Banaras Birs with

historical Yakshas based on their similar sounding 3 names. Yet Agrawal's own description of his research

reveals his lack of familiarity with the folklore and

worship of the contemporary deities, and therefore the

impressionistic and preemptive nature of his conclu-

sions. Agrawal's research on these "Bir-Barahm"

consisted of several walks to Bir shrines located within

3

the walls of Banaras Hindu University campus, and

conversations with friends and scholars from other

districts in Uttar Pradesh and neighboring states about

this existence of Birs or Brahms in their areas. He

admits that the results of his "miniature folklore

survey" required augmentation with further research, yet

never questioned his assumption that they could most

profitably be interpreted "in the light of ancient 4 Yaksha worship." What Agrawal suggested as the

beginnings of an inquiry, others have accepted as

adequate explanation: Birs are the Yakshas of today.

Other writers since have echoed Agrawal's basic 5 assumption.

Unfortunately the "Yaksha" explanation of the Bir

cult obscures as much as it illuminates. If we are

looking only to identify historic Yakshas in the names

of contemporary Birs, we have diminished the importance

of the participants' perceptions their living tradition.

Bir worshippers identify their deities as the powerful

and heroic dead, and the majority of the Banaras city

shrines were probably established within the last few

decades. This is not to say that Bir-type deities were

not among those described as Yakshas in the literature.

Ram Nath Misra, in his Yaksha Cult and Iconography, even 6 goes so far as to state that the

4

birth-stories of Yakshas seem to illustrate that ancestor-worship had its unmistakable bearing on the Yaksha cult. It will be speculative, no doubt, but it is quite possible that the Yaksha pantheon may have evolved as a result of deification of various departed heroes.

Yet anyone familiar with the literature on Yakshas is

aware of the incredible range of phenomena identified by

this rubric. In a sense "Yaksha" is a catchall for a

whole range of folk deities encountered by the writers

of the Sanskrit, Prakrit and Pali texts. Our record of

the Yaksha documents the attempts of practitioners of

more orthodox religions to come to grips with,

incorporate, or supersede various 'folk' cults of

obvious vitality, and we must recognize this point of

view when we look to the material for information about

the ancient deities. Modern scholarship has contributed

to this process of identifying as "Yaksha" every

evidence of ancient folk religion. Yakshas are said to

be celestial/terrestrial, mortal/immortal, human/

divine. They are deities of hills, mountains, lakes,

rivers, tanks, caves, forests, trees, houses, gates and

shrines. They are benevolent/malevolent/ambivalent,

radiantly beautiful or monstrously grotesque. At

different times Yakshas are equated with or distin-

guished from Nagas, Gandharvas, Devas, Devatas, 7 Guhyakas, Rakshasas, Apsaras, Pishachas, Bhutas, etc.

5

To say that Birs are Yakshas is in a sense tautological:

all kinds of folk deities are Yakshas, so Birs must be

Yakshas. We are no closer to distinguishing these

cults, their origins and originators. It is my feeling

that we may profit as much by reversing the direction of

our inquiry: careful study of contemporary cults -- new

expressions of timeless processes -- may give us

invaluable insights into what evidence we have of the

ancient cults.

Ignored or briefly summarized in texts on Classical

Hinduism, one may find references to Birs and other

"godlings" in Western works on folk religion, such as

William Crooke's Religion and Folklore of Northern 8 India. Crooke's writings on North Indian folk religion

continue to be consulted as basic texts on the subject --

much like the writings of Elmore or Whitehead for South 9 India -- but share with the latter its idiosyncrasies,

problems and limitations. A veritable wealth of

material, it suffers from the attempt to make sense of a

tremendous range of information often reported in a

superficial and anecdotal manner by British government

servants on tour, European churchmen, or other foreign

residents of India. Despite the interest of these

writers in the manifestations of religious life

encountered among rural people, at best it is viewed as

6

primitive and superstitious. The rural deities are

often characterized as "demons," their priests

"sorcerers," and their cults "devil worship." These

cults had yet to be studied within their various

contexts (village, caste, ethnic, regional, etc.) or

comparatively across the different regions of India.

What might be called the "emic" point of view is never 10 systematically represented.

It is generally recognized that "aboriginal"

peoples in India have as a major component of their

religious life the worship of tribal ancestors, leaders, 11 heroes and other powerful dead. It is only very

recently that the extent and vitality of Hindu worship

of the "deified dead" has been widely publicized.

Studies in both art history and folklore have contri-

buted to our knowledge of these cults. The need to

understand and contextualize the visual form of Bir

images has resulted in at least one important study of

Bir worship. W.G. Archer's detailed account of the cult

of Bir Kuar in western Bihar is the only study of its

kind in North India, and will be discussed at length in 12 a later part of this dissertation. Recent works on

"hero" or "memorial stones" also offer us valuable

historical and comparative material. 13 Studies in South

Asian folklore are perhaps the primary source of new

7

data. Many of the -- especially epic -- traditions studied

involve the deification of caste or tribal heroes and

the worship of these heroes, and we are therefore

offered certain details of the religious and cultic 14 contexts of these traditions. Yet this information is

subordinate to the purpose of contextualizing the oral

epic and its performance, and in some cases is extremely

minimal. In his recent article in The History of 15 Religions, Stuart Blackburn draws upon many of the

above-mentioned studies to demonstrate how the cults of

the deified dead in India share the same funerary base

as more orthodox religious expressions. Blackburn's is

a valuable and timely statement of the fundamental

importance of these cults in the Indian religious

traditions (including, although not treated, Buddhism

and Islam). Blackburn's characterization of these

traditions draws heavily on material from the south of

India where the various cults of the deified dead show a

degree of elaboration not often found in the North among

the Hindu population. The oral performance of a deity's

story -- involving music, singing, dance, and the posses-

sion of participants by the narrative's heroes -- is

common in these southern cults. Yet we must recognize

that the worship of the deified dead also occurs in a

less developed, centralized and particularized manner.

8

In the region of North India covered by this study,

worship of the deified dead is no less ubiquitous, but

rarely is expressed in the manner Blackburn describes.

In view of this, we speak of the 'cult' of these deities

in a much looser sense, to mean the phenomenon of their

worship taken together.

The work of Günther-Dietz Sontheimer in western 16 India is also extremely important in this area.

Sontheimer combines the use of folkloric, historical,

ethnographic and archaeological data to illuminate the

cults of the major regional deities of Maharashtra.

These he finds to have originated as the deities of

pastoralists (some as deified heroes) before becoming

the gods of all castes. Sontheimer's work helps to

balance the impression -- made study and the material used

by Blackburn -- that these cults primarily involve the

"untimely" dead. Sontheimer is careful to point out

that these figures may also be leaders, ancestors, and

other honored and respected dead, something perhaps more

common in areas where proper ancestor worship is

observed. In addition, Sontheimer's documentation of a

tradition of hero worship among pastoralists is

extremely important for the latter portion of this

study.

As we have indicated by this brief overview,

9

contemporary studies of the worship of the deified dead

are lacking for large areas of North India, as are those

which treat these cults as the primary focus of inquiry.

We will therefore describe to the fullest possible

extent the phenomenon of Bir worship in the city of

Varanasi and the surrounding region, and will utilize

ethnographic, historical, folkloric, and other material

in pursuit of this primary objective. The point of

departure is the city of Banaras or Varanasi (used

interchangeably in this work), where Bir Baba shrines

are visible in almost every neighborhood. But the city

itself runs rather abruptly into village areas, and is

in many ways inextricably linked with the surrounding

region. The urban Birs can only be properly understood

with reference to their country brothers, and we will

therefore shift focus many times from the city to

countryside and back. As part of our examination of the

Birs, we will touch upon the traditions of other related

figures in order to provide a more balanced picture of

worship of the deified dead in this area, and lastly

will examine a more articulated Bir tradition, that of

the Ahir or Cowherd caste.

The expressions "Banaras area" or the "Banaras

region" are used repeatedly. By the former is meant the

rural area within ten miles or so of the city, and the

10

latter the larger region which forms the Western

Bhojpuri speaking area of western Uttar Pradesh, but

which also includes parts of eastern Bihar. I have

found that state boundaries mean little when people

conceive of their region and the system of pilgrimage

sites contained therein. When the name "Kashi" is used

in place of "Banaras" or "Varanasi," it conveys the idea

of the ancient and timeless city.

11

NOTES

INTRODUCTION

1 Moti Chandra, Kāsī kā Itihās (Bombay: Hindi Granth Ratnakar, 1962), pp. 32-38. Vasudeva S. Agrawal, Ancient Indian Folk Cults (Varanasi: Prithivi Prakashan, 1970), pp. 185-6. Agrawal also published other individual articles on the topic, such as "Bir-Barahm," Ānand Varta, 28, No. 2 (1981), 144-156 [in Hindi], etc.

Interestingly, Kubernath Sukul disagrees with this hypo- thesis. He understands Birs to have a distinct origin, and knows the etiology of Brahm from Brahm Rakshas, the ghost or deified ghost of a Brahman. VaranasI Vaibhav (Patna: Bihar Rastrabhasa Parisad, 1977), 263-65. 2 Agrawal, Ancient, pp. 185-6. 3 Agrawal, Ancient, p. 188. 4 Agrawal, Ancient, p. 195. 5 Paramesvarilal Gupta, "Kāsi ke Bīr," Kasi Ank (Uttar Pradesh Public Liaison Department), II, No. 10-11 (April-May 1983), 88-90 [in Hindi]. 6 Ram Nath Misra, Yaksha Cult and Iconography (Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1981), p. 147. 7 See also Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, Yaksas, 2nd. ed. (Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1980). 8 William Crooke, The Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India 2 vols. (London: A. Constable, 1896; rpt. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1978); Religion and Folklore of Northern India (London: Oxford University Press, 1926; rpt. New Delhi, 1972). 9 Henry Whitehead, The Village Gods of South India (Calcutta: Oxford University Press, 1921; rpt. New Delhi: Sumit Publications, 1976); Wilber Theodcre Elmore, Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism (1915; rpt. Madras, 1925).

12

10 One of the better early descriptions of "demon worship in Northern India" was written by Alexander Cunningham, "Report of a Tour in the Central Provinces and Lower Gangetic Doab in 1881-82," Archaeological Survey of India (Delhi: Indological Book House, 1969), XVII, 139-166. See also plate 34. 11 Verrier Elwin, The Religion of an Indian Tribe (London: Oxford University Press, 1955); and the work of Fraser, Furer-Haimendorf, Koppers and many others. 12 W.G. Archer, The Vertical Man: A Study in Primitive Indian Sculpture (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1947). See Parts 3.1 and 3.3 of this dissertation.

Due to her familiarity with the range of iconographic forms of the "Vira" throughout the Subcontinent, Pupul Jayakar's more recent study of the "ritual arts of rural India" has offered a brief but satisfying general overview of the phenomenon. The Earthen Drum: An Introduction to the Ritual Arts of Rural India (New Delhi: National Museum, 1980). 13 S. Settar and Günther D. Sontheimer, Memorial Stones: A Study of their Origin, Significance and Variety (Dharwad: Institute of Indian Art History; New Delhi: South Asia Institute, University of Heidelberg, 1982); Fischer Eberhard and Haku Shah, Vetra ne Khamba -- Memorials for the Dead (Ahmedabad: Gujarat Vidyapith, 1973). 14 See Brenda E.F. Beck, The Three Twins: The Telling of a South Indian Folk Epic (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1982); Stuart Blackburn, "Oral Performance: Narrative and Ritual in a Tamil Folk Tradition," Journal of American Folklore, 94 (1981), 207-27; Komal Kothari, "Performers, Gods, and Heroes in the Folk Epics of Rajasthan" in The Oral Epic in India, ed. Stuart Blackburn and Susan S. Wadley, forthcoming; K.K.N. Kurup, The Cult of Teyyam and Hero worship (Calcutta: Indian Publications, 1973); Velcheru Narayana Rao, "Epics and Ideologies: Six Telugu Folk Epics," in Another Harmony: Essays in Indian Folklore, ed. Stuart Blackburn and A.K. Ramanujan, (California: University of California Press, forthcoming). Gene H. Roghair, The Epic of Palnadu: A Study and Translation of the Palnāti Vīrula Katha (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982).

13

15 Stuart H. Blackburn, "Death and Deification: Folk Cults in Hinduism," History of Religions, 24, No. 3 (Feb. 1985), 255-274. 16 Günther D. Sontheimer, Biroba, Mhaskoba und Khandoba: Ursprung, Geschichte und Umwelt von Pastoralen Gottheiten in Maharastra (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1976); with L.S. Leshnik, Pastoralists and Nomads in South Asia (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1975); "Some Incidents in the History of the God Khandoba," Asie du Sud: Traditions et Changements Proceedings of the 6th European Conference on Modern South Asian Studies, July 8-13, 1978 (Paris: C.N.R.S., 1978); "Prehistoric Background to Pastoralism in the Southern Deccan in the Light of Oral Traditions and Cults of Some Pastoral Communities," Anthropos, 75 (1980), 163-184; "Hero and Sati-stones of Maharashtra," in Settar and Sontheimer, Memorial Stones, 261-81; "Mallari/Khandoba Myth as Reflected in Folk Art and Ritual," Anthropos, 79 (1984), 155-170; "The Power of Valour and Sacrifice: Memorials of Heroes, Satis, and Ancestors in Maharashtra," typescript, n.d.

14

Map 1. "The Banaras Region"

UTTAR PRADESH

BIHAR

60

4

7

MADHYA PRADESH

O the city of Varanasi

Uttar Pradesh districts indicated

1 Varanasi 2 Ghazipur 3 Jaunpur 4 Mirzapur 5 Ballia

Bihar districts indicated

6 Shahabad 7 Palnau 8 Gaya

15

PART 1

THE BIR BABAS OF BANARAS: IDENTITY AND FUNCTION

1.1 Ghost, Hero, Ascetic: Who are the Bir Babas?

"Bir" is the pronunciation in various Hindi

dialects of the Sanskrit noun vira, a "brave, eminent

man, hero or chief," one who possesses virya: "manliness

or manly vigour, valour, strength, power, energy, 1 virility." "Baba" is a term of endearment or respect

for a male family member -- a son, husband, father, pater-

nal grandfather -- or of deference for an ascetic or very 2 old man. The use of "Baba" as an expression of close-

ness and respect for a person is easily extended to a

venerable male deity with whom the worshipper has a

intimate relationship. Many "small" gods are addressed

as "Baba," but so too are some representatives of major

pan-Indian gods. One example is Kashi's famous

Vishveshvara (Shiva), who is called by many "Baba 3 Vishvanath." An initial, superficial gloss of "Bir

Baba," therefore, conveys the sense of a personal deity

of heroic mien.

Conversations with neighbors, caretakers, and

worshippers of 43 Bir temples and shrines in the city of

16

Varanasi and surrounding villages from September 1980 -

May 1982 revealed the following as to the identity of

the Bir Babas.

Some Banaras residents refuse to allow that Birs

have any 'real' existence outside the active imagina-

tions of a superstitious lower class. But for those who

recognize their existence, the most critical distinction

in the Birs' ontological status involves their classifi-

cation as "ghosts/spirits" (bhut-pret) or "deities"

(devata). One segment of people interviewed maintained

that Birs were beings of the pret yoni, the "birth as a

ghost," a painfully liminal condition which is neither

of the gods, ancestors, or man. These "ghosts" or

"spirits" (most frequently identified by the compound

bhüt-pret which makes no distinction in meaning between

the two terms) suffered violent, unnatural, premature or

"untimely deaths" (akal mrtyu) which rendered them

unqualified for the normal rites of death, or for whom

these rites were inadequate to advance them to the world 4 of the ancestors (pitr lok) and beyond. Angry,

jealous, and seething with unfulfilled desires, the only

recourse of the ghost is to harass or otherwise persuade

the living to give them the desired attention. A ghost

may appear to an individual in a vision or a dream,

cause illness and other misfortune, or take active

17

possession. Often it is a family member who is

contacted by a spirit, or it might be an enemy of the

ghost, or an unrelated person who had the bad luck to be

at the wrong place at the wrong time. People bothered

in this way may seek the help of a professional exorcist

(ojha) to remove or transfer the spirit to another

individual or location, or perform rituals of appease-

ment, including the creation of a shrine (sthan) to

"quiet" (santi karna) the spirit. A ghost that is given

a shrine is hopefully satisfied, will make no further

demands, and lapse into an inactive state. It may

periodically flare up in anger if neglected, or be

ritually manipulated by one party against another.

Examples among the Banaras Birs of the kind of

death described above are Tar Bir, a Pasi -- Toddy

Tapper-who fell from a palm tree; Bhoju Bir, a Teli -- 0il

Presser -- who slipped into a vat of oil; Kalu Bir, a

Khatik -- Vegetable Seller -- who was shot by British

soldiers; Nangan Bir, a Bhar -- an aboriginal 'caste -- who

drowned himself because he could not marry his high

caste beloved; Chhatariya Bir, an Ahir -- Cowherd -- who was

sacrificed in the foundation of a building; and Bachau

Bir, an Ahir who was killed in a fight with local

enemies. The most repeated name for a Bir in Banaras is

Daitra Bir: a dait or daitya in this case another name

18

for a ghost. This type of explanation of the Birs'

identity is entirely logical, but it must be understood

to be pejorative. Those who identify Birs as ghosts

regard them as occasionally troublesome yet ultimately

minor beings of little or no significance. More than

one individual said that, "All you have to do is to fall

out of a tree to become a Bir." This type of answer was

indicative of the individual's non-belief and non-

participation in Bir worship.

The people who worship the Birs consider them gods

or deities ("ham devata mante hain." "We believe they

are deities.") and not mere ghosts. The Bir is distin-

guished from lesser spirits because he is their "master"

(malik) who controls the 'supernatural' activity within

his particular domain. Birs are believed to be

particularly "awake" (jacta hai) among the local gods,

and active in the fulfillment of human desires. Their

power is generated by a violent and tragic death, and is

channeled and transformed by the ritual establishment of

a shrine. This power may then be enhanced by worship,

especially if there was something in the character and

conduct of the deceased and his relationship with the

living that would dispose him to posthumous beneficence.

Further, Bir worshippers take the "vIra" part of the

deity's description quite literally. The greatest

19

percentage of those interviewed explained that the Birs

were heroic "martyrs" (sahid) who sacrificed their lives

in defense of family, friends, caste group, village or

religion. "Anyone who dies on the battlefield is a Bir"

was a repeated refrain. Many of the Banaras Birs were

reported to have died at the time of the Mahabharata

war, in battles among regional, historical chieftains,

fighting the Muslim armies of Aurangzeb or the English

army of the Raj, or in more recent altercations with

local enemies. This explanation is consistent in one

sense with meaning of akal mrtyu, for the hero dies

violently in his prime and may continue to haunt the

site of his death; but the qualities of bravery and

self-sacrifice are underscored, setting the Bir apart

from the ordinary run of bhut-pret. It is even said by

some that the hero/martyr attains a special realm after

death, called bir gati or the "hero's heaven." While

many of the Bir stories continue to be flavored by the

bhut-pret complex or a more archaic and local brand of

heroism, an attempt is made to relate these events to

wider and more universal values. Even if the circum-

stances surrounding the death of a Bir do not at first

glance appear particularly 'heroic,' the teller will

expand upon the exceptional qualities of the individual

or emphasize the fact that the hero was tricked, out-

20

numbered, or otherwise overcome by fate in order to be killed. The Bir's physical strength and size, leader- ship ability, bravery, fighting and wrestling prowess, loyalty, self-sacrifice, and devotion to God will be extolled. The word sthan continues to be used for the shrines of these heroes, but the descriptive terms yadgar (memorial) and samadhi (tomb, memorial) are heard

as often. These latter expressions dignify the dead -- in a way that the designation sthan might fail to -- with a suggestion of the extraordinary and memorable deeds or

character of the hero. There is yet another sense in which the Bir Babas are considered to be Viras. Some of those interviewed are of the opinion that the Birs are deceased sadhus (mendicants) or yogis (ascetics). The shrines of these ascetics are therefore samadhis or tombs containing the bodies of the deceased, memorials to their example and teachings, and the sites of their lingering presence and power. In Banaras there are many such small, neighbor- hood samadhis erected in honor of ascetics who were associated with local inhabitants in some special way. For many of the patrons of these shrines, there is no relationship or similarity between the figure said to be entombed in their particular samadhi and the various Bir

temples throughout the city. Some insist that the

21

memorialized ascetics are Brahmans, demonstrating the

social distance between these figures and the Bir cult

which they regard as illegitimate, low-caste and rustic.

Yet there are other shrines where oral traditions

describe composite figures possessing characteristics of

both Sadhu and Bir. This conflation of identities is

not uncommon, and is understandable in view of the

fluidity of the legends of charismatic figures and the

functional similarities among their cults. There are

many congruencies between the two types of figures which

would tend to draw them together in people's minds.

Memorialized Birs and Sadhus are both addressed as

"Baba." Their shrines -- containing a mound or "martial 5 ascetic" image -- may be close to identical. In each

case the figures are considered to be 'present' at the 6 shrine location, and are petitioned by worshippers for

the fulfillment of desires and relief from illness,

misfortune, and infertility. Both types of shrines are

identified with particular neighborhoods or social

groups and are publicly celebrated by these patrons in

similar ways.

On other levels, too, ascetics and martial heroes

have much in common. The figure of the warrior-ascetic

was made famous by the Dasanami Nagas who were reputed 7 to take up arms in defense of their sect. Spiritual

22

descendents of these Sadhus continue to uphold their

reputation for fierceness with martial displays at the

periodic religious fairs which occur in different

locations in North India. One such procession took

place in Banaras in 1982, in which naked and ash-smeared

Nagas, wielding spears, swords, shields and lathi

(fighting staffs), exhibited their skill in mock

battles.

Related to this phenomenon is the ascetic who

becomes physically powerful as a result of his spiritual

practice (sadhana) or austerities (tapas). It is a

common sight in modern India to see ascetics demon-

strating the degree of their spiritual attainment by

pulling trucks, breaking chains with bare hands, and

encouraging elephants to walk on their chests. Unusual

physical strength and bravery are counted among the

supernatural powers (siddhis) acquired through yogic

practice, reinforcing again this association between

strength, heroism and asceticism. Another expression of

this theme occurs in "left-handed" Tantric ritual. The

adept who is qualified by his preparation, physical

attributes, and physic energy to use the actual

polluting and dangerous substances (the "five M's" or

pancamakāra) in the cakrapūja ritual is called a "Hero" 8 or Vira. Several Bir Babas in the city were said to

23

have attained "perfection" (siddh ho gaya) through the

practice of this vira-sadhana.

The relationship between heroism and spiritual

qualities or practice also works in the other direction.

As ascetics may be warriors and heroes, so too are lay

heroes assumed by some to possess yogic attainments or

saintly characters. Great heroes are believed to

undergo certain physical transformations that are

parallel in many ways to the kinds of transformations

that occur in the body of a Yogi. People speak in awe

of a Bir's strength and size (no other man can even lift

his staff or put on his armor), the amount he can eat or

the great distances he can leap, as though these and

other qualities were somehow miraculous and beyond the

reach of ordinary men. Many Birs are said to be

pahalwan, a descriptive term which not only means

"wrestler," but implies disciplined spiritual attainment

as well. Further evidence is the size of the hero's

kaleja, an organ in which accumulates the essence of his

strength, bravery and skill, and which grows commensur-

ate to the prowess of its owner. One English-speaking

informant used the word "saint" to describe a Bir Baba 9 she was told was once a living Ahir hero. Other

informants characterized all Birs as having necessary

spiritual qualities -- great devotion to God (Bhagwan) or

24

having a "particle" (ans) of God in their being -- in

order to be enshrined and honored by future genera- 10 tions. In all this there is an underlying assumption

that physical and spiritual attainment occurs simultan-

eously, that the development of one necessarily implies

the development of the other.

It is interesting that the Perso-Arabic word sahid

is frequently used to describe the Bir Babas. Low caste Low ca Hindus (and quasi-Hindus) living in the countryside have

for centuries participated in the worship of Muslim

"warriors" (gazi), "martyrs" (sahid) and Sufi "saints"

and religious teachers (pir) along with other regional

or village deities. The rural 'Hindu' worldview treats

both Islamic and non-Islamic deified dead in a consis-

tent manner; in fact, the Islamic figures are often

described as "Muslim Deities" (musalmani devata). The

nature of the oral traditions of these Islamic figures

and their tomb-centered worship parallels the cult of

the Birs in many ways, and there is little doubt that

there has been a great deal of interaction among these 11 traditions. The conflation of hero-ascetic-saint has

its analogue in the case of the Islamic dead. Muslim

gazI and śahīd are also conflated with pir in the

popular imagination. As is true for the Hindu figures,

the lines -- in this case between the active and passive

25

modes of disseminating Islam -- are not so easily drawn,

as demonstrated by the "warrior sufis" described by 12 Eaton. One even encounters in Banaras the homologi-

zation of Bir and Pir, aided even further by the

homophony of their titles. One North Indian example of

this is the epic of Guga, a legendary Rajput hero

worshipped by Hindus as Guga Chauhan or Guga Bir, and by 13 Muslims as Zahir Pir.

The predominant impression conveyed by informant

explanation is that the Birs are powerful and lingering

dead, be they ghosts, martyred heroes or ascetics. We

will return many times to these various conceptions of

the Birs in the following pages, beginning with a

description of their images and shrines.

26

NOTES

1.1 GHOST, HERO, ASCETIC: WHO ARE THE BIR BABAS?

1 Monier Monier-Williams, Sanskrit-English Dictionary (Oxford, 1899; rpt. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1976), p. 1006. 2 Ram Chandra Varma, ed., Manak HindI Koś, V (Prayag: Hindi Sahitya Sammelan, 1966), 114, and supported by fieldwork. 3 Virendra Singh first pointed this out to me. 4 The Hindu law books equivocate on the subject of untimely death and the performance of sraddha. According to the Yajñavalkya Smrti, if one commits suicide or dies from drowning, "lightning, and from animals that have sharp fangs the water and pinda ... offered to such people. perish in mid air." . do not reach them and But if one dies inadvertently by these means, the rituals may be observed [Pandurang Vaman Kane, History of Dharmasastra, IV (Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1973), 301]. Again, " ... sraddha should be performed on the 14th tithi of the dark half of Bhadrapada for those who met a violent death by poisoning or fire or were killed by animals having fangs or horns or who committed suicide." [Kane, History, IV, 370, note 838b. ] In some cases of violent death (such as suicide), a ritual called the Narayanbali may be performed, after which sraddha may be offered [quoted from Manu V. 89-90 in Kane, History, IV, 302, 525]. The pandas (pilgrimage temple priests) of the temple of Pishach Mochan in Banaras cited the Narayanbali as well as Tripindi Sraddh (the specialty of this temple) as two rituals which effect the transformation of pret into pitr (ancestor), then eligible for the normal sraddha rites. In spite of these and other ritual means (perhaps certain "expiation rituals" (prayascitas), it seems that many ghosts seem to 'slip through the cracks, ' and must be dealt with by other means. One must assume that those groups for whom orthodox śraddha is not normative will also have a system of rites to deal with normal death as well as for

27

unnatural, violent or premature death. 5 See Part 1.2 below. 6 The range of usage of the term samadhi conveys something of the nature of the presence' of an entombed ascetic. It is often said that a particular Yogi will announce his intention to "take samadhi" (samādhi lenā) for a specified number of days in a carefully prepared, airless tomb (as did one "Pilot Baba" in Banaras in December of 1981). The adept then theoretically utilizes his yogic skill to drastically retard bodily functions, obviating the need for sustenance and air for the duration of the entombment. The body will appear cold and lifeless, yet the germ of life remains in the highest cakra at the top of the skull. It is said that during this time, the individual may be seen at other locations as he is able to move about freely and perform other 'miracles' while in this state. Whatever one thinks of the publicity-seeking aspects of this practice, it is understood as a part of a sadhana that eventually leads to the attainment of samadhi, the ultimate goal or stage of spiritual attainment, after which the being of the Yogi is permanently transmuted or transformed. Sometimes an ageing adept will state his intention to "take samadhi" to signal his departure from this life in his present body: he wills his death/release/immortality by this culminating yogic act. For any or all of these reasons, an ascetic buried in his samadhi/tomb is understood to be 'present' either in an immortal body or as a liberated, disembodied consciousness hovering about the shrine. Deceased sectarian Guru figures, in particular, are addressed, attended, and worshipped as though they are living and perhaps even more capable of intercession in the lives and spiritual progress of their followers. At the most popular level, the memorialized Yogi is viewed as a wakeful presence in much the same way as the other deified figures of this study, characterized by an imminence and responsiveness to human needs and concerns. 7 See Jadunath Sarkar, A History of the Dashnami Naga Sanyasis (Allahabad: P.A. Mahanirvani, 1950); G.S. Ghurye, Gods and Men (Bombay: Popular Book Depot, 1962); Kevin McConeghey, "The History, Organization, and Practices of Dasnami Naga Sadhus," Fieldwork Project for University of Wisconsin's College Year in India Program, Varanasi, 1980.

28

8 See Agehananda Bharati, The Tantric Tradition (Rider & Co., 1965; rpt. New York: Doubleday, 1970). 9 Personal interview at Banaras Hindu University's Daitra Bir shrine, August 4, 1981. 10 Personal interview with Manna Lal Yadav, March 17, 1981. 11 See "Muslim Deities," Part 2.3 below. 12 Richard Maxwell Eaton, Sufis of Bijapur 1300- 1700: Social Roles of Sufis in Medieval India (New Jeresy: Princeton University Press, 1978), p. 33. 13 See Elwyn C. Lapoint, "The Epic of Guga: A North Indian Oral Tradition," in American Studies in the Anthropology of India, ed. Sylvia Vatuk (Delhi: Manohar, 1978), 281-308; and R.C. Temple, "The Legend of Guru Gugga," in The Legends of the Panjab, (1884; rpt. Punjab: Language Department, 1962), I, 121-209.

29

1.2 The Bir Image and Shrine

The Bir shrine is most frequently identified as a

sthan (Hindi) or asthan (Bhojpuri) from the Sanskrit

sthana, a "place, spot, locality, abode, dwelling, 1 house, site." It might also be called a bhūt-asthan,

deva-asthan, or bir-asthan, which clarifies the type of

being believed to reside there. For the Bir worshipper

the word sthan alone implies a locale of a deity or a

holy place. Others use the more elevated mandir

("temple") or samadhi ( "tomb") as well as yādgar

( "memorial").

The most common representation of the Birs found in

the villages and rural areas surrounding Varanasi is

aniconic: a low mound or taller, rounded cone (pind,

stup, thuha) set on top of a raised platform (caura,

cautara, cabutara; see figures 1 and 2). The terms

given for the elevated portion of the shrine are

descriptive of the image's shape, a pind being a "lump, 2 ball, round mass" and stup and thuha which derive from

the Sanskrit stupa. Informants generally report the

original form of a given image before remodeling to be a

small mound of packed mud or clay, examples of which are

still encountered in rural areas. This mound-like or

30

conical 'image' also represents other deified dead such as the Sati and Brahm. The samadhis of some ascetics are also marked by a similar mound, especially those of 3 the Nath Sadhus. One must assume that the tradition of raising a mound over the remains or relics of the dead is a very ancient one on the Indian subcontinent, and that the Buddhist caitya or stupa are expressions of this widespread funerary practice. The development of the permanent bir-asthan from clay mound is visually obvious in most cases, but one is still at a loss to explain the taller, nosecone-like images. It has been suggested to me by Gunther Sontheimer that these images resemble the anthills or 4 termite mounds found in many areas of India. Among the mythological associations of the anthill is its con- nection with snakes and other chthonic beings, ghosts, 5 and the realm of the dead. The fieldwork of David Knipe in the town of Rajahmundry, Andhra Pradesh, supports this theoretical relationship between the anthill, the conical image and the spirits of the "untimely" dead. The temple of Virabhadra in Rajahmundry was built around a collection of anthills said to contain cobras and female spirits. Also in the temple are placed vibhuti pandu, small, conical "ash fruits" which represent the untimely dead. The shape of

31

these small "ash fruits" is identical to the conical

shrine of the deified dead described above. Worship of

the vibhuti pandu is normally a family or household

cult. These small images, like the anthill, are said to 6 "grow" each year as they are worshipped. The taller

conical images remind one also of monolithic representa-

tions of guardian deities, such as that of the Telugu

guardian Pota Raju pictured in the work of Gene 7 Roghair. In Orissa and parts of Bihar, wooden posts

are used to represent the deified dead and other village 8 deities. A few of the Banaras Bir images have this

post-like shape. Some of these latter symbols look

deceptively like Shiva lingas, but the circular yoni is

not present and the two image types are rarely confused.

An 'improved mound-image may be constructed of

white-washed clay over brick, or of more permanent

materials such as stone or cement. Several Banaras

images are covered with copper or brass. A small niche

is set in the front surface, serving as an opening in

which offerings are placed. This niche may also be

understood as a small platform where the soul or spirit

of the deceased -- to whom the shrine is dedicated -- may

alight. A pit for fire cblations (havan kund) and an

iron trident may be found at the site, along with other

32

permanent offerings such as red flags tied on bamboo

poles and suspended brass bells. The Bir Baba shrine

may stand in the open or is housed in a simple three or

four-walled temple structure. The shrine is often

associated with a particular sacred tree (pipal, bel or

nīm).

Despite its aniconic form, devotees worship the Bir

Baba image as they would any other approachable Hindu

murti. A worshipper will press the bottom of the post

or mound as though touching or massaging the feet of the

Bir, and drape the image with cloth or garlands. A

brass or silver "mask" (cehara) may be affixed to the

front of the aniconic form, effecting its transformation

to iconic image (figures 3 and 4). These masks are

similar to the one attached to the rough stone 'image'

of Kal Bhairava in the main Banaras temple, a face

sporting a large moustache typical of the South Asian

warrior-hero.

A second type of aniconic bir sthan -- most often

encountered outside the denser portions of the city

under the large old trees that grace village fields and

lanes -- may be called the 'empty' shrine (figure 5). Its

association with trees is often underscored by the

actual name of the Bir: Tar Bir ("Palm Tree Bir"),

Belawa Bir ("Bel Tree Bir") and Pipala Bir ("Pepal Tree

33

Bir"). These simple structures exist in a range of

styles and sizes, but all are open on one side to reveal

an inner space void of an image. The enclosure may be

filled with the offerings of worshippers, and the

structure itself garlanded with flowers. These small

shrines house the soul or spirit the Bir and provide

space for offerings rather than represent his human

form. The proliferation of images and small shrines

among the roots of sacred trees can be viewed as an

expression of the underlying cultural conviction that

trees themselves are venerable or are the proper abode

of 'godlings' and spirits (yaksas, yaksīs, daityas,

etc.) to whom these shrines are built to honor and

placate. I believe that this type of Bir shrine is

often a re-naming of an older presence long associated

with a particular tree, though popular explanation will

have it that a given shrine was established in memory of

a person who fell out of a tree and died, hence its

location under that tree.

One other type of aniconic Bir image is worthy of

note. The Banaras area contains at least two Bir Baba

images which are large old millstones or grindstones

(kolhu), both named Kolhua Bir. A ring-shaped stone is

found in Vinayaka Colony, and a grooved cylinder

embedded in cement in a rudimentary 'temple' in

34

Saraynandan Village (figure 6). The grindstone is used

in fertility rites (the sexual symbolism is obvious) and 9 divination, but the referent in this case is uncertain.

The neighbors of the shrines tell stories of the stones

moving under their own power or resisting being moved by

the strongest men, proof of the special power inherent

in the stones. The cylindrical stone is said to have a

special efficacy in the cure of stomach disease. The

afflicted come and roll on the platform (much as the

stone was rolled/pulled by bullocks in the field?) in

order to be cured.

The next two image types are more likely to be

found in the neighborhoods of the inner city, rather

than in the countryside. The first consists of a male

figure carved in bas-relief on a small slab of stone. A

number of these figures are extremely individual in

character, often seated and exhibiting clothing of a

pre-modern era. Others -- hardly more than rough,

featureless stones -- have been painted or supplied with

moustached metal masks in order to provide or clarify

human outlines for the image. But most common of these

bas-reliefs is a standing figure holding a battle axe

(pharsa) or club over his right shoulder and a water pot

(lota) in his left hand (figure 7). This type of

figure, too, may be extremely rough and worn and appear

35

quite old (figure 8). Others are newly-chiseled and

painted to illuminate details such as a loin cloth,

beard, top-knot, sectarian markings, and beads. This

latter style of Bir image might be called the "martial

ascetic," as it appears to be a mendicant carrying an

axe or club. There are many small samadhis and memorial

shrines to individual ascetics throughout the city

containing an almost identical type of image. This has

led to a certain amount of confusion about the identity

of specific images and, in general, the appropriate

iconography of either figure. One asks with some

justification, "Why is the Bir depicted as an ascetic?

Why does the Sadhu carry an axe or a club?" This

reduction of iconography can be explained to some degree

by the practice of the city's image-sellers, who admit

to offering the same general image to patrons wishing to

establish an ascetic's samadhi or the sthan of a Bir or

Brahm. But this practice is no doubt a result rather

than a cause of the interpenetration of heroic and

ascetic traditions -- discussed in the last chapter -- and

the Bir's original lack of specific anthropomorphic

iconography, a vacuum which has invited several

different solutions. Another solution is the following.

The ongoing activity of recovering pieces of broken

sculpture and temple fragments has resulted in a large

36

number of Bir Baba images (figures 9 and 10). These

sculptural remnants are found in abundance in this old and continuously-inhabited city. They are uncovered during construction or are resurrected by fishermen from the Ganga where many were deposited precisely because of 10 their damaged state. These fragments may be placed under trees, on platforms with other images, set into wall niches, or housed in a simple temple structures. These resurrected fragments are rarely neglected, partly because their very discovery is interpreted as a sign of the image's self-revelation or emergence under its own power (murti apne äp niklI or apne ap prakat hul). These "self-emerging images" are themselves part of an old Indic tradition, the foremost example being the 11 Puranic revelation of the linga and the various

svayambhū ("self-existent") lingas of Shiva located at

the deity's mountainous pilgrimage sites. 12 This revelation is itself the legitimation of a Bir's establishment and worship. The Bir is said to appear to

a person in a vision or dream, telling the location of his image. He will promise help, protection and the "fulfillment of all desires" to those who honor and worship him. Some Banaras Bir images are said to have been established by Brahman priests with the proper pratistha ceremony, but it is very likely that most are

37

set up by non-Brahman priests or their finders with a

simpler ritual dedication. The names given to these

Birs may point to the image's visual peculiarities --

Banaras' well-known Mur Kata Baba ("Head-Cut Baba") is a

headless Buddhist or Jain figure; another "sky-clad"

tIrthankara sculpture is simply called Nangan Bir

("Naked Bir"). The location of the discovered image

occasionally determines the deity's proper name: Naruwa

Bir and Penaru Bir were both found in excavated drainage

ditches (nala, panala) of the older city. Composit

images are also made from several disparate pieces. The

accidental discovery of lost or discarded stone images

solves the problem of appropriate iconography for the

Bir Baba. The original identity of the piece is unknown

and unimportant, as is the sastrik convention which 13 prohibits the use of a badly mutilated mūrti. What is

authoritative is the revelation of the image and the

subsequent proofs of power and efficacy that the deity

is believed to exhibit. The remnants of a female figure

may be established beside a Bir Baba and identified as a

goddess, a Sati, his wife, or all of the above.

In summary, the Bir Baba images of Varanasi and

the surrounding areas fall into four general categories:

(1) the aniconic mounds, cones, or posts, and (2) open,

38

"empty" shrines; (3) the small, anthropomorphic

carvings, and (4) images consisting of broken sculptural

fragments. Among these, the aniconic mound-shapes and

the "empty" shrines are most frequently encountered in

rural settings, and the carved and "broken" images in

the denser sections of the city. But the ongoing

process of urban expansion has also resulted in the

incorporation of many rural-type shrines into the life

of growing city neighborhoods. Because the countryside

is dotted with the ruins of temples and forts, it is

also possible for a rural temple to house a "broken"

image found at one of these sites.

Even within the period of one year, an observer may

witness the growth and development of many Bir Baba

temples and shrines. New shrines are established where

none previously existed, and old sites undergo

rejuvenation. Despite the newness of many shrines, the

tendency is to attest to the great age of the Bir Baba

at a particular site. The word "ancient" (pracin)

precedes the name of many Birs on the temple wall, and

standard explanations are that a Bir lived "back when

this area was all jungle," "before my grandfather's

time," or "at the time of the Mahabharata War." When a

new shrine appears, the image is said to have existed

for generations before its revelation, hidden from view.

39

Just as often, an area containing a large, old tree

surrounded by a platform covered with miscellaneous

rough images will become the focus for development of a

Bir Baba temple. In this case, the continuity of the

site as a place of worship is very real.

Once established, the temples and shrines may

continue to undergo improvement as the interest and

finances of local people permit. Some of the older Bir

sites in the city are part of a complex that also

contains a goddess shrine, community building, bathing

tap and wrestling or exercise ground (akhara or

vyayamsala) in addition to the Bir Baba temple and one

or more large holy trees. Other shrines remain in a

more rudimentary form.

40

Figure 1. Ahira Bir; Kolhua Vinayaka.

41

Figure 2. Karman Bir (one of two); Banaras Hindu University campus.

Figures 3 and 4. Lahura Bir; Lahurabir Crossing 42

43

Figure 5. Daitra Bir; Bari Gaivi

44

Figure 6. Kolhua Bir; Saraynandan

Figure 7. Daitra Bir; Painting on wall of Chait Ganj temple 45

46

Figure 8. Kankara Bir; Shankoddhara

47

Figure 9. Mur Kata Baba; Durga Kund

48

Figure 10. Dyorhiya Bir; Bhelupur

49

NOTES

1.2 THE BIR IMAGE AND SHRINE

1 Monier Monier-Williams, Sanskrit-English Dictionary (Oxford, 1899; rpt. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1976), p. 1263. 2 Mahendra Chaturvedi and B.N. Tiwari, A Practical Hindi-English Dictionary, 6th ed. (Delhi: National, 1980), p. 424. 3 George Weston Briggs, Gorakhnath and the Kanphata YogIs (Calcutta, 1938; rpt. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1973), plate XI. 4 Letter received from Gunther Sontheimer, dated October 21, 1985. Sontheimer also says that "Gavlis and traditional tribals are also reputed to find a god in the forest, in the form of a pind, in an anthill." 5 Sontheimer discusses the associations of Biroba, Mhaskoba and Khandoba with the anthill: Birobā, Mhaskoba und Khandoba: Ursprung, Geschichte und Umwelt von Pastoralen Gottheiten in Maharastra (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1976, p. 182ff., 204f. See also David Dean Shulman, Tamil Temple Myths (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1980), p. 116 and notes 37 and 38, pp. 380-381, and John C. Irwin, "The Sacred Anthill and the Cult of the Primordial Mound," History of Religions 21, no. 4 (1982), 339-360. 6 David M. Knipe, "Night of the Growing Dead: A Virabhadra Cult in Coastal Andhra," unpublished conference paper, American Academy of Religion Annual Meeting, Anaheim, California, November 24, 1985. 7 Roghair, Epic, Plate 8. 8 W.G. Archer, The Vertical Man: A Study in Primitive Indian Sculpture (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1947), and Anncharlott Eschmann, "Hinduization of Tribal Deities in Orissa: The Sakta and Saiva Typology," in The Cult of Jagannath and the Regional Tradition of Orissa, ed. Anncharlott Eschmann, Hermann Kulke and Gaya

50

Charan Tripathi (Delhi: Manohar, 1978), pp. 79-98. 9 Crooke, Religion, pp. 324-5. 10 "If an image is broken in parts or reduced to particles it should be removed according to sastrik rules and another should be installed in its place ... The Agnipurana prescribes (chap. 67.3-6) that an image ... of stone may be thrown into water ... ' Pandurang Vaman Kane, History of Dharmasastra (Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1973) IV, 904, 905. This was also described to me by several Banaras pandits. 11 See Stella Kramrisch, The Presence of Siva (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1981), p. 153 ff. 12 See S.M. Bhardwaj, Hindu Places of Pilgrimage: A Study in Cultural Geography (Berkeley, 1973). 13 See note 10.

51

1.3 Worship of the Birs

The lower end of the caste spectrum makes up the

largest portion of Bir worshippers, from what might be

regarded as 'clean Shudra' herdsmen, agriculturalists

and artisans, groups of 'tribal' ancestry, to those

considered "untouchable" or Harijan. These include

Ahir, Gaderiya, Kunbi, Kurmi, Kumhar, Mali, Pasi, Bhar,

Rajbhar, Kol, Gond, Manjhi, Mallah, Khatik, Teli, Dhobi,

Dom, Chamar, Rai Das, etc. A small percentage of middle

and high caste members, including Brahmans, are devotees

of particular Bir Babas as well. This is especially

true of older community shrines which house venerable

local deities seen as protectors of all rather than

identified with particular castes or occupational

groups. The uneducated are most numerously represented

among Bir worshippers, but the reputation of certain

shrines may draw considerable attendance from the ranks

of the educated, including the more westernized middle

classes.

Varanasi Bir Babas are worshipped most frequently

by those living in their immediate neighborhoods.

Flowers, incense and Ganga water are offered by

individuals returning from bathing in the river, or from

52

darsan (an expression used more commonly than pūja) at

other temples. The Birs, like the rest of the city's

gods, are worshipped more intensively during the

festival days or seasons of the year: the two Nav

Ratras, Diwali, Shiv Ratri, Holi, etc. On Holi, for

instance, the devout make a circuit of their

neighborhood and worship all the local gods by throwing

the bright red gulal powder at the images, much as is

done on Rang Bhari Ekadashi (Phalgun Sh. 1l) at some

larger temples in the city. In this way the local

deities are included in the annual festival cycle, and

some modest attempt is made to honor them in the manner

of Varanasi's major gods.

The central yearly event in celebration of

individual urban Bir shrines is the varsik srngar or

"Annual Decoration" Ceremony. This event is, again, in

emulation of the ritual programming of the large

temples, although its elevated sounding name and

announcements appearing in local newspapers promising a

"Sanskritic Program" (sanskrtik kāryakram) do not

necessarily describe the simple and straightforward

celebrations that retain many 'folk' and rustic

elements. This ceremony often takes place in the month

of Kartik (Oct./Nov.), but may be scheduled on any other

date deemed appropriate or auspicious. Critical to the

53

programming of the affair is the energy, time, and

enthusiasm mustered by a small core of local people. A

"Shringar Committee" will volunteer or be selected to

oversee the collection of contributions (canda) that

finance the ceremony. With this money the shrine will

receive at very least a new coat of whitewash or paint,

and the image decorated with strand upon strand of

bright flower garlands. Strings of colored lights

transform the area around the shrine. Loudspeakers and

canopies are set up if the central pūja is to be

accompanied by a musical program. The main celebration

generally begins toward evening, when the constant

stream of people making special offerings at the shrine

increases in volume. Most women come before nightfall,

visit the deity and return to their homes. Men and

children linger in anticipation of the later activities.

A non-Brahman priest or temple caretaker may be present

to receive the flood of small offerings (flowers,

sweets, coins, fruit, cannabis, the burning of incense

and camphor) and bless the worshippers with a tilak of 1 ash. When sufficient numbers have gathered around the

shrine, the performance of arati begins. The waving of

a lamp around the image and shrine comes to a climax

with loud chanting (X bir bāba ki jay! "Victory to X

54

Bir Baba!") and furious ringing of bells. The arati

flame is then circulated by the priest so that all may

share in the deity's blessing. Prasad, in the form of

sweets and pieces of fruit, is distributed. This

straightforward arati puja may be followed by an all-

night performance of bhajans (devotional songs) and

other folk or popular music. Professional singers of

biraha -- mainly from the Ahir caste -- are most frequently

invited, but Muslim singers of gawwali (Islamic

devotional songs) are also asked to perform. No one

seems uncomfortable with the presence of Muslim

performers at the celebration of a 'Hindu' deity. The

singers are respected for their talent and reputation,

and the music is thoroughly enjoyed by everyone.

Although the praises of Allah are sung, most of the

gawwall repertoire seems to be chosen for its

universalistic appeal as a religion of tolerance and

brotherhood. The biraha performances are presented in

the form of a dangal ("contest" or "competition") in

which two groups of singers will set up facing each

other, alternate singing, and compete for the attention

and favor of the crowd. Each group does its best to

outdo the other in whatever type of genre is being

presented: the most beautiful devotional song, the most

rousing social message, the most humorous jokes or plays

55

on words. The subjects of biraha music are only

slightly more appropriate to the type of deity being

celebrated. One Ahir singer explained that he divided

his program into songs of three distinct sentiments: vir

ras, bhakti ras, and hansi ras -- the heroic, devotional, 2 and humorous. Their purpose is to entertain an

audience with what it wants to hear, and this not

infrequently includes Hindi film music and other mixed 3 genre heavily influenced by the same. Nita Kumar

reports the incidence of this type of neighborhood

temple srngär to be increasing, a finding supported by 4 my own observations.

A Bir Baba may also be feted with a demonstration

of the martial arts. At one such event witnessed by the

writer, the audience was seated around a sandy arena

where members of a half-dozen of the city's wrestling

akhārās or vyāyāmsalas (organizations of wrestlers or

body-builders) matched their skills. Pairs of

combatants -- from very young boys to their expert

teachers -- demonstrated their dexterity at wrestling and

the use of arms, including stylized lathi and sword-

play. The contests were followed by an evening 5 procession to the Bir shrine and puja. This latter

type of event in honor of a Bir is more rustic in tone

56

than the varsik srngar, and relates more directly to the

identity of a Bir as martial hero.

The most famous and powerful Birs are the foci of

large, annual melas or religious fairs. These fairs

take place outside the city, but are attended by city

residents. The largest Melas in the region belong to

Kedariya Bir of Jaunpur and Bechu Bir, outside of

Aharaura, Mirzapur. A description of the latter

follows.

Bechu Bir Mela Ended Aharaura (Mirzapur) A tremendous crowd of devotees was seen at Aharaura's famous and ancient Bechu Bir Mela. This amazing gathering of people numbered over 20,000. Even three days before [the Mela began] the jungle area was filled with men and women. The women visibly outnumbered the men. Large caravans of private and roadway busses, tempo- taxis and trucks were assembled to transport the crowd. [Aj, November 10, 1981]

Aharaura (Mirzapur) This area's famous Bechu Bir Mela ended with a larger crowd in comparison with other years. A huge number of women who believe in bhut-pret attended this historical Mela, and made offerings and vows to Bechu Bir. [Aj, November 30, 1982]

The annual Mela held at the shrine of Bechu Bir

outside the town of Aharaura is the largest in the

region. It is held each year around the time of Kartik

Ekadashi (November), and draws thousands of pilgrims

from neighboring districts. Hundreds of pilgrims travel

57

from Varanasi alone, the round trip journey requiring

six to eight hours of travel by bus and a four to six

hour walk through the rough "jungle" terrain in order to

reach the small shrine of the Bir and back again. Most

of the pilgrims walk the six kilometers of the hot,

dusty trail, a journey that seemed the distance "from

Banaras to Calcutta" to one tired devotee. As the

newspaper reports indicate, the pilgrims are

predominantly women, traveling in groups from the many

villages in the region. On the Mela days, a seemingly

endless, shimmering ribbon of bright saris weaves its

way through the hilly tract between the end of the paved

road at Aharaura and the cautara of the Bir outside a

small village. Occasional jeeps navigate the bumpy

track carrying well-dressed urban families; Public

Carrier trucks transport the weary but less-privileged,

especially on the return trip.

For the three days of the Mela an entire

marketplace is set up on the barren ground directly

surrounding the shrine, making available the usual

provender of tea, fried snacks, cooked vegetables and

unyeasted bread. Stalls selling religious

paraphernalia, flower garlands, toys, trinkets, and

women's ornaments contribute further variety to the

scene. Many groups of pilgrims remain at the site for a

58

night or two, sleeping in make-shift lean-tos and

cooking their meals in large clay vessels. Each morning

at dawn the Bir's puja is performed by an officiant,

after which the general worship of the masses and the

possession activity begins. Incredible numbers of

pilgrims make their way to the shrine, placing before

the Bir incense, flower garlands, sweets, bottles of ghi

(clarified butter), cannabis, and cloth. The Bir image

is a curved, whitewashed cone set on a square platform

under the shade of a large nim tree. During the Mela,

the image is covered with layers of yellow, orange, and

white garments (dhoti and piyari) and large marigold

garlands. Attendants must periodically remove these

offerings to huge piles accumulating beside the shrine.

The ghi is deposited in small bottles in the fire pit

(havan kund) beneath the platform of the deity, and

blood from the nicked ears of male goats is offered in

lieu of animal sacrifice. Each pilgrim is permitted to

bring offerings directly to the Bir and receive his

blessing, but at times of peak attendance shrine

caretakers assist in this process.

Offerings to Bechu Bir are generally part of the

initiation or fulfillment of a vow; the deity's ability

to help with these petitions is one foundation of his

59

reputation. Another motivation for pilgrimage is relief

from the illness or misfortune caused by ghosts.

Hundreds of people -- mostly women -- are possessed at the

site, their frenzy beginning as soon as they cross the

Jhalahiya River on the last leg of the pilgrimage

journey. They loosen their hair, break their bangles,

and begin to run toward the shrine. The "playing"

(khelna, havana) of the possessed produces a strange

cacophony of crazed laughter, moans, and shrieks; the

body movements are wild and rhythmic, yet contained to a

small space on the crowded ground. No exorcists

preside: the victims of spirit attack come with family

and friends. and are cured through the power and grace

of the Baba. Like other deities described as Bhut Nath

("Lord of Ghosts"), Bechu Bir is believed to have

authority over lesser spirits and the presence of the

Bir is sufficient to cause their manifestation,

"speaking," and eventual removal from the body of a

victim. The shareholders of the shrine of Bechu Bir

deny a special role in the healing process; they simply

facilitate the proceedings of the Mela and reap its

financial rewards. All claim that those badly afflicted

by ghosts must attend this event four to six years

running in order to obtain a permanent cure. The day of

Kartik Ekadashi is the "returning day" (wapasi din) of

60

the Mela, when pilgrims break their temporary camps

after the morning puja and head back to their villages.

In addition to these collective forms of worship,

Bir Babas are approached most frequently in private by

individuals who have special needs, desires or requests

(manautI). These petitioners make an initial offering

when they confront the deity with a request, and make a

vow (manauti manana) to perform further services or

ritual offerings if their wish is fulfilled (manauti

puri ho jana). These requests are familiar: the cure

and prevention of illness, help with family problems and

disputes, aid in finding a lost object, removal of the

obstacles to fertility, the finding of a job, success in

a court case or the outcome of an exam. A Bir is

believed to be most receptive to these problems on his

special days -- Tuesday or Sunday. A supplicant will

pranam (salute with folded hands) or prostrate before

the image and offer sweets, flowers, incense and dhar: a

'cooling' mixture of five dried and powdered fruits

mixed with Ganga water and poured from a lota.

Substances of a more tamasik quality are also acceptable

to the deity: camphor, cannabis, liquor, cut nutmegs or

lemons (the simulacrum of blood sacrifice), and the

slaughter of a cock, pig, or goat. These latter

61

substances are considered more potent and dangerous, and

are offered by those who subscribe to "tantric methods"

(tantrik paddhati se) of pleasing or coercing the deity.

The Bir Babas are said to accept these offerings

(literally to "eat" them), and are especially fond of

ganja, which is smoked frequently by men in the vicinity

of the shrine. Numerous among the private petitioners

are the healers and exorcists (ojha, sokha, guni) who

depend upon the cooperation of Bir Babas in their

dealings with the spirit world. Some of the Banaras

area Birs are more famous than others for their

assistance with the work of ojhar. The connection

between Bir and Ojha will be discussed at length in Part

1.5 below.

People who have been helped by a Bir Baba are

prominent and vocal among the devotees. The most common

testimonial to a Bir's power is that he is very "alert"

or "awake" (wo bahut jagta bir hai), meaning that he is

attentive to the needs of his worshippers and active in

their fulfillment. The Bir Babas are one class among

the deities said to be "awake" in the Kali Yuga,

including others such as the Goddess and Hanuman. But

the nature of the work set before the Birs clearly

defines the limits of their efficacy as equal to the

constant and immediate problems of daily life,

62

especially those caused by 'magical' forces (jadū-tona,

"magic, sorcery;" nazar, } bura take, "evil eye") or

spirit agents. These "awake" and immanent deities are

more responsive than the greater gods, and their power

is more appropriate to these concerns. Yet there is

more than this to the appeal of the Bir Babas. Many

figures -- whose legends have a particularly heroic cast -- 6 are models of exemplary human behavior. Of equal

importance to the worshipper is the accessibility of the

Bir to all who approach him, regardless of ritual

purity, sex, or caste. The participants in this

tradition are proud of the fact that anyone may directly

worship the Bir -- even an untouchable -- without the

necessity of a priest or intermediary. When non-Brahman

priests and caretakers (and occasionally Brahman

priests) act in these roles, it is only for its

ceremonial value or efficiency. The nature of

individual worship is uncomplicated: a salutation,

offerings, and arati performed with incense or a lamp.

Even when attempts to promote a particular shrine take

on a 'Sanskritized' tone, these straightforward patterns

of worship are maintained. In many aspects of the cult

one can see a self-consciousness and even rebelliousness

vis-a-vis Brahmanical modes of worship and ritual. This

63

rebelliousness extends to more mundane matters as well.

This writer was amazed at the number of temple sites

that were in dispute or involved in some form of

litigation. The pattern was that of a socially

powerless yet defiantly organized group of low caste men

and women fighting an upper-caste landlord for the right

to maintain access to a Bir shrine and the bit of land

surrounding it. This kind of activity is not surprising

given the number of relatively new or recently developed

Bir Baba shrines in the city. One would be very naive

not to recognize the social and political benefits of

participation in the activity of these shrines.

Sometimes the development of a shrine is undertaken in a

true spirit of neighborhood uplift and improvement. At

other times one faction is clearly seeking to extend its

influence and control. Often a powerful local figure or

aspiring politician will seek to enhance his reputation

and community standing by subsidizing major ceremonial

events in the age-old tradition of temple patronage. As

always, the motives and motivations of worshippers are

complicated mixtures of 'spiritual' and 'mundane'

concerns.

64

Figure 11. Lahura Bir's Varshik Shringar; wife of Pujari fills in as officiant

65

NOTES

1.3 WORSHIP OF THE BIRS

1 Occasionally a Brahman is employed to conduct the pūja for a Bir temple's Annual Decoration Ceremony. On one occasion this writer saw photographs of an elaborate havan puja that was conducted by two Brahman priests in honor of Madarawa Bir of Kirhiya in 1979. 2 Personal interview at the shrine of Siha Bir, Ramnager, Oct. 11, 1981. 3 For more about the musical genre of biraha, see Scott Marcus, "The Rise of a Folk Music Genre," conference paper, Association for Asian Studies Annual Meeting, March 2, 1986; proposed for publication as "The Rise of a Folk Music Tradition: Biraha, a Folk Music Genre of the Banaras Region," in The Popular History of a North Indian City: Essays on Banaras in the 19th and 20th Centuries, ed. Sandria B. Freitag. 4 For more information on the musical aspects of the varsik śrngar, see Nita Kumar, "Popular Culture in Urban India: The Artisans of Banaras, c. 1884-1984," Diss. University of Chicago 1984, pp. 198-217. 5 This affair was held at Narayanpur's Jog Bir Baba shrine on March 29, 1981. 6 This is true of figures such as Khojawa's Agyawan Bir, who is held by members of the temple's wrestling akhara to have been the ideal wrestler: skilled, restrained and compassionate. Agyawan Bir, July 18, 1981.] [Personal interview at

66

1.4 Bir as Guardian Deity

The Village Guardian

In the countryside around Varanasi the word for the

village guardian deity is dih, used interchangeably with

variants diha and dihwar. These are generic terms which

signify the guardians or protectors of the entire

village unit, and do not refer to village deities in

general, many of which are perceived as guardians of

more specific function or smaller social entities. A

Dih will often have a proper name, in which case a

villager might say, "This is X; he is the Dih Baba of

our village." The designation Dih (Diha or Dihwar) is

most frequently used for the male guardian or Dih Baba,

but it may also refer to the female guardian or to the

guardian pair, understood either as husband and wife or

two separate deities associated only in their role as

protectors of village boundaries. Occasionally the

female guardian will be referred to as Dihwarin, a

feminized form of Dihwar. 1 As to the origin of the terms, Crooke has written:

In Northern India the village godlings are often collectively called Diwar, a term probably derived from Sanskrit deva-all or avali, race, family, dynasty of gods, though the association of the Persian dih, used in the Musalman revenue system to denote the

67

village or taxable unit, may have contributed to its use in the case of the village guardians.

Here Crooke suggests both Sanskrit and Persian deriva-

tions for the term diwar. In Platts Dictionary of Urdu,

Classical Hindi and English the same word -- meaning "the

god or genius loci' under whose special care a village

is placed (and for whom a portion of grain is always set 2 apart at each harvest)" -- is assigned a "probable"

derivation from the Sanskrit deva + al[?]. It is not

surprising that researchers would assume a Sanskrit

origin for the term, yet the information at hand indi-

cates that Crooke's second suggestion is the more

accurate. It seems clear that the word for the North

Indian guardian deity is derived from the Persian word 3 deh or dih, meaning a town or village. Even a brief

glance at a map of the area surrounding Varanasi reveals

dozens of towns and villages which retain the Persian

dih (here as dih) in their proper names: Ram Dih, Bara

Dih, Niyar Dih, etc., the second element serving as an

alternate for the other Hindi words meaning "village."

Thus "Dih Baba" neatly expresses an identity between the

village and its supernatural guardian. But even more

interesting for the purposes of this inquiry, is that

the word dih seems to have taken on a new semantic

dimension in its North Indian context. As well as

68

"village" or "town," dictionaries of Hindi and Urdu

define the word dih as "haunt, the site or ruins of a

deserted village; the dwelling place of the ancestors, a

heap of earth or mound, the place where worship of the

village gods takes place," and simply "village gods

(gram devata)." 4 These other meanings of dih enrich our

understanding of how a village is perceived: it is not

just the dwelling place of the living, but a place where

ancestors have died; a place, perhaps, established and

actualized by the death of an ancestor whose remains are

buried in a mound on the periphery. What is suggested

by the dictionary meanings of dih corresponds perfectly

with the statements made by residents about their

village guardians: these deities were once-living

members of their community, now valorized as ancient

heroes associated with a village's dim beginnings.

Crooke makes similar observations when writing about 5 village guardian deities in the Panjab:

In the Panjab ... Khera Deota, the imperson- ation of the village mound, and his colleague Chanwand are often confounded with Bhumiya, and their cult is closely connected with that of the Jathera, place of the elder, 'which represents the common ancestor of the clan or village ... who has special influence over cows, and to whom the first milk of every cow is offered. Or, again, there [in the Panjab] is identified with the Theh or Thiya, the mound which marks the site of the parent village of the tribe. In Central Panjab the Jathera may be dedicated to a progenitor of

69

the clan, the founder of the village, any prominent member of it, or to a Sati who died with her husband. Elsewhere the Bhūmiya differs from the Jathera. When a village is founded a mound is raised and near it a Jand tree is planted; the first man who dies whatever his caste may be, is buried or burnt on this mound, and a shrine is dedicated to him as the village guardian.

The names and associations of these village deities may

differ from place to place, but there is a marked

tendency throughout the entire region for the original

village guardian -- as well as other guardians of more

specialized dominion -- to be conceived of as human dead

from a former era, whose remains were ritually enshrined

in such as a crude earth mound to ensure their continued

protection of the village unit.

Also interesting in Crooke's paragraph are the

words "Theh" and "Thiya" denoting "the mound which marks

the site of the parent village of the tribe." These

terms are phonologically similar to others in Hindi and

Urdu which also mean "heap" or "mound:" diha, dhua, dhi, 6 dhuh, dhuha, dhoh, which in turn resemble the Sanskrit

stupa through the variants thua and thuha. Whether or

not there is an actual linguistic association between

the Persian word for "village," through a series of

items meaning "mound" to the Sanskrit stūpa, it does

appear that the semantic load of the term dih was

extended to include the idea of a mound marking the

70

ruins of a deserted habitation, or a mound containing

the remains of departed ancestors, aided perhaps, by the

phonological similarities.

The village Dih is said to be an "ancient" (pracin)

deity whose shrine is established when the village

itself is founded. Part of what defines a village as

such is the existence of its guardian deity/deities, who

control the ingress and egress of all 'supernatural'

forces and influences across village boundaries.

Village people use the following expressions to describe

the Dih Baba's function as guardian: he is the "village

protector" (gaon ka raksa kārne wala, raksak or

rakwari), the [ 'supernatural'] "head" of the village

(malik, mukhiya), the village "police chief" (kotwal),

or -- by those familiar with the Sanskrit term -- the "area

or regional guardian" (ksetrapal). The Diha, as "head"

of a village, performs similar functions to the human

official, except that his realm of authority extends to

minor village deities, ghosts, other more vaguely

defined magical' energies, and -- by extension -- those

humans who would wish to manipulate these beings and

forces. Any human act which attempts to propitiate,

exorcise, or otherwise control the 'supernatural' must

begin with the Diha's permission and blessing, or the

"work" cannot succeed. Yet because the deity is

71

ambivalent in character, one is not always assured of

the desired results. One individual explained the 7 Diha's authority in the following way:

Before any work begins, one must worship the village Diha. Every village has one Diha. The Diha must first give permission. A ghost must also ask the Diha's permission to enter the village. If the Diha is happy with you he will not allow the ghost to enter the village. But sometimes the Diha will "eat" the offer-

village. ings and still allow the ghost to enter the

Likewise, when a deity is installed in the village or

home, it must be accomplished with permission from the 8 Dih. At the time of a village wedding, part of the

worship of all important family and village deities by

the couple includes offering the ceremonial thread

(kangan), or the grooms's headdress (maur) at the shrine

of the Dih Baba. At the birth of a child -- especially a

son -- offerings will be made at the shrine. Similar

rituals will be performed when a special desire has been 9 fulfilled by the guardian deity. The Dih is ideally

worshipped by the entire village once or twice a year,

but human nature and village politics may make this

difficult to accomplish. If this neglect results in

misfortune, disease, or disaster for all or part of the

village, special ceremonies must be conducted to correct

this lapse in ritual responsibility. In 1982 the

village of Kojawa, immediately flanking Banaras,

72

collectively worshipped its Dih when great hardship was

caused by monsoon floods.

The nature of the relationship between male and

female guardian deities is an interesting and complex

one. As mentioned previously, the Dih Baba is often

paired with a village goddess, sometimes referred to as

Dihwarin. Occasionally, especially if the goddess is a

Sati and their stories are woven together in some

manner, the two are said to be husband and wife; but

this is not necessarily or perhaps even fundamentally

so. Most village Dih-Matas ("Mothers") seem to be of

independent origin and are paired with the Dih Baba only

in their joint and somewhat complimentary roles as

village guardians. Two names frequently encountered for

this type of village goddesses are "Chaura Mata" ("Devi"

or "Mai") -- a caura being the platform for the village

deities, including the various "mounds" which represent

the deified dead -- and another called "Sayar (or Saiyar) 10 Mai". When a villager says that, "That is the Dih;

that is the Sayar" (wo dih hai, wo sayar hai), he is

indicating the Dih Baba-Dih Mata guardian pair.

village goddess of either name is generally represented

by a mound, indicating her origin as a Sati or another

type of pacified ghost. One hagiographic story told

about a "Chaura Devi" occupying the same temple complex

73

with a Dih/Bir Baba emphasized the selflessness and

saintliness of the human figure, qualities for which she

is honored by local people long after her death. Others

tell that she was a Sati from the Teli (Oil Presser) 11 jātī. The village Dih Baba may also be paired with

what is more clearly a goddess of disease, often Sitala

Mata herself. In this case the Dih is approached by

worshippers with ghost-related problems, and the goddess

propitiated to control the infectious diseases which she

herself embodies. But even in this situation, many say

that the Dih Baba has the ultimate authority over his

partner.

This 'balance of power' in the working relationship

of the guardian pair reveals the tendency in many areas

of North India for male village deities to dominate the

female. Male village guardians are almost always said

to have the 'last word' in matters of village welfare,

especially regarding the integrity and transgression of

village boundaries. It is said that the village Mata --

often a disease goddess -- must obtain the Dih's

permission if she is to display her anger (devi ka kop)

by an outbreak of disease. Villagers may prevent this

by regular propitiation of the Dih Baba, or by enlisting

his aid in pacifying and removing the goddess when an

outbreak occurs. When paired with a Sati or another

74

more benevolent goddess, the male deity's energy always seems to predominate. Planalp supports this observation in his description of the ritual removal of the disease 12 goddess, Bhagavati Mai, from Senapur village: The villagers ask Goraya Baba's [the village Dih] permission to escort Bhagavati Mai from the village. (Propitiation of Goraya Baba is considered especially important during epidemics of smallpox and cholera, because it is believed that the village guardian only allows the disease goddess to enter the settlement if he is angry with the villagers.) Wadley makes the following statement about the balance of power in the local pantheon of her area of fieldwork 13 (Mainpuri District, Uttar Pradesh):

the male deities can always dominate the female deities, both ultimately in actions ...

over men and also within the pantheon itself. One may say that males can put down or contradict females of equal rank. Kolenda, in her article on the goddess Sitala Mata in an Indian village 100 miles north of Delhi, also reports 14 this finding:

Mother Pox belongs to a middle rank in the local hierarchy of supernatural powers. She and other goddesses are vaguely subordinate to the three high male deities [a Muslim Pir, Shiva, and the "earth godling" Bhumiya] in both power and rank. One could hope to call upon the power of one of these gods to counteract the power of the mother goddess. These observations indicate a significant reversal in the position of male and female village deities as found, for instance, in areas of South India,

75

Maharashtra and Bengal, and are deserving of further 15 research and attention. But suffice it here to note

this dynamic in the relationship of the Banaras region's

guardian pair.

The City Neighborhood Guardian

The urban counterpart of the village guardian is

the Banaras neighborhood Dih. This urban Dih, often but

not necessarily paired with a goddess, is conceived in

almost identical terms to the village guardian, except

that its territory is the considerably smaller and more

intimate unit of the city neighborhood. This deity

described as "the god" or "protector of the neighbor-

hood" (mahal ka devata, muhalla ka rakwarī), rather than

of the village. There are hundreds of Dih shrines in

the city of Banaras. Except for certain areas of the

city that were long ago settled by groups from other

regions of India -- the Bengali or or South Indian

neighborhoods, for example -- it seems like every section

or minutely divided sub-section of the city boasts its

own "Dih Baba" or Dih pair, integral to that neighbor-

hood's conception of itself as a discreet and bounded

unit within the larger and sometimes intersecting

official and historical divisions of the city. Where a

Dih shrine is relatively old, it is more likely to be

76

viewed with fondness and respect by all of the local 16 residents, regardless of caste. A large portion of

the shrines surveyed in Varanasi neighborhocds were

established or underwent improvement (were "reclaimed"

as it were) within the last 20-30 years. These

relatively recent shrines are more likely to be

identified with narrower segments of the population.

This is especially true in the new neighborhoods that

are forming on the periphery of the city or filling out

every pocket of available land in internal areas. Many

of these new shrines are found in low caste neighbor-

hoods, or by low caste people in mixed neighborhoods.

Not infrequently a Dih temple is championed as the

patron deity of a coalition of low castes, hoping to

exercise their collective power to save or develop a

cherished bit of ground. Or a local group, not neces-

sarily of low caste, will attempt to enhance its

prestige or foster its political interests by sponsoring

the building of a new neighborhood temple. Many of the

newer shrines are also the objects of ongoing litiga-

tion by way of determining land rights and ownership.

These sorts of tensions are typical of the politics of

newly constructed or activated shrines, a frequent

occurrence in this rapidly-growing city. What is

interesting about the Banaras Dih shrines is that they

77

seem to be a transposition of a specific type of rural

deity into the urban environment; a projection of the

idea of the bounded, guarded microcosm of the village

onto the city neighborhood. This is not to say that

Kashi -- the ancient name of Banaras -- is lacking in

guardian deities, but that the Dih Babas are an

additional set of these. They are the guardians of even

more minutely divided and subdivided bits of inhabited

territory, the most personal, immediate and responsive

among the guardians of the microcosm. As has been

suggested, this vision of the neighborhood Dih Babas and

their consecutive domains is strongest and clearest

among the lower classes. It is both a reflection of and

a counterpoint to the Brahmanical vision of the mandala

of uardianship as described by the Kashi Khanda and 18 alive in the minds of many of Banaras' inhabitants.

But one might also say that these two traditions in a

sense combine to form a workable continuum of guardian-

ship, ranging from the Shivas, Goddesses, Ganeshas and

Bhairavas to the multiplicity of Dihs.

As we have stated earlier, the neighborhood Dihs

are conceived in equivalent terms to their rural

counterparts. Like the village deities, they control

the boundaries of their domains, especially with regard

to the exit and entry of the intangible agents of

78

illness, misfortune and disease. They are asked for

blessings as part of any major undertaking -- ritual or

otherwise -- and are propitiated when trouble occurs.

They are the appropriate deities to seek out if one

feels harmed by the "evil eye" (bura take). They are

plied with the "heart's desires" (manautI) of local

people, and are important to the work of ojhai: exorcism

and divination. The Dihs are worshipped annually by the

entire neighborhood in the form of the varsik śrngar, a

ceremony adapted from the ritual repertoire of the major

urban temples. They are worshipped as a part of all

seasonal festivals, and often receive the ritual thread

and crown of a newly-married couple as part of the post-

wedding worship of the Ganga (ganga pūja).

The transposition of the Dih from village to city

has also brought about some subtle changes. The city

Dih is conceived of in very personal terms. One local

group referred to their Dih as the "Son-in-Law" (damad)

of the neighborhood. People would talk of the deity's

love of children, and the shrine is indeed a place where

children and others congregate. One individual related

how his neighborhood Dih would help laborers carry their

heavy loads when they stopped to rest near the shrine.

Many adults remember how, as a frightened child, they

were safely guided home by their Dih Baba. It is said

79

that if one merely invokes the name of the guardian

deity, he will dispel all fear and see to the safety of

the traveller. The Dih is especially active at night.

He patrols the boundaries of his district wrapped in a

black blanket, visiting and smoking gānjā with

neighboring Dih friends and brothers. If one listens

carefully, one may hear the hollow sound of his wooden

sandals (kharau) on the cobbled alleyways of the city.

People will boast of their own Dih as the most powerful

among the neighboring Dihs with whom they are familiar.

Some of the neighborhood Dihs are known to all of the

city residents, and are seen to specialize in certain

kinds of rituals or cures.

Bir as Dih

In many of the villages immediately surrounding the

city of Varanasi, a Bir fulfills the function of male

guardian deity or Dih Baba. Each Bir/Dih possesses an

individual name and oral tradition, although the latter

may be minimal. While it is extremely common for a Bir

to act in the role of village Dih, it is important to

remember that not all of the Bir found in the

countryside are Dih, nor are all the Dih Bir. The male

guardian deity of a North Indian village may be one of a

number of other deities: Hanuman, Bhairava, an earth

80

godling' like Bhumiya, a Muslim Shahid or Pir. Very

often the Dih Baba will be represented by a memorial or

sthan consisting of a mound/cone on a raised platform,

yet the origin and even the name of the deity is

unknown. Some villagers view the popularity and

proliferation of Bir shrines as a more recent

phenomenon, insisting that the village Dih Baba is an

ancient deity whose beginnings are beyond recall. There

are also many Birs in rural areas that do not function

as Dih. They may remain family, lineage, clan or caste

deities, still identified with those groups who

originally established the shrines. Other Birs might be

viewed as village deities of more specialized function,

such as protectors of fields and livestock. All this

not withstanding, there does appear to be a consistent

pattern in the Banaras region of Bir Babas serving as

village guardians. In the city of Banaras, the

identification of Dih and Bir is almost complete: every

Dih this writer surveyed was a Bir, and almost every Bir

was reported to be a Dih of some area, however small.

Why is a Bir an appropriate deity for the role of

guardian? And why are so many Bir shrines being

established in Varanasi neighborhoods?

In North India it is not uncommon for Vira-type

deities, including pan-Indian mythological figures and

81

deified local or quasi-historical martial heroes, to

function as village guardians. Local manifestations of

the "Monkey God" Hanuman, Bhairava, or the powerful

Pandava Bhima or Bhimasena are examples of the first,

martyred Muslim generals, warriors of a bona fide Hindu

martial caste, tribal chieftains or other local figures

who attained the status of "hero" before or after their

deaths are examples of the last. The 'historical' Viras

continue in their rightful occupation: those who ruled

and protected while living are expected to continue this

service after death in exchange for the honor and

worship of the local population. The power of the hero

is enhanced by martyrdom and sacrifice, and redirected

by worship to serve the living. Consistent with this,

the Banaras Birs are often valorized by believers as

courageous leaders and fighters, as individuals

championed the powerless. But even without these

overtly martial overtones, the Birs clearly fall within

the tradition of the "mound deity" or Dih as described

earlier in this chapter: the original ancestor, martyr,

or human sacrifice who is ritually enjoined to the

protection of the living.

Why are so many Bir/Dih shrines being established

in Varanasi neighborhoods? Birs are not the only

shrines found in every corner of crowded city alleyways,

82

or revitalized and incorporated into new neighborhoods

as they expand into formerly rural areas. Shiva lingas,

the shrines of Ganesh, Hanuman, and various local Devis

are in abundance. Residents have a special regard for

all their local shrines, and consider these deities

almost as family members. They say that women and the

old cannot easily travel beyond the limits of the

neighborhood, that it is necessary for them to worship

the gods near home. In fact, they testify, these local

gods are every particle of the major deities at their

more famous temple locations. The Bir is not the only

personalized neighborhood deity, not the only one around

which a sense of neighborhood solidarity may be built.

But the Bir Babas, with their origins as unquiet dead,

are perhaps the shrines most easily established without

help or opposition from orthodox Hindus, and herein may

lie the reason for their popularity. Individual Bir

shrines have been ritually installed or worshipped by

Brahman priests, but this is clearly not the norm. The

Birs are discovered by or revealed to "small people"

(chote log) in a vision or dream, and may be installed

in a shrine by them with the simplest of ceremony.

These small temples and shrines are places of worship

and congregation for groups of people who may have no

other such location to call their own. Some of the

83

shrines are the only sanctified areas in the entire

neighborhood, rescued from development or the focus of a

major effort of neighborhood improvement. But whatever

the motivation behind the promotion of Bir temples and

shrines, the fact remains that this activity takes place

outside of orthodox convention, and may proceed with

little orthodox aid or opposition. This is not to say

that there is no orthodox disapproval. One Brahman

pandit spoke about the proliferation of city Bir shrines

as being a degeneration of Dharma. He said that it was

the traditional responsibility of the Raja (and now the

"government," sarkar), to use his authority (danda, lit.

"staff") to protect Dharma. But this is no longer done.

He said that any hoodlum (gunda) can now establish a 18 temple for his own purposes. The political use of

these temples as well as the challenge they represent to

traditional authority does not go unnoticed. Some point

to the recent increase in wealth and political clout of

members of the Ahir caste as reason for the growth of

many shrines. One need only witness the annual

procession of the devotees of Ravi Das -- the patron saint

of the untouchables -- to know that there might be some

reason for anxiety over the potential power of the 19 organized lower classes. Yet equally persuasive is

the palpable need of people in the growing and ever more

84

densely crowded city environment to re-map and re-define

the boundaries of where they live, carve an ordered

space out of the city's chaos, and protect that intimate

space by the worship of a boundary deity. The Bir/Dih

Baba, along with his partner goddess, is an appropriate

deity for this purpose.

85

NOTES

1.4 BIR AS GUARDIAN DEITY

1 William Crooke, Religion and Folklore of Northern India (London, 1926; rpt. Delhi: S. Chand: 1972), p. 88. 2 John Thompson Platts, A Dictionary of Urdu, Classical Hindi and English (London: Oxford University Press, 1960), p. 559. 3 Francis Johnson, Dictionary of Persian, Arabic and English (London: W.H. Allen, 1852), p. 585.

4 Platts, Dictionary, p. 576: "dih Haunt, place, dwelling, village, site of a deserted village. diha Heap of earth, mound, bank." Shyam Sundardas, ed., Hindī Sabdsāgar (Kāśī: Nāgarī Pracāriņī Sabhā, 1965) II, 472 [my translation]: "dih m. [Hindi] 1. habitation, settlement 2. small village 3. the ruins of a deserted village 4. mound 5. the place [sthän] where worship to the village gods takes place 6. the dwelling place of ancestors." Vol. IV, 1954-1955: "3. village gods [grām devata]." 5 Crooke, Religion, p. 95. 6 Platts, Dictionary, p. 573: "dhua [S.stūpa + ka] s.m. A heap of mud or earth, a mound, a boundary mark (=dhola). dhora (i.q. dhola), s.m. Heap or mound of earth (raised by the side of a ditch). dhula dhola [s. sthūla + ka or stūp + la + ka; cf. dhūhal, s.m. A heap or mound of earth, a pillar of mud or brick, boundary- mark, landmark; bank (of a river & etc.) ... Marking a boundary & etc. with mud heaps or pillars;" p. 576: "diha (i.q. dhīha, dhūha, ) s.m. Heap (of earth), mound, bank. dhi [prob. S.stiya; cf. dhiha; dhuhal, s.f Heap, mound; high bank (of a river & etc.); site of a fallen house, a mass of ruins. dhuh, dhoh, s.m. Mound; (local) elevated ground in the midst of ravines. dhūha, s.m. dhua and dhola;" p. 348: "thua A heap, mound;" p. 349: "thuha;" p. 366: "thiha A mud pillar;" thiva A mound, heap or lump of earth; a mud pillar, a boundary mark," etc.

86

7 Personal interview with Bhagat Channu, Adityanagar, Dec. 11, 1980. See also Part 1.5 below for the relationship of the Ojha and the Dih. 8 Senapur village goddesses "were installed as family goddesses, with the permission of Goraya Baba, the village Dih." Jack M. Planalp, "Religious Life and Values in a North Indian Village," Diss. Cornell University 1956, p. 758. 9 Planalp, "Religious Life," pp. 190-1. 10 I have yet to discover the meaning or import of this particular name. Planalp also lists Dih Sayar together with Dih Varin [Dihwarin] in a roster of Senapur village deities. "Religious Life," p. 721. 11 Personal interview at the shrine of Chaura Devi and Baraicha Bir, Saraynandan village, September 16, 1981. 12 Planalp, "Religious Life," p. 753-4. 13 Susan S. Wadley, Shakti: Power in the Conceptual Structure of Karimpur Religion (Chicago: Department of Anthropology, 1975), p. 121. 14 Pauline Kolenda, "Pox and the Terror of Childlessness: Images of the Smallpox Goddess in a North Indian Village," in Mother Worship: Theme and Variations, ed. James J. Preston (Chapel Hill: Univ. of N. Carolina Press, 1982), p. 228. 15 For discussions of village deities in other regions of India, see Whitehead, Village Gods, Elmore, Dravidian Gods, Richard L. Brubaker, "The Ambivalent Mistress: A Study of South Indian Village Goddesses and Their Religious Meaning," 1978, etc. Diss. University of Chicago

Dumont addresses this problem in his "A Structural Definition of a Folk Deity of Tamil Nad: Aiyanar, the Lord," in Religion/Politics and History in India (Paris; The Hague: Mouton, 1970), pp. 23-6. He says the following about the standard works (note 19, p. 26): "The descriptions of Whitehead and Elmore establish that goddesses predominate on the local functional level in the Telugu country; they do not establish that village deities in the wider sense are 'almost exclusively

87

feminine', and still less that Dravidian' people worshipped only goddesses. These authors have probably underestimated the male principle to some extent." 16 These deities might be viewed by educated Brahmans as legitimate, albeit minor gods. One Brahman pujari of a small Hanuman temple called the Bir/Dih the "watchmen" or "servants" (caukīdar, caprasi) of the other gods. 17 For an excellent description of Kashi's orthodox guardian deities see Diana L. Eck, Banaras: City of Light (New York: Alfred A. Knoph, 1982). 18 Personal interview with Pandit Ram Puri Divedi, Sept. 25, 1981. 19 For more on the Ravi Das Movement, see Mark Juergensmeyer, Religion as Social Vision: The Movement against Untouchability in 20th-Century Punjab (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1982).

88

1.5 The Exorcist, Exorcism, and the Bir

Among the many types of healers who ply their trade

in Varanasi city and nearby villages, it is the rustic, 1 low caste exorcist (ojha) who maintains a working

relationship with local and regional Bir Babas as a

regular part of his practice. Many Ojhas have Birs as

personal deities and helpmates in their practice of

exorcism, and must propitiate the Bir/Dih of a

particular neighborhood or village before working in

that area. Ojhas also seek the aid of the more famous

regional Birs when the lesser deities prove inadequate.

Because of this special relationship between the Ojha

and the Bir, it is important to explore further this

deity's significance in the context of ojhal (or

ojhetI), the exorcism, curing and magic performed by the

Ojha.

The worldview that supports ojhaT has its roots in

the Indian countryside. Its lore has no written source,

and has as its main adherents the lower classes. Other

village members may ridicule these "useless" fears and

beliefs, yet are inclined to believe themselves when a

series of disasters shake their lives. This worldview

holds, in part, a theory of illness, suffering and

89

misfortune that is caused by the activity of ghosts or

spirits and local 'godlings,' either acting out of their

own natures and volitions, or inflicted upon one human

by another. Relief from these conditions is sought by

the propitiation or ritual coercion of these spirits or

deities. The pantheon of "village deities"

(gramadevata) may change in minor detail from one

speaker or area to the next, but manifests a similar

structure and texture throughout. Although this

pantheon and worldview finds its fullest systemization

in the rural areas, it selectively pervades the urban

environment among the lower castes and classes, and 2 often among high caste, uneducated women. Varanasi

city itself contains key centers of healing and exorcism

that are a part of a regional 'network' of such sites.

The Ojha is a local healer/exorcist who specializes

in the curing of illness, disease and alleviation of

other kinds of misfortune believed to be caused by

spirit agents. The titles Sokha (sokha) and Guni (gunI)

are sometimes used to distinguish healers of greater

skill, knowledge, and power than the common Ojha, but as

often the three terms are used interchangeably. An Ojha

may profess some knowledge of the healing value of

metals, stones, herbs (jari-būti), and amulets (jantra),

and may also engage in forms of divination and 'sorcery'

90

(jadu-tona), but primarily acts as an exorcist. The

Ojha accomplishes his control over bothersome spirits

both with the aid of a personal helping deity (or

deities) -- his "ist" (istadevatā) or "nijīdevatā" -- and

through the use of a mantra which he has "perfected"

(mantra siddh karna) through repetition under

appropriate ritual circumstances.

The Goddess (devi), especially in her tantric or

disease goddess manifestations, is extremely important

to the work of ojhai. Most of the Ojhas with whom this

writer had contact were special devotees of the Goddess

(devi bhakta), and had taken a form of the Goddess as at

least one of their personal deities. During the period

of his sadhana (program of spiritual practice for the

acquisition of powers) the Ojha engages in a routine of

austerities and intensified worship of his chosen deity,

which eventually results in a sign of the deity's

presence, protection and willingness to cooperate with

him in his professional activities. When this is

accomplished, it is said that the "shadow of the

Goddess" has come over him (devī ki chaya ho gaya).

This contact and partnership is thereafter maintained

and renewed by periodic worship and pilgrimage,

generally on one or both the the Nav Ratras (Ashvin Sh.

1-9; Chaitra Sh. 1-9) -- the two nine-day periods special

91

to goddess worship -- or through an extended term of

fasting, devotion and service undertaken every three

years (trivars or triarsI dena). The centrality of the

darker side of the Devi is consistent with the 'tantric' 3 nature of ojhai, but is also a legitimate response to

the conspicuousness of forms of the goddess in the

etiology of illness. An ongoing relationship with the

Goddess facilitates the Ojha's attempts to cool her

anger and respectfully request her departure from a

village or the body of a patient.

The importance of the Goddess to ojhai does not

exclude the equal prominence of masculine deities in the

Ojha's working pantheon. Because the general principle

adheres that powerful members of a class of beings are

called upon to deal with lesser examples of their own

kind, the Ojha must have a working relationship with a

variety of deities and spirits. In the course of one

healing session, an Ojha may call upon Brahms,

Bhairavas, Shahids, Pirs, Birs, Devis, Maris, Bhavanis

and other deified dead in order to enhance his control

of their underlings in the spirit world. The Ojha may

also have a male helping deity which he refers to and

addresses as his "Baba." Local and regional Birs very

often fill this function. The Ojha's personal deity is

an essential tool of his exorcism, and may "come" to or

92

possess the healer during a curing session. What sets

the Ojha apart from other upper caste or upwardly mobile

practitioners is this very use of possession in the

healing process. There is no single word for

'possession' in the Hindi language. In the vocabulary

of "ghost affliction" (bhut badha, pret or preti badha),

the ghosts or spirits "attach" themselves to their

victims (bhut lagna), or are said to "catch" the victim

(pakarna); making a possessed' person one who is

"caught" or "held" by a ghost (bhut pakare hue or bhūt

lage hue). But when an individual desires possession

and invites the deity, it is said to "come" (ana), or

its "riding comes" (sawari ana), or the "shadow"

(sponsorship and protection) of the deity is upon a

person (chaya ho jana). In order to heal a patient

(mariz, rogi: a sick or diseased person; dukhi: an ill

or troubled person) it is often necessary for an Ojha to

force the ghost possessing a victim to show itself. He

must "make it speak" (kahalāna, vak nikalna), or "cause

it to play" in the patient's body (khilana). When the

ghost will manifest itself, reveal its type and origin,

make demands and have its fun with the patient's body

and voice, then it is easier to cajole, propitiate, and

ultimately remove. In order to make a ghost cooperate,

the Ojha may resort to the authority of his own "Baba" --

93

whom he invites to take possession of his body --

resulting in a spirited dialogue between this deity and

the patient's ghost. Or the ghost will be tricked into

leaving a patient: it is promised a new and better

vehicle, but is deposited in the care of a more powerful

deity at a temple that specializes in exorcism. But

often the Ojha simply "transfers" the ghost (bhut

lagana, bhut carha dena, lit. "causes the ghost to be

attached or mounted upon") to another person, either

directly by touching a stranger in a crowded bazaar or

fair ground with a ghost-filled object (a clove, etc, ),

or leaving the object and other ritual paraphernalia at

a crossroads or thoroughfare where the ghost will be 4 picked up by an unsuspecting victim. In either case

the Ojha's ability to perform his work successfully is

linked to the reputation and authority of his helping

deity and the strength of the relationship between the

healer and his god. Whether the Ojha asks this deity to

enter him during a session is a matter of personal style

and technique; the deity's power is nonetheless

available to him, and is focused by him upon the task at

hand. If an Ojha claims that the services of a very

powerful and well-known Bir are at his command, then he

must support this claim with equivalent results. These

Bir familiars must be cultivated in much the same way as

94

the Goddess if they are to cooperate with the Ojha in

his work. After an initial period of sadhana centered

upon the Bir, the Ojha must continue to visit this

deity's shrine at regular intervals -- on Nav Ratra or the

Bir's Mela -- so that he is assured of continued support.

Most Ojhas worship their Birs with offerings of liquor

(sarab, daru), cannabis (ganja) or hashish (caras)

burned in a clay chillum, and actual or simulated blood

sacrifice. These offerings are considered appropriate

to the nature of the Bir, and it is through this

"tantric procedure" (tantrik paddhati) that worship of

the Bir yields the most immediate results. Healers who

have taken local Birs as personal helping deities may

act as the caretakers or priests of their shrines, but

this does not occur in every case. Often an Ojha has as

his familiar a Bir whose temple lies many hours from his

home village, and has no special connection with the

temple except an understanding with a particular temple

priest.

In addition to the Ojha's use of a Bir as his

"Baba," he must propitiate the Dih that is the guardian

of the area in which he intends to carry out his work.

As mentioned in the previous chapter, most of the Dih

Babas in the villages surrounding Banaras are said to be

Birs. Without the permission and the assistance of this

95

deity the Ojha cannot be successful. An Ojha must first

worship his own Dih -- the guardian of the city

neighborhood or village in which he resides -- before

undertaking any program of exorcism, ghost transferal

or more aggressive, assaultive magic' or sorcery at the

behest of his clients. This is done in order to secure

the Dih's "permission" (agya) to undertake a certain

task, as well as the deity's cooperation in the

endeavor. If some sign of the Dih's favor or assent is

withheld, the Ojha may persist with more elaborate

offerings or resort to a more powerful Dih of wider and

more inclusive authority. If an Ojha is transferring a

ghost from one village to another not his own, he must

secure the help of the Dih of the second village. Below

is a description of this latter activity, given by a

village Ojha whose "Baba" is Kedariya Bir, one of the

most powerful Bir Babas in the region, located near the 5 city of Jaunpur.

If something becomes attached to you at your inlaw's village (sasural), then you must send it back again. You take monkey bones, camel bones, vulture bones, snake bones; you capture the ghost and bury it with these things with the Dih of that village. You say, "Take this Maharaj! I am burying this here. Now, from today on, no bad things will come." And he will stop them. But you have to give life, you have to give nutmeg, a flower garland, a cock and other things. And you say, "Take this Maharaj! I am giving these things to you. Do not let it return and come to my

96

village. I have given everything to you. Now it will stay here." Then you offer blood, you sacrifice a pigeon, and send the ghost back to whomever sent it. You offer liquor, filling a cup or dripping it from your hand. To Lahura Bir, Kedariya Bir -- whichever Dih you are sending the ghost -- to him you offer these things. You offer it in the name of the Dih. You do a fire offering (havan) and say, "Take this Maharaj! From this moment, from today, from this part of the day (pahar); for seven lifetimes (sātjanam), for seven ages (sātyūg), may it not return to this body, may the trouble (dukh) be broken."

Some of the Bir Babas in the region have acquired

reputations that extend well beyond their immediate

territories. These Birs draw thousands of pilgrims

during their Melas from a region of several hundred

miles or more. Much of the attraction of these deities

stems from their fame as powerful bhut nath, "Lords of

Ghosts" or "Masters of Spirits" with a particular

ability to control difficult ghosts and other malicious

influences and facilitate their removal. A greater

power is believed to exist at these sites to force a

recalcitrant spirit to reveal itself, and to bind it -- if

necessary -- to the location of the shrine. Some

informants talk about the authority of the Bhut Nath as

though he were a judge before whom all must be revealed,

and before whom complicated cases of spirit assault and

counter-assault may be argued to satisfactory

conclusions. For this reason it is not necessary to be

97

accompanied by a professional exorcist to the site, as

the deity replaces the healer in this role. Yet Ojhas

do bring patients whose cure they have found elusive in

other settings, and they come alone to pay their

respects to the Bir and to perform rituals for the

maintenance and renewal of their power.

From the foregoing we see that the Birs are

important to several aspects of the work of the Ojha:

they are among the local deities called upon as a class

to assist in exorcism and healing, are valued as

agressive and effective personal helping deities, are

propitiated as Dih Babas who permit and facilitate

ritual action within their domains, and are resorted to

as Bhut Naths. The Birs are not, however, totally

unique in these roles, but share some of them with other

local deities, especially the powerful dead. In view of

this, we must broaden our focus to examine something of

the cults and oral traditions of other classes of

deified dead worshipped in the Banaras area.

98

NOTES

1.5 THE EXORCIST, EXORCISM AND THE BIR

1 The other terms used somewhat less frequently to describe this type of practitioner are sokha and guni. Those familiar with all three titles use them to distinguish an increasing degree of mastery over the art of exorcism, and thereby power to attain one's ends. For example, an Ojha would be an illiterate, low caste man who knew a few spells and basically relied upon 'possession' in exorcism; a Sokha (whose corresponding activity is called sokhai or sokhetI) -- perhaps from a higher caste -- would not become 'possessed' himself, but would rely upon powerful mantras to do his work. A Guni might be an adept with an even wider and more detailed knowledge of ritual and mantras. But these distinctions do not always bear out in reality, and the terms are often used as expressions of self-promotion and the corresponding denigration of another healer. The combination "Ojha-Sokha" is also frequently used, equating the two titles. 2 I am making a distinction here between the nature of the pantheon and ideas about human-spirit interaction that exist in the countryside, and those of literate urbanites whose views are informed and augmented by a variety of other traditional and modern sources. Many educated residents of Varanasi will talk in disparaging terms of the naive beliefs of the village folk and the fraudulent (dhong) work of the Ojha, but few will dismiss altogether the existence of spirits and the means available to deal with them. Almost everyone has a ghost story to tell, and enthusiasm for this subject has been encouraged in no small way by contemporary Western attention to things occult. There is a resurgence of interest among the Indian middle class in tantric methods and symbols, especially those of the so called vamamarga ("left-handed path"). This parallels the growth in popularity of charismatic guru figures who profess to be adepts in this practice. The ideas concerning this "left-handed" tantra are linked in the popular imagination with ghosts and all sinister forms of magic and "sorcery" (jadū-tona). Special "tantric" issues of popular magazines will be filled with ghosts

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stories and tales of ritual murder and consorting with corpses at the cremation ground. Somewhat distinct from these notions are the explanations of Brahman pandits which have some basis in Sanskrit literature, and psychological interpretations that view ghosts as the objectification of fear and other internal states. All of this contrasts with what I understand of the rural pantheon and the nature of human-spirit interaction, detailed in this and the following chapters. While members of the upper castes denied any involvement with the deities, beliefs and practices of the lower castes, there is a certain degree of reconciliation if not covert participation. Upper caste women not infrequently involve their families in possession activity and pilgrimage trips to powerful regional 'non- Sanskritic' deities. 3 Ojhal is understood to be a tantric practice because it makes use of some of the general vocabulary and conceptual orientations of the vamacara aspects of Shakta Tantra. For instance, Ojhas worship forms of the Goddess, are given mantras by a guru, acquire powers through sadhana, and offer blood sacrifice, liquor and cannabis to their gods. But these practices bear only superficial resemblance to the elaborate theology and formal ritual of the Shakta Tantras. While many Ojhas look to Kamakhya Devi in Assam (one of the Shakta Pithas: the location of the Goddess' yoni) as the center of tantric goddess worship, the forms of the Devi they personally control are local manifestations. The Ojha's mantra is little more than an invocation of a list of powerful beings in order to enlist their help with his healing. Animal sacrifice, liquor and cannabis are appropriate offerings to their deities, who enjoy and demand these things. It is really more correct to say that ojhai is a part of what is commonly known as tantra-mantra, a more generalized and popular notion of the practice as found in the agamas, and a considerable reduction of Shakta cosmology. 4 The reason given for this practice is that one cannot be certain if a ghost will remain at a specific location; better to transfer it to another vehicle in order to prevent it from returning. This aspect of ojhai is one of the reasons why Ojhas are considered with such deep ambivalence, if not open hostility, even by their own caste and village members. As one informant expressed it, "They remove one [ghost] and give back four" (ek hataega, car lagaega).

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5 Personal interview with Sokha Bagesar of Soyepur village on November 30, 1980.

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PART 2

THE BIR AND THE RURAL PANTHEON: THE DEIFIED DEAD

2.1 The Rural Pantheon: Two Mantras

We have noticed that the Bir Babas share certain

characteristics with other "folk" or "village deities"

(gram devata) and to some extent are interchangeable in

specific roles and functions with these deities, such as

Dih Baba, Bhut Nath, Ojha's familiar, etc. In view of

this, it would be a valuable exercise at this point to

examine other aspects of the larger pantheon in order to

demonstrate more completely these commonalities and to

ultimately locate the Birs within the context of this

worldview. Particular attention will be given to a

large group of deities which tends to be ignored or

summarily dismissed in much of the literature on the

Hinduism: deified ghosts, heroes and other powerful

dead. The deified dead make up large percentage of the

rural pantheon and an equal portion of village shrines.

Much of the ritual energy of the village resident is

directed toward these local gods.

Some of the fullest illustrations of the

composition of the rural pantheon in the Banaras area

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are found in the mantras of village Ojhas. While

certain elements of these catalogues may be the unique

creations of a healer or his predecessors, many or most

are local and regional gods recognized by the general

population. These lists represent a more complete

picture of the rural pantheon than would, for instance,

a survey of village temples, because they include

figures that have no specific temple locations as well

as distant regional shrines that are no less a part of a

villager's sacred geography. One should not be

surprised that an Ojha is in possession of such an

extensive list. His profession requires an unusual

degree of mobility -- not only among the villages of

clients and their relations, but as a regular pilgrim to

numerous temple sites -- and makes necessary a working

relationship with a large number and variety of deities.

The Ojha, moreover, plays no small role in maintaining

an awareness of these deities among the general

population, and facilitates and encourages pilgrimage to

their shrines. One might find the preponderance of the

powerful dead in the Mantras a function of ojhai (the

practice of exorcism and healing of the Ojha) rather

than representative of an average person's pantheon, but

even the most casual acquaintance with rural religious

activity reveals the importance of these beings to

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everyday village life. In fact, the most obvious and

numerous village shrines are the sthan of Bir, Brahm,

Sati, Mari, Bhavani and the graves of Muslim dead.

The Mantras

As we have previously mentioned, an Ojha performs

his healing and exorcistic work with the aid of his

personal helping deities and by the power of one or more

Mantras (ham mantra dwara kam karte hain/ "I work

through the agency of a mantra"). The Ojha claims that

his Mantra is given by a Guru (not infrequently his

father), who initiates him into its use at a ritually

appropriate time and place. He is instructed to "repeat

the Mantra" (mantra japna) for a certain period of time

in order to "awaken" (mantra jagana) or "perfect" it

(mantra siddh karna) in conjunction with various other

ritual and ascetic observances. As the Ojha associated

with his istadevata in matters of power and authority,

so too is the practitioner identified with his Mantra.

Both the healer and Mantra are said to be siddh at the

culmination of sadhana: "accomplished, perfected,

endowed with supernatural powers," protecting the Ojha

from the dangers and master over the forces encountered

in his line of work.

This explanation of the acquisition, empowerment,

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and use of a Mantra is one that is informed by tantric

ideas which tend to de-emphasize meaningful content in

favor of the sheer efficacy of utterance and repetition.

Even though most Ojhas profess this view of a Mantra's

power, an examination of the following chants reveals

that they are neither unintelligible syllables nor coded

abstractions, but are elaborate lists of deities, both

local and recognizably "pan-Indian" or "Sanskritic."

While there is a sense that these utterances act to bind

the deities named therein to the purposes of the Ojha,

the Mantras are primarily evocations: they call upon the

gods to be present, praise them in order to gain their

favor, and request their aid with the problem at hand.

What follows are two Mantras given by healers -- both

of the Chamar jati -- living in widely-separated villages

outside Varanasi. The first has been in its owner's

family for several generations, and was repeated by him

continuously for 7 months and 27 days until the "shadow"

(chaya) of the gods came upon him. As we will see from

the type of deities contained in the Mantra, this healer

is primarily a devotee of the Goddess. The second

belongs to an Ojha who claims Kedariya Bir as his "ist"

or "Baba." The recitation of the second Mantra is

interspersed with the spoken explanations of the Ojha.

Both chants are excellent illustrations of the breadth

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and character of the pantheon relevant to ojhai and of

the rural population in general.

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Mantra #1

1 Mother Supreme Light Paramesari, Bhawani Devi, 2 Niranjan Sankar, Brahma, Visnu, Sis, Mahes, Ganes, 3 By the power of the town of Kavaru, by the power of the Sun, 4 Uttari Baba, Mother Ganga, Hanumanji, 5 Dih, Sayar, 6 Time Devi, Birtiya Devi, Vamat Devi, Kali Devi, Sitala Devi, 7 Kakari Devi, Malat Devi, Ramwai Devi, Varan Devi, 8 Kamaru Kamakhya Hiriya Devi, Jiriya Devi, 9 Patal Devi, Jagat Devi, Akas Kamani Devi, 10 Heart Fail Devi, Devi of the Wind, Foreign Devi, Indra Devi, 11 Satnam Baba, Baur Hawa Devi, Samar Dhir, Narsinha Kalla, 12 Gairiya Baksar Guna ke Teliya Masan, 13 Harasu Brahm, Dipau Brahm, Dhat Dhat Antaryami Brahm, Kaihasi Baram, 14 By the power of Allah 15 By the power of Aughar, Aughari, Subahan, 16 Ajab Salar Gauri, Muhammad, 17 By the power of the wife of Lakhan Kuwar, Amina Sati, 18 Saphau Dih ..

19 Be bound to your seat, bound to your seat! 20 Fix your body to 1 1/4 hands of earth, 21 Your body ...

22 Praise to Niranjan, praise to Brahma, praise to Visnu, 23 Praise to Ses, praise to Mahes, praise to Ganes, 24 By the power of the town of Kavaru, 25 By the power of the Dih, 26 Praise to the Sun, praise to the Moon, 27 Praise to Bhairo Nath, Kal Bhairo, 28 By the power of Jalpa Devi, Gaura Parbati, Nona Camain, 29 By the power of Kamaru Hiriya, Praise to Satya Hiriya, 30 Durga, Sitala, Kedariya Bir, 31 Sankar Bhagwan, Sursati, 32 Laksmi, Visnu, Brahma, Nirankar Bhagwan.

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Transcription of Hindi/Bhojpuri Mantra #1

1 māi param jot paramesarī, bhawānī devī, 2 niranjan sankar, brahma, visnu, sis, mahes, ganes, 3 kavarū nagar ke dwārā, sūraj ke dwārā, [1] 4 uttarī bābā, mātā gangā, hanumānjī, 5 dih, sāyar, 6 samay devī, bīrtīyā devī, vamat devī, kālī devī, sītalā devī, 7 kakarī devī, mālat devī, ramwaī devī, varan devī, 8 kamarū kamākhyā hirīyā devī, jirīyā devī, 9 patāl devī, jagat devī, ākās kāmanī devī, 10 härt fel devi, hawa ke devi, farang devi, indra devi, 11 satnām bābā, baur hawa devi, samar dhīr, narsinha kalla, 12 gairīyā baksar gunā ke telīyā masān, 13 harasū brahm, dīpau brahm, dhat dhat antaryāmī brahm, kaihāsī brahm, 14 ilāhe ke dwārā, 15 16 aughar ke dwārā, augharī ke dwārā, subahān dwārā,

17 ajab salār gaurī, muhammad, lakhan kuwar patni dwāra, aminā satī, 18 saphau dĩh

19 asan badho, dasan badho, 20 apan kaya sawa hath ke dharti badho, 21 āp kāyā

22 niranjan ke dohai, brahm ke dohai, visnu ke dohai, [2] 23 ses ke dohai, mahes ke dohai, ganes ke dohai, 24 kavarū nagar ke dwārā, 25 dīh ke dwārā, 26 suraj ke dohai, cand ke dohai, 27 bhairo nāth kī doha, kāl bhairo, 28 jālpā devī ke dwārā, gaurā pārbatī, nonā camāī ke

kamaru hiriyā ke dwārā, satya hiriyā ke dohāī, dwārā, 29 30 durgā, sītalā, kedāriyā bīr, 31 sankar bhagwan, sursati, 32 laksmī, visnu, brahmā, nirankār bhagwān.

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Mantra #2

1 Bhagwanji, Visnuji, Hanuman Swami, Guru Maharaj 2 Satyanarayan Swami, Thakurji Maharaj ... my respect is in your hands. 3 Look! Be there any bhut, pret, candal[3] ... whatever may be in the [patient's] body, catch it and bring it!

4 [SPOKEN] Through these Muslim deities, Muslim "things" are caught:

5 Gazi Miyan, Panchon Pir, Amnas Pir, Alam Pir, Balam Pir, Baba Garan Kotwal, Chandan Sahid, 6 7 Bahadur Sahid, Makdum Sahid, Sai Baba, Kamal Baba ... a hundred thousand supplications!

8 [SPOKEN] Then, after this, Bhagauti ... [4]

9 Param Jot Paramesari Devi ... be there any bhūt, pret, cor, candal, catch it and bring it here!

10 Maruka Mai, look! Be there any bhut, betal, cor, candal, mari, masan ... from the house, from nearby, from here or there. Whatever thing exists -- bhawani trouble -- capture it and destroy it!

11 Sitala Mai, Sangatha Mai, Durga Mai, Kali Mai, 12 Vindhycali Vindhyavasini Devi, Astabhuja Devi, 13 Haital Devi, Tan Devi, Katyani Devi,

14 Baraki Mata, Garlo Mata, Dulari Mata, Paddmo Mata, 15 Dakini Mata,

16 Seven Sisters Bhawani, Seven Sahid, Seven Betal 17 Seven Pathan, Seven Jinnath, Seven Mari, 18 Seven Jalaid, Seven Witches, Seven Nari ... be there seven hundred and seven dait, capture them and bring them!

19 [SPOKEN] If the mari won't obey, if it won't be caught, you may control the Mari like this ..

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20 Kamaru and Ajmer Mari, High Court Mari, 21 Mirath Mari, Jalawa Mari, Hari Ban Mari, 22 Basti Ghar Mari, Chanarauti Fort Mari, Gate Mari, 23 Janda Mari, Amkas Mari, Numberless Mari, 24 Howrah Bridge Mari, Court House Mari, 25 Jail House Mari, Chauka Ghat Mari, Nakhi Ghat Mari, 26 Old Bridge Mari, Malviya [Bridge] Mari be there mari, marayal in the house, from outside, from here or there .. capture them and bring them!

27 [SPOKEN] After this is Kedariya Bir, the god who is my own true guru. He lives in Jaunpur District on the bank of the Gaumti River.

28 Kedariya Bir Maharaj, be there any cause of suffering, any bhut-betal in the house, nearby, here or there -- please have it captured.

29 Babu Kedariya Bir, Uday Bir, Mangalaha Bir, 30 Koyala Bir, Daitra Bir, Siha Bir, Karman Bir, 31 32 Banas Bir, Jogi Bir, Joga bir, Chatariya Bir, Savati-Vindhyavati Bir, Khabaran Bir, Dyorhiya Bir, 33 Dana Bir, Putua Bir, Banu Bir, Ajori Bir,

34 Lanka Dait, Sivalaya Dait, Joharbair Dait, 35 Icchana Dait, Palm Tree Dait, Pipal Tree Dait, 36 Babul Tree Dait, Dhandhera Dait ..

37 [ SPOKEN] By the power of these daits, whatever daits exist will be caught.

38 Kal Bhairo, Bhuni Bhero, Bhairo Nath, 39 Pisach Bir, Lauhara Bir, Panniya Pandal Bir, 40 Chhatariya Bir, Bhagod Bir, Gauhra Bir, 41 Five Pandavas, Satyanarayan,

42 Harasu Brahm, Koleswar Brahm, Himal Brahm, 43 Hari Brahm, Hathi Brahm, Hayeram Brahm, 44 Maniya Brahm ... my brothers, our village brahm, a hundred-thousand supplications!

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45 Babu Diha Hira Bir ... be there any bhut, paharat, cor, candal, mari, masan ... you should capture them and take them away!

46 Mai Sayari Mai, Chaura Mai, 47 Akas Kamani, Mohini Bamti, the bamti who are the eaters of blood offerings, 48 Kali Khoh, Balua Ghat Aughar Nath, 49 Manikarnika Ghat Masan, Babua Bir Masan, 50 Mahokar Nat, Rupane Nat, 51 Baruwa Domin, Nona Camain

52 [SPOKEN] ... those things that remain may be captured from the body of a sick person by reading this mantra.

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Transcription of Hindi/Bhojpuri Mantra #2

1 bhagwānji, visnujī, hanumān swāmī, guru maharāj 2 satyanarāyan swāmī, țhakurjī maharāj ... izzat tore hathe/ 3 dekhā! koi bhūt ho, candal ... is ke dehan ho jo phalane ke dehan, wo pakr le ão/

4 [SPOKEN] itane musalmānī devatā se, musalmānī cīz pakare jālā/

5 gazī miya, paco pir, amnas pīr, alam pīr, 6 balam pir, bāba garan kotwal, candan sahid 7 bahādur sahīd, makdūm sahīd, sāī bābā, kamal bābā kī lakh duhãi/

8 [SPOKEN] phir okare bād, bhagautī ...

9 param jot paramesarī devī . koi bhūt ho, pret ho, cor ho, candal ho, us ko pakrle ao/

10 mārūkā mai ke dekh, koi bhut ho, betal, cor ho, candal ho, mari ho, masan ho ... ghar se, pās se, arerī-barerī ko, koī cīz ho, bhawānī grah ho, us ko pakr kar ke mār pāo/

11 sītalā māī, sangațhā māī, durgā māī, kālī māi, 12 vindhyacalī vindhyavāsinī, aşțabūjā devī, 13 haital devī, tan devī, kātyānī devī,

14 barakī mātā, garlo mātā, dulārī mātā, paddmo mātā, 15 dakinī mātā,

16 sato bahan bhawanī, sato sahīd, sāto betāl, 17 sātõ pațhan, sato jinnāth, sāto marī, 18 sātố jalaid, sāto dain, sāt narī ... sāt ke sāt sau daitan ho, us ko giraftar kar ke le ão/

19 [SPOKEN] na marī mānat rahal, na marī pakarāt rahī, to marī pal aise ho ki ..

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20 kāmarū, ajmer kī marī, hāī korț kī marī, 21 mirath ki marī, jalāwā kī marī, harī bān kī marī, 22 bastī ghar kī marī, canarautī kilā kī marī, phāțak kī marī, 23 jandā kī marī, āmkās kī marī, guņā-guņā kī marī, 24 hāwarā pul kī marī, kacaharī kī marī, 25 jailkhāne kī marī, caukā ghāt kī marī, nākhī ghāt kī marī, 26 purāne pul kī marī, mālvīya kī marī ... marī ho, marayal ho, ghar se, bahar se, arerī-bareri ko, giraftar pakr le āo/

27 [SPOKEN] ekare bād, kedāriyā bīr guruāsanī devatā hamar jo hou asli, jaunpur jila rahalan, gaumtī kā kachār par/

28 kedāriyā bīr maharāj, koī dukhī cīz ho, koī bhūt ho, betal ho, ghar se, pas se, arerī-bareri ko, us ko giraftār karā dē/

29 bābū kedāriyā bīr, uday bīr, mangalaha bīr, 30 koyala bīr, daitrā bīr, sīhā bīr, karman bir, 31 bānas bīr, jogī bīr, joga bīr, chatariyā bīr, 32 savātī-vindhyavātī bīr, khabaran bīr, dyorhiyā bīr, 33 dāņā bīr, puțuā bīr, bāņū bīr, ajorī bīr,

34 gamarī me lankā dait, sivālaya dait, joharbair dait, 35 Icchana ke dait, tare dait, pIpare dait, 36 babuli dait, dhandhera ke dait ...

37 [ SPOKEN] e daitan ke ethuwai, daitan kaisano rahe, pakr liyabe sab/

38 kāl bhairo, bhūn bhairo, bhairo nāth, 39 pisāc bīr, lauharā bīr, panniyā pandāl ke bīr, 40 chatariyā ke bīr, bhagod bīr, gauhra bīr, 41 pāco pandavā, satyanārayan,

42 harasu brahm, koleswar brahm, himal brahm, 43 harī brahm, hathi brahm, hayeram brahm, 44 maniya brahm ... bābū mere bhaiyā hamāre gau ke brahm ke lākh duhāi/

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45 bābu dihā hirā bīr ... kol bhūt ho, paharat ho, cor ho, candal ho, marī ho, masan ho .. barabar se, ek dam giraphtār kar lenā cāhiye/

46 māī sāyarī māī, caurā māī, 47 ākās kāmanī mohinī bāmtī, khūn ke pūja khāne wali bamti, 48 kālī khoh ke, baluā ghāt ke aughar nath, 49 manikārnikā ghāt ke masān, babuā bīr ke masān, 50 mahokār kā naț, rūpane ke naț, 51 baruwā ke domin, nona camai ..

52 [ SPOKEN] ... jo cīz milat rahe, rogi ke dehan se, ehī mantra se, parh ke, sab pakr liyābe/

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Both of the Mantras begin with a recitation of the

names of recognizably 'Sanskritic' gods, and then

proceed somewhat unsystematically through the different

classes of powerful beings called upon to drive the

disturbing influences from the body of the Ojha's

patient. Both Mantras include (1) gods having specific

tomb or temple sites, (2) deities inhabiting no single

or particular location, but who are generally recognized

and worshipped, and (3) those whose identities have

essentially been forgotten, yet retain their place in

the memorized chant. The names of the latter figures

are more susceptible to alteration as the Mantra is

repeated and passed down from healer to healer.

The first Mantra is less elaborate in its delin-

eation of the various types of deities, and returns

quickly to a refrain at the end. Fitting with the

healer's identity as a Devi worshipper, the list of

goddesses is the most extensive. The town of "Kavaru"

or "Kamaru" is that of Kamarup Kamakhya in eastern

Assam, the site of the goddess Kamakshi Devi, one of the

Shakti Pithas and the primary center of left-handed

tantric practice according to Varanasi Ojhas and

Tantrics. The village guardian pair is mentioned

generically (Dih, Sayar), and notable is the inclusion

of Muslim gods' Allah and Muhammad. The greater

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portion of the remaining deities are powerful ghosts or

deified dead: Ajab Salar Gauri, Amina Sati, Kedariya

Bir, Nona Camain, a Masan (ghost of the cremation

ground) who was a Teli (Oil-Presser) from the town of

Baksar, and various Brahms (the ghosts of dead

Brahmans). Most of these figures will be discussed at

greater length in the following pages.

Using this and the more elaborate second Mantra as

our starting points, we will examine the major classes

of deified dead represented therein. In an attempt to

supplement the explanations of informants about these

deities -- extremely minimal in some cases -- I have made

extensive use of secondary sources in order to give a

fuller rendering of what is known of their history and

oral traditions.

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NOTES

2.1 THE RURAL PANTHEON: TWO MANTRAS

1 The words ke dwara mean literally "by, through, through the agency/medium of." M. Chaturvedi, B.N. Tiwari, eds., A Practical Hindi-English Dictionary, 6th ed. (Delhi: National Publishing House, 1980), p. 333. 2 The words ki/ke dohai are the Hindi duhai (nf), "an outcry or entreaty for help .. ." [Chaturvedi and Tiwari, Practical, p. 325], or "to appeal in the name of, proclaim the praise of." 3 Candal, betal, cor, marī, marayal, masan, bhavani, dait, etc., are here names for different types of powerful or dangerous ghosts. A candal is a term for a low, despised caste, but here used for a low species of ghost; betal is Sanskirt vetala; cor, literally a "thief," is a thieving ghost; mari, maraval, masan, dait, etc. will be explained below. 4 Bhagauti or Bhagavati is here used as a general name for the listed goddesses and female spirits.

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2.2 Deified Spirits of Women

Seven Sisters Bhawani, Seven Mari, Seven Witches

Kamaru and Ajmer Maris, High Court Mari, Mirath Mari, Jalawa Mari, Janda Mari, Amkas Mari, Numberless Mari, Howrah Bridge Mari, Court House Mari, Jail House Mari, Chauka Ghat Mari, Nakhi Ghat Mari, Old Bridge Mari, Malviya [Bridge] Mari be there marI, marayal in the house, from outside, from here or there, capture them and bring them!

Baruwa Domin, Nona Chamain

Amina Sati

In the second Mantra we find a presentation of

Bhagauti or Bhagawati -- a cover term for the many

manifestations of the Goddess -- that may be divided

roughly into three classes: (1) the major forms of

Shakti of pan-Indian or regional fame: Durga Mai, Kali

Mai, Maruka Mai, Vindhyacali Vindhyavasini Devi, etc.,

(2) Sitala and the other Matas -- the goddesses of

disease, and (3) the deified spirits of women: marI,

bhavani, dain, etc. We will mainly be concerned here

with the last category, the deified spirits of women,

but the presentation will hopefully communicate a sense

of the fluidity among these hypothetical 'levels:' the

disease goddesses and deified dead substitute for each

other in the function of village, caste, family or

personal deities; local manifestations rise to regional

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importance; regional deities become identified with pan-

Indian goddesses.

Mari/Bhavari

The second Mantra speaks of "Bhavani trouble" and

of the Seven Sisters Bhavani." There are Bhavanis who

bother people, and Bhavanis who may be called upon to

help with this intrusion. In Planalp's discussion of

these deities, he describes them as the family goddesses

of most of Senapur's lower castes. In some instances

they are also village goddesses. He reports that "the

family Bhavani is usually represented by a small mound

or altar of clay inside the house [and] acts as a

guardian and protectress of the family members as long 1 as she is regularly propitiated." During special

ceremonies for this deity, the Bhavani is urged to

possess certain family members who then speak as her

oracles. On these occasions she may be served by a

village Ojha and be offered animal sacrifice." Planalp 2 describes the Bhavanis' origins:

It is probable that most or all Bhavanis were originally malevolent ghosts, before subsequent elevation through worship and propitiation to the status of tutelary deities. More specifically, bhavanis are the ghosts of girls, especially those killed by a bhut, or in some other unusual manner. It is generally agreed that the spirits of the victim of female infanticide also become bhavanis. ... after the bhavani gives

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continuous evidence of its activity in haunting a family by causing sickness and other troubles, and is then propitiated and regularly worshiped, it often becomes a Bhavani, or family goddess. As such, it is no longer malevolent toward the family, and it may even begin to exert protective influence.

If there is a point at which we might say that the

'deification' of a ghost has taken place, this process

is certainly begun with the establishment of a shrine

and the onset of regular worship. But by "deification"

(Planalp indicates this transition by writing bhavani as

Bhavani) it is not meant that the being is transformed

into a wholly benevolent deity. Those inside and

outside the tradition recognize the continued

ambivalence of this type of goddess, who alternately

helps, withholds help, or visits vengeance upon her

worshippers. There is the hope and expectation that the

enshrined Bhavani will focus her powers in a kindly

manner upon her people, but conscious or unconscious

neglect will invariably bring trouble.

In Banaras, the beings called both Bhavani and Mari

are described as the ghosts of aborted or stillborn

female fetuses, female victims of infanticide, or any

young girl who dies in an unusual manner. The term Mari

(and Marayal) is derived from the Hindi verb marna, "to

die," and may perhaps be glossed as "dead one." This

writer's data is insufficient on the current popularity

120

of household worship of these deities (even in Planalp's

time, he noticed a steady decline), but it was noted

that there are Mari/Bhavani shrines scattered throughout

the villages which are propitiated by individuals in

times of hardship. These shrines (sthan), like the

memorials of Satis, are always potential candidates for

elevation to village guardian status, or even eventual

identification with pan-Indian goddess figures.

More frequently, one hears of deified Mari as the

guardians of particular structures, having been

sacrificed -- perhaps buried alive in the foundation -- so

that the construction might proceed unhindered. This

type of story is very common, and usually begins with a

description of the builder's initial inability to

stabilize a wall or foundation due to witchcraft or

other supernatural interference. A human sacrifice is

then required to placate the forces disturbed by the

building and to bind the ghost of the victim to the

success of the project and protection of the structure.

This is the most probable explanation of the Mantra's

High Court Mari, Chanarauti Fort Mari, Gate Mari, Howrah

Bridge Mari, Court House Mari, Jail House Mari, Chauka

Ghat Mari, Nakhi Ghat Mari, Old Bridge Mari, and Malviya

Mari.

121

Dain ( witches )

The Mantras also exhibit a general preoccupation

with the ghosts of certain low castes -- especially the

Teli (Oil Presser), Chamar (Leather Worker), Dom

(Cremation Ground Attendant), Dhobi (Washerman), and Nat

(Nomadic Performer and Acrobat) -- believed to be

particularly dangerous, difficult and intrinsically

powerful. The lowest castes have always been identified

with magical practice and the spirit world, not only

because they engage in these activities, but because

that are perceived to have a more direct and natural

connection with and knowledge of this shadowy world. It

is possible that some of these castes have aboriginal

roots, reinforcing the idea of their basic marginality

and association with the untamed wilderness and its

ghostly beings. A Teli or Dhobi skull is frequently

used in tantric ritual; the ghost of a Nat (Mantra 2:

Mahokar Nat, Rupane Nat) is reputed to be one of the

most difficult to remove; the ghosts of the graveyard --

collectively called Masan -- are said to be "low caste"

(choti jati); women of the lowest castes are often

reputed to be the most skillful and dangerous 'witches'

(Mantra 2: Baruwa Domin, Nona Chamain). The most famous

of these witches (dain) in North India is Nona Chamain

(Nona Chamarin, Lona Chamarin, etc.), who continues to

122

be invoked for help with exorcism, illness, childbirth

and snakebite.

There are many versions of the Nona Chamain story

told over most of Northern India. Crooke supplies this 3 rendering of how she obtained her powers.

It is said that Dhanwantari, the physician of the gods, ... was bitten by Takshaka, the snake king. On his death-bed he ordered his sons to cook and eat his corpse so that they might acquire the magical skill of their father. But the snake king dissuaded them from eating the unholy food, and advised them to let the cauldron containing it float down in the flood of the Ganges. Lona Chamarin found it stranded on the bank, and by eating the contents acquiring the magical knowledge of Dhanwantari, in particular his skill in curing snake bite.

A version of the Nona Chamain story told to this writer

by a Muslim healer contains Islamic as well as tantric 4 elements.

There was one Ismail Jogi who was a great magician (jadūgar). A disciple killed him, put his remains in a clay pot and threw it in a river. At Kamaru Kamakhya there were seven sisters, the oldest being Nona Chamari. They had been hungry for days, and made a vow that they would eat the next thing to come down the river. When the pot containing the Jogi's remains floated by, they caught it and ate its contents. From eating the flesh of the Jogi they acquired his powers.

Interestingly enough, Nona Chamain is also known to the

Gazi Miyan cycle described in the next section. In one

account of the birth of the Muslim hero, she appears as

an evil-intentioned midwife who is responsible for the

123

magical act which eventuates in Gazi Miyan's tragic, 5 untimely death. The Nona Chamain story is one, perhaps

older and more widespread, example of a witch-spirit

believed to inhabit a locality. Unlike the other

figures under discussion, these witches' do not appear

to have specific shrine locations, but seem to be free-

floating agents of help or harm.

Satis

Almost every village in the region contains at

least one small shrine to a Sati Mai, said to be a

village woman of any caste who willingly burned with her

husband on his funeral pyre. The Banaras area Sati

memorials are identical in type to the bhūtasthan

established to the unquiet dead and derivative local

deities: a square or round platform surmounted by a

whitewashed conical mound. We have seen that this is a

multi-purpose and multifaceted symbol, for it may be

regarded as a propitiatory shrine for a troublesome

ghost or a memorial for a saint, ancestor, or hero. In

the case of the Sati, the shrine clearly memorializes

her extraordinary action of self-sacrifice. Her death,

although enormously awe provoking, is not regarded as

untimely, because it is the culmination of the wife's

role as pativrata or patibhagat, one who is committed/

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devoted to her husband as her only God. The stories

told about Satis tend to exemplify the conduct of the

ideal wife, or otherwise praise them as women of virtue,

courage and devotion. The shrines commemorate those who

dutifully followed their husbands into the world beyond,

igniting the pyre with the energy of their own sat

(truthfulness, chastity, virtue).

A careful catalog of the Banaras area Sati shrines

and oral traditions has yet to be accomplished. My own

admittedly cursory observations revealed a modest amount

of ritual activity commensurate with that of most other

deified figures of neighborhood and village, but an

absence of shrines which drew pilgrims from a wider

area. It is entirely possible that the Sati cult in

this area of North India is lacking in the attention and

elaboration that one finds in Rajasthan and other

cultural regions of India. One reason for the Sati's

relatively low profile among the other deified dead

appears to be her lack of ambivalence, the sine qua non

of an active local deity. She is sometimes paired with

the village Dih Baba as the village Mother, but does not

exhibit the ambiguous attributes of a disease goddess or

deified ghost, or the capriciousness for which they are

feared and cultivated with such care. The pure and

uplifted character of the Sati also positions her

125

outside the realm of the tantric work of the Ojha. The

enshrined Satis in the Banaras area are idealized,

honored and revered, yet do not seem to evince the

powerful ambivalence which would make them more riveting

objects of devotion. They are nonetheless important and

valued members of the local pantheon for the things they

do symbolize. The story of Amina Sati will be discussed

in the next section.

126

NOTES

2.2 DEIFIED SPIRITS OF WOMEN

1 Jack M. Planalp, "Religious Life and Values in a North Indian Village," Diss. Cornell University 1956, p. 759. 2 Planalp, "Religious Life," pp. 756-7. 3 William Crooke, Religion and Folklore of Northern India (London, 1926; rpt. Delhi: Chand & Co., 1972), p. 437. 4 Personal interview with Molavi Bismillah Khan on January 5, 1981. Crooke also mentions the name of Ismail Jogi in association with Nona Chamain (Religion, p. 78). 5 Richard Greeven, North Indian Notes and Queries III, No. 1 (April 1893), entry 25.

127

2.3 Muslim Deities

By the power of Allah Ajab Salar Gauri, Muhammad, Amina Sati

Gazi Miyan, Panchon Pir Amnas Pir, Alam Pir, Balam Pir Baba Garan Kotwal Chandan Sahid, Bahadur Sahid, Makhdum Sahid

Few involved in the study of folk religion in North

India have failed to notice the worship of Muslim saints

and heroes among low caste Hindus. This has involved

not only pilgrimage to the tombs of Sufi saints during

their death anniversary celebrations (urs) and the fairs

of Muslim martial heroes and martyrs, but the domestic

worship of some of these figures with the aid of Muslim

hereditary priests (described below). It was not

unusual in many areas of North India during the last

century for a low caste villager to identify himself as

a "Panchpiriya," or a worshipper of the Panchon Pir

(panco pir), the "Five (Muslim) Saints." One would not,

however, necessarily identify the Panchpiriya as a

Muslim, as his "saints" are assimilated into the larger

'Hindu' pantheon as "Muslim Deities" (musalmanT devata)

along with more recognizably Hindu gods and non-Islamic

deified dead. Moreover, the makeup of the Panchon Pir

128

did not remain stable throughout the expansion of the

cult, but absorbed decidedly non-Islamic elements. In

any case, rigid definitions of what it is to be Hindu'

and 'Muslim' become less meaningful when we consider

this grey area characterized by various syntheses of

'folk' varieties of Hinduism and Islam. The Panchpiriya

is a perfect example of a religious identification that

defies such categorization.

Gazi Miyan and the Panchon Pir

The origin of the Panchpiriya cult in India is

difficult to ascertain. The original grouping of five

saints was most certainly the Shiite quintet of

Muhammad, Fatimah, Ali, Hasan and Husain, symbolized by

the hand carried in procession during Muharram. In the

Panjab, where the Indian version of the cult seems to

have originated, the list of the Panchon Pir consisted

of prominent Sufi (mainly Chisti) saints, living in the

13th and 14th centuries. As the cult spread to the

south and east, there was a tendency for some of the

saints to be replaced with historical or quasi-

historical Islamic martial heroes -- the religious

warriors (gazi) or martyrs (sahid) whose local cults

were already established in a given region. Gazi Miyan

(Mantra 2, line 5) and Ajab Salar Gauri (Mantra 1, line

129

16. are two such examples. The cycle of the martyr

Gazi Miyan is discussed at length below; Ajab Salar

Gauri being his sister's son and the commander of his

forces. Further expansion of the Panchpiriya cult -- into

what was then the United Provinces and W. Bengal --

resulted in the progressive dilution of Islamic elements

and the inclusion of purely local Hindu or 'tribal'

deities and deified dead.

Perhaps the most prominent figure associated with

the Panchon Pir in the Uttar Pradesh/Bihar/Bengal area

is Gazi Miyan, said to be Salar Mas'ud, the nephew of

Mahmud of Ghazni. Legend has it that the hero became a

martyr at the young age of nineteen when he "led an

expedition into Oudh and was killed in battle at 2 Bahraich in A.D. 1034." The oral traditions concerning

Salar Mas ud or Gazi Miyan were collected several

hundred years after his death in what was purported to

be a historical biography -- the Mir-at-i Mas udi of

'Abdu-r Rahman Chisti (in Urdu, n.d. ) -- but which

amounted to a romantic hagiography which played freely

with historical fact, containing numerous miraculous 3 elements. There also exists a large body of folk song

about the martyr and his retinue, some of which were 4 published Greeven in 1898. There is evidence in the

late 13th and early 14th centuries of the great

130

popularity of the legends of Salar Masud, and the rapid

growth of the cult centered at his tomb (dargah) in

Bahraich, in what is now Uttar Pradesh. The next

several centuries witnessed the expansion of the insti-

tutions surrounding the tomb, the development of a

hereditary priesthood, and the elaboration and multipli-

cation of cultic practices and oral traditions

associated with the hero. In the late 19th and early

20th centuries, the eyewitness reports of Europeans

portray the dargah of Gazi Miyan at Bahraich as a major

pilgrimage center with an annual Mela which drew 50,000

• 100,000 pilgrims -- both Hindu and Muslim -- from all over

India. Replicas of the Bahraich tomb were to be found

in other North Indian cities and towns, serving as 5 localized centers of the cult.

Certain aspects of the Gazi Miyan legend and cult

clearly demonstrate the type of pre- or non-Islamic

borrowing that is so common with these figures. The

first is the association of Gazi Miyan with the sun or

Sun God. The Mir-at-i Mas udi describes the hero's

preoccupation, even enchantment, with a grove containing

a tank and temple of the Sun where Hindus would gather 6 in great numbers during a solar eclipse. His

attraction to the spot inspired him to build a garden

there, or according to other popular traditions, was 7

131

buried there with his head resting on the image of the

sun, "the worship of which he had devoted his life to 8 destroy." The Mir-at-i Mas udi states that upon his

death, the "sun-like countenance became as pale as the 9 new moon," These suggestions indicate that Crooke is

probably correct in viewing the absorption of sun-

worship into the legends of Gazi Miyan as contributing

to the general popularity of his cult and the 10 enhancement of his reputation as a fertility deity.

What appears to be a later tradition grafted onto

the legend of Salar Mas'ud provided the rationale for

the major public event celebrated at his Bahraich tomb 11 and elsewhere. Schwerin describes it thus:

The healing powers of his grave must have been known among the Muslims of the region whether they were immigrants or local converts when Zohra Bibi, the unmarried and blind daughter of the merchant Syed Jamal-ud-Din of Rudauli near Lucknow, went on a pilgrimage to his grave hoping to regain her eyesight (Nevill, 1903: 149). She was cured and out of gratitude decided to construct a dargah on the former site of the sun temple in the village Parasi, some one-and-a-half miles outside Bahraich. Beside it, she had another grave constructed for herself. Shortly afterwards, she died, and her parents and relatives established the custom of making a pilgrimage to Bahraich in the month of jeth (Hindu month May/June) in order to celebrate a post-mortem wedding of the two unmarried deceased. Zohra Bibi was thus betrothed to the hero Salar Masud and the number of pilgrims began to grow.

This posthumous event seems to have been the basis of

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12 later legends, such as one collected by Greeven, which

betroth Zohra or Zuhra Bibi to Gazi Miyan soon before

the hour of his death, intensifying the tragedy of his

martyrdom, and investing the hero with characteristics

similar to those of Dulha Deo, the popular "bridegroom

deity" of North and Central India. 13 Again, it is not

unreasonable to assume that a pre-existing tradition

such as that of Dulha Deo -- who was killed by a tiger

before the consummation of his marriage, becoming a

protective household and village deity -- was absorbed

into the Gazi Miyan corpus and facilitated the adoption

of the cult by the non-Muslims of the region.

Even more obvious an example of the creative

blending of oral traditions is the importance of the

figure of Amina Sati (Mantra 1, line 14) in the Gazi

Miyan cycle. According to the oral tradition, Amina

Sati became "a convert to Gazi Miyan through the growing 14 report of his miracles." She was turned out by her

husband, the Raja Lorchand, after feeding the hungry

Muslim saint, and lived in exile in the jungle with her 15 two sons. Amina Sati's departure brought about the

ruin of her husband's kingdom. When he sought her

forgiveness and return, the wronged women appealed to

the earth to swallow her. "Immediately a crevice

appeared, and she was enclosed in it. The place of her

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entombment is about 14 miles from Bahraich, and pilgrims 16 who go there also visit Amina Sati's shrine." Amina

Sati is included in most lists of the Panchon Pir

worshipped in the region surrounding Banaras. This is

typical of the way the configuration of the quintet

adjusted to embrace variant local traditions as it

spread throughout the north, and is eloquent on the

appeal of the Gazi Miyan legend across religious

boundaries. Taken together with the Zohra Bibi story,

we are given an impression of the hero/saint's

particular attraction for women, who have always

constituted the majority of the pilgrims making the

hopeful journey to the tombs and shrines of the powerful

dead.

As we have mentioned, the principle annual

celebration of Gazi Miyan is the reenactment of his

truncated or posthumous wedding to Zohra Bibi which

takes place on the first Sunday of the Hindu month of

Jeth (May-June). Among the thousands of pilgrims are

organized groups of devotees from outlying districts

who converge at Bahraich carrying banners, decorated

poles, and spears -- symbols of the martyr. Pilgrims

enact vows, pray for the intercession of the saint, and

perform acts of self torture in order to prove their

devotion and acquire merit. On this day local

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celebrations of the wedding also take place in other

North Indian towns. The two Nav Ratras are also popular

periods of worship at the Bahraich tomb and elsewhere. 17

Gazi Miyan and the Panchon Pir are also revered as

village deities as are other powerful and illustrious

dead. They are worshipped collectively in the form of a

heap of stones or a mound outside of a village, near a

tank or under a sacred tree, and perform a protective 18 function as would other village guardians.

Even more interesting are reports of the domestic

worship of the Panchon Pir. From the Panjab to Bengal,

writers have variously described the household shrines

as consisting of (1) a small, earthen mound topped by a

spear, trident, or hand-shaped piece of iron, (2) five

wooden pegs, or (3) the replica of a Muslim grave or

tomb. Daily, weekly, and annual worship is performed in

the usual manner for household deities, often assisted

by a Muslim Dafali, the hereditary priest of Gazi 19 Miyan. Planalp describes one such scene of worship in

Senapur, a village situated north of Banaras: 20

Each Teli family had a clay altar to Ghazi Miyan inside a room of its house. The shrine was known as deva khur (shrine of a deity). As the family god, Ghazi Miyan was offered a large puja every third year at the time of Kuar Nau Rat. One of the Dafalis acted as mujavar ... The Telis treated their Dafali mujavars like Brahman, touching their feet and even calling them "Brahman" and "guru." They

135

massaged and washed their Dafalis' feet, and sprinkled this water up to the shrine of Ghazi Miyan in the house.

When called to officiate at a family puja to Ghazi Miyan, the Dafali mujavar ... and sang sohailas, seeking to induce Ghazi drummed

Miyan to possess one of the family members. The procedure was very similar to that occurring in connection with the worship of a family Bhavani.

This domestic worship of Gazi Miyan by non-Muslims is no

doubt based upon pre-existing forms of worship of non-

Islamic deities. As Planalp indicates, the hcusehold

worship of the Muslim saint is here structurally similar

to the worship of family Bhavanis, the ghosts cum

goddesses who are established as personal deities within

the home (discussed in the previous section). Like the

Bhavanis of in this area, Gazi Miyan is represented by a

mound of earth with a flag or trident (an interesting

replacement for the hand), is the recipient of a major

period of worship once every three years during the Kuar

Nav Ratra (the trivars dena mentioned in the context of

goddess worship in Part 1.5 above), and may be

encouraged to possess family members under the direction

of a special priest, in this case a Muslim Dafali. The

interchangeability of these two types of deities in the

role of household gods of lower caste Hindus speaks of

their basic equivalence despite obvious differences. I

believe that the kinship between these two deities stems

136

from their origin as powerful dead, the "awake" and

imminent gods appropriate to microcosmic concerns. The

logic of this identity is far more persuasive in the

culture than one might imagine, and serves to associate

seemingly disparate types of deities as personal, family

or village guardians. Nowhere is the association of

deified ghost, saint, hero and goddess better

demonstrated than in the various aggregations of the

Panchon Pir.

Planalp notes a decline among Senapur Hindus of the

domestic worship of Gazi Miyan during the period of his

fieldwork (1952-4), which he attributes to the influence

of the Arya Samaj, and growing tensions between Hindus 21 and Muslims brought about by partition. Schwerin

reports a corresponding decline in worship for the same

period among Muslims, due to the increase of Islamic 22 fundamentalist movements and attitudes. The Bahraich

tomb of Gazi Miyan continues to draw its quota of

pilgrims, but one doubts that the numbers are equal to

what was reported in earlier centuries. Meena Kaushik,

in her recent dissertation on the religious life of the

untouchable Doms responsible for cremation in Banaras,

says that the Panchon Pir (in this case Gazi Miyan,

Amina Sati, Bhairon, Buhana and Bande) are presently

worshipped as Dom family deities, and that many Doms

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23 attend the annual Mela of Gazi Miyan at Bahraich.

This writer encountered the belief in Gazi Miyan in

Banaras in the context of professional healing, where

the deity fulfills the role of specialized helping

deity. One Bhagat (an oracle/exorcist who cures through

his devotion to the Goddess) claims to regularly call

Gazi Miyan from Mecca to help him deal with Muslim 24 spirits. Planalp also describes the practice of an

Ojha who claims Gazi Miyan and Amina Sati as tutelary

spirits whom he invites to possess his patients and 25 himself in order to effect a cure. Further research

on the cult of the Panchon Pir in North India could

reveal contemporary worship more extensive than now

realized.

Bahadur Shahid and the Martyrs of the Faith

The second half of the list of "Muslim deities"

found in the Mantras includes the names of several

Shahids (sahid, in Bhojpuri pronounced sahid), "martyrs"

who died at the hands of infidels in the defense of

Islam. As we have seen in the case of Gazi Miyan,

these religious martyrs easily acquire miraculous

attributes and qualities as their legends circulate, and

are absorbed into the general ambiance of the cult of

saints' tombs. Like the saints, they are believed to be

138

'present' at their burial sites. Some essence of their

power is available to worshippers, and they are able to

act as intermediaries between the faithful and other

powerful beings. A description of the activity at one

such graveyard (mazar) complex in Banaras will convey

something of this ambiance.

From the perspective of exorcistic activity, the

most active mazar within the city of Varanasi is that of 26 Bahadur Shahid "Brave/Fearless Martyr"), located in

Sadar Bazaar near the Varanasi Railway Station. There

are several small tombstones -- both inside and outside

the large courtyard of the graveyard -- all of which

receive worship, but the main tomb of Bahadur Shahid

alone is enclosed by a small building, decorated with

the names of Ali, Muhammad, and Allah in Urdu script

over the main entrance. Men may climb the stairs of the

dargah building to worship the cloth-covered, horizontal

gravestone without the mediation of an attendant. At

one side of this enclosure is an opening where women,

standing below, reach up to hand their offerings

(flowers, money, incense, sweets) to a graveyard 27 attendant (mujawar) who gives them ashes and water in

return. The water, from a well inside the courtyard, is

said to have special healing properties and is used to

wash the tomb of the saint. The upper reaches of the

139

room are filled with pictures of Islamic holy sites,

quotes from the Qur'an, and the written requests of

petitioners who apply for the mercy and intercession of

the martyr (also called "Baba") in their lives.

The history of the site is unclear, either

forgotten or subject to the hagiographic imaginations of

attendants and worshippers. A respected and learned

maulana (Islamic scholar) of the city is of the opinion

that the large numbers of worshippers attending the

dargah for the "bhut-pret" activity currently in

evidence have been coming for only fifty to sixty 28 years. The young head Mujawar of Bahadur Shahid (the

third generation in his family to serve in this

capacity) reported that there are at least 25 graves at

the site, but proper gravestones have been built only

for those saints who have "revealed" themselves (jahir

ho jana) in some way. Several stories are told about

individuals who have seen the "Baba" or have experienced

his power. 29 One is that of Binnu, a blind Chamar.

Thirty to forty years ago, when there was no wall around the graveyard and the ground was yet uncleared, a blind Chamar named Binnu sat at the Baba's place continuously for one year, singing and crying the Baba's name. The Baba eventually became pleased with his prayers. One day, early in the morning, two roses dropped in front of the blind man's eyes. A few minutes later he was able to see in all directions, and he shouted for joy. This Binnu is living still in a village outside

140

Varanasi. He has become quite famous because of this incident, and returns to this place from time to time.

The circulation of this type of miracle story has no

doubt contributed to the growth in attendance at the

dargah of Bahadur Shahid in the last few decades. The

head Mujawar also offered this explanation of the

identity of the saint (my paraphrase):

Bahadur Shahid was one of four fakir (Sufi mendicants) sent to Varanasi by Kwajah Mu innuddin Chisti of Ajmer in order to make converts to Islam [30]. The other three were named Shah Ayab Banarsi, Nuruddin Shahid, and Kharbuja Shahid, all of whom came with their own followers and settled in different areas of the city. There were disagreements with the "kafir" [here, local Hindus] over their teachings, and all of the saints and their followers were eventually killed and buried at their present graveyard locations.

All four saints are considered by some Muslims to be the

"gatekeepers" of Varanasi. Although I have not

identified these names with existing mazar sites in the

Varanasi area, this concept of the saints acting as

guardians of the quarters is extremely interesting

because it parallels the Hindu notion of the Bhairavas

in their role as the guardians of different areas of the

city.

Except for an occasional worshipper, the dargah is

almost empty except on Thursdays (jumerat). On this day

the courtyard is filled from the earliest hours of the

141

morning with single-minded petitioners praying with

folded hands, curious observers, and groups involved in

the exorcism of one or more of their members. Hindus

appear to constitute at least 80% of the crowd, and

women far outnumber the men present. The courtyard is

alive with movement, the colors of saris and the dust

raised by the rhythmic whipping of loosened hair. A

pulsating cacophony of cries, wails, moans, heated

argument, nasal singing and shrill laughter fills the

air. Male family members frequently accompany their

women to the mazar, but few take an active part in the

attention given the possessed person in their group,

preferring to wait in the background with other men. It

is said that a person must come to this place on forty

consecutive Thursdays in order to be completely cured or

to have a special wish fulfilled. The women (and

occasional men) who come to "play" are not possessed by

Bahadur Sahid, but by the ghosts that have bothered them

for some time. The presence of the resident saint acts

to encourage these ghosts to take active possession of

their vehicles, revealing their origin and demands.

Only then may family members know how to deal with the

cause of possession and ultimately convince the

troublesome spirit into leaving. The "Baba" has the

authority to hold a ghost to its promise to leave the

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body of a patient, or to render it innocuous and keep it

at the site of the mazar. This is the proper role of a

"Jinn Nath," for Hindus the Islamic equivalent of the

Bhut Nath. The pronouncements of the spirits are

frequently delivered as a choking, sobbing, or nasal

singing that is delivered in a strikingly similar style

by women seated throughout the courtyard. It is clear

that some of these women who come to the mazar weekly

are in a transitional phase between spirit victim and

professional oracle: they dominate the scene and are

masters of the possession performance style. Ojhas and

other professional healers are not permitted to ply

their trade openly on the premises. The Muslim

attendants are adamant about maintaining an atmosphere

free from the machinations of professionals, and express

open hostility about all forms of "tantric" practice. A

Mujawar occasionally circulates through the crowd

collecting contributions of money from the crowd; this

and offerings make up the relatively small income of the

dargah.

Not everyone in the compound is engaged in

possession activity. Many return on successive

Thursdays in observance of a vow. Others make more

costly offerings in gratitude for a "fulfilled desire"

(manauti puri ho jana). Muslim men and boys stop by to

143

pray before Bahadur Shahid's tomb, heads covered.

Occasional groups of Muslim women wearing burkas (outer

clothing that hides the body and face) come with their

families to chat and observe the activities as though on

a picnic.

Bahadur Shahid is just one of many mazars in the

region which draw both Hindu and Muslim pilgrims.

Faizabad's Makhdum Shahid (Mantra 2, line 7) is also

very popular among Banarsis, many of whom attend the

saint's urs celebration in Chaitra (March-April). This

Mela was large enough one hundred years ago to be 31 mentioned in North Indian Notes and Queries

Makhdum Shah Ashraf Jahangir - This famous saint died at Kichancha in the Fyzabad District, Oudh, many hundred years ago. He is also believed by Muhammadans and even Hindus to have control over evil spirits, and thousands of people go every year to seek redress at the hands of Makhdum Sahib. It is believed that the evil spirits are summoned by the saint, and if they do not leave the affected person, they are burnt.

The Mantra's Chandan Shahid (2, line 6) may refer to the

saint whose story was recorded by Cunningham over 100 32 years ago.

A Muhammadan saint living at Benares had his head cut off by a Hindu named Chandan, and he fled away without his head until he reached Sahsaran. Here he asked a woman for a pan, or betel, to eat, but she replied, "what is the use of giving you a pan when your head is gone?" on which the holy man at once dropped down dead. The shrine on the top of the hill

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is called after him, Chandan Pir ...

If the increase in Hindu/Muslim tensions and the

effect of fundamentalist movements has worked to

diminish the household worship of "Muslim deities" among

many Hindu castes, it appears to have had less of an

effect on the position of Muslim saints and heroes in

their function as village guardian deities or as

miraculous centers of wish-fulfillment and healing. The

more famous shrines of these "Muslim deities" are of a

class with the regional shrines of Birs and Brahms, and

are subject to the same vagaries of belief and tests of

efficacy as are these other gods. Compare the stories

and cultic activity of Brahm shrines presented in the

next chapter.

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NOTES

2.3 MUSLIM DEITIES

William Crooke, "Panchpiriya," Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics (1917), IX, 600-601. See also Crooke, Religion and Folklore of Northern India (London, 1926; rpt. Delhi: Chand & Co., 1972), pp. 165-166; R.C. Temple, Legends of the Panjab (Patiala: Language Dept., 1962), I, 98-120. 2 Crooke, Religion, p. 166. 3 There is an English summary of this work in H.M. Elliot's The History of India, ed. J. Dowson (1869), II, 513-549. 4 Richard Greeven, The Heroes Five (Allahabad: Pioneer Press, 1898). Greeven summarizes his Heroes Five material in numerous entries of North Indian Notes and Queries, (Allahabad), ed. William Crooke, II, No. 1 (April 1892), entries 10, 78, 85; No. 3 (June 1892), entries 149, 153; No. 4 (July 1892), entry 217; No. 5 (Aug. 1892), entries 299, 302, 306; No. 6 (Sept. 1892), entry 367; No. 7 (Oct. 1892), entry 413; No. 8 (Nov. 1892), entry 476; No. 9 (Dec. 1892), entry 537; No. 10 (Jan. 1893), entry 606; No. 11 (Feb. 1893), entry 672; III, No. 1 (April 1893), entry 25; "Marriage and Martyrdom of Ghazi Miyan," IV, No. 4, (July, 1894), entry 157; IV, No. 11 (Feb. 1895), entry 405. 5 Kerrin G.V. Schwerin, "Saint Worship in Indian Islam: The Legend of the Martyr Salar Masud Ghazi," in Ritual and Religion Among Muslims in India, ed. Imtiaz Ahmad (Delhi: Manohar, 1981), pp. 146-151. 6 Dowson, ed., History, II, 538, 541. 7 Dowson, ed., History, II, 541. 8 Crooke, "Panchpiriya," p. 601. 9 Dowson, ed. History, II, 547. 10 Crooke, "Panchpiriya," p. 601; Schwerin,

146

"Saint," pp. 155-156. 11 Schwerin, "Saint," p. 148. 12 Greeven, "Marriage." 13 Crooke, "Panchpiriya," p. 601; Schwerin, "Saint," p. 157; Crooke, Religion, pp. 99-102. The tales of the deified Ahirs Bir Kuar and Bechu Bir also follow this "bridegroom deity" pattern; see Part 3.3 below. 14 Crooke, "Panchpiriya," p. 601. 15 In addition to Amina Sati's forest exile with her two sons, there are other incidents that occur in the Ghazi Miyan cycle that are reminiscent of the Ramayana story. 16 Jack M. Planalp, "Religious Life and Values in a North Indian Village," Diss. Cornell University 1956, p. 768. 17 Schwerin, "Saint," p. 150; Pyare Lal, "Panchon North Indian Notes and Queries, III, No. 4 (July 1893), entry 116; Crooke, "Panchpiriya," p. 601. Pir,"

18

19 Schwerin, "Saint," p. 152.

Little has been written about the Dafalis, the 'Muslim' drummer-priests of Gazi Miyan. Crooke mentions that they are converted Mirasis, a low Hindu musician caste (note 14 in Schwerin, "Saint," p. 154), but the period of their conversion and assumption of the priestly role is unknown. They were/are, in any case, the main bearers of the oral traditions about the life of Gazi Miyan and his retinue in the form of folk songs, some of which have been recorded and translated by Greeven in his Heroes Five. 20 Planalp, "Religious Life," p. 770. 21 Planalp, "Religious Life," pp. 102 and 772. 22 Schwerin, "Saint," p. 158. 23 Meena Kaushik, "Religion and Social Structure: A Case Study of the Doms of Banaras," Diss. University of Delhi 1979, pp. 9-10.

147

24

1981. Personal interview with Mithai Lal, November 21, The Muslim Healers observed by this writer were not 'possessed' by their Babas and were, in fact, disdainful of this activity. One healer would conclude each session with a prayer to his Baba -- a Pir located at a tomb in Faizabad -- urging him to manifest his presence in the room and work to cure the assembled patients. Even more importantly, the Muslim healer uses his Baba to act as a messenger and intermediary between himself, his patients, and Ajmer Sharif, the most powerful Baba in all of India according to North Indian Muslims. Ajmer Sharif is one name for the entombed Sufi Pir Mu inuddin Chisti in Ajmer, Rajasthan. 25 Planalp "Religious Life," p. 772. .26 The terms sayyid (a direct descendent of Muhammad through Ali and Fatima),sahId (a religious martyr), and sometimes saheb (a title of respect) are consistently conflated or confused. 27 Mujawar from Arabic mujawir, "an attendant at a mosque or shrine." John Thompson Platts, A Dictionary of Urdu, Classical Hindi and English (London: Oxford University Press, 1960), p. 1002. 28 Personal interview with Mufti Maulana Abdul Salam, March 18, 1982. 29 Personal interview with Mujawar Sakir, Nov. 10, 1980, at Bahadur Sahid mazār. 30 Mu 'innuddin Chisti "reached Delhi in 1193, then settled in Ajmer, when the Delhi kings conquered this important city in the heart of Rajputana. His dwelling place soon became a nucleus for the Islamization of the central and southern parts of India. The Chisti order spread rapidly, and conversions in India during that period were due mainly to the untiring activity of the Chisti saints, whose simple and unsophisticated preaching and practice of love of God and one's neighbor impressed many Hindus, particularly those from the lower castes, and even members of the scheduled castes." Annemarie Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions of Islam (Chapel Hill: Univ. of N. Carolina, 1975), p. 345. 31 Azizuddin Ahmed, North Indian Notes and Queries, I, No. 8 (Nov. 1891), entry 807.

148

32 Alexander Cunningham, "Report of Tours in the Gangetic Provinces from Badaon to Bihar in 1875-6 and 1877-78," Archaeological Survey of India, (Varanasi: Indological Book House, 1968), XI, 132-3.

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2.4 Brahms

Harasu Brahm, Dipau Brahm, Dhat Dhat Antaryami Brahm, Kaihasi Baram

Harasu Brahm, Koleswar Brahm, Himal Brahm, Hari Brahm, Hathi Brahm, Hayeram Brahm, Maniya Brahm ...

My brothers, our village Brahms, a hundred-thousand supplications!

The ancient mythological and legal concerns over 1 the killing of a Brahman (brahmahatya) and the power of

a Brahman's curse find their popular expression in the

figure of the brahm (in Bhojpuri pronounced baram), the

ghost of a Brahman who has died violently, prematurely,

or under protest. The Brahm is one of several classes

of deified dead which derive their power from the

sacrificial, violent or untimely nature of their deaths.

The Sati is not feared as much as she is honored: her

chastity, devotion, and self-sacrifice have transformed

her into a mostly benevolent deity. The Shahid or Bir,

a local hero slain by enemies, is another example of

exceptional self-sacrifice and martyrdom transmuted into

posthumous presence and protection. In the case of the

Brahm, it is that which is associated with, symbolized

by, and inherent in the fact of brahmanhood -- in

conjunction with the violent or untimely nature of

150

death -- which makes for the particular power and

awesomeness of this spirit. Not only is it most serious

to be involved in the death of a Brahman because of the

"sin" (pap) that will accrue, but a Brahman's sanctity

can be transformed into a special power which may be

directed against the guilty party. The Brahman seems to

have the ability to utilize this technique to its

fullest effect, and may wield it like a powerful curse.

It is significant that many of the stories told about

individual Brahm involve a suicide directed in protest

at a wrongdoer, resulting in a virulent form of

posthumous retribution. This particular form of protest

is available to a Brahman who feels himself wronged yet

is powerless to seek justice by other means, and is

likely to occur in a confrontation with a wielder of

temporal authority upon whom a Brahman is in some sense

dependent. The theme of Brahman-Kshatriya (Thakur)

interdependence/animosity occurs quite frequently in

this regard, as the Thakur is often the dominant or

landowning caste in this area of North India. Other

stories demonstrate the vengeance of a murdered Brahman.

Planalp recounts these three examples collected in 2 Senapur and nearby villages. One shrine

can be traced back to an ancestor of one of the Dube families in Daudpur. He was employed as a government tax official, and in this

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capacity incurred the enmity of the Thakur landlords of several villages. One night he was ambushed and killed by some of these enemies. His relatives, suspecting that his spirit might become active, buried his ring in a special place. Soon his spirit spoke to them in their dreams, commanding them never to accept water from the Thakurs who had murdered him or their descendents. This injunction has been strictly observed, and it is said that the descendents of the murderers have suffered continually from supernatural retribution. Some have gone mad, while others have been born with deformities. [p. 776]

Another famous Brahm, known as Raikal Brahm, is located between Kerakat and Jaunpur. This shrine commemorates a Brahman, who, as a result of a quarrel with a Thakur landlord, committed suicide by throwing himself in front of the Thakur's plow. The field where this occurred has remained uncultivated to the present day ... [p. 777]

The grandfather of the old Pande purohit in Daudpur made a loan of money to one of his Thakur jajmans. The debtor died and his nephew refused to take responsibility for repaying the loan. In the traditional manner of protest, the Brahman allowed his hair and nails to grow long and refused to conduct ceremonies for, or even speak to, the members of the Thakur family. Before his death he gave instructions to his grandson for the burial of the nail clippings and cuttings of hair. He further asked that if his brahm, or spirit, should "awaken" -- that is, if bad luck and misfortune should begin to harass the Thakur family, the spot where the nails and hair were buried should be marked by a mound or shrine and offerings should be made to the brahm. Since the death of the dissatisfied, protesting Brahman, the Thakur family has been plagued by a number of adversities which they attribute to the action of the brahm. [pp. 774-5]

By utilizing his power of protest a Brahman has recourse

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to his spiritual authority in order to redress a wrong

in the temporal sphere; he may posthumously harass or

even cause the death of the offender and his

descendents. Even without the element of protest and

suicide, those who have a hand in the death of a Brahman

have good reason to fear an unusual degree of

retribution. This form of Brahmanical revenge lies

behind the perceived power and danger of the Brahm,

making necessary ritual acts of appeasement and

propitiation. But not all Brahm shrines have arisen out

of such dramatic incidents. The worship of many are

contained, or at least begin, within the family unit.

The family worship of Brahm has the character of an

ancestor cult with a difference: the ancestors

worshipped are those who for some reason were not able

to complete the journey to the "World of the Ancestors"

(pitr lok) and beyond, and therefore continue to hover

about the living. The shrines to Brahm (brahm-asthan)

are generally built by families in order to honor or

pacify one of their own. These unsettled spirits will

make their presence known by appearing to or possessing

a family member, or causing chronic illness or

misfortune. Once identified, they are ritually

established or "seated" (bithana) in an outdoor shrine

and are sustained by periodic offerings. In time a

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shrine may acquire the reputation of a "Brahm Baba" for

a wider population. As is true of many other local

gods, the chief concerns addressed to the Brahm Baba

involve the fulfillment of special desires and the

alleviation of illness, infertility and other

misfortunes. The Brahm Baba has special authority as

well over problems caused by other troublesome Brahms

and lesser spirits, the most powerful among them

considered Bhut Naths or "Masters of Ghosts."

Two Brahm Baba temples are particularly famous in

the Banaras region, and attract large numbers of

pilgrims during certain seasons of the year. The first,

Pishach Mochan, is located in the city of Varanasi

itself. This temple is also referred to as "Kashi

Brahm," and is promoted by its priests and area Ojhas as

the city's most powerful Brahm Baba temple. The second,

Harashu Brahm -- located about 60 kilometers outside of

the city in the adjoining state of Bihar -- is known and

patronized equally by people living in the Banaras area.

Kashi Brahm: Pishach Mochan Temple

Varanasi's Pishach Mochan Temple (Sanskrit pisāca

mocana, "demon/ghost-liberation") is one of the primary

locations in the sacred city of Banaras for the

performance of ancestral sraddha rites and other rituals

154

involving the pacification and removal of troublesome

ghosts or spirits (bhut-pret). An older and established

city temple, it has accumulated -- and to some extent

integrated -- multiple 'layers' of explanatory myth and

ritual activity. While it is difficult to determine

with any certainty the historical sequence of these

strands of ritual and myth, the result has been an

institution which is able to accommodate the entire

social and ritual spectrum from Brahman to Untouchable,

educated to illiterate, orthodox to 'folk.' The pandas

(pilgrimage priests) of the temple promote and provide a

range of ritual services connected with the dead in

whatever variations fulfill the knowledge, needs, and

expectations of pilgrims. The temple complex contains a

tank known for its pure and healing waters, and an image

(linga) of Shiva named in the Kashi Khanda of the Skanda

Purana. The main shrine also houses a large stone head

of a sneering 'demon' (pisaca) that is known as the

city's most powerful Brahm Baba, and is for many the

temple's principle deity. The sraddha rites performed

at the temple run the gamut from the highly orthodox to

perfunctory, collective ceremonies supervised by

illiterate temple servants. The exorcism of ghosts is

also one of the temple's major ritual services. A

closer examination of Pishach Mochan's mythology and

155

ritual offerings will give us a better understanding of

the ways in which these various elements are

orchestrated to provide for the different needs and

perceptions of pilgrims.

From one point of view, the temple complex called

Pishach Mochan is a Shiva temple set beside a large tank

of water reputed to have special healing and purifying

properties. Puranic mythology records the tank and

linga as the original components of the site. According

to the Kashi Khanda, one of Shiva's favorite ganas,

named Kapardi, came to Kashi to establish a linga which 3 became famous as Kapardisha.

Next to this image he dug a tank called Vimalodaka, the "pure waters" of which one need only touch to be cleansed of all defects and impurities. There was a Pashupata sage named Valmiki who would bathe in the tank and perform tapas in worship of the Kapardisha linga. Once while Valmiki was engaged in this worship, he was confronted by the sight of a horrible-looking rāksasa or pisāca. The sage asked the Pishach to explain his condition and his presence there. The Pishach, begging for mercy, responded with this tale. He had been a Brahman at a tirtha on the Godavari River, and had taken alms from the pilgrims. As a result of this he was condemned to live as a pisaca, suffering from great hunger, thirst and extremes of temperature. After living many days in this condition, the Pishach saw a young Brahman who neglected to perform his morning prayers and proper ablutions after defecation. Due to these lapses in proper behavior, the Pishach was able to enter the Brahman's body and travel with him to Kashi. At the border of the sacred city he abruptly fell out of the Brahman's body along with the

156

man's sins, unable to enter further for fear of the ganas of Shiva. He waited outside for the Brahman to return and searched in vain for food. But this was an impossible task, for even water would withdraw at his sight. Then one day he saw a sunyasi, and overwhelmed by hunger the Pishach decided to eat him. Just as he was about to grab the sanyäsi the man uttered the powerful and purifying name of "Shiva" and the Pishach's sins were removed. As a result he was able to enter the outer limits of the city, but was still unable to go further. The Pishach said to Valmiki, "Then I saw you and I have come to beg your mercy. Please deliver me from the pisaca yoni." The sage, taking pity on him, told the Pishach to bathe in the pool called Vimalodaka and receive the darsan of Kapardishwar. But the Pishach protested that the deities inhabiting the water caused it to withdraw at his sight; he was not even able to drink, much less bathe. The Muni then gave him ashes which were consecrated with the name of Shiva. Rubbing these on his head the Pishach was able to bathe in and drink the water of Vimalodaka. He immediately acquired a divine body adorned with divine raiment, and mounted a celestial vehicle which bore him away on the path of the wind. As he departed, this divine being bowed to the Sage and said, "You have freed me from the pisaca yoni. Therefore, from today, the name of this tirtha will be Pishachamochana [mocana = Hindi "deliverance, liberation, salvation"]. He who bathes at this tirtha and receives the darsan of Kapardisha will be freed from the pisaca yoni. He who performs pindadana on behalf of his ancestors will free those who have accidentally fallen into pisaca yoni and attain for them the highest heaven (uttam gatI). Saying this, the fortunate divine being bowed to the sage and attained heaven (divva gati).

The name Pishach Mochan is therefore an epithet of

Kapardishwar (Shiva): "One Who Causes Liberation From

Pishachas," or "One Who Caused the Pishach's

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Deliverance." Yet the importance of the Shiva linga and

the tank of pure waters has become somewhat obscured by

other developments in temple activity. The Shiva image

housed in the central shrine is now quietly excluded

from most of the rituals taking place at the temple.

Although acknowledged by the Pandas to be the main deity

of the temple, the linga is protected from the

practitioners and clients of the exorcism rites and

their "impure" offerings. The temple tank, on the other

hand, has retained to some extent its reputation for the

removal of bodily sins, defects and impurities. It has

for several hundred years been the scene of a major

bathing Mela held on Agahan Chaturdashi, the anniversary

of the Pishach's liberation. This Lota-Bhanta Mela is

primarily attended by women, who come to bathe in the

tank and make special offerings in the hope of receiving

offspring. This focus on fertility is not as

inconsistent with the original reputation of the tank's

waters as it might seem, for infertility is often viewed

as a karmic or other supernaturally imposed blockage of

fertility which might be removed by such a purifying

bath. But in recent years only a few hundred women have

come to bathe in Vimal Kund -- now a stagnant green pond --

and this aspect of temple activity is definitely on the 4 decline.

158

The liberation of the Pishach is not only the

paradigmatic event upon which the bathing Mela is based,

but also the mandate for the performance of ancestor

rites at the temple. The Kashi Khanda story tells us

that bathing in the tank and receiving the darsan of

Kapardishwar will not only free the pilgrim from his

sins and ensure his avoidance of lingering piśaca-hood,

but the performance pindadana for the ancestors will

similarly enact their liberation. Yet the story fails

to explain the existence of the large "demon head"

(piśaca mastak) in what now appears to be the main

shrine of the temple. We must shift to an oral version

of the myth told to Diana Eck for an explanation of this 5 second image.

... Bhairava decapitated a piśaca who attempted a forced entry into Kasī. The head was brought before Viśvanatha, and, still able to speak, it pleaded for mercy. It asked to be allowed to remain in Kaśī on the site of its severing and it asked that all pilgrims to Gaya, going to perform funereal śraddha rites there, be required to stop at Pisācamocana in Kāśī first. Siva granted its request. The pisaca agreed, in turn, to provide the service of releasing people from the evil spirits, the piśacas, that plague them.

This oral version of the Pishach story shifts the focus

from the temple tank and Shiva image to the Pishach as

the primary deity of the temple. Here, the Pishach's

"deliverance" is more than the prototypical event which

159

made possible the liberation of souls to follow, but an

event which transformed the Pishach himself into a deity

with the power to free pilgrims from the unsettled

spirits that torment them. Furthermore, the oral

traditions now current at the temple emphasize the

identity of the Pishach as a brahmana. 6 Bhairava's

mythological reputation for brahmahatya (the murder of a 7 Brahman) also reinforces this identification. For the

great majority of the temple's pilgrims, the presiding

deity at Pishach Mochan temple is this very "Brahm

Pishach," "Brahm Rakshas," or "Brahm Baba" (also called

"Kashi Brahm" or "Pishach Brahm"). In fact, Pishach

Mochan is known as one of the region's most powerful

Brahm Baba temples -- along with Chainpur's (Bihar)

Harashu Brahm -- and is the pilgrimage destination of last

resort for many in outlying districts who have problems

with particularly tenacious ghosts. The ritual

solutions to these problems are as follows.

As we have said, Pishach Mochan is one of the major

locations in the city (in addition to Manikarnika,

Dashashvamedha and Raj Ghats) where sraddha rites are

performed, and these occur most numerously during the

period of pitr paks (Ashvin Kr. 1-15), the "Fortnight of

the Ancestors." The two main types of śraddha rituals

seen at the temple are the seasonal "Gaya or Tirth

160

Sraddh" -- offered by pilgrims en route to Gaya for the

completion of their ancestral ritual obligations -- and

the "Tripindi Sraddh" (also called "Pret Sraddh") which

is offered throughout the year in order to "ease the

suffering, fever, aches and pains caused by bhut, pret, 8 pisāc, etc." When the latter ritual is enacted by a

Brahman ritual specialist (karma kandi) or a family's

purohit with its proper Sanskrit paddhati (ritual

procedure or manual), it is said to to grant the pret

in question "liberation" (mukti) or a place in some

divine realm. The orthodox version of this ritual is

enacted with the recitation of Vedic and Puranic

"mantras," and includes the following acts: water

libations (tarpana) to all the gods, beings and

ancestors; worship of the salagrama; the establishment

and worship of three pots, flags and images representing

Visnu, Brahma, and Rudra; the offering of three pinda

balls -- one of barley flour, one of rice flour, and one

of black sesame seeds -- on the "seats" of these three

deities respectively; worship of the three pindas; the

ritual payment of participating Brahmans, and the darsan

of the presiding deity/ies of the temple. It is not

totally clear why this particular form of śraddha came

to be used for the purpose now stated in the ritual

manual -- relief from spirit-caused illness and

161

affliction -- or the ritual mechanism by which this is

effected. It is possible that a family's "bhūt, pret,

pisāca, etc." are "liberated" by the intercession of the

three deities so elaborately worshipped, or, more

likely, the ghosts -- addressed as "ancestors" (pitarah)

in the rite -- are ritually homologized with these

deities, symbolizing and enacting their union with them

in their respective heavens. In any case, the Tripindi

Sraddh is available to pilgrims at whatever degree of

elaboration befits their aims, financial means and

ritual knowledge. It may be performed for a client by a

karma kandī in a complete and orthodox manner, or

conducted by a temple Panda or servant as a brief

exercise. At the latter end of this continuum of ritual

performance, the Tripindi Sraddh has been adapted to the

ways and means of ojhai (the work of the exorcist/0jha),

and has been simplified into a fairly brief ritual in

which the Ojha plays a role not unlike that of the

family priest. Temple Pandas often refer to this

exorcistic version of the ritual as the "Bhut" or

"Bhutwala Tripindi" ("wala" being a Hindi suffix here

meaning "the one relating to" ghosts) to distinguish it

from its more orthodox forms. . A typical Bhut Tripindi,

which is really a ritual of exorcism, might be conducted

as follows:

162

The individual performing the ritual -- troubled for some time by one or more ghosts -- bathes in the temple tank and dons fresh, clean clothing. The following items are provided by a temple servant for a small fee: a clay cup filled with tank water, a shallow clay dish filled with a mixture of rice and barley flour and black sesame seeds, a handful of small flowers, three strands of darbha grass and a grass ring (pavitra). The pilgrim places the grass ring on the ring finger' of his right hand. A temple Panda then directs him in the shaping of three small pinda balls from the flour mixture and water provided, while he intones a mixed Sanskrit and Hindi chant naming the time, place and performer of the ritual. ("In the 12th Kalpa, in Jambu Dvipa, in Aryavarta, in Kashi, at Pishacha Mochana, at Vimala Tirtha . ") The performer is then instructed to offer the balls, one at a time, on top of a strand of darbha grass, each time accompanied by the Panda chanting the names of various types of ghosts and requesting them -- having become "deities" -- to stay in Kashi. ("Hey Mari, Hey Maruwa, Hey Marayal, Hey Brahm, Hey Bhavani ... from birth to birth, for seven ages, for seven births, becoming devata, stay in Kashi and work for our welfare.") The last ball is followed by the same chant, but offered to the unknown and forgotten dead and victims of violent death. ("To the forgotten, known and unknown, fallen from trees, drowned in water, burned in fire, having become bhut, having become pret, those met on the road ... Hey Mari, Hey Maruwa," etc.) Flowers are then offered on top of the pinda balls and the Panda instructs the performer to pray to the Brahm Baba to help him in this endeavor.

The Panda then departs, and the client's Ojha takes his place. (This Ojha has probably been treating the patient for some time, and it was he who suggested this trip to the temple. The "seating" -- bithana -- of ghosts at Pishacha Mochana also entails special rituals in the patient's village, both before and after the visit to the temple.) The Ojha draws a circle on the ground with the flower petals, and

163

places one or more cloves (depending upon the number of ghosts to be exorcised) inside this circle. The Ojha, who has brought the ghost to the temple in his own body transfers, the ghost with some difficulty to the clove inside the circle. There is a brief, controlled period of "playing" (khelna) as the ghost shows itself and offers final resistance. This is manifested by the head-jerks, clicks, whistling, high-pitched nasal protest and other similar gestures and vocalizations of the Ojha. After the ghost is settled in the clove, the Ojha makes a series of offerings which may include the lighting of incense, burning of camphor, the cutting of a piece of nutmeg or several small, green lemons (substances containing a high degree of "life" -- jiv -- in them, and offered in lieu of animal sacrifice). He may also pack and burn a clay chillum filled with cannabis (ganja) and offer a quantity of country liquor by pouring it on the ground.

When the Ojha has finished his offerings, the temple Panda returns, and all three argue about the final price of the ritual. The Ojha openly takes the part of the client, but has previously informed the Panda how much may be extracted from this individual, a sum he will ultimately share with the Panda. price has been agreed upon, the Panda places When the

his fingers on the ghost-inhabited clove, and finishes the ritual by listing (in chant) the services and fees of the ritual and requesting the ghost to remain at the temple under the authority of the Brahm Baba. The performer is instructed to form the three pinda balls into one, and the clove is sealed inside. The Panda then slaps the client on the back three times (pith thokna), the final blessing which completes the ritual. The pinda ball and other ritual substances are then thrown into the temple tank or a covered well (brahm kūp) by the client.

Often the Ojha and his client will demand a "receipt" (the English word is used) from the Panda, a printed form listing the names of the temple and priests to which are added the

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names of the Ojha, client and any witnesses. This receipt is proof for involved parties back in the village that the "seating" of a ghost has actually taken place, and offering a return visit free of charge if a client is not satisfied.

Significant here is the reduction of the orthodox rite

to its most fundamental outline -- the offering and

worship of the three pindas. Attention to the Vedic

gods has been replaced by the dominating figure of the

Brahm Baba, and the Ojha and his repertoire of 'magical'

ritual techniques acts in the role of the Karma Kandi or

Purohit. Interesting also is the difference in the

perceived results of the ritual. Many who conduct the

orthodox Tripindi Sraddh maintain that the pret in

question is released from its condition and attains a

new state of being, e.g., it attains "liberation"

(moksa) or becomes an "ancestor" (pitr). The clients of

the Ojha believe that the ghosts brought by them to the

temple are "seated" (bithana -- ritually established or

held) at the site. The temple offers other services

that reinforce this latter objective. For instance, a

ghost may be nailed with an iron spike to a Pipal tree

in one section of the temple. At another, a client may

establish a small, cone-shaped 'image' beneath a large

sacred tree in order in order to provide a ghost a

permanent place to reside.

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Pishach Mochan temple Pandas insist that the many

forms of the Tripindi Sraddh performed at the temple are

in fact the same ritual producing the same results.

When asked why a soul attaining moksa must be "seated"

at the temple or nailed to a tree, the Pandas blame the

Ojhas for this "deception," and protest their

helplessness to do other than accommodate themselves to

the ways of ojhai. While neither Panda nor Ojha can be

said to be totally innocent of a degree of opportunism

in the promotion of their services, there is less

deception here than allowance for the multiple

explanations of the fate of the unquiet dead professed

by pilgrims at the temple. Both the foundation myth and

the performance of the Tripindi Sraddh have evolved in

forms sufficiently flexible to accommodate all of these

various views.

Harashu Brahm

Despite the reputation of Pishach Mochan's Brahm

Baba, many of the residents of Varanasi and surrounding

villages prefer to "seat" Brahm and other ghosts at

Harashu Brahm Temple in Chainpur, Rohatas District,

Bihar. Harashu Brahm lies approximately 60 kilometers

from Varanasi, the journey a 3-4 hour bus ride with many

stops and changes en route. The most famous Brahm Baba

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in the region, Harashu Brahm draws pilgrims from an area

that includes much of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. In 1882

Alexander Cunningham had this to say about the 9 popularity of the site:

The fame of Harshu has now extended over a large portion of Northern India, and people from all parts flock to his shrine. All who have been long ill, all who fancy themselves bewitched, all who have disputes about land, come to consult the ghost of Harshu ... The number of pilgrims or visitors has rapidly increased during the past few years [coming from] all parts of Northern India, including Delhi and Benares.

There is little evidence that attendance has decreased

since the time of Cunningham. Harashu Brahm is promoted

as a dham by temple servants, a term used for the major

(and aspiring) pilgrimage centers of India. The desire

to engage in pilgrimage is a large part of the

motivation for the journey to Harashu Brahm for the

residents of Varanasi. Pilgrimage is an infrequent

event that is cheerfully anticipated and enjoyed,

especially by women who have few occasions to leave the

home for extended periods of time. The additional

effort and sacrifice is also felt to enhance one's

chance of success at obtaining what one desires through 10 pilgrimage. Many of Varanasi's residents also express

their preference for the longer trip to Harashu Brahm in

order to decrease the risk of a troublesome ghost re-

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possessing its victim, something more likely to occur if

it is deposited at a nearby shrine. It is also common

for people to seek a cure at a distant shrine, after

failing to receive satisfaction from deities closer at

hand. Preferences, too, may be governed by the habits

and traditions of a village or family, especially with

regard to long-established relationships with the

priests of a given temple.

The Harashu Brahm temple is located among the ruins

of an old fort, the remaining features of which -- a gate

and crumbling walls, a well, a graveyard and yagya sala

(an enclosure in which fire sacrifices are performed) --

have been incorporated into some version of the legend

told about the place. The guardian deities of the

complex include the "Fort's Mistress" (kile kl malikin),

a Mari -- in this case a sweeper woman who was sacrificed

at the temple gate in order to bind her spirit to the

protection of the fort -- who is worshipped at a small

shrine before entering the gate, and the two low-caste

(Dom) bodyguards of the Brahm Baba -- Husai-Musai Domara --

who are the recipients of the impure substances offered

by the Ojhas outside the temple compound. Harashu Brahm

is also said to retain 108 Brahms which live in the

vicinity of the shrine and act as his servants. Inside

the walls we find an enclosed area containing the tomb

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11 of one Garha Shah Sayyid, where pilgrims bothered by

jinn are brought by temple Pandas. The main shrine of

the Brahm Baba is itself surprisingly crude. In a

small, rectangular room -- two sides of which are open

except for an iron grille -- a low, rough stone is set

into the tile floor. This small patch of stone is the

murti of Harashu Brahm, barely visible beneath layers of

sindur and flowers. A small Ganesh image rests in a

niche above this stone, and two other unremarkable-

looking bas-relief images -- one identified as Kamaru

Kamakhya, the Brahm's istadevata -- are set on a ledge to

the left of the Brahm stone.

Below are two versions of the Harashu Brahm story. 12 The first was recorded by Cunningham in 1881-2, and

the second told to this writer by a temple Panda in

1980, almost one-hundred years later. 13

(1) Harshu Deva or Harshu Baba, was a Kanaujiya Brahman, and the purohit of Raja Salivahan of Chayanpur, near Sahsaram. He held thirty-three villages in Jagir, and lived at Jamua, 5 miles to the north of Chayanpur. Raja Salivahan of Chayanpur having married a second wife (a Bhagelni of the Rewa family), his first wife suspected that her husband had been influenced by his purohit, and determined to ruin him. It so happened that Harshu at this time began to exhibit a light raised on a pole on the top of his house at Jamua, which could be seen at Chayanpur. The elder Rani insinuated to the Raja that this exhibition was part of an ambitious project to oust him from his kingdom, and the credulous man was so worked upon by his wife that he at last

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resumed possession of the thirty-three villages held by his purohit. Hearing this the enraged Brahman at once sat down in dharna before the Raja's palace, determined to starve himself for a month, unless his jagir was restored. His dharna is said to have begun on the 4th Magh Badi, in Samvat 1484, or A.D. 1472, and his death to have followed 21 days afterwards on the 15th Magh Sudi. As the period which he had prescribed to himself had not been completed, his guru proceeded to Chayanpur and called up the ghost or spirit of Harshu to finish the 31 days required. Ever since then his ghost has been worshipped by the people of Chayanpur, and Hom is offered daily by the ministering Brahman for the benefit of all classes.

The story of Harshu is continued after his death, as the people assert that his ghost, burning for revenge, proceeded to Delhi, and prevailed on the king to send a Muhammadan army to expel the Raja from Chayanpur. The Raja resisted and was killed, and the whole of his family were exterminated with the single exception of one female ... the second wife of the Raja. After Harshu's death this queen went back to her father's house at Rewa, where she gave birth to two sons. In the meantime one of the aboriginal Cheru chiefs took possession of Chayanpur. After some years the Rani's eldest son came to Chayanpur, where he was employed by the Cheru chief as a horse soldier. But the story of his birth being discovered, the Cheru Raja placed the young prince on the throne, and gave up his own rights, simply reserving to his family the privilege of placing the tika mark on the forehead of each new Raja. This privilege the descendant of the Cheru chief still claims. The Raja's family is Rajput of the Sikrwar clan, and the present head Surajbhan Sah claims to be eleventh in descent from the unfortunate Raja Salivahan.

(2) The Raja of the fort -- named Soleman -- was in love with a beautiful Brahman village girl who was already promised to a village Brahman. The Rani found out about this, and refused to

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agree to the marriage. The Brahman also tried to dissuade the Raja, but he persisted. The Rani then went to her "anger room" (kop griha), and when the Raja went to her to find out what was wrong, she said that she would come out only if he agreed not to marry the girl. But the Raja refused to agree. The Brahman then came and committed suicide in front of the castle. Before he died, the girl came to him and temporarily revived him by pouring water into his mouth. He told her that his body would become a stone so that no one would be able to remove him. He said that the Raja's entire line would be destroyed. The children of the girl's family were to come to him and worship him for health and prosper- ity, and they would become his priests. Then he died. When the Raja tried to cremate the Brahman, the body turned to stone. When he tried to have the stone dug up, he discovered that it went deep into the ground and could not be removed. The Brahman then came to the Raja as a Brahm and told him that the girl's family were to be his pujaris, and they would hold the legal rights to his shrine.

Thereafter the Brahm came daily to worship his işțadevatā (Kamaru Kamakhya Devi) and to frighten the Raja. The Raja performed many rituals in an attempt to appease the Brahm. The Brahm began to go daily to Kashi to worship. The Brahm then went to Delhi to meet a Muslim Raja -- Alauddin Khilji -- and offered to help him attack Raja Soleman. Khilji estab- lished his armies on the hill opposite the Raja's fort, and started the battle. He captured and destroyed the entire fort except for the yagya sala and the Brahm stone. The Rani's bodyguard, Garha Shah Sayyid, a great wrestler, was also killed in the battle. He became a Jinn, and continues to dwell in the graveyard where he was buried. The Brahm told the victor that he would remain at the site, and the girl's family would build a temple around his stone and would act as his pujāris. The shrine's present priests are the descen- dants of this Brahman village girl.

The broad outline of the Harashu Brahm story has

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remained essentially the same in these two versions

separated by 100 years. The Brahman Harashu commits

suicide in response to an injustice perpetrated by the

Raja, and his Brahm later sees to the Raja's downfall by

urging the attack of a Muslim army from Delhi. There is

a jealous Queen in both versions, and a "second

Rani/village girl" who is the cause of jealousy and

conflict. But here the similarities end. In the second

story told by a contemporary Panda, Harashu was not the

Raja's family priest but a village Brahman. Instead of

the Raja's second wife (a Rajput), it is the village

Brahman girl who survives, and it is her descendents who

become the priests of the powerful Brahm. This modern

version of the story legitimizes the role of one group

of temple Pandas as the rightful priests of the 14 temple, and contextualizes the features of the

contemporary site. The story explains the appearance of

the rough stone 'image,' the presence of Kamaru Kamakhya

Devi at the main shrine, the existence of the old yagya

sala and the tomb of Garha Shah Sayyid used in the

exorcism of jinn. Missing from the narrative are the

shreds of historical information more relevant to a 15 former era.

The activity at Harashu Brahm is roughly threefold.

The site is, of course, renown for the "seating" of

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Brahm. As Brahmans are very likely to be afflicted with

Brahm problems -- often the ghosts of their own family

members -- they regularly use the services of the Brahm

Baba and the Brahman Pandas. There are 38 families of

Brahmans that serve the temple, dividing labor and

income according to a pari (literally "by turn") system.

Pandas may keep clients in their own homes, especially

if they are in need of a long-term cure.

In addition to the this specialty, Harashu Brahm

has a reputation as a center for exorcism in general,

and is one of the several regional temples utilized by

Ojhas and their patients. Because the istadevata,

Mantras, and general coercive power of a low caste

healer may not be equal to the strength and stubbornness

of a high caste spirit, it is often necessary for an

Ojha to accompany patients troubled by difficult and

dangerous Brahms to a Brahm Baba Temple. The exorcism

and possession activity peaks during the two annual Nav

Ratras when the temple compound is filled with healers,

the possessed and their escorts, and other pilgrims.

The ghost-afflicted are, again, mostly women. As

witness to the number who come to "play" before the

Brahm Baba, the ground in front of the shrine is

littered with colorful bits of broken glass bangles.

The temple also boasts an agni kund -- a small, round fire

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pit -- where flames are said to burn the ghosts out of the

body, leaving the patient unharmed. Placing one's hand

in this flame is also a test of "true" possession.

Drawn also by the power and reputation of the Brahm

Baba are the many who visit the shrine in hope of being

granted an urgent desire (manauti, manokamana). Often

the petitioners are women, who bear a great

psychological and ritual responsibility for the welfare

of their families. Anxiety over fertility is a common

motivation for attendance. A child's first cutting of

hair (garb ka bal or "womb hair") is ceremonially

offered to the Brahm Baba when this deity fulfills the

desire for offspring.

In light of what has been said about the figure of

the Brahm, we will next turn to a description of three

Bir Babas in the Varanasi region so that we might

compare and contrast the cults of these deities.

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NOTES

2.4 BRAHMS

1 "No greater crime is known on earth than slaying a Brahmana . " G. Buhler, ed. and trans., The Laws of Manu (Oxford, 1886), p. 320. 2 Jack M. Planalp, "Religious Life and Values in a North Indian Village," Diss. Cornell University 1956. 3 Summarized from the Hindi translation of Vaikunthanath Upadhyaya, Śri Kasī Khand (Varanasi samvat 2031), Part 54 ("vimalodaka-tīrtha par pisāca- mocana"), pp. 24-31. Another summary of this story from the Sanskrit is given in Diana L. Eck, "Banaras: City of Light: The Sacred Places and Praises of Kasi," Diss. Harvard University 1976, pp. 506-507. 4 Temple Pandas blame the Kali Age and the increasing pollution of the tank's water for the decline of the Lota-Bhanta Mela. From another perspective, one might identify the growing numbers attending the annual bathing Mela at Lolarak Kund -- a very similar happening in both its enactment and purpose -- for the loss of popularity of the Pishach Mochan Mela. 5 Eck, "Banaras," p. 507, note 53. 6 This version was told to the writer by a temple Panda on November 15, 1980:

The name of this place used to be Vimala Kund. Now it is called Pishach Mochan, but then its name was Vimal Kund. The Rakshas was from Calcutta. The Bhatt Rakshas [Bhatt Brahmans now serve as the Pandas of the main temple. This story makes them descendents of the raksasa or piśaca of the early legend] had leprosy over his entire body. So he came to Kashi. Valmiki lived at Valmiki Tilla and worshipped Hanumanji there. The Rakshas went up to Valmiki and said, "Maharaj, I have come to you." But Valmiki said, "You need something from me? Don't bother me. Let me do my worshipping. Get out of here!" But the Rakshas did not obey; he

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kept insisting. So angrily Valmiki said, "All right, go. Go bathe in Vimal Kund, and your leprosy will be removed." The Rishi promised him, "Your welfare is assured."

Vimal Tirtha was a small spring at that time. It was a small tank and the water was like cows' milk. People would purify themselves in it. They would offer it. They would take it for drinking. No one bathed in it.

So hearing Valmiki's words the Brahm Rakshas who had leprosy jumped into the water. At that time there wasn't much water, so when he jumped in the water became muddy. He bathed in this. He bathed five times. After bathing he went back to the Rishi and told him, "I am cured." (His leprosy was so bad that his fingers were cut off and his entire body was covered with sores. He was not fit to look at. But he had become completely cured, completely clean. ) He said to Valmiki, "Maharaj, by your refuge and blessing I am cured. The defects and disease are gone. It is my desire to offer one lakh [100,000] rupees. Valmikiji said, "You want to offer dan [a donation for a religious purpose]. I repeat my prayers in the morning, I sing the bhajans of God. I am the servant of Hanuman. I have no need for money. But if it is your wish, if you insist, then go. Go to Vimal Kund, and with the lakh of rupees in your hand, formally state this contract (sankalp karna): 'May my offspring live happily and my heart's desires be fulfilled if I have this tank constructed. I am giving one lakh rupees for the construction of this tank.' Go Pishach, you have been saved. Return to your town and explain to the people that this is Pishach Mochan tank, where all pret and pisac receive liberation (ki gati ho jati hai), and where all evil influences, defects, and ghosts (grah, piśāc, rākśas, bhūt, pret, kleś) will be removed from your body." 7 For the mythological portrayal of Bhairava's brahmanicide, see Part 1.5, notes 9 and 10. See also David N. Lorenzen, The Kapalikas and Kalamukhas: Two Lost Saivite Sects (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972).

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8 Pandit Vayu Nandan Mishra, Suklayajurvedīya Tripindi Śraddh Paddhati (Varanasi: Master Khelarilal and Sons, n.d.), p. 1. 9 Alexander Cunningham, "Report of a Tour in the Central Provinces and Lower Gangetic Doab in 1881-82," Archaeological Survey of India, XVII, 160. 10 Turner writes about this tendency for people "to go as pilgrims to distant shrines rather than near ones" even when they are living in or near a major pilgrimage center, and the "communitas" experienced by such an event. Victor Turner, Dramas, Fields and Metaphors (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1974), pp. 166ff. Devout Banarsis regularly travel to locations outside the city on pilgrimage, Harashu Brahm being one of these destinations. Consistent with this same principle, it appears that most of the pilgrims attending Varanasi's Pishach Mochan temple come from outside the city, from locations several hours away to great distances. 11 The titles Sayyid -- an honorific title for one who is said to have descended from the Prophet -- and Shahid ("martyr") are often conflated. The name Garha is most likely derived from the word garh for "fortress or castle." 12 Cunningham, "Report," pp. 160-161. Another version of the Harshu Brahm story is as follows:

In Chayanpur Babua, in the Arrah District, there is a platform in honor of Harshu Brahm. There was once a king Sahbaran there. He built a great palace. Harshu Paure was his family priest. He had four sons. They built a house higher than the Raja's palace. One day the Raja and Rani were asleep on the roof of the palace, and they saw a light high up on Harshu's house. The Raja told the Rani that this was the house of their family priest. The next day the Rani got her courtiers to hint to the Raja that his family priest by building his house as high as that of the Raja showed his intention of contending with his master. So the Raja was angry and sent workmen, who knocked down Harshu's house. He was so grieved that he sat dharna at the palace door for 22 days without food or drink. No one could induce him to go away. Finally the king's daughter implored him to drink, and Harshu drank a little water from her hand.

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Sugar had been mixed in the water. When he drank this, Harshu said, "You said you would give me only water. Why did you give me sherbet?" She said she gave it to him only to relieve his thirst. He blessed her, and told that her progeny would increase and the Raja be destroyed. Then Harshu died. When they went to take his corpse to Benares they saw him standing there with his wooden sandals on. He said he had become a Brahm, and whoever worshipped him would get his desires fulfilled. Now his altar is worshipped with fire sacrifice, Brahmanical cords and sweets. If anyone obtains his wish he offers a golden Brahmanical cord and a silken waist string, and feeds Brahmans in his name. Contributed by Khairat Ali North Indian Notes and Queries, II, No. 3 (June 1892), entry 152. 13 Personal interview with Harashu Brahm Panda G.S. Tripathi on November 24, 1980. 14 It is rare to find a profitable temple whose organization is free of competing or conflicting claims to "right-holdership." To belong to the lineage of priests actually chosen by Harashu Brahm is more than an idle boast. In 1980 there were two groups of Brahmans attending the shrine, one reported to be outsiders from Banaras who acquired pari rights at some later point in time. In 1812(3), Francis Buchanan noted a similar conflict between those claiming to be descendents of the Raja versus those claiming to be descendents of the Brahm:

The Pujaris who are making a good thing of the ghost have lately been disturbed by a stout, savage young Brahman who pretends to be descended from the person whose ghost is the source of profit in which he wishes to share. He is nearly naked, painted red, white and yellow like an American Indian, and the most violent fellow, in talk at least, that I have ever seen. The Pujari pretends that all the persons pretending to be descended of the old Rajahs are mere pretenders, as the ghost killed the whole males at least. There is however reason to suspect that even the present owner is a descendent, and although he calls himself a Patan, as being here the strong party, that his ancestor saved his estate by becoming a convert and was by birth a Rajput, not that he was the head of the

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family but was a Rajkumar who obtained a grant of the village on becoming a Moslem. C.E.A.W. Oldham, ed., Journal of Francis Buchanan Kept During the Survey of the District of Shahabad in 1812-1813 (Patna, 1926), p. 129. 15 The account of the Cheru chiefs is interesting in this regard. There is historical evidence that a group called the Cherus occupied the territory before the incursions of both Rajputs and Muslims. Another remark by Buchanan [Journal, p. 121] bears an interesting resemblance to the Cunningham account of the sons of the Raja's second wife in the court of the Cherus:

The Raj Kuwar Rajputs to whom the country lately belonged allege that at their arrival the Cherus held the country. Two Raj Kuwars entered into the service of the Cheru chief, and soon after betrayed him to the Muhammedan king of Dilli and obtained his lands.

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2.5 Bir Babas

Babu Kedariya Bir, Uday Bir, Mangalaha Bir, Koyala Bir, Daitra Bir, Siha Bir, Karman Bir, Banas Bir, Jogi Bir, Joga Bir, Chhatariya Bir, Savati-Vindhyavati Bir, Khabaran Bir, Dyorhiya Bir, Dana Bir, Putua Bir, Ajori Bir,

Lanka Dait, Sivalaya Dait, Joharbair Dait, Icchana Dait, Palm Tree Dait, Pipal Tree Dait, Babul Tree Dait, Dhandhera Dait,

Pisach Bir, Lauhara Bir, Panniya Bir, Chhatariya Bir, Bhagod Bir, Gauhra Bir,

Babu Diha Hira Bir ...

We next come to the second Mantra's extensive list

of Bir Babas. Some of the Birs named therein are known

to the writer, and are located within or near Banaras

city limits. Others are likely to be found in the many

villages of the region. Lahura Bir is one of the

better-known Birs in the city, the namesake of a major

intersection and neighborhood (Bhoju Bir -- unlisted -- is

also an informal name of an adjacent city muhalla).

Daitra Bir, in nearby Chait Ganj, is said to be Lahura's

Bir's brother. Mangalaha Bir is the Dih of the village

of Kapildhara. Siha Bir of Ramnagar is especially

popular among area Ojhas. This Bir is not only the Dih

Baba of the fortress city across the Ganga, but has a

wider circle of authority over the villages on the south

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side of Varanasi. Karman Bir's temple is located in a

field now within the campus of Banaras Hindu University.

Despite the dislocation of the village necessitated by

the construction of the University, this Bir remains the

Dih of Sir Karhiya, now located outside the University

wall. There is a Jogi Bir in Narayanpur -- a 'suburb' of

Banaras -- said to be the samadhi of a blind ascetic.

The names of the Birs occasionally make interesting

commentary. Dyorhiya Bir is named after a "threshold"

(dyorhi), the natural location of a "doorkeeper" 1 dwarpala or guardian deity. The designation Pisach Bir

and the list of Dait included among the Birs is witness

to the origin of many Birs as hungry ghost or restless

spirit (daitya, pisaca). Diha Hira Bir is given special

honor as the guardian deity of the chanter's village.

Chhatariya Bir identifies the Bir as warrior or

Kshatriya.

In the following pages I would like to examine

certain aspects of the cults and oral traditions of

three Bir Babas mentioned with particular frequency by

Banaras area informants. The first, Kedariya Bir, is

perhaps the oldest site. Comparison of a recent version

of the Bir's story with a century-old report

demonstrates the continuity of such a shrine and the

possibilities for the revival and reinterpretation. The

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next two, Bachau and Bechu Birs, do not find a place in

our healers' Mantras, yet are included here because of

their current significance or popularity. The story of

Bachau Bir is a contemporary example of a timeless

process: the deification of a slain hero. The shrine of

Bechu Bir is currently the scene of the region's largest

Bir Baba Mela.

Kedariya Bir

The only Bir Baba listed in the first Mantra, and

distinguished as the healer's "own true Guru" in the

second, is Kedariya Bir, located on the bank of the

Gomati River outside of the city of Jaunpur

approximately 60 kilometers from Varanasi. There is

speculation in the early journals of the Bir's pre-

Islamic origin and association with the aboriginal

Bhars. A 1892 article in the Calcutta Review relates 2 this story:

When the great Ramchandra reigned in Ajudhya, there dwelt in the nook of the Gomati, where Jaunpur now stands, the giant demon Kerar. And whereas the highways were unsafe by reason of his violence, Ramchandra in person marched against him, and having vanquished him in single conflict, left the giant's trunk lying as a memorial and a warning, but flung his limbs and head to the corners of heaven. Yet over the trunk the demon's followers built a temple, there paying divine honours to their lost lord.

The story may represent the contest between

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the Aryan invader and the Bhars. Firoz found a temple dedicated to Kerarbir within the lands of the village of Kerara. The Hindus named the new fort Kerarkot, and the ground adjoining to the north is still known as muhalla Kerara. An equally probable interpretation of the myth is that Kerar names not a single hero, but a clan of Bhars. Elliot names Kerar as a still existing Bhar State. Kerakat, the eastern parganna of Jaunpur, may be derived in the same way.

Still under the southern wall of the fort is the shrine of Kerarbir, partly covered by the stones of the fallen wall ... The object worshipped is a large stone, bearing a rude resemblance to the upper part of the human trunk, smeared thickly with tumeric and the like, so that it is impossible to see what kind of stone it may be.

The Pujari of the contemporary temple (now called

Kerariya or Kedariya Bir) tells a similar tale, but 3 identifies the Bir as an Ahir or Yadav.

When Shri Ramji came here, having killed Ravan, he let a horse free as part of a horse sacrifice (asvamedha yagya). A Yadav wrestler caught this horse. When Ramji told him to let the horse go, he refused. So Ramji started to fight with him. The Yadav was killed in this battle, and wherever his different limbs fell, the places became famous and people began to worship there. The Bir's torso fell here and it turned to stone. From this time it was called Kedariya Bir, and people have worshipped him. Nearby villages where the other limbs fell also contain small shrines to this Bir.

The Calcutta Review article identifies Kerar Bir as a

"demon, " the usual translation of bir in this generation

of literature. The story itself does not indicate the

ethnic or social identity of the "demon's" followers.

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Subsequent paragraphs, however, suggest that the Bir may

have been a Bhar clan deity. This article points out

the existence of Bhars in the area, and their associa-

tion with variations of the name Kerara. If Kerar or

Kedariya Bir began his career as a Bhar deity or deified

hero, his more recent identity as a Yadav might indicate

his adoption and redesignation by other peoples, as many

revivified shrines of doubtful or vague origin are

today. It is also possible that certain sections of

Bhars may have themselves become Ahirs, bringing their

tribal god with them. There is evidence that a subcaste

of Ahirs -- the Bharonia Ahirs, as their name suggests -- 4 were once aboriginal Bhars.

The present temple site of Kedariya Bir was

renovated in 1959 with a donation from a wealthy Jaunpur

family in gratitude for help received from the Bir. The

"Baba" is said to have appeared to a family member

instructing him to build the temple. The fallen image,

resembling a headless human torso, still rests at the

base of the ruins of an old fort. Outside the small

temple there are three large fire pits (havan kund)

where, says a Pujari, "such a big fire offering is

performed on Agahan Panchami, Chhathi and Satami (the

5th, 6th and 7th days of Agahan) that the fires burn for

the rest of the month." Pilgrims also come in great

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numbers during the months of Kartik and Shravan, or on

the full moon days (purnamas) of any month. The Pujari 5 says of the pilgrims:

They come great distances -- from Allahabad, Ghazipur, Sultanpur, Kanpur, Varanasi, etc. They offer flower garlands, sweets, cannabis, liquor, coconuts, and the sacrifice of male goats, cocks and rams. People bothered by ghosts come. All castes leave the bridegroom's ceremonial crown at the temple after a wedding. Healers (ojha-sokha) bring patients from surrounding villages.

Typical of broken images of this kind, the stories

told about the Bir account for the shape and condition

of the stone image in Jaunpur as well as others in

nearby villages. This scattering-of-limbs motif is

reminiscent of the mythological dismemberment of the

Goddess as Sati and the establishment of the Shakta

Pithas, each limb becoming a major "seat" of Devi 6 worship. It is also interesting that the contemporary

story does not argue with the identification of the Bir

as an enemy of Rama. Perhaps, like the 'demon' of

Pishach Mochan Temple described above, the Bir was

redeemed and granted his authority by virtue of this

altercation with a more powerful god. The Calcutta

Review author also mentions the story as a parable about

the conquest of aborigines by an "Aryan invader."

185

Bachau Bir: the making of a contemporary Bir Baba

The story of Bachau Bir is an excellent example of

how people perceive the coming into existence of a deity

known as Bir Baba, in this case through the martyrdom of

a local hero. Bachau Yadav was an historical individual

who lived in a small village outside of Varanasi, who

met a violent death at the hands of caste enemies. The

estimates of informants and certain details of the story

place the critical incidents of the tale during the

1920's. There is no doubt much truth to the accounts of

his death, but more important than the determination of

historical accuracy is an appreciation of the mythology

surrounding this figure, now represented by a tall,

conical symbol in a small roadside temple. Many people

in the city knew some version of Bachau's story, but it

was told with particular vehemence by members of the

Ahir caste. The existence of a biraha song, written by

a local Ahir songwriter about the climactic events which

resulted in Bachau's death, no doubt contributed to the

ability of informants to relate the story in such vivid

detail. The great-nephew of the hero tells other

stories about his locally famous relative: 7

Bachau Yadav was an Ahir who was very brave and strong. He was a wrestler and carried a fighting staff (danda) so big that no one could lift it. He had the strength and power of ten men. He was honorable, and would

186

always deal with his enemies fairly. He would never fight anyone who was defenseless. ever he saw that someone was in trouble he would help him. His "liver" (kaleja) was bigger than anyone's; it weighed 14 pau

When Bachau was a young man, he fought with a tiger. The tiger came out of the jungle to the east of Sir Govardhanpur, and chased Gokal Chaudhari, the village headman. The headman, out of fear, climbed a tree and began to shout for help. Everyone else ran away, but Bachau Yadav caught the tiger in his arms and began to beat it. He called to the other villagers, "Will you wait for the tiger to eat me before you will come?" So the village people came and started to beat the tiger. Bachau killed this tiger, and the authorities later gave him a reward.

Bachau had many enemies, especially among the Thakurs. He had a long-standing feud with Riddhi and Siddhi Singh -- the two sons of Ambe Singh -- and Babua Singh, who was a wrestler. He had also made an enemy of Gudari Mama, who was an associate of Bachau from a Yadav jāti. Gudari Mama killed his brother's wife for no reason, so Bachau had him "outcasted" (samaj se nikāl diya). The headman whom Bachau saved from the tiger outcasted Gudari Mama on Bachau's word. This ended his eating, drinking, smoking the hukka, etc., with the Yadavs. Gudari Mama did not accept this social punishment and perform the appropriate expiation, but met with Bachau's Thakur enemies and schemed to take revenge upon him.

This account serves as a prelude to the biraha about the

hero presented in Part 3.3 below. Bachau's enmity with

the Thakurs was to come to a tragic end. On the fatal

day his caste enemies joined forces with the hostile

Thakur gang and they beat the defenseless man to death.

The particulars of the construction of Bachau

187

Yadav's shrine are unclear and further obscured by the

hagiography that inspires the biraha song and other,

especially Ahir, renderings of the tale. The song

concludes that Bachau attained the "Heaven of Heroes"

(bir gati) immediately upon his death. Those who share

this view are likely to refer to the shrine as a yadgar

or "memorial" established to honor and remember the

hero. At the same time Bachau's great-nephew tells that

the wife of Babua Singh -- one of Bachau's enemies -- began

to light lamps at the place where the hero died even

before any shrine was built, ostensibly to appease

Bachau's angry ghost. The shrine itself was built by

Bachau's family, who may have been similarly contacted

by the spirit of their slain kinsman. Local people

blame the more recent troubles that have visited

Bachau's family -- including the madness of a grandson -- on

their periodic neglect of the shrine. Thus Bachau is

believed to have "bothered" (tang karna) both friends

and enemies after his death, necessitating acts of

ritual propitiation, including the establishment of a

sthan.

Although there appears to be a certain tension

between the ideas that Bachau's shrine is both a

memorial for a hero (yadgar) and a "seat" or

propitiatory shrine for an angry ghost (sthan), it is

188

more a matter of the emphasis placed upon the story by

its different tellers. South Asian folk traditions have

consistently blurred the distinction between ghost and

hero, treating them as two aspects of a single

phenomenon. In the case of the Birs, it matters little

if the figure is said to have fallen out of a tree,

struck by lightning, killed by a tiger, or slain in

pursuance of a nobler cause. The common element remains

the tragedy of a life cut short, and a death somehow

extraordinary, unnatural or uncanny, as well as heroic

or sacrificial. A figure who dies in a manner far more

ambiguous than did Bachau is still a potential subject

for deification as a "hero." In Bachau's case, the

elements of the bhut-pret complex are clear: the young

man's death was violent and unjust, the type of death an

angry ghost is likely to avenge. Yet his Ahir

eulogizers, themselves perpetuating a long tradition of

Ahir heroism, choose to hyperbolize the strength,

bravery and nobility of their hero, even to the point of

making use of the classical concept of bir gati to

describe the fate of their castemate. This particular

blending of heroic themes and ideas about the behavior

of ghosts is characteristic of the Bir phenomenon.

Now, his great-nephew says, Bachau does not bother

anyone. He is worshipped as a deity (devata ke rūp mế

189

pujate hain), and acts for the welfare of all. When

people come to him with special desires, they are always

fulfilled. The modest brick building that houses Bachau

Bir's memorial faces the Banaras Hindu University wall

where he is said to have fallen in flight from his

enemies. The shrine is mainly attended by people from

villages in the immediate area. Bachau Bir is not the

Dih or guardian deity of a village (an older Bir shrine

serves this function), but is the special patron of

certain castes, especially the Ahir. The Annual

Decoration Ceremony at the small temple is held on the

day of Govardhan Puja, another festival historically

linked to the Cowherd caste. While the Bir's following

remains somewhat localized, there is always the

potential for expansion of the cult in the manner of our

next example.

Bechu Bir

The simple, conical shrine of Bechu Bir is located

in the countryside about 6 kilometers from the town of

Aharaura, Mirzapur. The enormous annual Mela of this

deity is described for the reader in Part 1.3 above.

The stories told about the Bir are embellishments upon

the essential fact of his death by tiger attack and the

subsequent death of his wife. An example is the

190

following, told by a Banaras merchant who has been a 8 pilgrim to the Bir's shrine.

Bechu Bir was an Ahir who was a farmer. His wife had just delivered a child, and was in her twelve days of confinement. Bechu, taking a cow as an offering, went into the jungle. A tiger came out of the jungle and attacked him. Bechu fought the tiger with his life, but was killed. When news of this reached his wife, she went to him in the jungle. There the tiger killed her also. Bechu Bir's wife died several furlong from where he died. Both of their shrines were built separately.

The biraha song of Bechu Bir -- given in Part 3.3 below --

is another variation of this story. Written by an Ahir

songwriter, it elaborates upon the heroic qualities of

the Bir and his wife. In this latter version, the tiger

is a friend of the hero (who is killed by a bear), and

burns himself along with Bechu's wife on the funeral

pyre of the slain hero.

The present site of Bechu Bir contains at least two

other shrines -- conical mounds on raised cautara -- which

are separate from the shrine of the Bir. Oral tradition

accounts for this by identifying one as representing the

Bir's wife (a Sati in some versions), and the other the

tiger. Insiders, however, admit to more pragmatic

reasons for the number of shrines. They say that the

original cautara was built by the family of the Bir in a

nearby village, and was attended by Bechu's descendents

for several generations. At some point, for reasons

191

obscure to the writer, control over the shrine was

transferred to a clan of aboriginal Kols -- a group long

inhabiting this area -- who are now mostly settled

farmers. The shrine was moved to its present location,

after which time the Bir's Mela rapidly gained in

popularity no doubt encouraged by its present

caretakers. In more recent times a third shrine was

constructed by an individual in an apparent attempt to

divert some of the lucrative Mela activity away from the 9 main shrine. Many pilgrims now consider this the

wife's or the tiger's shrine.

Our Banaras merchant explains the attraction of the 10 site and the reason for its growth in popularity.

Some time later [after the death of the Bir], women who were troubled by ghosts came into the area where Bechu and his wife had died. When they entered this area, their ghosts began to "play." One ghost said that "as a result of coming here and from the power of Bechu Bir, I have become satisfied." News of this incident spread very slowly throughout the region. People in neighboring villages began to go there. Those who have been "caught" by ghosts go for the darsan of both Bechu and his wife. The ghosts will take possession of a person and will speak through that person's mouth, telling what it requires to leave the patient to make her/him well: "I want cloth, vermillion, cannabis, liquor," they ask for these things. The ghost is given these things and the patient becomes well. Women who do not have children also make a vow to Bechu Bir. They will promise to return and offer something if they have children. About 90% of the people who go there accomplish their goals.

192

The tale of Bechu Bir appears to be one variation

of a more widespread cycle of related stories about

untimely death by tiger attack circulated throughout the

Mirzapur area of Uttar Pradesh and contiguous portions

of western Bihar and West Bengal. Expressions of fear,

fascination, and preoccupation with tigers and other

wild jungle animals are found in the folklore and ritual

of aboriginals and village Hindus throughout the

subcontinent, the Ahir Bir stories being one expression

of this. In spite of the Kols now acting as the

caretakers and shareholders of the main shrine of Bechu

Bir, the Ahir origins of this deity are clear. There

are large numbers of Ahirs living in southern Mirzapur,

and it appears that the name Aharaura derives from 11 "Ahirwara, or the country of the Ahir." An

exploration of the Ahir version of the Bir cult will be

the subject of the third part of this work.

It is difficult to say what it is in particular

about this Bir that makes the shrine a place of

pilgrimage for so many thousands of people, or what is

the cause of such a massive increase in attendance

within the last few decades. There is nothing very

unusual about Bechu Bir's story. Many local shrines are

associated with this motif of death by tiger attack, the

details of individual sites often a posteriori creations

193

or elaborations after a revelation of power has

occurred. The Kol caretakers themselves deny any real

part in the promotion of the shrine; they have merely

organized themselves as best as possible to reap the

rewards. One is tempted to see the Bechu Bir Mela as an

example of the incredible mobilizing power of rumor and

testimony, and the tremendous preoccupation with deities

proven to be thus "awake." This writer witnessed other

examples of the rapidity with which news of a new ritual

or miraculous cure might be spread. This process is no

doubt aided in modern times by various forms of mass

media (the account of the Bechu Bir Mela given in Part

1.3 begins with newspaper articles describing the fair),

but the relative speed of the dissemination of news by

more traditional means is also impressive. The numbers

of pilgrims at the Bechu Bir shrine on the Mela day are

staggering -- especially for an outsider to witness -- but

are not really so overwhelming when compared with the

countless other religious Melas and pilgrimage sites of

this densely populated country. Because the popularity

of this type of deity has no orthodox legitimation and

is based solely upon testimony and the snowball effect

of large attendance, one should not be surprised if the

next few decades witness a leveling off of pilgrims, or

a drastic decline in favor of some new manifestation.

194

There is always the possibility that in time internal

developments or widening sponsorship (the Bir is

patronized covertly by a small number of middle class

urbanites) will bring about new forms of legitimation: a

proper temple and priesthood, a written text, identifi-

cation with a more universal god. All these things are

theoretically possible, but are always counterbalanced

by self-limiting factors such as the shrine's rustic and

low caste identification and the inconstant confidence

of pilgrims.

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NOTES

2.5 BIR BABAS

1 "dyorhi lagna: dyorhT par aisa dwārpal baithnā jo binā āgya pāye logo ko andar na jane de/" ("A doorkeeper is seated on the threshold so that no one may enter without permission.") Shyam Sundardas, ed., HindI Sabdsagar (Varānasī: Kasī Nagarī Pracārinī Sabhā, 1965), II, 478. 2 Reprinted in North Indian Notes and Queries, II, No. 1 (April 1892), entry 2. 3 From an interview with a Pujari of the Kedariya Bir Temple conducted by O.P. Sharma in March, 1983. 4 William Crooke writes that "In Oudh [the Ahir] appear to have been early, probably aboriginal, inhabitants before the Rajput invasion. They are also said to be closely connected with the Bhars, and they attend at great numbers on the occasion of a fair at Dalmau in the Rae Bareli district held in honor of the Bhar hero Dal ... The Tribes and Castes of the North- western Provinces and Oudh, (Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent of Government Printing, 1896), I, 52. Alexander Cunningmam expands upon this connection between the Ahirs and Bhars:

The legend of Dalmau refers to the foundation of the fort to Raja Dal. There were two brothers, Dal and Bal, Ahirs, who were in the habit of drinking too much wine, more especially in the month of Phalgun. One of the Sharki kings of Jaunpur, said by some to be Muhammad Shah, accordingly attacked the fort in that month, when the two brothers were drunk, and killed both of them. Then the wives of Dal and Bal prayed that the fort might be turned upside down. At once the fort was overturned, and the two women then killed the Sharki king, whose tomb is at Makanpur. In the month of Bhadon an annual fair is held at Pakhraoli, 3 miles to the south-east, near a large jhil, when Dal and Bal are both worshipped.

196

There is another version of this legend which makes Dal a Bhar chief, and refers the capture of the fort to Ibrahim Sharki; but it is the Ahirs who are said to make offerings of milk at the tomb of Dal in the month of Sravan. The Bharonia division of the Ahirs also refer the custom of their women not wearing nose-rings and glass bracelets to the commemoration of this invasion of their country. From this it would appear that the Bhars were only a sub-division of the great tribe of Ahirs.

"Report of Tours in the Gangetic Provinces from Badaon to Bihar in 1875-6 & 1877-78," Archaeological Survey of India, (Varanasi: Indological Book House, 1968), XI, 60. 5 See note 3. 6 See D.C. Sircar, The Sakta PIthas (Delhi: Motilal Banarasidass, 1973). 7 From an interview with Makar Yadav conducted by O.P. Sharma in November, 1982. 8 From a personal interview with Siu Murat on September 20, 1981. 9 When such a large amount of money is involved, there is certain to be some controversy over shareholder's rights. The year this writer attended the Bechu Bir Mela (1981) a dispute over the handling and division of proceeds resulted in one faction urging the authorities to confiscate almost all of the money offerings. It is not known how the conflict was resolved. 10 See note 8. 11 M.A. Sherring, Hindu Castes and Tribes (London, 1872; rpt, Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1974), I, 381-2.

197

2.6 The Bir and the Rural Pantheon: Conclusions

This presentation of the deified dead in the rural

pantheon of the Varanasi area gives us a broader context

in which to view the Banaras Birs. The oral traditions

convey something of the distinctiveness of each type:

the Brahm cycles are much more involved with suicide,

protest, and posthumous retribution; the martial figures

share a heroic stubbornness in the face overwhelming

odds, the theme of death on or before the wedding night

and wild animal attack; the Sati embodies a transcendent

self-sacrifice. But we also see that as embodied

deities the various types are not altogether unique:

they share many characteristics and functions with other

local gods. The power of the Brahm, the Shahid, the

Bir, the Sati and Bhavani derive in one sense from their

unique natures or acts, influencing how they are

perceived as deities, yet in other ways these

distinctions blur and what remains is simply the fact

of power manifest at the site of a shrine, its origin

and nature subordinated to its efficacy. The Mantras

demonstrate the prominence of these figures in the rural

pantheon as troublesome spirits, family, caste and

village deities, and regional gods whose temples are

198

centers of exorcism and wish fulfillment.

The many forms of possession' are visible in the

cults of these gods. Lower forms "bother" (satana, tang

karna) the living through possession and are "quieted"

or removed. Others "reveal" their presence and desire

for worship through possession, speak through their

oracular priests to communicate with the living, assist

healers in their efforts to cure or exorcise a patient,

"come to" their worshippers as a culmination of sadhana

or devotion. The most powerful figures do not possess,

but exert their greater authority over minor deities and

spirits. In a very general sense, one might say that

the lower orders of these beings are more malevolent and

higher orders more benevolent, but there is ambivalence

throughout.

All the figures discussed are or may be represented

by aniconic mounds, pegs, or posts: Satis, Bhavanis,

Matas, Dih Babas (one primary meaning of dih being

"mound"), the Panchon Pir, Brahms, Birs, Ascetics, etc.

Most of these are accompanied by a trident (hand or

spear in the case of the Muslim deities) and flags. In

some cases these aniconic forms mark the site of

entombment or burial, in others physiological or other

'relics' are buried beneath. The burial of objects at

the site of these shrines is common, and takes a number

199

of different forms. Crooke's illustration (discussed in

the context of the Dih in Part 1.4 above) of the mound

deities which actualize the establishment of a village

is fundamental:

In Central Panjab the Jathera may be dedicated to a progenitor of the clan, the founder of the village, any prominent member of it, or to a Sati who died with her husband. ... When a village is founded a mound is raised and near it a Jand tree is planted; the first man who dies, whatever his caste may be, is buried or burnt on this mound, and a shrine is dedicated to him as the village guardian.

At work here is both the memorialization of a prominent

person or ancestor as symbolic of the incorporated

village and the ritual creation of a village guardian

deity. The latter is just a hair's breadth from the

sacrifice of an individual -- perhaps the live burial -- in

order to secure a spirit's guardianship of a place or

structure. The list of Maris in the second Mantra is

eloquent on this account. Chhatariya Bir (near Sitala

Ghat) is also said to have become a deity in this

manner. Planalp's third Brahm example (Part 2.4) is a

slightly different use of burial beneath a mound. A

protesting Brahman allows his hair and nails to grow

long; before his death, he instructs his grandson to

bury the cuttings of hair and nails, build a mound over

them, and make offerings to this shrine in order to

"awaken" and impel his spirit to inflict ill upon their

200

enemies. This reminds one of other techniques of

sorcery' practiced by the Ojha and his kind. More

common is the burial of offerings beneath the shrine of

a village deity like a Dih Baba -- described in Part 1.5

above -- in order to appease the angry god, secure

permission or curry its favor.

Many of the deified dead are family or household

deities. We have discussed how Bhavanis and Gazi Miyan

(and the Panchon Pir) were worshipped by low caste

Hindus in the home in an almost identical manner. Rural

Brahman families may have brahm-asthan within their

residential compounds, and many Birs are first

established as family shrines. Other propitiatory

sthan are built away from inhabited areas to remove the

presence of the spirit. These shrines may become the

objects of worship by others beyond the locality, kin or

caste group. Some have a speciality: Tar Bir (Lanka)

and Daitra Bir (Chait Ganj) are said to remove a "hand

trembling" disease, Kolhua Bir (Saraynandan) cures

stomach problems, Siha Bir (Ramnagar) assists with

tantric ritual. Other deities may cure dog or snake

bite, or a certain kind of children's disease. A rural

Ahir Bir is likely to become a deity of cattle health

and fertility; others protectors of crops and fields.

Birs and Muslim deities in particular become village

201

guardian deities; the former often paired with a Sati or

local goddess. Great respect is given to an older

shrine, more so if its origin is beyond recall or dimly

conceived. When a sthan (with image or imageless)

begins to outlive human memory, its aura of mystery and

venerability increases.

Some of these shrines attain the status of regional

pilgrimage centers. Certain specialities aside, the

temples of Brahm Babas, Bir Babas, and the mazars or

dargahs of Pir and Shahid draw equally those hopeful of

exorcism, blessing or cure. Professional healers bring

patients, reaffirm their relationship with the deity,

and renew their powers. The activity at these sites is

remarkable in its similarity.

The role of Bhut Nath (and its equivalents) is

common to the deified dead: spiritual guardians of

specific territories the extent of which is commensurate

with their power. The Dihs are one level Bhut Nath; the

regional shrines of Brahm, Shahid and Bir more inclusive

powers. The archetypal Lord of Ghosts is probably Shiva

himself, who mythologically sports with his ghostly 2 entourage at the cremation ground. In Varanasi, the

primary manifestation of this aspect of Shiva is the

linga at the main burning ground (Manikarnika Ghat),

dubbed "Mashan Nath" (Hindi masan from Sanskrit

202

smasana), "Lord of the Cremation Ground" or its spirit

inhabitants (also called masan or masan). This

cremation ground, especially on the night of Diwali and

the other calendrical amavasyas (last day of the dark 3 fortnight), is the scene of intensive tantric activity

when Ojhas and other "left-handed" practitioners come to

the ghat to acquire and renew their powers. This is a

critical time and place for an Ojha to initiate a

disciple, or for an aspiring practitioner to "awaken"

his Mantra (mantra masan jagāna) in the most conducive

of settings. Shiva as Mashan Nath oversees these

activities, and receives the offerings of his devotees

and aspirants in the tantric science. Some tantric

healers claim to have seduced powerful cremation ground

spirits (masan) to come away with them and act as

helpmates in their practice of exorcism and divination.

A cremation ground spirit is then called the healer's

Masan Baba. 4 The Shaivite association with lordship

over spirits extends to the various Bhairavas of the

city. Originally independent deities, the Bhairavas

were incorporated into the Shaivite pantheon as minions

or ganas of Shiva, later promoted as quasi-independent

guardians of the several regions (ksetras) of Kashi and 5 identified as aspects of Shiva. Kal Bhairava,

especially, is famous as the "Police Chief" (kotwal) of

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Banaras, and is represented by a mask fronting a rough

stone not unlike the iconography of Lahura Bir, one of

the city's best known Bir Babas. The Kal Bhairava

temple is an orthodox center of priestly exorcism and

protection from the troubles caused by spirit agents and

other inauspicious forces (magic, evil eye, bad

planets), one interpretation of the deity's mythological 6 reputation as a remover of sins. The priests of this

temple routinely perform a brief exorcism ritual on all

pilgrims to the shrine, the "sweeping" away (jhārna) of

all evil from the body with a peacock feather whisk or

fan (morchal). The pilgrim is assured further

protection if he wears a special knotted black thread,

obtained at the temple, that is activated by Mantras

(abhimantrit kala ganda). The Bhairavas represent an

older generation of guardian deity in Varanasi, and

perhaps have served as unconscious models for the more

recent Bir temples.

Regional temples of the Goddess are also part of

this type of ritual activity. Vindhyacal Devi (southern

Mirzapur) is mobbed during the two annual Nav Ratras

with those seeking blessing or darsan and specialists

anxious to renew their contact with the Devi and

ritually empower their Mantras. The ancillary shrines

of Kali Khoh and Baba Bhut Nath are awash with the

204

possessed, their escorts and their healers.

Deified female spirits and disembodied witches are

quite readily identified with more ambivalent forms of

the Goddess or the goddesses of disease. The second

Mantra lists "Seven Sisters Bhavani, Seven Mari, Seven

Witches," as the ubiquitous "Seven Mothers." The Chaura

Mai and Sayar Mai of many villages have a more benefi-

cient presence, and may be identified with the Goddess

Durga. The more fluid and all-encompassing nature of

the Goddess aids in this type of identification, often

obscuring the origin of a goddess as deified dead.

There is no analogous situation among the masculine

deities. One might speculate that the linga-like shape

of the aniconic image might encourage the identification

of the Bir or Brahm with Shiva, but I have seen no

consistent evidence of this.

Tradition identifies the deified dead as memorial-

ized ancestors, saints, religious teachers, heroes,

heroines, "perfected" Yogis and other adepts of the

magico-tantric arts, and those enshrined and propitiated

for the violent, untimely, disturbing, uncanny, sacrifi-

cial, dubious or unjust nature of their deaths. As

deities they are "awake" although restricted in their

authority, and may substitute for each others in various

ways. The Bir Babas must be considered as belonging to

205

this large class with whom they share many character-

istics. Having demonstrated the kinship of the deified

dead as a class, we will turn again to the Birs as a

distinct subset and examine the most articulated Bir

tradition in the Varanasi region: that of the Ahir or

'Cowherd' caste.

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NOTES

2.6 THE BIR AND THE RURAL PANTHEON: CONCLUSIONS

1 I saw little evidence of Bir worship within the home or family compound. This entry in North Indian Notes and Queries [III, No. 1 (June 1893), entry 85] about the domestic worship of Karar (Kedariya) Bir is interesting in this regard:

Karar Bir -- The principal seat of this deity is in Jaunpur, near the fort. There is a raised platform of masonry, and on it a stone idol, which is believed to be Karar Bir. This deity is worshipped by Kewats, Lohars, Chamars, Khatiks, Mallahs, Ahirs, Garariyas, and many other castes. It is not neces- sary that worshippers perform the worship at the shrine of the deity. their houses. They generally worship him at Some castes worship once a year and others once after every three years. Some worship only when the deity realizes their desires. Those who worship at home do so at noon. No idol is kept. In the courtyard of the house a piece of ground is plastered, and on that pigs or sheep and goats are offered. They also offer him a libation The worshippers offer as sacrifices only those animals the flesh of which they can eat. No of wine.

musical instrument is played and no song is sung. 2 For Shiva's demonic nature and role as Lord of Ghosts, see Stella Kramrisch, The Presence of Śiva (New Jersey: Princeton, 1981), pp. 395-7. 3 The favored times given for these esoteric initiations were reported as Dipawali Amavasya (Kartik Kr. 30), Mauni Amavasya (Magh Kr. 30), during a lunar or solar eclipse, or on any Ekadashi night. The favored place is the cremation ground, but any isolated place will do. On the symbolism and meaning of Amavasya, see John M. Stanley, "Special Time, Special Power: The Fluidity of Power in a Popular Hindu Festival," Journal of Asian Studies, XXXVII, No. 1 (November 1977), 27-43. 4 Lal Baba, now deceased, of the small Kauri Mata temple worked with one such Mashan Baba in his practice

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of healing and divination. His clients would submit questions to the Baba and the answers would be written in ash on a special sannyasin's skull. 5 See Wendy Doniger O 'Flaherty, Asceticism and Eroticism in the Mythology of Siva (Oxford, 1973), pp. 123-7; Kramrisch, Presence, pp. 250-300; Diana L. Eck, Banaras: City of Light (New York: Alfred A. Knoph, 1982), pp. 189-95. 6 See Eck, Banaras, pp. 190-5, and Elizabeth- Chalier Visuvalingam, "Bhairava: Kotwal of Varānasi," in Varanasi Through the Ages (Varanasi: Bharatiya Itihas Sankalan Samiti, 1986). 7 Vaikunthnath Upadhyaya, Sri Kāśī Khand (Varāņasī: Bhrigu Prakashan, Samvat 2024), Chapters 30/31, pp. 40-1 [in Hindi].

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PART 3

THE AHIR TRADITION OF THE BIR

3.1 Ahir Birs

As my research on the Banaras Bir Babas progressed,

an interesting piece of information was repeatedly

offered by informants: a majority of the Birs surveyed

were said to be from the Ahir caste, the traditional

occupation of which is the keeping and breeding of cows 1 and buffalo, and providing the milk of these animals.

This connection with the Ahir also surfaced in general

conversation about Birs in the city and elsewhere:

people from a variety of castes would tell me that "all

Birs are Ahir." Such an inclusive statement as to the

Birs' identity was never made about any other caste.

The Ahir identification with the Bir cult was

continually asserted, especially when one began talking

to members of the Cowherd jati and other middle-to-low

castes with whom the Ahirs are found in village

settings. Ahirs are also conspicuous in the patronage

and celebration of Bir shrines. Aspiring Yadav

politicians and merchants help finance neighborhood Bir

temples, and Ahir biraha singers are invited to perform

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at Annual Decoration ceremonies. It became clear in the

course of fieldwork that while not all Birs are

identified as belonging to the Ahir jati, a great many

of them are, and the Ahir version of the cult is by far

the most coherent and articulated tradition.

Many would group these Ahir Birs together in sets

of two, five, seven, or nine -- generally the shrines in

the locality -- as being Yadav brothers who "were saints,"

or who died in some past battle. The number 'seven' was

reported most often as a unit of Bir brothers. The Birs

on Banaras Hindu University campus listed by one

individual were "seven Yadav brothers who died fighting

the Thakurs in conflicts over land, during the time of

the Angrezi Raj." 2 Another elderly man from

Kapildhara -- a village outside of Varanasi -- named seven

Birs from nearby villages and said about them: "All of

these are located on the bank of the Ganga. They are 3 seven brothers. They are all Ahir." Very often the

Ahir identification of a particular Bir Baba is the only

piece of information given by the neighbors of a shrine,

and the name Ahira Bir may be encountered more than

once. Even more intriguing are the incidences when the

Cowherd identification of a Bir Baba at a particular

temple seems incongruous with that institution's

character and priesthood. This is true of Varanasi's

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familiar Lahura Bir Temple, located next to the busy

intersection of the same name. The parents of the

current priest-caretakers (pujarIs) were Nath Sadhus

from the Gorakhnath sampradaya or sect, and the present

generation continues to maintain a relationship with the ... ashram in Gorakhpur and the lineage of their parents'

guru. The samadhis of these deceased parents lie in the

temple courtyard to one side of the Lahura Bir shrine,

two low mounds set in cement and glazed with layers of

bright orange sindur. Given the sectarian background of

the resident priests, one would expect that Lahura Bir

might be identified as some prominent member of the

Gorakhnath order, especially in view of the conflation

of Sadhu and Bir in the minds of many throughout the

city. But this is not the case. I was told by the

temple's head Pujari that Lahura Bir was one of seven

brothers -- including Kedariya Bir in distant Jaunpur -- who

died fighting at the time of the Mahabharata War. He

said that the shrine is 3-4 thousand years old (!), and 4 the deity was originally a Gwal or Ahir. In this case

the Ahir identification of the Bir is remembered and

passed on even when the speaker is not wholly aware of

its significance. Nor is the Lahura Bir Pujari the only

individual to report this Bir's Ahir identity; versions

of this story are repeated by others throughout the

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5 city. One learned Brahman Pandit tells it in this way:

Three or four-hundred years ago there was an Ahir who was a wrestler and who worshiped Hanuman. He could cross the Ganga in one jump. He helped many people. Eventually he became an ascetic. After his death his family began to worship him; then his relatives, then others. This is the way the worship of such shrines grows.

The teller himself knows the story even though he does

not approve of the growth of the cult or accept the Birs

as deities (devata). Other examples of Ahir Bir Babas

are given in Part 2.5 above: Jaunpur's Kedariya Bir;

Bechu Bir near Aharaura, Mirzapur; and Bachau Bir

located just outside Banaras Hindu University in

Varanasi.

The Ahirs themselves -- especially those living in

the countryside or otherwise in touch with the caste's

rustic traditions -- explain the preponderance of Ahir

Birs in this way: All Ahirs [male] who die violent and

untimely deaths become Birs. Members of other castes

become ghosts/deities of different sorts: Brahman become

Brahm, Nat (nomadic acrobats and wrestlers) become

Pahalwan, Chamars become Chamardokh, etc .; Ahirs become

Birs. Behind this explanation lies the conviction that

Ahirs are a martial race equal in stature to the Thakur

or the Pathan. Put another way, Ahirs and other

Kshatriyas who died violent, heroic deaths became Birs.

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Some Ahir informants are willing to admit that any

especially brave or devoted person who dies heroically

might become a Bir, but the fact remains that Ahirs are 6 inherently heroic. The Ahir's self-image and status

among a collection of middle-to-low castes as brave

heroes and fighters, whether based upon an older, tribal

tradition or more recent Yadava Movement philosophy, is

the subject of the next few chapters.

The frequent association of members of the Ahir

caste with the Bir cult is also supported by secondary

sources. Planalp reports that many of the godlings' in

Senapur (Jaunpur District, U.P.) and nearby villages are

Ahir in origin, an identity upheld by local oral history

which records one subcaste of Ahirs (the Dharhor) to be

the original settlers of the area before the incursion 7 of the now dominant Thakurs. Many entries written or

compiled by William Crooke in North Indian Notes and

Queries, such as the following, also register this

connection.

1:2 (May 1891) 157. Mirzapur - Local Gods - Gulal Bir. In the village of Lacchmanpur, near Bhuili, is the shrine of Gulal Bir. It consists of a few stones under a Sihor and Nim tree. Gulal was an Ahir by caste, who died in some remarkable way, of which the story is now lost. He turned into a bir or malignant ghost, and is occasionally propitiated with offerings of flowers, Brahmanical cords and etc.

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3:3 (June 1893) 85. Ahira BIr - The original seat of this deity is in the village of Aibakpur Mohana, pargana Haweli, Chunar. Here stands a Pakar tree, under which is a raised platform. No idol is placed there. The Hindus worship this deity when an epidemic rages among the cattle and when by the mercy of the godling it ceases to prevail. The Ahirs and other tribes who keep cattle worship this deity yearly. An Ahir officiates as priest at the worship. They offer him pithar (coarse flour of barley or bajra) weighing 1 1/4 seers, ghi, treacle, and an earthen pot (kulhar) full of water. The offerings are taken by the officiating priest. This worship is not performed after births and marriages. No particular month is fixed for the worship of this godling. Some, who can afford it, offer also the sacrifice of goats and rams. If the worshipper is a Hindu who eats the flesh of the animal killed by a single stroke (jhatka), he will make the sacrifice himself, and if he eats the flesh of an animal killed by cutting the throat, he makes the sacrifice through the Dafali or Muhammadan drummer. The worshippers themselves consume the objects of sacrifice with the members of the family .- The worship can be done only on Mondays from morning to noon. They also offer a little wine as a libation, and drink it themselves in excess. Enquiry shows that Ahira Bir in life- time was an Ahir and after death he appeared in a dream before another Ahir and told him that he would protect their cattle if, in consideration of this service of his, they would make offerings of the things above- mentioned. His real name could not be ascertained even from the oldest Ahirs. The worship of this deity is never performed except when he puts an end to cattle disease. No musical instrument is played, nor songs sung at the time of worship.

3:1 (April 1893) 2. Mirzapur - Worship of Birnath. In parts of the Agori pargana, which is the only part of the district in which I have seen this worship, you will meet on the side of the roads here and there a little platform (chaura) with one, three or five rude

214

wooden images, about three feet high, with a sort of representation of a human face and head at the top. The posts are quite black with oil or ghi, which is continually poured upon them. This is the shrine of Birnath, the Ahir god of cattle. He was an Ahir who, according to some, was killed by a tiger, and he has now become a god, and is worshipped by Ahirs who own cattle. People make occasional vows to him in time of sickness or distress, but his special function is to keep the cattle safe from beasts of prey. He has no fixed feast-day, but is occasionally presented with offerings of rice, milk and cakes. The worshipper first bathes, then plasters the mud platform of the god on which he lays the offering, and says: 'Birnath, keep our cattle safe and you will get more. This worship is always done in the morning, and more particularly when the cattle are sent into the jungle in the hot weather, or when cattle- disease is prevalent ... (Papers relating to the Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, pp. 15,16).

1:2 (Feb. 1892) 1097. Parsuar -- Palhu Baba. The story of Palhu Baba is that he was an Ahir. One day he was grazing his cattle when a sambhar stag came among the herd. The herdsmen caught the stag and Palhu rode away on it. He was cut to pieces among the thorns, and his little finger was cut off and fell in the village of Parsuar, in the place where his shrine now exists.

Other references to Ahir Birs may be found in this

generation of gazetteers, archaeological and census

reports, often identified as Ahir cattle deities.

Birnath, above, is another name for Bir Kuar described

by Archer.

Bir Kuar

Without doubt the most extensive discussion of the

215

Ahir Bir cult in Northern India is W.G. Archer's The

Vertical Man: A Study in Primitive Indian Sculpture.

Essentially a study in art history, Archer manages to

compile and analyze a respectable amount of data

concerning the images, oral traditions, and worship of

the "cattle-deity" of the Kishnaut Ahirs of Western

Bihar -- Bir Kuar. Archer felt this contextual

information essential in understanding the sensibility

behind stark and haunting forms taken by the images of

this deity. Although somewhat naive about relevant

aspects of the Hindu religious tradition, and ultimately

deferring to a mode of analysis unhelpful to us here --

involving the "will to vital geometry" as discussed in a 8 1937 study of English medieval sculpture -- he must be

appreciated for a careful investigation of a widespread

and visible 'folk' cult which had been all but ignored

by other chroniclers.

Archer found the images of Bir Kuar scattered

throughout portions of the Shahabad, Gaya and Palamau

Districts of Bihar, a region continuous with the Uttar

Pradesh districts where Bir worship is known by this

writer to exist. But the Bihar Bir cult displays some

distinctive characteristics which are no doubt

influenced by regional cultural idioms. The principle

deity found in the open-air field shrines is always Bir

216

Kuar rather than a collection of miscellaneous figures

memorialized for various reasons at different points in

village history. What is localized is the identity of

the second figure with whom Bir Kuar is often paired -- a

servant, a companion, a brother, his wife (a Sati);

attempts, I believe, to deal with a pre-existing custom 9 of establishing two posts for an untimely death. Other

aspects of the cult of Bir Kuar -- such as the offering of

clay horses and the form of the wooden images -- are

particular to the Bihar cultural region which has a

large tribal population. Many other aspects of the cult

are familiar: the club-wielding stance of the deity, Bir

Kuar's role as protector, fulfiller of wishes and

granter of fertility, and oral traditions exhibiting

familiar variations and elaborations on the theme of the

hero's untimely death and deification. A summary of the

text of the Bir Kuar songs translated by Archer is given

in Part 3.3 below.

At the time of his research, Archer found that Bir

Kuar was worshipped by the Ahirs primarily to insure the

fertility of cattle (as the deity was able to cause

"she-buffaloes to come on heat"), and for the protection 10 cattle from disease and tiger attack. But he also

gives examples of Bir Kuar's larger role in certain 11 localities:

217

... just as throughout the area there are villages where his powers seem slightly more general, one also finds occasional villages where bargains are made to cover illness in the family or failure of crops, and in one village ... a bargain had even been made for obtaining a child.

Bir Kuar is also a protector of people, as witnessed by 12 the following song in Archer's collection:

O Bir Kuar baba I remember your name always And call upon it Through your strength I wander in the world Protect me.

This illustration of an Ahir cattle deity becoming more

generalized in function is instructive in the case of

the Birs further north. Many of the rural Bir shrines

in the Banaras area no doubt originated as deities of

cattle disease and protection, later to be enlisted as

the Dih Babas or guardian deities of the human and

animal population of many villages. The worship of Bir

Kuar as described by Archer is also reminiscent of other

usages further north. The basic interaction between man

and god takes the form of a bakauthi or "bargain," where

a formal request is made before the shrine of the deity

along with a promise to honor the fulfilled wish with a 13 costly offering (the sacrifice of a goat, etc.). This

process is identical to what people in the Banaras area

call "manautI," mentioned several places in this work.

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Kuar Bir is worshipped on special occasions by a ritual 14 "boiling of milk", which is the karaha puja described 15 by Planalp, and the deity may take possession of a

professional medium.

The Extent of the Ahir Bir Tradition

By the most conservative estimate, based upon my

own observations and the secondary sources mentioned,

the Ahir Bir tradition -- the custom of the Ahir to

establish memorials or sthan to "quiet" their untimely

dead, and the tendency for these dead to be eulogized as

heroes and elevated to the status of deities functioning

as family, clan, caste, cattle, field, or village

guardians, some attaining the status of regional

pilgrimage sites -- exists in an area which includes

eastern Uttar Pradesh (Varanasi, Mirzapur, Jaunpur and

Ghazipur Districts) and western Bihar (Shahabad, Palamau

and Gaya Districts). References made by Crooke and

others extend this area to other neighboring districts

of Uttar Pradesh where the Ahir live in large numbers,

and into West Bengal. In Bengal, the regional

designation for the Cowherd caste is "Rawal" or "Raut."

Two reports of Ahir Birs from this region are as

follows:

In Bengal Govind Rawal was a cowherd who valiantly killed many tigers. After his death

219

he was deified by the Ahir or cowherd caste, and now when murrain attacks the herds he is worshipped with an offering of milk. [16]

Rautra is a village of Bankura district [west Bengal] on the bank of [the] Damodar [River] ... The village is named after the house of the Rauts, the local feudal chiefs. The Rauts are said to have deserted the village when faced with the depredations of the invading Bargis or Maratha marauders from south-west India. In order to safeguard their wealth for good they buried their youngest son Bhirkoo [Birkoo?] alive together with the belongings of the family in accordance with prevailing superstitious custom of appointing a Yaksha or captivated guardian spirit. Later on, when Bhirkoo was turned into a Yaksha, the poor villagers made it a point to come to the grave of Bhirkoo with supplications as and when the occasion arose. Some of the villagers are credited with having been able to feel the presence of Bhirkoo in the course of each of their visits. [17]

In Sontheimer's Biroba, Mhaskoba und Khandoba, we find

passing reference to two Bir cults in Maharastra which

originated with the Gavli or Cowherd caste of that

region, later to be adopted by the Dhangar (Shepherds)

who replaced the Gavlis "whose herds of cattle could not

be maintained on diminishing pastures." Sontheimer 18 writes:

... we find a number of cults which have been originally founded by Gavlis in conjunction with Gosavis as e.g. ... the Babir of Rui ... whose bhaktas are today Dhangars, or the Masan Vir of Valha, a god of the Gavlis -- today also a god of the Dhangars. 19 The former cult is described:

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The origin of the famous Gavli/Dhangar cult of Bābīr at Nhai Rūi near Kalas (Indapūr Taluka) is also traced to a cowherd boy's death at the hand of RamosIs. After his violent death he came to be worshipped not as a simple restless spirit, but on account of his mother's worship of Siva (or rather of the Mahädev of Singnapur) and Siva's instrumentality he became a manifestation of Śiva worshipped in a famous cult and jatra of the Gavlis and Dhangars.

In view of this, it would not be surprising to find the

worship of Ahir Birs in all areas populated by Ahirs or

certain subcastes of the rather large and heterogeneous

group classified as Ahir. We will continue to explore

the nature of this tradition in the following chapters,

and attempt to shed some light on why the Ahir in

particular are the carriers of such a cult in the

Varanasi area.

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NOTES

3.1 AHIR BIRS

1 In the Banaras region, the Ahir caste is made up of a number of endogamous sub-castes (Gwal, Dharhor, Krishnaut) which in turn are divided into various got (clans) and lineages. In Varanasi District the Gwal sub-caste of the Ahir is the most numerous. Due to the influence of the Yadava Movement, many Ahirs give their caste name as Yadav, and have also taken Yadav as their last name. This can be understood as a reference category which has inter-regional if not pan-Indian distribution. Although not all Ahirs are milkmen or farmers, the identification with cattle among the rural Ahirs remains strong. 2 Personal interview with Manna Lal Yadav on March 17, 1981. 3 Personal interview with Mali Jagannath on July 27, 1981. 4 Personal interviews with Lahura Bir Pujaris on Nov. 20, 1980 and Sept. 15, 1981. 5

25, 1981. Personal interview with Ram Puri Divedi on Sept.

6 From interviews with Hans Raj Yadav (Sept. 20, 1981), Manna Lal Yadav (March 17, 1981), and Ram Sakal (Sept. 8, 1981). 7 Jack M. Planalp, "Religious Life and Values in a North Indian Village," Diss. Cornell University 1956. Senapur and nearby villages are located about 19 miles north of Varanasi. Planalp writes that:

The Senapur Dharhors [the minority Ahir subcaste in the village; the Gual being the majority] claim to have been the original settlers of the village at the time of Thakur conquest, and there is some indication that most of the local godlings in the area have Ahir origins. [p.69]

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The Dih of Bhaura, the village immediately to the west of Senapur, is called Raut, which is the honorific title used of Ahirs. Most people believe that both Baraicha Baba [also called Baraicha Bir; note 9, p. 157] and Goraya Baba [the village Dih; one gloss on the name being Lord or Protector of Cattle; pp. 156-7] were Ahirs. 8 W.G. Archer, The Vertical Man: A Study in Primitive Indian Sculpture (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1947), Preface, p.9. 9 I believe that Archer's perplexity over the offering of two images to the same deity (resulting in the great variation in identity assigned to the second image) might be clarified if one knew more about the antecedent tradition(s) upon which the erection of posts might be based. There is obviously a prior custom of establishing or offering two posts to pacify an untimely death, connected perhaps with a tradition of sacrifice: the posts being equivalent to the yupa of Vedic religion. Archer himself mentions the "insertion of two pegs in the ground" when a goat is sacrificed in the Aurangabad area. "These pegs are made of bel wood and are put in only when a goat is sacrificed and only when the goat is offered by an Ahir." [Vertical, p. 41.] There are obvious commonalities among the handling of sacrifice (including human), the pacification of an angry ghost, and memorialization of a human hero. One may find echoes of human sacrifice throughout the deified dead traditions. Anncharlott Eschmann writes that in Orissa there is a very old tradition -- based on tribal usage -- of deities worshipped in the form of wooden posts, the precursor of the contemporary wooden Jagannath image. . She says that, "In this area, most of the tribal cults -- mainly Khond -- and many folk and temple cults on different levels of Hinduization are centered in wooden posts dedicated to a goddess, a feature which might have been connected with the Khond Meriah cult." ["Prototypes of the Navakalevara Ritual and Their Relation to the Jagannatha Cult," in The Cult of Jagannath and the Regional Tradition of Orissa, eds. Eschmann, Kulke and Tripathi (Delhi: Manohar, 1978), p. 267.] 10 Archer, Vertical, p. 25. 11 Archer, Vertical, p. 37.

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12 Archer, Vertical, p. 28, song 9. 13 Archer, Vertical, pp. 36-37. 14 Archer, Vertical, p. 39. 15 A karāhā is a wok-like pot. For a description of the "Karaha or Karaha Dena (To Offer the Karaha) ceremony" of the Ahir, see Planalp Religious Life, pp. 805-815. 16 E.A. Gait, Census Report: Assam (Shillong, 1892) as quoted in William Crooke, Religion and Folklore of Northern India (London, 1926; rpt. New Delhi, 1972), p. 131. 17 Bholanath Bhattacharya, "Folk Legends Centering

125. Jain Icons in Bengal," Folklore, No. 4 (April, 1971), p. I thank John Cort for pointing out this article. 18 Günther-Diez Sontheimer, Biroba, Mhaskoba und Khandoba: Ursprung, Geschichte und Umwelt von Pastoralen Gottheiten in Maharastra (Wiesbadan: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1976), Summary, p. 248. 19 Sontheimer, Biroba, Summary, pp. 214-2. In addition, some local traditions of the deity Mhasoba -- originally a god of the Gavlis -- identify him as a deified cowherd (p. 248).

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3.2 Ahir Heroism: The Yadava Movement & the Epic Loriki

As mentioned above, many North Indian Ahirs and

their supporters have been influenced by the tenets of

the Yadava Movement which seeks, among other things, to

establish the Ahir as a bona fide martial race, twice-

born Kshatriyas descended from the Yadu dynasty of 1 Krishna. M.S.A. Rao writes that

The ideology of the Yadava movement consists of three interrelated elements, Yadava mythol- ogy, the historical evidence of political dominance by the Abhiras in different parts of India and the adoption of Arya Samaj practices.

The movement was launched during the turn of the century

by the rulers of the Royal state of Rewari, members of

the Yaduvamsi subcaste of Ahirs. The teachings of the

Arya Samaj were impetus to the growth of the movement,

which adapted these to its own agenda of caste uplift

and political organization. In particular, many Ahirs

adopted the "twice-born" symbol of the sacred thread in

support of their claim to Kshatriya status. The janeu

(sacred thread) movement was strong in the states of

Uttar Pradesh and Bihar in the 1910's and 1920's, and

encountered opposition from powerful Thakurs and 2 Bhumihar Brahmans. Influenced by the revisionist 3 histories of Ahir intellectuals, many Ahirs adopted

225

"Yadava" as a last name, and it soon became a reference

category which served to associate many diverse regional

cow and buffalo-herding castes throughout the

subcontinent. More recently Yadava organizations have

agitated for a separate regiment in the Indian Army as 4 have the other "martial races" of India.

One must account for the influence of the Yadava

Movement in the attitudes and convictions of

contemporary Ahirs, but its various tenants and programs

were selectively adopted by them, and served to

reinforce a preexisting self image of the Ahir as a

martial race.

The oldest oral expression of the Ahir heroic self-

image known to us is the North Indian Hindi epic the

Loriki, alternately called the Lorikayan, Loriki-

Chanaini, Chanaini (or Chandaini) depending upon the

particular Hindi dialect or cultural area in which it is

found. There are three published versions of the epic

from the area of this study, two in Bhojpuri from

Banaras and Mirzapur Districts, and one in Avadhi from 5 Allahabad District. All of these are strongly

identified with the Ahir caste who are the traditional

performers of the epic and make up the bulk of the

epic's audience. 6

The epic world of the Loriki is a land of many

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small kingdoms -- Ahir, Rajput, and Aboriginal -- vying for

cattle, land, women, and power. It is a world in which

the Ahir stand as equals to the "twice-born" warrior

castes, where marriage by capture is the norm, and

expressions of strength, bravery, loyalty, nobility and

honor are valued. Like many other epic traditions, it

is a story of a flawed hero who meets with a tragic

fate. The plot revolves around the Ahir Lorik, his

virtuous wife Majari (Manjari) and his lover Chanva

(Chanda). At every turn in the plot major battles are

fought -- to secure Lorik's and his half brother's

marriage, to protect caste honor, to win back lost

wealth -- with the aid of Ahir warriors, their untouchable

allies, supernatural weapons, and the Goddesses Durga

and Bansatti. Descriptions of the great battles take up

entire chapters and are fought by ostentatiously

described armies replete with horses and elephants. Yet

despite his many victories, the Ahir hero pays for his

pride and desertion of wife and family with the loss of

his brother, wealth, and strength, and ends his life in

suicide or simply disappears.

While the heroic' is the dominant mood in the

North Indian versions of the Loriki, it is not the only

sentiment enjoyed by the epic's audiences. S.M. Pandey

writes this about audience reaction to Loriki

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7 performances:

... the non-heroic elements in the story are very dear to the hearts of the Ahir audience. Lorik's brother, who combines great virtue and piety with a heroic defense of Lorik's inter- est during his absence, appeals greatly to the audience. They shed tears at the sufferings of Lorik's deserted wife and mother, and are greatly moved at the preservation of his wife's chastity when it is threatened by a boatman. In other words we can say that there is a common emotional reaction and certain common standards of appreciation among the Ahir community to whom the hero and other important characters belong. The whole life of an Ahir hero has been described in the story. His birth, his battles, his love and his sorrows are all of great interest to an Ahir audience.

Arjundas Kesari also makes note of the moods of heroism,

love and (female) virtue (vir, prem, satI) with which 8 the epic is saturated.

Some versions -- among my sources, the Avadhi and

Magahi -- elaborate upon the hero's supernatural birth and

his identification with the Hindu deity Krishna. In the

Avadhi epic, Lorik is born to his previously-barren

mother after she has undertaken many years of auster-

ities, with the help of Shiva, Parvati and Brahma. The

child Lorik, who lived happily in Heaven before his

birth on earth, performs many miracles along the lines 9 of young Krishna. In the Magahi versions of Lorik's

birth reported by Grierson, the hero is an avatär of

Krishna who must be persuaded by Durga to descend to the

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world of men in order to be her servant and fight the 10 enemies of the Ahir. These mythic elements do not

indicate, however, that the figure of Lorik is worship-

ped as a deity. Many episodes of the Loriki are local-

ized in the various regions that know the epic, but

researchers have yet to uncover evidence of Lorik's

deification in the form of image, temple or cult. This

is consistent with the attitudes of contemporary Ahirs

who view Lorik as first and foremost a historical hero

of great stature and their most illustrious ancestor.

Banaras area Ahirs consider the Loriki to be the history

of their caste in which the origins of all their

distinctive traditions may be traced. This conviction

holds even for younger Ahirs who are not necessarily

conversant with all the details of the epic. They say

that Ahir worship of the goddesses Durga and Bansatti

originated with Lorik, that the earliest form of the

folk song genre of biraha is linked with this epic

tradition, and that the story is a historical record of

past Ahir kingdoms. Each region in which the Loriki is

sung contains sites which localize the events of the

epic or are associated with other exploits of its hero.

The famous Sarnath Stupa outside of Banaras -- called by

some historians the "Dhamekh Stupa" (dhamekh = Hindi "a 11 Buddhist monument or memorial") -- is called "Lorik's

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Dhamekh" (lorik ki dhamekh) by Banaras Ahirs. This

Buddhist monument is understood to be either a memorial

to Lorik (a huge sthan?) or one of the many places where

Lorik displayed his superhuman strength. They say that

the hero would climb up and jump off the monument in

play, carrying two full buckets of milk on his way to a

place called "Sita's Kitchen" (sita kI rasoi) where the

milk would be offered. Sita's Kitchen is of course the

parochialized Ramayana location where Sita is said to

have cooked during her forest exile. A second popular

story which localizes the Lorik legend is told about a

site outside of nearby Mirzapur. When Lorik went to

capture his bride and take her away, she challenged his

might by requesting him to break a huge stone into three

pieces. He did this easily, whereupon the bride took

her sindur and marked each of the three stones. They

say that these stones can be seen today outside of

Mirzapur, the red marks of sindur still fresh upon 12 them. Kesari makes note of the above stories, as well

as others from the Mirzapur area. Lorik's apparent

prowess in jumpinq has resulted in a number of sites

bearing his name. "Lorik's Jump" (lorik ki kūd) on a

hillside near Agori contains the footprints from another 13 mighty leap. In Mirzapur District are found "Lorik's

Wrestling Ground" (lorik ka akhara), where the hero

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would graze his cows and wrestle opponents, and a rock

in the Son River which resembles a headless elephant

which lost its life to Lorik's sword. In Ballia

District, north of Varanasi, Kesari records a "Lorik

Dih" -- here probably a low hill or mound -- where Lorik

also fought and grazed his cattle. A small distance

from there is the location of the temple of Baramhain

Devi, said to be Lorik's ist, the deity behind his many

victories. And reportedly outside of the birthplace of

the Buddha in contemporary Nepal are two peaks called

"Lorik's Towers" (lorik ke kanjūre) where Gautama

Buddha's anxious father engaged Lorik to jump from peak

to peak in order to amuse and occupy the mind of the

young prince, which would otherwise turn with aversion 14 from the world! These delightful stories underscore

the belief in Lorik as an historical figure and the

status of the Loriki as regional Ahir history.

The tradition of Loriki singing is now in decline.

This writer spoke with many Ahirs who know of the epic

and regard it with great respect, yet cannot recount the

story in detail or produce a singer who is still able to

perform. Most middle class, educated, urban Ahirs

disavow any connection with Loriki singing along other

rustic Ahir traditions, including wrestling and 15 biraha. These Ahir elites, many of whom support the

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Yadava movement, are anxious to distance themselves from

the more archaic expressions of caste heroism in favor

of Brahmanical symbols (the sacred thread) and

genealogical 'histories' proving descent from the Yadu

dynasty of Krishna. Pandey adds this about the decline 16 of the Loriki tradition:

The growth of literacy is also responsible for the fact that new singers are not being produced. People are taking to modern forms of entertainment such as the radio and cinema. At the time of weddings educated Ahirs no longer want to invite traditional singers. In the next ten to fifteen years when the old singers pass away, it seems that this tradition may disappear entirely.

How does the Loriki help us to illuminate the

history and practice of Ahir Bir worship? We know that

this Hindi oral epic tradition is at least 600 years

old, as it was the basis of the Sufi work Candayan 17 written by Maulana Daud in 1379. But there does not

appear to be any reference within the work to the Ahir

practice of establishing hero stones or shrines to their

violently dead. Nor is it helpful to speculate about

the epic originating from a regional cult of the hero

Lorik like the Bir Babas of our study. Unlike many

other regional epic traditions, the Loriki-Chanaini does

not seem to derive from a specific cult center, but is

localized in many dialects (Bhojpuri, Avadhi, Magahi,

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Maithili, Chhattisgarhi, Kesari says Bangla) and

cultural regions. Lorik is remembered as a human hero --

albeit of mythic proportions -- and is nowhere worshipped

as a deity in the proper sense of the word.

What can be said about the Loriki is that it is at

once an expression and legitimation of the Ahir self-

perception as a race of fighters, wrestlers, warriors

and heroes. Despite the decline in its performance, the

Loriki remains for Ahirs historical proof of this

ancestry and documentation of this heroic age. The

heroic mettle of the Ahir is also expressed in

contemporary times by the Yadava Movement, the

involvement of Ahir men in the Indian wrestling

tradition, and their general reputation as independent,

proud, and combative. This heroic tradition gives us

insight into why Ahir ghosts are felt to be particularly

dangerous and powerful, and why the Ahir tend to make

heroes of their untimely and violently dead.

The caste data supplied by Pandey may also hold

significance for the study of the Bir tradition. Pandey

notes that the three Ahir subcastes whose members sing

the Loriki are the Dhandhor (or Danhor) and Gval (Gwal) 18 in Eastern U.P., and the Krishnaut in Western Bihar.

These are the very Ahir subcastes known to be identified

with Bir tradition in these areas. 19 Further research

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is required before one might posit an association

between Loriki singing and Bir worship (this might

especially be looked for in the other areas where either

tradition was known to occur), but this complimentarity

would not be surprising.

Also interesting about the Loriki and its

connection with Bir worship is the participation in both

traditions of certain low castes. Important characters

of low or untouchable caste are portrayed in a favorable

light in the epic. The marriage party of Lorik's

brother consists of warriors belonging to various

untouchable castes. Lorik learns wrestling from the

Dhobi (Washerman) Ajayi, who is depicted as a valiant

fighter. Bantha, the Chamar (Shoemaker) and Gangi the

Nau (Barber) are portrayed as mighty heroes and friends 20 of Lorik. The Loriki might be seen not only as an

epic which belongs' to the Ahir, but to other castes as

well, and Lorik might also be seen as their champion.

Pandey lists Telis, Dhobis, Noniyas (builders of clay

houses), Chamars, "and all other low caste people" as 21 members of the epic audience. Loriki singers include

Mallah (Boatmen), Gaderiya or Gareriya (Shepherds) and

Kurmi (mostly farmers). He says that "Kurmi and

Gareriya are the other castes which get along well with

Ahirs and enjoy listening to the Canaini epic" and that

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22 these two castes even smoke hukka with the Ahir. This

participation in the epic tradition by a particular

assemblage of low castes is indicative of their general

acceptance of the epic worldview and the position of the

Ahir as brave fighters which is so essential to that

vision. This is interesting with regard to the

phenomenon of Bir worship because the castes listed by

Pandey are many of the same which this writer found to

participate in Bir worship, as devotees, temple

caretakers, and even the caste identity of certain Birs.

Those castes which live with the Ahir in villages,

enthusiastically participate in Ahir oral traditions

and -- most likely -- accept the Ahir in the heroic manner

in which they view themselves, are also those which

participate in Bir worship which is dominated by Ahir

deities.

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NOTES

3.2 AHIR HEROISM: THE YADAVA MOVEMENT & THE EPIC LORIKI

1 M.S.A. Rao, Social Movements and Social Transformations: A Study of Two Backward Classes Movements in India (Delhi: Macmillan, 1979), p. 132. 2 Rao, Social Movements, p. 134. 3 One of the most prolific redactors of Ahir history was Mannalal Abhimanyu, who wrote such pamphlets as Yadav Itihas (Yadav History), Gopa Jati Ksatriya Varna Me Hai (The Cowherd Caste is in the Ksatriya varna), and Ahir Vansa Pradip (The Splendor of the Ahir Dynasty), all published by Kali Prasad Yadav in Varanasi. He was also one of the editors for many years of the Yadaves journal, another vehicle of the Yadava Movement. 4 M.S.A. Rao, "Caste and the Indian Army," The Economic Weekly 16 (August 29, 1964), 1439-1443. 5 For the various published versions and discussions of same, see: Shyam Manohar Pandey, The Hindi Oral Epic Loriki (Allahabad: Sahitya Bhawan, 1979) -- a Bhojpuri version from Banaras, and The Hindi Oral Epic CanainI (Allahabad: Sahitya Bhawan, 1982) -- an Avadhi version from Allahabad; Arjundas Kesari, Lorikāyan [in Hindi] (Mirzapur: Lokruchi Prakashan, 1980) -- a Bhojpuri version from Mirzapur; Verrier Elwin, "The Ballad of Lorik and Candaini," Folk-songs of Chhattisgarh (Madras: Oxford University Press, 1946); pp. 338-370; George A. Grierson, "The Birth of Lorik," in Studies in Honor of Charles Rockwell Lanman (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard Press, 1929), pp. 243-254: a partial Magahi version; Joyce B. Flueckiger, "Study of a Central Indian Folklore Region: Chhattisgarh," Diss. University of Wisconsin, Madison 1984, pp. 258-309 -- a discussion of the Chhattisgarh Candaini. In addition there are other articles and publications in Hindi on the epic tradition mentioned in Kesari Lorikayan, p. 16, note 1. One "battle" chapter in verse has been published in bazaar pamphlet form -- like those of the Alha Khand -- by Mahadev Prasad Singh, titled Lorikāyan:

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Hardigarh ki Laral (Varanasi: Thakur Prasad and Sons, n.d.). 6 Flueckiger has argued persuasively that the Chhattisgarhi version of the Lorik-Canda epic -- the Candaini -- has been identified in recent history with the folklore region of Chhattisgarh rather than primarily with its Raut (the regional Ahir caste) originators. See Flueckiger, "Study," above. 7 Pandey, Loriki, p. 16. 8 Kesari, Lorikāyan, p. 25. 9 Pandey, Canaini, p. 10. 10

11 Grierson, "Birth."

R.C. Pathak, ed., Bhargava's Standard Illustrated Dictionary of the Hindi Lanquage (Varanasi: Bhargava Book Depot, 1971), p. 553. Rajendra Pandey, in his Kasi Through the Ages (Delhi: Sundeep Prakashan, 1979), pp. 139ff, writes of the Sarnath Dhamek Stupa and the possible derivation of the term dhamek (after Cunningham) as Dharmmopadesaka or "Preacher of Dharma." [p. 142.] 12 These versions of the localized Lorik legends were told to me by Hans Raj and Manna Raj Yadav, and Ram Sakal Yadav. 13 Lorik's mighty leaps might be the most popular motif circulated in the oral tradition and reminds one quite obviously of Hanuman and his similar ability. 14 Kesari, Lorikāyan, pp. 17-20; my translations. 15 Pandey has made similar observations, Canaini, p. 24. 16 Pandey, Canaini, p. 22. 17 S.M. Pandey, "Some Problems in Studying Candayan," in Early Hindi Devotional Literature in Current Research, ed. W.M. Callewaert (Belgium: Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, 1980). 18 Pandey, CanainI, p. 23.

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19 In the Banaras area, the Gwal Ahir were most consistently identified with the Bir phenomenon. Planalp indicates that the Bir Babas of Senapur (Jaunpur District) originated with the Dharhor Ahirs of the area ["Religious Life and Values in a North Indian Village," Diss. Cornell University 1956, pp. 69, 159]. Archer reports the Bir Kuar tradition of Western Bihar to be associated with the Krishnaut subcaste [The Vertical Man: A Study in Primitive Indian Sculpture (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1947), p. 17]. 20 Pandey, Loriki, p. 11. 21 Pandey, Canaini, pp. 10-11; Loriki, p. 20. 22 Pandey, Canaini, p. 17, note 4; p. 19, note 1.

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3.3 Ahir Heroism: Songs of Ahir Birs

Having suggested the content and mood of the oral

epic Loriki as an introduction to the phenomenon of Ahir

heroism, we next turn to specific Bir traditions in

order to further illustrate the same. We will first 1 return to the cycle of the Bihar cattle deity Bir Kuar,

mentioned previously in the context of ritual in Part

3.1. We will then proceed to three biraha songs about

specific Birs from Varanasi, Mirzapur, and Gaya

Districts of Uttar Pradesh. A discussion of the major

themes contained in these songs will follow.

Archer found that the majority of the people he

questioned knew only pieces of the Bir Kuar story, and

sometimes only the deity's name or caste identity. In

certain areas Bir Kuar was simply reported to have died

protecting his cattle from wild animals or cattle

raiders, in some instances from members of an

unspecified Muslim army. Yet other extended versions of

the Bir Kuar tale were also available in the form of

"chanchars, or long sagas which are sung by the Ahir at 2 night." The contents of these Archer divides into a

"main" and two "branch" myths. The latter he summarizes 3 as follows:

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According to the first branch, Bir Kuar was an Ahir who goes into the jungle to graze his buffaloes and comes on his sister practicing witchcraft. With her are seven companions and all have taken off their clothes. He at first takes away the clothes but later he gives them back. Then the witches fearing scandal decide to get him killed. They send a tiger and Bir Kuar is fatally mauled. His pet buffalo carries him home and on his death bed he tells the Ahirs to worship him.

In the second branch, Bir Kuar quarrels with his sister and in consequence she gives a curse that a tiger will kill him. Bir Kuar does not pay any heed and goes into the jungle. When he enters it, a tiger mauls him. His pet buffalo then brings him home and he tells the Ahirs to worship him.

What Archer calls the "main myth" combines these two

elements in different variations, each version adding or

embellishing details woven into this basic structure. 4 These variations include the following information:

• the designation of the land of Bir Kuar's birth (Ayodhya, Bhojpur), childhood (Brindaban) and marriage (local villages);

• reasons given for the quarrel with his sister (named variously, Radha Rukmini, Kani Biramdeia, Dewaki): over the gift of his pet buffalo to her at the time of his wedding, his disregard for her advice about the milking of cows or the danger of tigers in the jungle, her remonstrations over leaving his wife on his wedding night.

• Bir Kuar goes into the jungle on the night of his gauna, before the consummation of his marriage.

• It is Bir Kuar's wife or mother (Kosila) who pleads with him to go into the jungle at night.

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• There is an emphasis on the devotion of pet buffalos (Parewa/Parai/Paraiya, Bhuwari or Banda and Barowa) for the hero, including attempts to protect and defend him from the tiger, and demonstrations of the fondness -- bordering on obsession -- of the hero for his herd or favorite buffalo/s to the extent of his neglect of human relationships. This, in some cases, becomes the cause of his death.

• Bir Kuar is killed in many versions by a tigress or a blind tigress; because he has killed her mate, because she is sent by his sister or one of the other witches, or is herself a transformed witch.

• In some versions Bir Kuar shows great strength and bravery; in others he is a normal if not foolhardy man who is easily killed.

• The hero requests the establishment of posts and promises protection of cattle on his death bed, by appearing to the Ahir in a vision or dream, or by possessing his brother.

• Descriptions of the other actors that require a second post.

In Archer's analysis of this composite story, he

emphasizes three aspects of the figure of Bir Kuar: the

"fertilizer god," the "model" Ahir, and the "lesson" to 5 his castefellows. Archer feels that Bir Kuar's

obsession with his buffalos amounts to a sexual passion,

and views this aspect of the hero's character as the 6 basis of his role as a fertility deity.

Birnath becomes the god of the buffaloes because he is obsessed with them. He acquires the power to bring the she-buffaloes on heat because he has loved one of them.

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This is an interesting observation, and one might say in

support of this type of reasoning that the stories of

many Birs further north -- more likely to serve as village

guardian deities -- emphasize their protective qualities

as human beings. But Archer may be taking this point

too far, especially when he attempts to mitigate this

somewhat unusual behavior of the hero (and other more

mundane qualities as well) by insisting that Bir Kuar is

already a deity -- an avatar, in fact -- before his death,

making the hero's actions part of an inscrutable divine

plan. This is, of course, what is given by some

renderings of the tradition: the story of Bir Kuar is

the lila of an incarnation of Krishna. But Archer need

not explain away these ambiguous elements, as Hindu

mythology is full of ambivalent heroes (and deities)

and Bir stories are commonly the reworked tales of the

violent deaths of ordinary men. What I believe to be

even more fundamental to Bir Kuar's function as a

"fertilizer god" -- and what Archer attempts to dismiss

(p. 81) -- is precisely the fact of his violent death,

transforming him into a powerful ghost who may be

coaxed into utilizing this power to remove the obstacles

to animal (and human) fertility. It remains that all

Bir Babas -- whether or not they are said to have any

special fixation on members of their herd -- have a

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similar providence over cattle health, safety and

fertility.

Archer also views Bir Kuar as the ideal Ahir who

tirelessly tends and defends his cattle, but who is

ultimately destroyed (through the agency of the

sister/tiger) by an overweening commitment to this role

at the expense of human/social relationships. This is

an interesting and plausible interpretation of the

story's events, but the recurring theme of the gauna has

other implications as well. A gauna is the ceremony in

which a bride is brought from her natal village into the

home of her husband, the actual beginning of a marriage.

The primary responsibility that Bir Kuar neglects is his

duty to his wife on their wedding night. The recurring

theme of Bir Kuar's death on the night of his gauna is

not coincidental. We have encountered this motif before

in the cycle of Gazi Miyan and in the figure of Dulha

Deo, the North Indian "bridegroom deity," and it is very

likely one of pan-Indian distribution. The tragedy of

the hero's violent and premature death is heightened by

its occurrence just before the wedding night. It is

even possible that the Bir's name echoes this tragic

fate: Kuar (Archer does not give us the Devanagari) =

kuwar = kumar = unmarried or virgin boy. 7

Archer also discusses the blending of the mythology

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of Bir Kuar with that of Krishna in many of the songs.

Brindaban is the forest in which the hero dies, his

sister is called Radha Rukmini, and his mother Dewaki.

The stealing of the naked witches' clothes immediately

recalls the scene with Krishna and the bathing Gopis.

In another series of "poems" (one must assume that they

are written works) presented by Archer, the fusion of

the two personalities is almost complete. Archer 8 puzzles:

It does not seem possible to say which of these two elements is prior -- whether Bir Kuar was actually a caste ancestor who was later expanded into Krishna or whether he originated as a form of Krishna who was peculiarly relevant to Ahir needs. Either is equally possible.

This is indeed a complex problem. One is tempted to

conclude that Birnath or Bir Kuar is a deified caste

hero later identified with Krishna, a major deity

worshipped by the Ahir. This type identification is

most obvious in the poems translated by Archer, which

utilize motifs from the Puranic mythology of Gopala

Krishna. Yet in the oral chanchars of Bir Kuar (and in

some versions of the Loriki-Canaini epic) we see a less

conscious or systematic usage of proper names and

motifs, and a distinctly local brand of Krishna

mythology. These local versions of the Krishna legend

might be archaic motifs still circulated in the oral

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tradition of the type which were prior to the

consolidation of Puranic mythology, local variations of

Puranic mythology, or the product of some combination of

the two processes. This type of "chicken-or-the-egg"

question is difficult to resolve, but the complexity of

the problem should be borne in mind. It is not

surprising, however, that the stories of some Ahir

heroes should be interwoven with Krishna mythology.

Krishna has long been a major Ahir deity (although how

long and in what form has still to be resolved) whose

local worship may resemble aspects of the the Bir cult 9 and be intermingled with the same.

The chanchars recorded by Archer are part of the

oral tradition issuing from the cult of the Ahir cattle

deity Bir Kuar in Western Bihar. By contrast, the

following three songs were composed by Ahir songwriters

who were working with extant oral traditions about the

various Birs. One composer reported that he was

commissioned to write his songs, and proceeded to

"research" the stories of the Birs in order to complete

the works. Part of the motivation behind the

commissioning of these songs may certainly have been

'political:' biraha very often contains political or

social messages and are sung in public arenas, and the

Ahir still trade on their identity as leaders and

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heroes. Yet another motivation is one of cultural

preservation. One non-professional singer of biraha

complained often that the Ahir were losing their

collective knowledge of their history, and needed to

capture significant individuals and events in song that

these stories be circulated and preserved. This same

singer is one of few younger men who can sing the older

form of biraha -- kharI biraha -- and is equally anxious to

perpetuate the singing of the Loriki epic. The

following three songs, therefore, were composed using

the orally-circulated stories of three Birs, and were

commissioned by Ahirs eager to preserve and promote

their heroic vision of their heritage. We might expect

that these songs would embellish the heroic qualities of

their heroes at the expense of more arbitrary and

idiosyncratic actions and events. They are examples of

one genre of folk song performed at the Annual

Decoration ceremonies of Banaras area Bir Babas and

other local deities. The Hindi/Bhojpuri transcriptions

of these songs are found in Appendix 2.

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10 Manohar Bir

11 My Rama O Ram

In the sky, the stars give their blessing. Your praises are sung by the sun and the moon. The powerful come and salute you. The women of heaven adorn your body. You, who can turn a mountain into a tiny seed and back again into a mountain. In the temples, mosques and shrines, the priests and mullahs forever chant the praises of the gods.

Those who give love have shown us this: that love arises by itself. Good and evil cannot be hidden -- both, inevitably, will be expressed. If good is done, then good is returned. If evil is done, the fruit will be evil. Through good and evil, everyone will be tested. His entire life a prisoner, even the gardener joins his God.

The sun, laughing, spreads its light. The sky, clearing, smiles to itself. The sun, laughing, spreads its light.

How much can we praise the glorious deeds of the young farmer? What a fine jewel his bravery to be sung throughout the land! The poets and singers skillfully celebrate the deeds of the young farmer. A man of Kurmi Dih, the pride of Gaya District. 12 Through his magic he supports the earth and sky. Through his magic the morning becomes night. Through his magic flowers open beneath their leaves. Through his magic the sun and the moon do rise. He raises up the objects of his compassion. He gives eyes to the blind man and ears to the deaf.

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O listen listen brothers to this story of Gaya District! It was said that the buffalo was like a typhoon in our land. In the day it hid itself in the jungle bushes. But in the night began to wander through the village. The men who lay sleeping on their charpoys, pouncing, the buffalo would quickly take their lives. In just one week it slaughtered thirteen men. The enraged District Officer gave the order, "Shoot that buffalo!"

It was said that the buffalo was like a typhoon in our land. There was a Yadav named Manohar who had lost his sight. The month of Phalgun was drawing to a close. The Yadav took his staff and went to check the crops. There was an open space in the middle of the field.

[SPOKEN] It was the buffalo's habit to hide in the jungle bushes during the day. At night it went into the village, and flipping over a man's charpoy, it took his life. The Yadav went out to check the fields ...

He sat in the crotch of a tree, his two legs dangling. From somewhere the buffalo came to tauntingly lick his feet.

The sun, laughing, spreads its light. Feeling the cold touch, Manohar began to laugh. The sun, laughing, spreads its light.

The buffalo kept licking the blind man's feet. Then, suddenly, it jabbed them with its horns. The blind man ground his teeth in anger. He said, "This joke has gone too far! Once I get my hands on you you will regret this joke! I'll beat the life out of you once I come down, once I come down!" Sometimes the buffalo licked him, sometimes it jabbed him with its horns. The blind man showered insults in an utter rage, "I will come quickly, I'll waste no time. I will make you blind like me once I come down, once I come down!"

[ SPOKEN] But the buffalo ignored his threats. Then Manohar said:

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"Listen you bastard, come to your senses! Why have you challenged this blind man? I will come quickly, I'll waste no time. I'll beat the life out of you once I come down, once I come down!"

Blessed is this mighty age. Blessed are the brave heroes of this land. Ram and Hanuman walked upon this earth. Karna and Dhananjay were wise heroes such as these.

The blind man could no longer bear the wounds from the jabbing horns. He stretched his legs and leapt down from the tree, landing in the middle of the buffalo's neck. The furious animal ran out into the field. Grabbing stout sticks and staffs, the entire village came running, forgetting the safety of their houses and their fields. Morning slowly became afternoon. The hours of dusk were drawing near. The buffalo's gait slowed, spittle dripping from its

Even then Manohar said, "I will not let go!" mouth.

Surrounding the field was a fence of barbed wire. The buffalo got caught and tumbled to the ground.

[SPOKEN] The buffalo ran around and around the field. Morning passed, evening was drawing near. Running and running, the buffalo fell. The village people gathered and cried, "Manohar, let it go!" But Manohar respectfully bowed to them and said,

"Please allow me to treat the wounds on my feet. I will not let him go! Let me finish my revenge. I will not let him go! How many mothers and sisters had to wash the vermillion from their hair?" The blind man said, "This one has met with a Yadav today. Let me beat him on the chest with my bare arms. I will not let him go!" The blood of the dying buffalo spilled onto the ground. Rupee notes showered on the steadfast Manohar. Let his name be printed in the magazines and newspapers! "I will not let him go!" As our teacher Pattu Gwal has told us, [13] The District Officer then came into the field.

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The blind man's picture was taken with the buffalo.

The sun, laughing, spreads its light. Manna Raj asks for the blessing of Shiv Murat.[14] The sun, laughing, spreads its light.

My Rama, O Ram.

15 Bachau Bir

My Rama O Ram .

It happened right in Sir Karhiya, next to Hindu University where Malviji had some land. [16] this tale of mighty Bachau Bir, friends. Listen to this story beyond compare, friends!

They say that Malviji had some land where Kshatri Ambe Singh also had a claim. Ambe Singh went there and took his stand. Refusing to back off, Malviji stood his ground.

Malviji regarded Bachau as his younger brother. He said, "Have the deed written in your name." The surveyor would come to measure the land, friends. Listen to this story beyond compare, friends.

There was an old feud between Bachau and Riddhi-Siddhi. The Thakurs wanted to kill him by deception. Leaving his axe at home, Bachau went out empty-handed. His wife pleaded, "Take it! You are dealing with

Bachau said, "Today I will go without a weapon." enemies!"

"I too will take my place among gentlemen."

But the Thakur gang was powerful, friends. Listen to this story beyond compare, friends.

[SPOKEN] Bachau Bir's wife said to her husband, "Take your axe with you." He answered, "Very important people will come, so I will go empty-handed when the field is measured." But the Thakur gang was powerful, friends. People had already gathered ...

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The clouds spread across the sky. The manly, tiger-like Bachau left his house. The clouds spread across the sky.

The mighty Riddhi-Siddhi had an old feud with Bachau. At every step Bachau thought, "The Thakur gang is

Going to the surveying of the field, his eyes grew red powerful."

Before him were eighteen men, their lances and spears with rage.

sharpened. Eighteen young Thakur men, brave and alert as tigers. The tape was taken up. The measuring began. Young Bachau stood alone.

The clouds spread across the sky. They began to taunt him in front of the official. The clouds spread across the sky.

Babua Singh spoke sharply, "Don't miss this chance, men!" "Block Bachau's way. Don't let him escape." In this spirit Gudari Mama spoke. The day was Monday. "Don't miss this chance, men!"

The official realized that there would be a fight. He went up to Bachau and said, "You are in great danger." ("Don't miss this chance men!") "Get in my carriage and come away with me." But Bachau said loudly, "Today I will see how tough the Thakurs are."

The clouds spread across the sky. "I will break their skulls and beat them with my fists." The clouds spread across the sky.

Taking up their weapons, the Thakur gang moved in. Shouting a war cry, the men came out into the field. Their staffs, knives and spears were flashing. They challenged Bachau by twisting their moustaches. "Today. In this field." Giving this challenge, the Thakur gang moved in. Steadily Bachau said, "Don't be so proud." "I killed your father. You too may lose your life." "Riddhi-Siddhi, don't be so proud. Your whole family may be destroyed." "If my staff is to rain down blows, sparks will fly." The Thakur gang moved in.

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In the face of the assembled gang, Bachau Bir did not run. Bachau asked the Thakurs for half an hour's time.

The clouds spread across the sky. "Or allow me to have a staff," he asked the crowd in the field. The clouds spread across the sky.

[SPOKEN] From the time that they surrounded him, Bachau asked, "Please give me a staff." But they completely closed him in.

Babua's Thakur men did not hesitate. Running toward him, every man leaped upon Bachau. Staffs began to fly with a swishing sound. Jhimmal Yadav broke away and began to run. Grabbing his staff, it seemed like Bachau set it on fire. He chased them five bighas, [17] beating them back. He started to move in the direction of his house. Ahead was a wire fence that surrounded the university. Catching his foot, the man like a tiger fell.

[ SPOKEN] Alone, fighting eighteen young men, he chased them five bighas. He thought, "Now I can escape and run toward my house." Ahead was the university, and sur- rounding it was a barbed-wire fence. He caught his foot and fell.

Young Bachau fell like a fallen tree. Sticks and knives again fell upon him. As sticks and knives again fell upon him, Out in front came Gudariya Mama. He said, "If you leave this man alive," "If he lives, he will find us and kill us." "If he lives, he will find us and kill us." So he beat him with two staffs.

[SPOKEN] Gudari Mama, who was Bachau's own uncle, said, "If we let Bachau go and he lives, then the lives of eighteen men will not be spared. Finish him today. Gudari Mama beat him with two staffs.

When Bachau's body was carried to Bhelupur Police Station, in the middle of the journey, Bachau attained the Heaven of Heroes.

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The clouds spread across the sky. The corpse was quickly taken for an autopsy. The clouds spread across the sky.

Every Ahir went with the body, 0 didn't they? Bachau Bir's heart weighed fourteen pounds. [18] He could drink the milk of one buffalo, and eat three pounds of food. Listen, listen, Tears started to flow and fall from many eyes, O didn't they? One great fighter had left the Yadav family. Yadav Guru Bihari was the first to praise the hero in

Pattu's songs are also famous, aren't they? song.

Hearing the news of Bachau's death, all of Banaras-Kashi was sad. The Judge gave the ruling, "Hang Riddhi-Siddhi!"

The clouds spread across the sky. Yadav Ram Sakal speaks this with flowing eyes. The clouds spread across the sky.

My Rama O Ram

19 Bechu Bir

The world is dyed in the colorful stories of its

worshipped as the true gods of the Kali Age. heroes,

A tale from Mirzapur District comes to mind, where the Yadav people displayed their shining

This is an old story that all will enjoy. glory.

It will thrill every nerve of the honored audience.

Papihata Village was right on the bank of the Jhalahiya River. In that village lived a famous warrior, Bachan Yadav was his name.

They say, "O God, how rich your fortune!" I wish I could keep your image in my heart forever. [20]

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Dark black hair filled with beautiful curls. His forehead shone like the moon, and his eyes were like diamonds and pearls. The young man carried a heavy fighting staff. He grazed his cows in the jungle. This was his daily routine, and he never was afraid. Though a man, he would wrestle with a lion. Each day he would milk his cows in the jungle. He would drink the milk himself and feed some to the lion.

In what mother's womb has the Creator made your body! I wish I could keep your image in my heart forever.

[SPOKEN] It was Bachan Yadav's job to graze his cows each day in the jungle and wrestle with a lion. One day, after fighting with the lion, Bachan Yadav went to see his wife who had just arrived from her village. Seeing his scratches, she asked about them. He said, "I fight with a lion." She said, "Go. Defeat that lion. Then I will spend our wedding night with you." Bachan Yadav listened to this and left the house. And again his wife was saying,

"My dear husband, don't be humiliated by the lion. My dear husband will of course feed the lion milk. But on the day you defeat the lion your prestige will increase. On that day we will spend our wedding night. That will be a glorious day in the jungle, my dear husband. My dear husband will of course feed the lion milk."

[SPOKEN] Then Bachan Yadav left his house ..

At that moment the pen of the Creator was shaken. Overbearing became the Ahir's pride. Like what happened to Babu Lorik in another age. [21] He would grazed his cows in the middle of Pipari. The ruler of Neurapur did a terrible thing. He took the lives of many virtuous people. Many heroes have lived upon this earth. But time has defeated them all.

In the same way time caught up with Bachan Yadav. The youth went off to fight the lion. On a path in the middle of the Jhalahiya River

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Shouting a challenge to the bear, the young man began to fight. But the bear took Bachan's life. The mournful news of his death began to spread. Making a vow, his sweetheart set out from her house.

[SPOKEN] When Bachan Yadav left the house, he met with a bear on the path. When he challenged the bear and began to fight, the bear threw him down and tore him open. When his wife heard the news, she swore as she was leaving the house that, "Until the bear dies I will not eat or drink even water."

She swore to her husband's revenge. The women forbade herself food, sleep and water. She swore to her husband's revenge.

Powerful in strength, she left the house in a rage. Stopping her, the village people pleaded, "Daughter, aren't you afraid?" Taking a sword in her hand, she looked like the goddess Kali. She arrived at the place where the lion was deep in sorrow.

[SPOKEN] Bachan Yadav's wife killed the bear and went to her husband. There the lion was thinking that, "Today my friend did not come to fight with me." Finding

he crying? Bachan's body on the path, the lion was crying. How was

The poor lion friend was crying over Bachan's body. "Now who will fight with me and feed me milk? In this world, who will I have as a friend?" The poor lion friend was gazing mournfully at the body when Bachan's wife arrived. She took her husband on her lap and embraced him. An air of sorrowful compassion spread throughout the forest. The poor lion friend was crying.

[SPOKEN] Bachan Yadav's wife came and held her husband. On the bank of the Jhalahiya River she built a funeral pyre and cremated herself with his body.

In the middle of the jungle The heavenly stars came down to give their blessing in the middle of the jungle.

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"You have avenged my friend; your story will live forever." At this sight, even the stones were moved in the middle of the jungle. In the middle of the jungle, Rama, in the middle of the

even the stones were moved in the middle of the jungle. jungle,

Burning himself, the lion too became ashes. Three memorials were built. Bachan's name was changed to Bechu Bir known thus by all the world. In the middle of the jungle.

[SPOKEN] Yes, when the lion also burned himself, Bachan's name was changed to Bechu and the lion's name to Bir. People now worship in the name of Bechu Bir.

On the day of Kartik Ekadashi there is a huge religious fair. People come to rid themselves of ghosts, and to receive children. They beat their skulls on the platform of the shrine. In the middle of the jungle.

As our teacher Pattu Gwal has told us, the story ends here. Sarayu Gwal says that everyone in U.P. knows the name of Bechu Bir.

She swore to her husband's revenge.

The writing of Shiv Murat and Manna Raj is filled with virtue.

She swore to her husband's revenge.

My Rama O Ram

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With the exception of "Manohar Bir," the songs

translated above are essentially death songs: they

describe the circumstances surrounding the violent and

tragic deaths of their subjects. They are posterior to

the development of a cult, so we are given certain

details of the transformation of slain hero into local

deity: Bir Kuar appeared to family members and promised

blessings and protection in exchange for the establish-

ment and worship of his image (post); memorials

(samadhis) were build on the ashes of Bechu Bir, his

wife (a Sati) and tiger friend, now the focus of a large

Mela on Kartik Ekadashi. Bachau's song leaves him in

the "Heaven of Heroes" (bir gati), but stories told by

people living near the site of his death reveal his

return as a discontented spirit and the building and 22 worship of his shrine.

Characteristic of the stories of the deified dead,

the nature of death portrayed in these songs is violent,

tragic and premature, and often unjust. In the main

body of his legend, Bir Kuar was overwhelmed by the

fatal pairing of wild animal and witchcraft, Bachau was

outnumbered and brutally slain by Thakur enemies, and

Bechu by the surprise attack of a ferocious bear. The

tragedy of the heroes' deaths is heightened by certain

details. They were all young men in their prime. Kuar

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and Bechu were slain at the time of the gauna ceremony

just before the wedding night. All displayed a pride

that led to their immediate undoing: Kuar ignored the

warnings of his sister, Bachau recklessly confronted his

enemies without a weapon despite the protests of his

wife, and the swelling of Bechu's pride is compared to

that of the hero Lorik's who also met a tragic end.

The motif of death by wild animal attack is also

typical of these tales. Bir Kuar is killed by a

tigress/witch, and oral reports of Bechu's death make

the tiger -- and not the bear -- the death agent. Death by

tiger attack is a common folklore motif found throughout

rural and tribal India, the type of ghost/deity to

result (often worshipped for protection from tigers) is

called Baghaut (Hindi bagh = tiger) in many areas of the

North. The stories of Bir Kuar, Bechu Bir (and Govind

Rawal Bengal: Part 3.1) all share this motif.

Encounters with wild animals in these stories have other

meanings as well. Manohar, blind and alone, saved his

village from the killer buffalo that managed to elude

the well-armed authorities. This echoes the pre-death

stories of the other figures, all of whom had victorious

encounters with wild animals and appeared to almost

relished the challenge. Bachau is famous in the oral

tradition for saving his village headman from a wild

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jungle tiger (see Part 2.5), Bechu playfully wrestles

with a tiger, and even the hero Lorik fights with

tigers, bears and other wild animals to reach his

beloved Chanaini. 23 While it is true that buffalos gone

mad and the wild animals of the jungle pose a threat to

human life, they also symbolize the physical and

supernatural dangers of the jungle areas outside of the

village settlement. The association of tigers and

tiger-spirits with witchcraft and sorcery is common in

these stories. The wild buffalo, normally placid, is an

eruption from within of the chaotic, ominous and 24 threatening. The hero is the rare individual who will

face the beast and rescue others from danger. The

heroes of our stories demonstrate their extraordinary

strength, valor, and supernatural powers (siddhis)

through their victorious encounters with these deadly

animals. Yet even these powers prove unequal to human

flaws and the tragic twists of fate. Thus there are two

roles that wild animals play in these stories: the death

agents of central figures and the adversaries that prove

their heroic mettle.

Other details in the songs are also evidence of the

heroic nature of their subjects: the size of Bachau's

"heart/liver" and the amount he could eat, his final

attainment of the Hero's Heaven. Bechu, like Lorik, is

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a wrestler (pahalwan), a characterization which not only

implies great strength and bravery but control and

spiritual attainment. The martial theme of revenge is

strong. Manohar takes his revenge on the buffalo;

Bachau's enemies fear his revenge and cannot consider

leaving him alive; Bechu's wife becomes like the

ferocious goddess Kali and takes her revenge upon the

bear that slays her husband.

The revenge of Bechu's wife and the role of women

in the songs also requires comment. Other versions of

the Bechu Bir story make his wife a Sati -- but not

necessarily the avenger of her husband -- as well the

tiger's second victim who leaves the side of her infant

during the period of ritual impurity after its birth,

another tragic element. But this does not detract from

the power of the song which features a female heroine

worthy of many South Indian traditions. Bechu's wife

first challenges him to defeat the tiger with whom he

wrestles in sport, at which time she promises to join

him on their wedding night. She then proceeds to avenge

his death like an angry goddess. Further, the enraged

wife -- who has vowed to ingest nothing until the killer

himself is slain -- has no trouble with the bear that so

easily dispatched her husband. Women are otherwise

prominent in these songs and their related traditions.

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They are helpless as well as independent and

resourceful; nurturing and protective as well as

treacherous and goading; chaste and obedient as well as

willful, aggressive and seductive. The complexity and

deep ambivalence of female figures in the Ahir epics,

stories, and songs resonates with other images of the

female in South Asian traditions, but the thorough

treatment of this fascinating topic is the proper

subject of another work and cannot be handled adequately

here.

The chanchars of Bir Kuar and the biraha songs of

Manohar, Bachau and Bechu Birs add to our understanding

of why Ahir figures are often the focus of cultic

attention. An individual of any caste -- through the

circumstances of his/her death and subsequent

deification -- might become the object of worship, but it

appears that certain groups possess more articulated

traditions of ancestor and hero worship. The epic

Loriki and the songs of Ahir Birs are at once evidence

and expressions of such a tradition carried by certain

sub-castes of North Indian Ahirs. These traditions

reveal a more archaic and rustic brand of heroism than

is found in the great pan-Indian epics; they are closely

identified with the Ahir caste and their admirers or

specific localities. The songs, especially, are

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associated with violent death and the bhut-pret complex

and are unevenly reworked with 'heroic' elements. For

this reason the educated elites who are the core of the

Yadava Movement wish to disassociate themselves from

these traditions in favor of more orthodox forms of

legitimation. It is interesting, also, that the folk

traditions of the Ahir show a kinship with the mythology

of Krishna Gopala, while the Yadava Movement prefers to

associate itself with the martial Krishna of the

Mahabharata. This creates logical problems with the

mythological and historical data: if Krishna was a

foster son of Nanda Baba, then how could the cowherds

descend from the Yadava line? Or if one is to accept

that all contemporary Ahirs are descended from the

Abhiras (who theoretically were the originators of the

Krishna Gopala cult), how could they be Yadavas, a race

which history records as their enemies in some

instances? These were not problems for the Ahirs

interviewed for this study, however, who quite

uncritically accept the Loriki, Bir worship and Yadava

Movement philosophy together as proof of the Ahirs

claim of martial ancestry. There are in addition other

stories circulated in oral form which seek to explain

the apparent loss in status of the contemporary Ahir. 25 We will close with an example.

262

All Birs are not Ahirs. Birs are mainly Kshatriyas or Rajput, the mighty ones (bahadur log). Ahir and Kshatri are the same. According to the old traditional stories, Raghuvansi and Jaduvansi were both brother kings. Jaduvansi Raja lived in the jungle. Raghuvansi -- the educated, intelligent brother -- did the ruling. He was raised to rule. When he was dying he told his younger brother to leave the jungle and take up the kingship. The younger brother responded that, "I keep four cows, drink milk, eat fruit, and live in the jungle. The peace and happiness found in the jungle is not to be had by ruling with all its responsibilities." So he stayed in the jungle, and people started to call these people Gwal or Ahir. But they are actually Kshatriya. Since that time Kshatri and Gwal people have been considered as separate.

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NOTES

3.3 AHIR HEROISM: SONGS OF AHIR BIRS

1 W.G. Archer, The Vertical Man: A Study in Primitive Indian Sculpture (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1947). 2 Archer, Vertical, p. 49. Unfortunately we are not told more about this folk song genre. 3 Archer, Vertical, p. 52. 4 Archer, Vertical, pp. 49-79. 5 Archer, Vertical, pp. 79-81. 6 Archer, Vertical, p. 80. 7 Hargovind and Bholanath Tiwari, eds., TulsI Sabdsagar (Allahabad: Hindustani Academy, 1954), p. 90.

8 Archer, Vertical, pp. 103-104. 9 The Sohrai festival -- in other areas a festival of Krishna -- is a celebration of Bir Kuar in Western Bihar [Archer, Vertical, p. 26]. In addition, some Banaras Birs are worshipped on the day of Govardhan Puja. Vaudeville notes the folk worship of Krishna on today's Mount Govardhan in the form of a cone-shaped stone: "In the village temple Krsna-Govardhan (Giriraj) is worshipped in the form of a cone-shaped blackish stone dressed in yellow robes and adorned with a garland of wild flowers (vanamala) appropriate to Krsna-Gopala." [Charlotte Vaudeville, "The Cowherd God in Ancient India," in Pastoralists and Nomads in South Asia, ed. L.S. Leshnik and G.D. Sontheimer (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1975), p. 99.]

The Abhira origin of the Krishna-Gopi myth has been assumed for decades [Bhandarkar, Vaisnavism, Saivism and Minor Religious Systems (Varanasi: Indological Book House, 1965), pp. 35-38, and Vaudeville, "Cowherd," p. 104]. More recently, it appears that Vaudeville is backing away from such a direct statement of this

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problem ["The Govardhan Myth in North India," Indo- Iranian Journal, 22 (1980), 1-45.]. Friedhelm Hardy also finds little proof of the Abhira origin of Gopala Krishna [Viraha-Bhakti: The Early History of Krsna Devotion in South India (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983), note 20, p. 58.]. The descent of all contemporary Ahirs from the historical Abhiras is also doubted [Part 3.4 above]. 10 "Manohar Bir" as sung by Hans Raj Yadav was recorded in Banaras in 1981. I would like to thank Hank Heifetz, Dr. Ashok Kalrah, Dr. Sudha Kalrah and O.P. Sharma for their help with the translation and transcription of this song. 11 This line is a slow, caressing invocation of the god Rama, found at the beginning and end of each biraha song. The more philosophical or theological portions of the song are indented in order to set them apart from the -- by comparison -- rapidly-presented story line. This first section appears to be adapted from a Muslim devotional song: the prominence of Urdu words and references to Islam betray this cultural borrowing. 12 The story line is broken here to sing this verse in raise of Bhagwan. 13 Pattu Gwal was the foremost cela (student) of the famous Bihari Lal, the reputed originator of modern biraha. Pattu is cited here as the singer's guru figure, almost a genealogical footnote. 14 This is the author's and singer's signature line. The song was written by Shiv Murat, but sung in this instance by Hans Raj Yadav under the guidance of his teacher and older brother Manna Raj, whose name is given in the line. 15 "Bachau Bir" as sung by Hans Raj Yadav was recorded in Banaras in 1981. The song was written by Ram Sakal Yadav, the son of Pattu Yadav. I would like to thank Hank Heifetz, Dr. Ashok Kalrah and O.P. Sharma for their help with the translation and transcription of this song. 16 Pandit Madan Malaviya (1861-1946) was the founder of Banaras Hindu University. In order to construct the large B.H.U. campus, it was necessary to buy the land of many villages and relocate the

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inhabitants. Some of the people living in these villages became employees of the University, and others were resettled outside the walls. A certain amount of conflict accompanied this process, some of which is conveyed by this song. 17 A bīgha is a measurement of land equal to 5/8ths of an acre. M. Chaturvedi and B. Tiwari, eds., A Practical Hindi-English Dictionary, 6th ed. (Delhi: National Publishing House, 1980), p. 525. 18 A kaleja, translated as both "liver" and "heart," is understood as the organ in the body which is the seat of knowledge and power. If one eats the kaleja of an individual (as witches' and others are purported to do), one may obtain these powers from them. John D. Smith also writes of a postmortem examination of a bandit-hero, revealing a huge heart which terrified the examining doctor. See Smith, "The Two Sanskrit Epics," in Traditions of Heroic and Epic Poetry, ed. A.T. Hatto (London: The Modern Humanities Research Association, 1980), p. 54. 19 "Bechu Bir" as sung by Hans Raj Yadav was recorded in Banaras in 1981. I would like to thank Virendra Singh, Ram Chandra Pandit and O.P. Sharma for their help with the translation and transcription of this song. 20 These lines were adapted from a Hindi film song (personal communication with Virendra Singh), not an unusual procedure in the composition of contemporary biraha, which is characterized by a mixture of styles, tunes, and meters. 21 This is a reference to Lorik, the Ahir hero of the Loriki. Lorik also suffered from an excess of pride which caused him serious setbacks and ultimately his honor and life. Pipari is the name of a kingdom mentioned many times in the epic, the territory of enemy tribes where the Ahir were forbidden to graze their cows [see S.M. Pandey, The Hindi Oral Epic Canaini (Allahabad: Sahitya Bhawan, 1982, p. 49ff]. Neurapur is another kingdom with which Lorik fought many battles [see Pandey, The Hindi Oral Epic Loriki (Allahabad: Sahitya Bhawan, 1979), p. 461ff for the Hindi summary of the "Battle of Neurapur"]. My translation of these last two lines may not be accurate, because it is not clear which incident is being referred to.

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22 The other stories about Bachau are given in Part 2.5 above. 23 Verrier Elwin, "The Ballad of Lorik and Candaini," Folk-songs of Chhattisgarh (Madras: Oxford, 1946), p. 351. Pandey, Loriki, p. 14. Lorik's submission of a wild and dangerous horse is described in Elwin, Ballad, p. 368, and Pandey, Loriki, p. 24. 24 I remember a Hindi film that I saw in 1981 (an imitation of sorts of the Exorcist) in which the spectre of a mad buffalo running amok in the streets was understood as an omen that something terrible would happen to an impending marriage. 25 Personal interview with Lal Baba at the site of Chhatariya Bir, Varanasi, December 10, 1981.

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3.4 Conclusion: The Ahir Bir Tradition

We have seen that the Gwal and Danhor subcastes of

the Ahir in eastern Uttar Pradesh and the Krishnaut of

western Bihar are associated with the worship of Birs in

these areas. There is evidence that the Ahir Bir cult

also extends into West Bengal, contiguous with the above

region and sharing many of its folk religious tradi-

tions. In addition to the three-state area highlighted

by this study, it is almost certain that some form or

trace of the cult may be found in adjoining districts

where the Ahir make up a significant part of the popula-

tion, or in other regions of India where certain castes

or subcastes of cow and buffalo herders make their home.

In many cases the Ahir origin of these cults is

obscured, and can be reconstructed through a pattern of

identifications as illustrated by this study. Even in

areas where the Ahir no longer predominate, they have

left their trace in the identity of these shrines.

We have demonstrated that the Ahir possess a heroic

tradition in which they perceive themselves as a martial

race. If one subscribes to the theory that all of the

contemporary caste groups called Ahir are descended from

the historical Abhiras, then the martial ancestry of the

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Ahir has additional documentation. Not all scholars

agree with the sweeping generalizations to this effect 1 made by B.S. Suryavanshi and others. A new generation

of literature argues with aspects of this hypothesis

with carefully documented studies. David Sopher 2 writes:

The distribution of pastoral castes does not appear to call for an origin from supposed immigrant waves of nomadic or semi-nomadic pastoralists coming from the drier lands to the west as was suggested in some of the earlier literature on caste. The prominence and wide distribution of the North Indian pastoral caste-clusters would hardly be possible under this hypothesis, which would lead rather to the expectation of a very marked eastward and southward decay in their strength. Nor need one postulate a transformation of the traditional pastoral castes from nomads to sedentary folk; according to the model proposed here, they would always have been fairly sedentary. Yet their moderate mobility and the wider radius of their operations and contacts as compared to that of most village folk may account for the linking together of pastoral jatis in unusually large jati-clusters. 3 To this Sontheimer adds:

The Gollas are not a homogeneous race, but are composed of a large number of endogamous groups, the members of which are found to differ from one another in their features and complexion and even in their manners and usages. Their traditions tend to ... show how people of different origin have been linked together by common occupations and constitute the Golla caste.

The historical assimilation of aboriginal and other

herding groups into the Ahir fold has been documented in

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many places. This type of inclusiveness, often based

upon shared occupation, is never more evident than with

the modern Yadava Movement. Groups that have the barest

connection with the cow, bull or buffalo are now being

encouraged into an even greater "Yadava" organization

that extends to all areas of the subcontinent. I tend

to see Suryavanshi's Abhira hypothesis as being unduly

influenced by Yadava Movement politics and rhetoric. If

there is a connection between the Abhiras and any castes

or subcastes called Ahir, then this must be substan-

tiated by more than the circumstantial evidence now

offered.

The Yadava Movement is, however, an authentic

expression of the Ahir heroic tradition -- not because of

its claim of Ahir descent from the ancient Yadavas, but

because of its rapid acceptance among those already

convinced of their martial ancestry. M.S.A. Rao writes

about Ahirs ("Yadavas") in leadership roles in the 4 Backward Classes and Scheduled Castes associations

the Yadavas are considered to be the leaders, and the Yadava ideology provides a rationale for such leadership. The top Yadava political elite argues that the Yadavas in Dwapara Yug fought an epic war against injustice and inequality under the leadership of Lord Krishna. In the present phase of the cosmic cycle of time, Kaliyug, it is their supreme responsibility, as the descendants of the Yadu dynasty, to fight once again the injustice and exploitation of the backward

270

classes ... because the Yadavas form the largest single caste among Other Backward Classes.

This traditional role of leadership expressed here on

the national level through the rhetoric of the Yadava

Movement has its analogue in more local and rural

milieus. The epic Loriki is the major backdrop against

which the heroic stature of rustic Ahir must be viewed.

The chanchars of Bir Kuar and the biraha songs of

Manohar, Bachau and Bechu Birs are also examples of this

local brand of heroism. The Ahir are seen by allied

castes as natural leaders because of their independence,

bravery and physical strength. Ahir men are conspicuous

among the castes participating in wrestling and body

building (almost all of the Ahir Birs are said to be

"wrestlers" pahalwan). As one might expect, this claim

to martial status might bring the Ahir into conflict

with local 'Kshatriyas,'and this tension is documented 5 in ethnography and folklore. This aspect of the Ahir

'character' is also negatively described by those

fearful of their growing political and economic power.

The Ahir are also the objects of the type of humor

levelled at the North Indian Sikhs, another group famous 6 for its martial tradition.

The Ahir also practice the custom of establishing

shrines to honor and pacify their "untimely" dead.

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However the manner of death, the occupying souls tend to

be viewed as "heroes," and the shrines as potential

sources of substantial power. The ritual establishment

of shrines to "quiet" the untimely dead is performed by

members of most other castes groups in the Varanasi

area, but Ahir deities as a class are believed to be

particularly "awake" and are found in greater numbers.

The number of Ahir Bir shrines may be attributed in part

to the large percentage of Ahir in the region, but their

status among local deities is indisputable, and is

inseparable from the stature of the Ahir under discus-

sion.

The work of Günther-Dietz Sontheimer has substan-

tiated the connection between pastoralism and hero

worship. Sontheimer's writings reveal that both the

Gavli (Cowherds) and Dhangar (Shepherds) of Maharashtra

worship ancestors and heroes called bir/vir, and he goes

so far as to state that, "the shared traditions of

worshipping birs are ubiquitous amongst pastoral castes 7 from Nepal to Tamilnadu." In his Biroba, Mhaskoba und

Khandoba, Sontheimer identifies the origins of the well-

known Maharashtrian deities named in the title with

herding groups (the Kuruvas, Gavli and Dhangar), and

describes the process whereby these pastoral gods were

assimilated into the pantheons of the settled agricul-

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tural population, eventually becoming the gods of all 8 castes. Although the development of these deities has

been complex, it is not difficult to perceive a deified

hero, ancestor or tribal chief at the root of many

versions of these cults. Deleury, in a postscript to

his work on the Maharashtrian god Vithoba, is finally

convinced that this deity originated as "a hero who

fought some cattle thieves and died in the struggle,"

and the image of Vithoba as "a later development of a 9 primitive hero stone." Sontheimer substantiates this

conclusion, and identifies the Gavli at the origin of 10 the Pandharpur cult.

Other middle-to-low ranking castes and 'tribal' or

semi-tribal groups participate enthusiastically in the

Bir cult as worshippers, caretakers, and temple priests.

This writer's data and other sources reveal Gaderiya,

Gosai, Kunbi, Kurmi, Bhar, Raj Bhar, Kol, Gond, Kumhar,

Dhobi, Teli, Khatik, Mallah, Manjhi, Dom, Chamar, and

other groups classed as "Harijan" (Raidas, etc.) to be 11 active in the tradition. At least one Brahman acting

as a Bir Baba temple caretaker was encountered, and a

similarly small percentage of members of other upper

castes were involved with individual temples. In many

cases these castes accept the deities as Ahir dead, in

others the "heroes" are said to originate from the

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castes of other devotees. The Ahir Bir tradition has

never existed in a vacuum of similar or related cults.

The worship the deified dead has long been a major

component of South Asian folk religion, and many other

castes and ethnic groups possess articulated traditions

of hero worship as part of their cultural heritage. In

addition to pastoralists, the worship of the ancestors,

leaders, and the violently dead plays a major role in

the religion of aboriginal groups. The hero worship of

the Bhars has already been mentioned in this work (Part

2.5, especially note 4). The Bhuiyas/Bhuinyas of

southern Uttar Pradesh and western Bihar, celebrate

their tribal ancestor/heroes -- also called Birs -- with an

oral epic tradition. The epic of Tulsi Bir is mentioned

by Crooke and others in the late 19th Century, and has

been documented more recently among the Bhuinyas of Gaya

District by Gyan Prakash. Prakash has recorded some

oral performances of the Bhuinya epic, and says that 12 "each village has a little clay shrine for Tulsi Bir."

These two examples demonstrate that the ancestor and

hero worship of the Ahir is not a phenomenon unique to

this group, but is shared in some form by other ethnic

groups, some also using the term bir to describe their

heroes. One might speculate that this usage was adopted

at some point in history from the Rajput clans that

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moved into the various regions, replacing these groups

as the dominant castes, or from familiarity with such as 13 the Rajput epic Alha Khand. While hero worship did

not originate with the greater Rajput tradition, the

heroic expressions of some of the lower castes and

tribes show a self-consciousness vis-a-vis this

tradition. The Ahir bir-asthan seems to fall somewhere

between the bhut-asthan of the untimely dead and what we

might call the 'classical' hero stone; in one way it

appears to be the former attempting to look more like

the latter. The other castes that participate actively

in Bir worship in the Banaras area do so in acceptance

and perhaps imitation of the heroic stature of the Ahir,

and in other cases (as with the Bhuiyas and Bhars) in

continuity with a distinct heroic tradition.

One final note to correct the impression -- no doubt

conveyed by this section -- that the Ahir are only or

primarily concerned with the worship of caste heroes.

The Ahir clearly establish shrines to their "untimely"

dead, and worship them when necessary as family, caste,

field, cattle, village deities. But as often these Bir

shrines move out of Ahir control and patronage, and

become the gods of all (especially lower) castes. The

Ahir do not seem to be possessive of these shrines, and

they do not necessarily become the foci of elaborate and

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organized cultic activity which reifies caste or clan

identity, or represent a system of ancestor worship.

The cult of Bir Kuar reported upon by Archer in the

1930 's is the nearest example that we have of this kind

of religious activity, better documented for South 14 India, yet Bir Kuar functions mainly as a cattle

fertility deity. The Ahir establish these shrines when

necessary, as is their custom, and foster a hero's

reputation as they may. But it is enough that these

Ahir Birs are quiet or occasionally helpful presences,

or reminders of the Ahir's heroic stature to the outside

world. Bir Babas are not the major deities of the 15 Ahir, and control over the most popular shrines has

almost always passed out of the hands of this caste.

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NOTES

3.4 THE AHIR BIR TRADITION: CONCLUSIONS

1 R.G. Bhandarkar, Vaisnavism, Saivism and Minor Religious Systems (Varanasi: Indological Book House, 1965); B.S. Suryavanshi, The Abhiras: Their History and Culture (Baroda: Maharaja Sayajirao University, 1962). 2 David E. Sopher, "Indian Pastoral Castes and Livestock Ecologies: A Geographic Analysis," in Pastoralists and Nomads in South Asia, ed. L.S Leshnik and G.D. Sontheimer (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1975), pp. 183-208. 3 Gunther-Dietz Sontheimer, "The Dhangars: A Nomadic Pastoral Community in a Developing Agricultural Environment," in Leshnik and Sontheimer, ed., Pastoralists, pp. 139-170. 4 M.S.A. Rao, Social Movements and Social Transformations: A Study of Two Backward Classes Movements in India (Delhi: Macmillan, 1979), I, p. 158. 5 The song of Bachau Bir (Part 3.3) is one illustration of Ahir-Thakur conflict. Planalp writes that the Ahir of Senapur "are tenants and have often acted as strong-arm men for their Thakurs. . However, they have also on many occasions clashed with Thakurs, and an incident in the past year led to a lathi-fight in which three or four Ahirs and an equal number of Thakurs were injured." [Jack M. Planalp, "Religious Life and Values in a North Indian Village," Diss. Cornell University 1956, p. 67.] M.S.A. Rao also mentions the resistance to Yadava Movement programs by Thakurs and other high castes [Social Movements, pp. 141, 202, etc.]. 6 A common description offered by their detractors is that Ahir men, although perhaps physically strong, are dull, slow-witted and simple, like their buffalos. 7 Letter received from Gunther Sontheimer dated October 21, 1985.

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8 Günther Dietz Sontheimer, Biroba, Mhaskoba und Khandoba: Ursprung, Geschichte und Umwelt von pastoralen Gottheiten in Maharashtra (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1976). 9 G.A. Deleury, The Cult of Vithoba (Poona: Deccan College, 1960), pp. 197-8. 10 Sontheimer, "Hero and Sati-Stones of Maharash- tra," in Memorial Stones: A Study of Their Origin, Significance and Variety, ed. S. Settar and Gunther D. Sontheimer (Dharwad: Institute of Indian Art History; New Delhi: South Asia Institute, University of Heidelberg, 1982), pp. 265-68. 11 Pandey mentions Telis, Dhobis, Noniyas, Chamars, Gaderiya, Mallah [The Hindi Oral Epic Loriki (Allahabad: Sahitya Bhawan, 1979), pp. 20, 23], Kurmi [The Hindi Oral Epic Canaini (Allahabad: Sahitya Bhawan, 1982), pp. 17,19]. Baidyanath Saraswati lists Ahirs, Manjhis, Bharabhujas, and Domas [Kashi: Myth and Reality of a Classical Tradition (Simla: Institute of Advanced Study, 1975), p. 35]. 12 Letter received from Gyan Prakash, dated March 10, 1986. Prakash mentions some incidents from the Tulsi Bir epic in his paper "Terms of Servitude: Representations of Labor Bondage in Colonial India," S.S.R.C. Workshop on Agricultural Terminologies, New Orleans, January, 1986. I am grateful to Peter Claus for sending me this paper.

The following episodes in the epic of Tulsi Bir were recorded in North Indian Notes and Queries, ed. William Crooke, III, No. 1 (April 1893), entry l:

Mirzapur -- Bhuiyas -- Worship of Nadu Bir and Tulasi Bir. Once upon a time there lived in Magadha or Vihara a Bhuiya woman of exquisite loveliness. She had a son named Nadu, who surpassed his mother in beauty. He was accustomed to roam in the forest and hunt any animal that fell in his way. One day he went out a-hunting equipped with a bow and arrows. When he got into the forest he happened to see a deer, which he pursued. He chased it till nightfall with no success. As he had gone far into the forest he lost his way and was quite at a loss to know what to do and where to go. Thirsty and tired, he wandered about till he reached

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fortunately the kuti or hermitage of an inspired ascetic, Koela Rishi by name. Seeing the ascetic he bowed down to the earth before him and begged for water, of which he stood badly in want. Koela Rishi took pity on him, and calling his wife and daughter, told them to give him what he wanted. The daughter, in obedience to her father's bidding, brought out a gourd full of water, and her mother gave him fruits and roots, and quenched his thirst with water. He passed the night there. But since he saw the daughter of the ascetic he was so much enamoured of her beauty that he became besice himself. In the morning he got up and went to take leave of the ascetic to go home. But the ascetic saw through his mental eyes that the Bhuiya was enamoured of his daughter's beauty, and also that his daughter was in love with him. He consulted his wife on the subject, and with her permission he married his daughter to the Bhuiya. Nadu with his sweetheart returned to his mother, who was named Kamala. Kamala was exceedingly glad to see the wife of her son so beautiful and good. Nadu loved his wife so much that he could never bear to leave her. For a long time they lived together, but the union was unhappily not blessed with a child. Discouraged and disheartened, Nadu ran away from home without giving any notice to his wife or

Kamachcha. One day as he was taking a walk in the mother. After many days' journey he reached Kamaru

streets of the city, the eyes of the daughter of the king of that city fell on him. She invited Nadu to dinner and made love to him. Her name was Naina Jogini. After some time she began to dread that some other king's daughter would appropriate her lover. To avoid this she turned Nadu during the day into an ox through her magical powers, and at night changed him into a man and lived with him. In this way some days were passed. After some time Nadu remembered his wife and home. and begged Naina to allow him to visit his native land. Naina at first refused permission, but at last finding that Nadu could not live long unless he was given leave, she granted him leave for a fortnight, and caused him through her magical powers to reach home within a couple of hours. He met his wife, stayed with her, and she became in child. Nadu, true to his promise, left home and reached Kamaru Kamachcha on the fixed day. But when he left home he wrote his address on the gate of the door. He also told his

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wife that the child, when born, would search him out. In nine months Kausalya was delivered of a child most beautiful, and he was named Tulasi Bir. Tulasi Bir was so powerful, even on the day of his birth, that when he saw the light he at once proceeded to the fields and brought to the house a very heavy log that was lying there to be burnt in the saur, or room in which his mother was secluded. At the age of 5 he made a gulli of lead, 25 mauds in weight, and a danda, 52 mauds in weight, of iron. With these he used to play tipcat. When he attained his 7th year he read the writing on the gate, and having come to know that his father was a prisoner in Kamaru Kamachcha, in the hands of Naina Jogini, he flew into a passion and started immediately for Kamaru Kamachcha. Reaching there, he commenced fighting with the forces of Naina Jogini. He set fire to the fort, and it was in a moment turned into a heap of ashes. The whole army was killed, driven back or burnt by Tulasi Bir. Naina used all her magical powers to defeat Tulasi,

him home. but in vain. Tulasi rescued his father and brought

Another bold adventure of Tulasi and Nadu is described: In the city of Marang there lived two brothers, Ganga Ram and Gajadhar. They had a sister, Barij Somati by name, who was very beautiful, and for whose love many men from distant quarters fought with her brothers, were defeated, and returned home heart-broken. When Tulasi was informed of it he fell in love with her without seeing her. He started for Marang, taking leave of his mother and father. He first sent word to Ganga Ram and Gajadhar to give their sister to him in marriage. But they payed no attention to the message. Tulasi then fought a duel with the two brothers, defeated them, and took their sister by force, and brought her home, and married her. Lahang Bir was born of Barij Somati. He was a very powerful man. Bhuiyas still speak of his boldness and bravery in very high terms, and worship him with prayers and sacrifices after every two years outside the village or in the family kitchen. They worship him in this way. They dig a hole in the ground 5 or 6 cubits deep and 1 or 2 cubits long. They burn fire in it and walk on it bare foot. They say that the man who is possessed of the Bir does not feel any sensation of burning by walking

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on fire. They also scatter thorny branches of ber and kankor on the ground, and roll therein. They say that the thorns become blunt when a man possessed of Lahang Bir rolls on them. Those who are possessed of the Bir pronounce blessings on the Bhuiyas, and they believe that these blessings turn out true. Bhuiyas offer him sacrifices of goats, fowls and hogs. This account of a very popular race of heroes, who are worshipped among the Bhuiyas of South Mirzapur, was collected by Pandit Ram Gharib Chaube at a meeting of Bhuiyas collected for ethnological enquiry at Dudhi.

The elusive tribe called the Savaras are also reported to worship Birs. Alexander Cunningham devotees an entire chapter to the worship of Birs and other gram devata in his "Report of a Tour in the Central Provinces and Lower Gangetic Doab in 1881-82," Archaeological Survey of India, XVII, 139-166. 13 See william Waterfield, The Lay of Alha (London: Oxford University Press, 1923). 14 See Stuart Blackburn, "Oral Performance: Narrative and Ritual in a Tamil Folk Tradition," Journal of American Folklore 94 (1981), 207-27; Peter Claus, "The Siri Myth and Ritual: A Mass Possession Cult of South India," Ethnology 14, No. 1 (January 1975), 47-58, etc. 15 While the Ahir are known to participate in the worship of many of the classes of deified dead discussed in this thesis, including Birs, Brahms, and Ghazi Miyan and the Panchon Pir (Pandey, Canaini, p. 21, note 4), it is my impression from my contact with Banaras Gwal Ahirs that they are primarily Goddess worshippers. They cite Durga, Bansatti, Sitala, and other local goddesses as important Ahir deities, the first two figuring prominently in the Loriki-Chanaini epic. Vaudeville cites "pastoral folk" to be primarily Shaivite and Goddess worshippers [Charlotte Vaudeville, "The Govardhan Myth in North India," Indo-Iranian Journal, 22 (1980), p. 1]. Sontheimer records in many places the connection between pastoral gods and the popular manifestations of Shiva in Maharashtra [Birobā, pp. 87, 165, etc.]. He says that "the identification with Siva or rather its popular forms (Bhairav, Mahadev, Mhaskoba, Siddha) has been caused by peripatetic Saivites (Naths, Gosavis) ... [who] were often the first to penetrate the

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pastoral and forested areas." [Personal correspondence, Oct. 21, 1985]. Shiva makes important appearances in the Loriki, but I have no independent data on Ahir worship this deity, and noticed no consistent association between the Bir Babas and Shiva. In spite of the similarity in appearance between the linga and the aniconic images of many Birs, there was never any confusion (or corresponding attempts to identify the two deities) between them. The connection of the Ahir with Krishna has been mentioned several times in this work. It seems that pastoralists came under the sway of Vaishnavism at a later date, through the identification of local deities -- like Govardhan -- with the cowherd Krishna. (Vaudeville, "Govardhan.")

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APPENDIX 1

Agahan agahan Aharaura aharaura Ahir ahīr Ahira Bir ahīrā bīr Allah allāh Amina Sati aminā satī Apsara apsara Ashvin āśvin

Baba bābā Bachau Bir bacāū bīr Bahadur bahādur Banaras banāras Bechu Bir becū bīr Belawa Bir belawā bīr Bhagat bhagat Bhagwan bhagwan Bhairav/a bhairav/a Bhar bhar Bhavani bhavānI Bhumihar bhumihār Bhumiya bhumiyā Bhut/a bhūt/a Bir bIr Brahm brahm Bhoju Bir bhojū bīr Brahma brahma

Chainpur cainpur Chait Ganj cait qañj Chaitra caitra Chamar camār Chaura caurā Chhatariya Bir chatariya Chhathi chathī

Dafali dafall Daitra Bir daitrā bīr Dasanami Naga dasanāmī naga Devi devi Deva deva Devata devata Dhangar dhangar Dhobi dhobi

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Dih din Diha dĩha Dihwar dihwar/diwar Dihwarin dihwārin Diwali diwālī Dom dom Dulha Deo dulhā deo Durga durga Dyorhiya Bir dyorhiyā bīr

Ekadashi ekādaśī

Gaderiya/Gareriya Ganesh/a gaderiyā/gareriyā

Ganga gaņeś/a gańga Gandharva gandharva Gavli gavlī Gaya gäya Ghazi Miyan gāzī mīya Ghazipur Gomati gāzīpur

Gond gomatī goņd Gopala gopālā Gopi gopi Guhyaka Guni guhyaka guņi Gwal/Gual gwāl/guāl

Hanuman hanumān Harashu harasū/harasū Holi holi

Jaunpur jaunpur Jeth Jinn jeth jinn Jogi Bir jogī bīr

Kal Bhairav/a kāl bhairav/a Kali kālī Kalu Bir kālū bīr Kamarup Kamakhya kāmarūp kāmākhyā Kankara Bir kańkarā bīr Kapardi Kapardisha kapardī kapardīśa Kapildhara Karma Kandi kapildhārā

Karman Bir karma kāndi karman bīr Kartik/a kārtik/a Kashi kāśī

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Kedariya Bir kedāriyā/kerāriyā bīr Khatik khātik Kol kol Kolhua Bir kolhuā bīr Krishna krsņa Krishnaut/Kisnaut krsņaut/kisnaut Kshatriya ksatriva Kumhar kumhār Kunbi kunbī

Lahura Bir lahurā bīr

Mallah mallãh Mali Mali Manjhi man jhī Mangalaha Bir mangalahā bīr Mantra mantra Marayal marāyal Mari marī Mashan/Masan masan/masan Mata mātā Mela melā Mirzapur mirzāpur Mujawar mujawar Mur Kata Baba mūr kațā bābā

Naga nāga Nangan Bir nangan bir Narayanpur narayanpur Naruwa Bir naruwā bīr Nat nat Nath nāth Nav Ratra nav ratra Nona Chamain/Chamarin nonā camāin/camārin

0jha ojhã

Panchami Panchapiriya pancamI pāncapīriyā Panchon Pir panco pir Panda Pasi pandā pāsī Penaru Bir penārī bir Phalgun phalgun Pipala Bir pIpalā bīr Pir pir Pisach/Pishacha Pishach/a Mochan/a pisāc/pisāca pisāc/a mocan/a Pith/a pIth/a

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Pitr Paksh pitr paks Pota Raju pota rāju Pujari pujārī

Rai Das raī dās Raja rājā Rajbhar rajbhar Rajput rājput Rakshas/a rāksas/a Rang Bhari Ekadashi rang bharī ekādasī Ravi Das ravi das Rudra rudra

Sadhu sadhu Sayar/Saiyar/i Mai sāyar/saiyar/ī māl Sambho Mai sambho mãi Santoshi Mata santosī mātā Satami sātamī Sati satī Shahid śahīd Shakta śākta Shiv Ratri śiv rātra Shiva siva Shraddh/a śraddh/a Shravan srāvan/a Shudra sūdra Siha Bir sīhā bīr Sir Karhiya sīr karhīyā Sita sītã Sitala Mata sītalā Mātā Sokha sokhā Stupa stūpa

Tar Bir tār bīr Teli telI Thakur thakur Tirth tīrth Tripindi tripiņdi

Varanasi vārāņasī Vira vīra Virabhadra vīrabhadra Vishnu vişnu Vishveshvara viśvesvara

Yadav yadav Yaksha yakşa Yogi yogī

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APPENDIX 2

manohar bIr

aaaeeeeee more rama ho ram

phalaka pe sitāre mubārak hai dete aphtāb canda se seharā pukāre jamīdārī ayal salāmī kare asman ke phariste badan ko sanware jisko cāhe ū parbat se rāī kare wakt aye to rai se parbat banwe mandir masjid but khānao mulla pujārī devatāo ke gun ko hameśā o gāve

muhābata karne wālo ne yahī andāz hai rakhā ki muhabata ho hi jati hai 1 (muhabata ho hi jātī hai - REPEAT) bhalai au burai pe kisi ka hai nahi parada to sikāyata ho hi jātī hai (sikāyata ho hi jātī hai - REPEAT) bhalā kīje bhalā hogā burā kīje burā hogā bhalāi au burāī pe, kisī kā imtaha hogā umra bhara kaidi ban mālī khudā ke pās jāte hai to jamanata ho hi jātī hai ( jamānat ho hi jāti hai - REPEAT)

chatkāya suraj hans ke rosanī ambar khila gagan me man hi man muskaya chatkaya suraj hans ke rosanT (ambar khilā ... chatkāyā ... REPEAT)

1 The repetitions of the backup singers are written in parentheses.

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kitanā koī tarīph kare us jwān kisān yasokat kī kitanī ālī ratan bīrtā kiyā des mế soharat kī kalā pradarsit kavī kartā us jwan kisān yasokat kī kurmī dīh kā rahane wāla gāyā jilā mế unnat kī

jekare māyā se thīkal dharatī gaganawã jekare māyā se holā sānjhā bihān jekare maya se khile patte tale phulawa jekare maya se ugay suruja au cand jekare dāyā hotī wo to itarātā (jekare daya hotī wo to itarātā - REPEAT) jekare dāyā hotī wo to itarātā anharaņī ke änkh dete, bahiranī ke kān

o sunā sunā bhaiya gāyā jilā kai kahānī (suna sunā ... REPEAT) sunā sunā bhaiyā gāyā jilā kai kahānī bhatsa hamāra kahawa kaile desawa me tuphān dinawa me rahā jangal jhariya me chipa ke rātiya ke bhaîsa ghume lagawe gaowe sūtal cārapāī jone manahi kā pāwe (sūtal .. REPEAT) sūtal cārapāi jone manahi kā pāwe ekā hī dabaule un kā le levā parān ekā hī hafte me terah khūn kar dālā gaya jila dhis tab garam bhe kan ardar diya bhaĩse ko golī se māra sālo (ardar .. REPEAT) ardar diyā bhase ko golī se māra șālo bhaîsa hamārā kahawa kaile desawā me tuphān yadab the manohar dono ankhiya kā gayab mausami phagunawa gayala niyaray lathī le ke yadab khetawa hī kara gaile (lathi le ke ... REPEAT) lathī le ke yadab khetawa hi kara gaile rehele kā bagiyā me thoa maidān (rehele ... REPEAT)

[SPOKEN] bhaisa kā kām rahal ki din bhar jangal me rahale/ rat me bhaĩsa gao me rahal jae, aur jī ādmī ke cārpaī ulațke, matlab prān le lī/ yādab jī khetawāī kare dine ...

kacī rahī dāl kī us par baithe pao lațka ke kahī se ghumat āyā bhaisā cāt pao harasā ke

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chatkāyā suraj hans ke rosanī hansane lage manohar thandā unhe janāya chatkāyā suraj hans ke rosanī (o hansane lage monohar ... chatkāyā ... REPEAT)

cațata cāțata paowe, sūrajī kā bhaīsā sing se thukūca diyā mār sūre bhūsiyale, rahī rahī kicikicāle kahe jāde majāk ho bekār agar tohe pakar ham paibe sārā majak bhulawāibe torī bhusiyā chorāibe agar ham nice aibe, agar ham nice aibe (agar ham ... REPEAT) kabhī cāte bhaîsa, kabhī thukca lagāwe anharā bhusiyā ke gāli barasāwe derī na lagaibe, jaldi se aibe to hamau ke sūr banāibe agar ham nīce aibe, agar ham nice aibe (agar ... REPEAT)

[SPOKEN] lekin wo bhaîsa jab nahi māna, tab manohar kah rahe haî ki

sun-sun re sale, jara hos sambhale kāhe par gaile anhara ke pāle deri na lagāibe, jaldī se āibe tori bhusiya re choraibe agar ham nīce aibe, agar ham nice aibe (agar ... REPEAT)

aaaeeee dhanya re samaiya prabal hoi gaile dhanya hamare desawā ke bīr ho jawān rām hanuman dola ehi dharati pe karana dhananjay aise bīr ho sujān

gorawā kā ghāwāya anharā se na sahāya (gorawa ka . REPEAT) gorawa ka ghawaya anhara se na sahaya kūda parā pere par se țaigiyā pasār bīce garadanawa kūdal bhaīsa ke lāțhī danda le ke gao puravā lai dhave (lathi ... REPEAT) lathi danda le ke gao purava lai dhāve khetanan ke bhūlal gharawa ka ho duwār subaha ka dhaval dupahar hoi gaile sām kā pahairiyā gaile niyarāy

289

dhīmi bhai cal bhaisa phacā kul girāve (dhīmi . .. REPEAT) dhīmī bhai cal bhaîsa phaicā kul girāve tab kahe manohar nahi chuti hatawa hamare gherale ke bagiya me kantedar tarawa (gherale ... REPEAT) gherale ke bagiya me kantedār tarawā phans karke bhaisa giral bhaharay (phans ... REPEAT ) [SPOKEN] ek bagicā me bhaîsa, ghumat-ghumat subahe ka ghawal, dupahar, tisarpahar niyarayagal/ ghumat-ghumat jo gir gaya bhasa/ gaon wāle ikattha ho kar kahe, manohar chor da! manohar antim pramar kare ..

gorawa kā ghāo, tani hamake pujawada chorav nahi sarau badalawā cukāwadā chorav nahī sarau (badalawā REPEAT TWICE) kitanā matā bahinin ke dhodihala sindūrawā jātiyā kā yādab āj milalabā te sūrawa tharhe bale kehoni tu chatiya pe lagaweda chorav nahi sarau (badalawa cukawadā REPEAT TWICE) khūn phaĩkā bagiyā me marī gayā bhaīsā chore na manohar upara barasā noț paisā pattu akhbarawa me nam chapawawada chorav nahi sarau (badalawā ... REPEAT)

mursid pattū gawal kahe usī bāg mế jila dhīs tabhī aye bhaĩsa ke sang surejī kā photo khincawāye

chatkāyā sūraj hans ke rosanī siu murat, mannā rāj pe hamesa dāyā chatkāya sūraj hans ke rosanī (siu murat ... chatkaya ... REPEAT)

more rāma ho rām

290

bacau bīr

aaaeeeeee more rāma ho rām

sir karahiyā khās, hindū bisbidhālay ke pās jahā par mālvījī kā rahī kuch jamīn bacau bahādur bīr kī bānī hai dosto sunie lājabāb kahānī hai dosto (sunie ... REPEAT)

rahā jamīn mālvījī kā batāte haî waha pe ambe sinh chatrin me lagate hai usī jamin pe ambe sinh jake ar gaile hatoga piche nahi mālvijī ar gaile

mānte mālvījī bacau ko choțā bhāī kahe jamīn apane nām lije likhwai kanīgoh aye khet nepani hai dosto sunie lājabāb kahānī hai dosto (sunie ... REPEAT)

rahī purānī bahair bacau riddhi-siddhi se thakur maran cahe unko buddhi se garāsā ghar par rakh ke khālī häth jäte hai nar samjhāi le lo dusmānī kī bāte hai kahe bacau maĩ aj khalī hath jauga maĩ bhī rahīso mế apnā nambar pāugā (maI bhī ... REPEAT)

udhar thākur ki gol tuphani hai dosto sunie lājabāb kahānī hai dosto (sunie ... REPEAT)

[ SPOKEN] bacaū yādab kā aourat apne pati se kahaĩ ki garāsā ānan le ke jā/ kahai na waha pe bare-bare log ayal hauar ham jab khet napaway, chuche hath/ aur udhar thakur ki gol tuphanT hai dosto/ log saje the

gaganawa me chai badarī ghar se cala baghela bacau maradanawā gaganawa me chāi badarī (ghar se ... gaganawa . REPEAT)

hai kasbal riddhi-siddhi bacau se khār purānī hai har khāte bacau jāte thākur kī gol tuphāni hai hogā khet napāna calke pharkatī ānkh gulāmī hai hai ghere atharah juwan balam barcha panī hai

291

hai cocak athārah juwān thākur ke bīr baghelā lekar phītā lage nāpane bacau juwān akelā

gaganawa mế chāi badarī gurī-gura bhaili hakim ke samanawa gaganawa me chāi badarī (gurī-gura ... gaganawa ... REPEAT)

babūā sinh bole tikhār ho, mat cūko jawanawa chek lo bacaū ko, jāne na pāwẽ gudarT mama yahī bhav batawe dinawa rahal somwār ho, mat cuko jawanawa (dinawa ... REPEAT)

jan gaye hākim ki hoi larai bacau se bole haĩ pās me jāi tohare pe khatara apar ho mat cūko jawanawa (tohare ... REPEAT) hai tänge par cale ke baitho calo hamare sang garaj ke bacau kahe, āj dekhav thäkur ke jang

gaganawa me chai badarī kaccā phor dev mukkan se marav janawa gaganawa me chāi badarī (kacca ... gaganawa .. REPEAT)

[SPOKEN] hākim keh ki hamare ekka par baithie/ āp iha se nikal jāie/ lekin bacaū jawān kahē ki nā, mukkā se māri ke bhaga dev ham atharaho jawanan ke ...

lehale hathiyar, gol jutal thakuran ke (lehale hathiyar REPEAT) otho ke le tala jawanawa ho khete par jaye lathi garasa bhalan rahale camkaye moche par dele gurela bacau ko dekhāye aj baji khete pe, dehale lalakar gol jutal thakuran ke (dehale lalakār . .. REPEAT) o dang se bacaū bole ho, mat karā gumān tohare bap ke marali, toharo jāi jān riddhi-siddhi mat phūla, hoi bans kā hãn lāthi me hamare barasa, jaise angar gol jutal țhākuran ke (jaise angar yathamtay gai gol waha par bacau bir na bhage REPEAT)

ādhī ghantā ke tāīm thakur se bacau mage

292

gaganawa me chāi badarī cahe lathi de da bhir ke maidanawa gaganawa me chai badarī (cahe ... REPEAT)

[ SPOKEN] jab jawan log ghare liye tab bacau kahe, ek lāthī hamke äp de dīgie, tab tak jawan log ek dam ghare lehanan ..

aaaeeee o deriyā na kaile babuā thākur ke jawanawã bacau par tuțe sab juwān ararāy aour san-san lauriya cale ho jab lagalal jhimmal yadab chorT ke calal paray o nikale aginiya lathī chinke lahale bacau (nikale .. REPEAT) panc bigaha marī ke jab dihale bhagaye calale jawanawa bhawanawa ke apane agawa bisbidhyalayawa pare gaile tar phasI gaile gorawa baghela giri gaile (phasī ... REPEAT)

pañc bigha bhaga dehalan/ socalan ki ab parāy ke nikal [ SPOKEN] akele nau jawān atharaho jawān ke mārke jab

jāī ghare/ āge bisbidhyālay me, tār kantawālā cheral rahal/ pair phans gayal, gir paral/

per gira hai jaise juwān waise bacau gire utan lāthī garasā barsan lāgā (lathi ... REPEAT TWICE) lāthī garasa barsan lāgā tahar nikalke gudariyā māmā eke jiyat jin chore jawan kahe jiyat rahi to bin-bin mārī (jiyat ... REPEAT) jiyat rahī to bin-bin mārī doi lathi mare utan doi lathi mare utan (doi lathī ... REPEAT)

gudarī mama, bacau ka mama lajat rahalan, u kahe agar aj jindā bacau nikal jaihai, tā ī atharahau [ SPOKEN ]

jane ke jindā na chori haî/ aj inhai khatam kar da/ marle par du lāthī gudarī māma marlan/

tab bhelūpur thane par lās bacau kā gai uthāi bīc rāste me bacau ne bīr gati ko pāyī

293

gaganawa me chai badarī lasiyā cirghare me bhejawaye chanawa gaganawa me chai badarī (lasiyā ... gaganawa REPEAT )

aaaeeee las ke sathe ahiraniya cali bhaile na (lās ke sathe ... REPEAT) caudah pauā bacau bīr rahā kalejā ojan ek bhaîs ka piye dūdh aur tīn pao kā bhojan sun-sun bahai nayan se paniya cali bhaile na (sun-sun ... REPEAT TWICE .. aaaaaeeeeee cali bhaile na o cali bhaile na ... sun-sun .. REPEAT TWICE) yadab kule me eke ek se hue bīr ranabanka yado guru biharī pahale bajā gaye hai danka sankā pattu ke bhajaniya calī bhaile na (sanka ... REPEAT) bacaū bīr kā maral suni ke dukhī banāras-kāsī jajj sāhab ne diye phaisala, riddhi-siddhi ko phasī

gaganawa me chai badarī yādo rām sakal kahate durai nayanawa gaganawa me chai badarī (yado ... gaganawa .. . REPEAT)

more rama ho ram

294

becu bīr

aaeeeeee more rāma ho ram

bīro kī gāthā rangdār jis me rangā hua sansar pujāte kaljug me banke sacca bhagwan jilā mirjāpur kā ek dāstān yād āyā jaha yaduvansiyo ne rang ka nur hai jhalkaya jikat hai purānī anjuman rang lāyegī śrī srotā ke nas-nas me cubh jāyegī

khas jhalahiya nadī ke tat pe raha papihata gram rahe laraku baccan yadav khūb th un kã năm

kyā kahate māsāallā dhan takdīr āp kī jī cāhata hai khīnc l tasvīr ap kī (jī cāhata hai ... REPEAT)

bāl kale kale, ajab the ghugharale māth candā jyoti, nain hīrā motī lāțhī dāi ser kā jawa lagātā thā biābān ke andar gau carātā thā yahī tha roj kā wākiyā, kabhī nā dartā thā bhale insan ka nahar se jor karta tha nit jangal me o gaye bhī lagate the apane bhI pite o ser ko pilate the (apane bhi pite ... REPEAT)

jis ma ke odra me bidhanā race sarīr āp kī jī cahata hai khinc lu tasvir ap kī (ji cahata hai .. REPEAT)

[SPOKEN] baccan yādav ka yahī kām rahal ki jangal mẽ gaiya carave aur delī ser se larai/ ek roj ser se larke jab baccan yadav ka gauna bhayal aurat ke pas gailan, khac lagal dekh ke pūch baithli/ kahe ki ham ser se larīlā/ kahaĩ jā, ser ke pachār ke aib/ tab ham suhāg kī rāt bitāib/ itanī bā baccan yādav sun kar ghar se cal diye, aur phir aurat kahrahī hai ki ...

nāhar sange dagawa jin kamaihā hamare pīyawa serawo ke dūdhawā piaihā hamare pīyawā (serawo ke dudhawā ... REPEAT) o jone din pachārī debā, barh jāihaĩ izzatiyā ho wohī din bitāibe suhāg wali ratiya ho

295

o serawo ke dūdhawa piaihā hamare pīvawā (serawo ke dudhawa ... REPEAT)

[SPOKEN] ab baccan yadav ghar se cal diye ..

itane me bidhana kai kalamiya dolī gaile bharī bhayalaba ahire ke abhiman o ihe ho samaiya bābū lorik par paralī gaiya berhal gaili ho pipariya darbhyān neurāpur kā lohawa gajab kar dihale sādā dharmī kā calī gaile ho parān o bare bare bīrawā bābu aile dharatī pe (bare bare ... REPEAT) lekin samayā sabahī ke kailebā hairān o ehai re samaiya bacan yādav par paralī serawa se lare bade calalai jawān o nadī o jhalahiyā ke bīc rahiyā mẽ (nadī o jhalahiya ... REPEAT) nadī o jhalahiyā ke bīc rahiyā mẽ dekhā ekā bhāluā milal sīnā tān garjal maraganawa bhiral bhālūa se bhalu lehi lihale ta baccan yadav ka parān o baccan ke maranawa ka sor hoi gaile (baccan ke maranawa . ... REPEAT) ee baccan ke maranawa ka sor hoi gaile khay ke kasamiyā calī ho dilajān (khāy ke kasamiyā ... REPEAT)

[ SPOKEN] baccan yädav jab ghar se cal diye, raste me bhalu mil gayal/ mar ke tal nau jawan jab lar gailan bhalu se, bhalu girai ke baccan yadav ke phar dehale/ jab on ke aurat ke patā calal, ghar se kasam khāi ke

khāyab/ callin ki jab tak bhālū ke na marab, tab tak annpānī na

sendurawa kai lebai badala nidiyā harām samjhī annpānī mahurawā sendūrawā kai lebai badalā (nidiyā ... sendūrawā ... REPEAT) takat me mazbut rahi, we ghar se cali aunth cabat toku rokat gao ka manai hai betī tu nahī derāt tega bala liye hath me jaise ho gai kall tät to ghare ke andar pahuci jaha ser socai pachāt

[SPOKEN] baccan yādav ka aurat jāyke bhālū ke mār dihalin aur apane pati ke pas gailin/ idhar ser bhi soc rahā hai ki aj hamārā dost nahi āyā larane, aur udhar se rāstā dekh ke ki baccan ke las ke bagal me baith ke ser ro raha hai/ kaise ro rahā hai ..

296

aaaeee baccan ki lāsiya pe roy rahā re ser sāthī becara (baccan kī lāsiya ... REPEAT) ab kaise larbai ke dūdhawa pilāī duniyā me kaise karau sangatāī sārī badaniya ko toy rahā re ser sāthī becāra (sārī badaniyā ko ... REPEAT) itane me baccan kī pahucī gujariyā dhaili sajanawā ke bhar ankawariyā ban me karuna ras roy raha re ser sāthī becāra (ban mế karuna ras ... REPEAT)

[ SPOKEN] baccan yādav ka aurat jayke apane patī ke pakar ke lai jāy ke jhalahiya nadī ke kināre par cītā lagāya ke aur patī ke sāth jalai lagalin/

aaaeee jangal bicawa utaral jannat kā sitarawā jangal bicawā (utaral jannat kā sitarawā ... REPEAT) dhanyawad de raha ser dhanya re dost ki rani badalā le lī mere dost kai, amar terī kahānI galgai pāniyā me patharawā jangal bicawā (galgai pāniyā mē .. REPEAT) eee jangala bicawa rāmā jangal bicawa galgai pāniya me patharawā jangal bicawa (galgai pāniyā me .. REPEAT) ser bhī jal kar bhasma ho gaya, banī samadhi tIn baccan nām badal karke ho gaile becū bIr jeke jānai sansarawā jangal bicawa (jeke jānai REPEAT)

[ SPOKEN ] ha ser jab bhI jal gaye, baccan kā nām badal ke becu rakhāyal aur ser ka nām bīr/ becu bir nām se kis roj pūjā holā

kārtik ekādasī ke uhawa lagatā bhārī melā koi chorawe bhut jala, kof howe bade gadela pīte caurī pe kaparawā jangal bicawā (pite caurI pe ... REPEAT)

mursid pattu gwāl kaha dastān yanī se rūkā sarayū gwāl yu pī me jānat nām sabhī becū ka sendūrawā kā lebe badalā siu mūrat manna raj ke likhaya ke sahūrawā sendūrawa ke lebe badalā

more rāma ho rām

297

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TITLE OF THESIS THE BIR BABAS OF BANARAS: AN ANALYSIS OF A

FOLK DEITY IN NORTH INDIAN HINDUISM

MAJOR PROFESSOR David M. Knipe

MAJOR South Asian Language and Literature

MINOR Distributed

NAME Diane Marjorie Coccari

PLACE AND DATE OF BIRTH Danbury, Conn. May 1, 1951

COLLEGES AND UNIVFRSITIES: YEARS ATTENDED AND DEGREES M.A. South Asian Studies, University of Wisconsin- Madison A.B. Anthropology, Syracuse University

1975-1986 University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin

1972-1973 Syracuse University, Syracuse, N.Y. 1969-1971 William Smith College, Geneva, N.Y. MEMBERSHIPS IN LEARNED OR HONORARY SOCIETIES American Academy of Religion, Association for Asian Studies

PUBLICATIONS

CURRENT DATE May 30,1986

F-5266