9. Volume 1 — part 9

On the same day Timur resolved upon marching to Dehli, and setting off after mid-day prayer he encamped on the banks of the Jumna. The astrologers and soothsayers disputed with

each other as to whether the stars and presages were favourable. Timur placed no reliance on their predictions, but put his trust in God, without whose pleasure nothing happens. Next morn- ing, after prayers, he took the holy book and opened it for a fat. The verse which came out was favourable to his enterprize. Trusting in this omen he crossed the river Jumna, and encamped on the other side on the 5th Rabi’u-s sani. The soldiers by way of precaution intrenched their camp, which was near a little hill called Pushta-bihali, and they fenced it in with branches of trees and palisades. In front of the ditch they fastened buffalos together by their feet and necks, and inside the fence they raised pent-houses ( khamha ).

On the 7th Rabi’u-s sani Timur settled the array of his army. Prince Pir Muhammad Jahangir, Amir Yadgar Birlas, and others, were placed over the right wing. Prince Sultan Husain, Prince Khalil Sultan, Amir Jahan Shah, and others, had com- mand of the left wing. The van-guard was placed under the command of Prince Rustam, Amir Shaikh Nuru-d din, and others. Timur himself commanded the centre. In this order, full of spirits and courage, the soldiers marched to the battle field.

The enemy also came out in battle array. The centre was under Sultan Mahmud, grandson of Sultan Firoz Shah, and Mallu Khan. The right was commanded by Taghi Khan, Mir All Hauja, and others, and the left by Malik Mu’inu-d din, Malik Hani, and others. The enemy’s army consisted of 12,000 veteran horsemen and 40,000 infantry, with all the appliances of war. Thus they advanced to the field of battle. The enemy’s great reliance was on his enormous war elephants, 120 in number. They were covered with armour, and on their backs was a kind of litter or cage, in which cross-bow men and discus throwers were concealed. Sharp poisoned points were fastened firmly to their tusks. Rocket-men ( takhsh-afgan ) and grenade- throwers ( ra’d-andaz ) marched by their sides.

Although the army of Timur was weak compared with this Indian army, still his soldiers did not rate their enemy very highly. But although they had fought in many a battle, and overthrown many an enemy, they had never before encountered elephants. They had heard by report that the bodies of these elephants were so hard that no weapon would pierce them ; that they could tear up strong trees with the wind (bad) of their trunks ; that they could knock down strong houses with the pressure of their sides ; and that in battle they could lift horse and horseman from the ground with their dragon-like trunk and raise them in the air. Exaggerations like these had raised ap- prehensions in the hearts of the soldiers. When. Timur pro- ceeded to appoint the places for the various officers of the Court, he, in his princely kindness, asked the learned doctors of the Law who accompanied the army in this invasion where he should place them. They, terrified with the stories they had heard of the elephants, answered: “In the same place as the ladies and women.11

When Timur perceived this terror and alarm of his followers, to allay their fears he directed that they should fix palisades, and dig a trench in front of the army. In front of these he ordered buffalos to be placed side by side, and fastened firmly together by the neck and feet with leather thongs. He had strong iron claws made and given to the infantry, who were ordered to throw them on the ground in front of the elephants. Maulana Shahabu-d din Jami has celebrated these devices in one of his odes. Heaven was always favourable to Timur, and now gave him success without using any of these stratagems. He had on horseback ascended an eminence between the two armies, and examined all around. When he saw the opposing forces he alighted from his horse, and turning the face of sup- plication to heaven he offered his prayers, and begged for victory over his enemy. It was not long before a sign was given of the acceptance of this prayer. While Timur was offering his prayer to heaven, it came into the minds of Amir Shaikh Nuru-d din,

and the other officers in command of the van-guard, that if Timur sent a reinforcement to the ri"ht wing and to the advance guard it would be a sure presage of victory. When Timur had finished his prayer, he sent Sultan ’Ali Tawachi and others from the centre to the support of the right wing, and another party to the support of the van-guard. These movements cheered up the spirits and strengthened the courage of the men. They drew their swords and rushed fearlessly on the enemy. The elephants of mighty form and craven spirit ran off, and Timur thus ob- tained the victory.

The van-guard under Sunjak Bah&dur and other officers, when they saw the enemy advancing against the right wing, placed themselves in ambush, and when the advance-guard of the enemy had passed by, they rushed out in their rear with swords drawn and arms uplifted, and in one charge killed more than 500 of them. On the right wing the Prince Pir Muham- mad having advanced his men charged the enemy. He was supported by Amir Sulaiman Shah, and aided by fortune he used his swords upon the elephants.1 The men of the right wing with one accord advanced against the left of the enemy, which placed its reliance on the bravery of Taghi Khan, and drove it back as far as the Hauz-i Khdss, which is a wide and deep well, one of the works of Firoz Shah. The left wing, under Prince Sultan Husain and others, charged with such force and bravery the enemy’s right wing under Malik Mu’inu-d din, that it was broken, and Amir Jahan Shah pursued its scattered fugitives to the very gates of Delili. The centre of the enemy supported by the elephants advanced to attack in good order, but Prince llustam and his coadjutors met them and made a stout resis- tance. The various officers brought their men into action and cut their way to the elephants. They killed the drivers, wounded the trunks of the animals with swords and arrows, and despatched them.

1 Petis de In Croix here describes the defeat of the elephants, hut his account is not to be found in any one of the four MSS. I have used.

The soldiers of India fought bravely for their lives, but the frail insect cannot contend with the raging wind, nor the feeble deer against the fierce lion, so they were compelled to take to flight. Sultan Mahmud Khan, Mallu Khan, and those who fled with them, entered the city and closed the gates. Prince Khalil Sultan, of the right wing, notwithstanding his youth, attacked one of the monster elephants, cut down his driver, and led the animal, as a husbandman drives a buffalo in the plough, to Timur.

When by the favour of God the enemy was defeated and put to flight, Timur advanced to the gate of Dehli. He carefully examined the walls and bastions of that noble city, and then returned to the Hauz-i Khass. This is a reservoir constructed by Sultan Firoz Shah, so large that an arrow cannot be shot from one side to the other. It is filled by the rain in the rainy season, and the people of Dehli obtain water from it all the year round. The tomb of Firoz Shah is by its side. Timur encamped there and the princes and nobles and officers waited upon him and offered congratulations upon the victory. They then praised the bravery and reported the valiant exploits performed by the princes and officers. Timur on hearing these reports was moved to tears, and gave thanks to God who had distinguished him above other monarehs by granting him such valiant sons and such faithful servants. * * *

Flight of Sultan Mahmud and Mallu Khan. Capture of Dehli.

After their defeat, Sultan Mahmud and Mallu Khan went to Dehli and repented of the course they had pursued and of the rash- ness they had displayed. But repentance after a disaster is of no avail. No resource but flight was left. So in the darkness of the night Sultan Mahmud left the city by the gate of Hauz-rani and Mallu Khan by the Baraka gate, both of which are to the south of the Jahan-panah. They fled into the desert. When Timur was informed of their flight he sent Amir Sa’id and other officers in pursuit of them. These officers captured many fugi- tives and secured a large booty. They also made prisoners of

Mallii Khan’s sons, Saif Khan entitled Malik Sharfu-d din, and Khuda-dad. On the same evening orders were given to Allah- dad and other officers to take possession of the gates of the city and to prevent the escape of any one.

On the 8th Babi'u-s sani, Timur hoisted his victorious flag on the walls of Dehli. He then went to the sate of the maidan and took his seat in the ‘‘I'dgdh. This gate is one of the gates of Jahan-panah and opens towards the Hauz-i Kliass. There he held his court ; and the saiyids, the kdzis, the nobles and the great men who were in the city, hastened to pay their homage to him. Fazlu-llah Balkhi, deputy of Mallu Khan, with all the officers of the dhcdn, proceeded to make their submission.- The saiyids, the ’ ulamd , and the shaikhs sought for protection through the inter- vention of the princes and officers. Prince Pir Muhammad, Amir Sulaiman Shah, Amir Jahan Shah, and others interceded for them in due season, and gained their object. The standard of victory was raised and drums were beaten and music played to proclaim the conquest to the skies. A poet also wrote some lines containing the date of the victory, — 8tli Rabi’u-s sani, 801 (Dec. 17th, 1398).

The elephants and rhinoceroses were brought forth with their trappings and paraded before the emperor. The elephants all in token of submission bowed their heads to the ground and raised a cry altogether as if they were asking for quarter. There were 120 war elephants captured, and on the return home of the army some were sent to different parts of the empire for the use of the princes, and the others were sent to Samarkand. * * * Maulana Nasiru-d din was ordered to go with other learned doctors and great men into the mosque on the Sabbath, and proclaim the name of the Sahib-kiran Amir Timur Gurgan in the khutba , in the same way as the name of Firoz Shah and other Sultans had been proclaimed. * * *

On the 16th of the month a number of soldiers collected at the gate of Dehli and derided the inhabitants. When Timur heard of this he directed some of the amirs to put a stop to it. But it

was the divine pleasure to ruin the city and to punish the inhabit- ants, and that was brought about in this way. The wife of Jahan Malik ’Agha and other ladies went into the city to see the palace of the Thousand Columns (Hazar-sutun), which Malik Jauna had built in the Jahan-panah. The officers of the Treasury had also gone there to collect the ransom money. Several thousand soldiers, with orders for grain and sugar, had proceeded to the city. An order had been issued for the officers to arrest every nobleman who had fought against Timur and had fled to the citv, and in execution of this order they were scattered about the city. When parties and bands of soldiers were going about the city, numbers of Hindus and gabrs in the cities of Dehli, Siri, Jahan-panah, and Old Dehli, seeing the violence of the soldiers,1 took up arms and assaulted them. Many of the infidels set fire to their goods and effects, and threw themselves, their wives and children, into the flames. The soldiers grew more eager for plunder and de- struction. Notwithstanding the boldness and the struggles of the Hindus, the officers in charge kept the gates closed, and would not allow any more soldiers to enter the city, lest it should be sacked. But on that Friday night there were about 15,000 men in the city who were engaged from early eve till morning in plundering and burning the houses. In many places the impure infidel gabrs made resistance. In the morning the soldiers who were outside, being unable to control themselves, went to the city and raised a great disturbance. On that Sunday, the 17th of the month, the whole placed was pillaged, and several palaces in Jahan-panah and Siri were destroyed. On the 18th the like plundering went on. Every soldier obtained more than twenty persons as slaves, and some brought as many as fifty or a hundred men, women, and children as slaves out of the city. The other plunder and spoils were immense, gems and jewels of all sorts, rubies, diamonds, stuffs and fabrics of all kinds, vases and vessels of gold and silver, sums of money in ’ ala'i tankas , and other coins beyond all computation. Most of the women who 1 This sentence is found only in one copy.

were made prisoners wore bracelets of gold or silver on their wrists and legs and valuable rings upon their toes. Medicines and perfumes and unguents, and the like, of these no one took any notice. On the 19th of the month Old Dehli was thought of, for many infidel Hindus had fled thither and taken refuge in the great mosque, where they prepared to defend themselves. Amir Shah Malik and ’All Sultan Tawachi, with 500 trusty men, proceeded against them, and falling upon them with the sword despatched them to hell. High towers were built with the heads of the Hindus, and their bodies became the food of ravenous beasts and birds. On the same day all Old Dehli was plundei’ed. Such of the inhabitants as had escaped alive were made prisoners. For several days in succession the prisoners were brought out of the city, and every amir of a tiirndn or fcushun took a party of them under his command. Several thousand craftsmen and mechanics were brought out of the city, and under the command of Timur some were divided among the princes, amirs , and dghds who had assisted in the conquest, and some were reserved for those who were maintaining the royal authority in other parts. Timur had formed the design of building a Masjid-i jamV in Samarkand, his capital, and he now gave orders that all the stone- masons should be reserved for that pious work. * * *

The three cities mentioned are thus described — Siri is sur- rounded by a round wall. Old Dehli by a similar wall, but larger. From the wall of Siri on the north-east to the wall of Old Dehli on the south-west, a wall has been erected on both sides, and the space between is called Jahan-panah. It is larger than Old Dehli. Three gates of Siri open towards Jahan- panah and four towards the open country. Of Old Dehli five gates open into Jahan-panah and thirteen1 to the outside. Jahan- panah has thirteen gates, six to the north-east and seven to the south-west, making in all thirty gates to these three cities known by the common name of Dehli.

1 Sic. in two MSS., but the number of the gates of Old Dehli is not given in the other two. According to the Malfiizat , page 448 supra, the gates of Old Dehli were ten in number, and this makes the total (30) of the three cities complete.

Timur marches from Dehli to other places in Hindustan.

Timur remained at Dehli fifteen days, and then marched out to conquer other places in India, and to put down idolaters and rebels. When he was about to depart he directed that all the saiyids and kazis, and doctors and shaikhs , should assemble in the great mosque of Jahan-panah, and he appointed one of his own officers to be their keeper and prevent their being molested by the soldiers of the army. On the 22nd Rabi’u-1 akhir, 801, in the morning, Timur began his march and proceeded three kos to Firozabad. He halted there for an hour to view the beauties of the place. He then went to the mosque of Firozabad, which is built of hewn stone, on the banks of the Jumna, and there per- formed his devotions, after which he mounted his horse and went outside of the town.

Saiyid Shamsu-d din Turmuzi and ’Alau-d din, deputy of Shaikh Kukari, whom he sent as envoys to the city of Kupila, now returned, and reported that the prince of that place, Bahadur Nihar, had made his submission, and would come in on the Friday to pay his respects. Timur encamped beyond Jahan-numai, near Wazirabad. There his envoys presented to him two white parrots, which had been sent by Bahadur Nihar. These two parrots survived from the time of Sultan Tughlik Shah, and had often exhibited their powers of speech in the assemblies of kings. Timur considered this offering as very auspicious, and graciously accepted it. The distance from Dehli to Wazirabad is six kos. On the 23rd he marched from Wazir- abad, and, crossing the Jumna, he proceeded six kos to the village of Mudula. On the 24th he marched six kos, and encamped at Katah. Here Bahadur Nihar and his son, Kaltash,1 arrived with tribute and presents. They were admitted to an audience when they paid their homage, and were treated with favour. On the 25th he made a day’s march to Baghpat, six kos distant. On the next day he proceeded to the village of Asar, which is situated between two rivers, and there encamped.

1 This is the reading of one MS. The others have “Kalyash” and “Katash,” and one “ Katlagh tash.” See supra p. 449.

The fort of Mirat was one of the most famous in India. On the 26th Rabi’u-1 dkliir Timur sent Rustam Tagln Bugha, Amir Shah Malik, and Allah-dad from Asar to the gates of that fort. On the 27th those officers reported that Tlyas Aghani and his son, Maulana Ahmad Thanesari, with a gahr named Safi1 and a body of gahrs , had fortified themselves in the place and had raised the standard of resistance, boasting that Tarmsharin Khan had attacked the fort, but was unable to take it. This defiance greatly incensed Timur, especially the reference to the failure of Tarmsharin Khan. On the same day, after mid-day prayer, he mounted his horse, and, taking with him 10,000 men, he marched rapidly to Mirat. That night he halted midway, and on the following day, the 29th, in the afternoon, he arrived at Mirat. He immediately issued orders to the commanders of regiments that each should beoin minino; the wall in front of his position, and when night came on it was found that an extent of ten to fifteen gaz had been sapped under each bastion and wall. The gahrs perceived this, and were so frightened that they lost all courage and ceased to defend themselves. Next day Amir Allah-dad, with his regiment of Kuchins ,2 called “the faithful,” advanced to the gate of the fort, shouting the cry of victory. One of his followers, named Sarai, son of Kalandar, a brave young fellow, first raised a scaling ladder against the battlements and mounted the wall. Other brave men followed him. They soon took Ilyas Aghani and his son Thanesari, the commanders of the fort, and, putting ropes round their necks, brought them to Timur. Safi, the gahr, one of the chiefs of the fort, was killed in the engagement, and was punished by the fire he in error adored.3 Next day, the remaining gahrs were brought out

3 Sir H. Elliot, in bis Glossary, Yol. I., p. 119, quotes a passage from the Habibu-s siyar as proving, beyond dispute, that this man was a fire-worshipper. That passage is derived directly or indirectly from the one before us, and there is no mistaking its words. Timur, in his autobiography, however, simply calls the man “ a gabr,” which, as Sir H. Elliot says, has come to mean “ an infidel in general.” The words

and put to the sword. Their wives and children were made slaves. By the imperial order fire was then placed in the mines and the bastions, and the walls were thrown down and levelled with the ground. * * * Thus the fort which Tarmsharin Khan had failed to capture had been taken by a detachment of the im- perial army at the first assault. * * *

Timur having reduced the fort of Mirat on the 1st Jumada-1 awwal, gave orders for Amir Julian Shah to march with the left wing of the army against the upper parts of the river Jumna, to plunder the country and vex the infidels. He accordingly set off with all speed, and his baggage was sent after him, under Amir Shaikh Nuru-d din, with ordei’3 to proceed along the river Kara-su. Timur himself marched towards the Ganges, fourteen kos distant from Mirat. On his march he was joined by Amir Sulaiman Shah. Resolved upon carrying the war against the gabrs of those parts, he proceeded six kos, and rested for the night at a village called Mansura. Early in the morning of the 2nd, he again set off towards the Ganges, and at sunrise reached a village called Pirozpur. He marched three kos along the bank, seeking a place to cross. At breakfast time the place of transit was found, but there was no ford offering an easy passage. Some horsemen passed over by swimming. Timur was about to cross in the same way, but the amirs who were present fell upon their knees and represented that Prince Pir Muhammad and Amir Sulaiman Shah had passed the river with the right wing

of Sharafu-d din then ought only he regarded as a rhetorical flourish, and although subsequent writers have copied them in earnest, they are too vague to he depended on. In Timur’s Memoirs, however ( supra p. 431), there is a much more precise statement, where the infidels are not only called fire-worshippers, but their tenets are described; and this passage is reproduced in the Zafar-ndma, (page 494, supra). But, for all this, I am sceptical as to there being fire-worshippers in this part of India in Timur’s days. Gabrs were infidels, and so, Musulman intolerance and contempt made all infidels gabrs. Thus it was easy for one man to call the Hindu infidel by the opprobrious term gabr or sanawi in a loose general way, meaning nothing more than anti-Musulman, and for another to understand those terms in their true literal meaning.

of the army near Pirozpur. It would therefore be better for his majesty to remain for a day on that side of the river. Timur consented to this proposal, but gave orders that some brave men should cross. Saiyid Khwaja, and several other bold men be- longing to the division of Prince Shah Rukh, accordingly crossed. Timur then marched two kos on the bank of the river and en- camped. On the 3rd he marched towards Tughlikpur, which is situated on the upper part of the Ganges, at twenty kos distance. When he had made fifteen kos a report was brought in that there was a Hindu force assembled by the side of the river. He then directed Amir Mubashir, ’All Sultan, and other chiefs to march against them with 5,000 horse, while he went on to Tughlikpur. As he proceeded he was taken ill suddenly, and a swelling rose in his arm. The doctors and attendants exerted themselves to alleviate the malady.

While he was in this condition intelligence was brought that a large body of gabrs was coming on the river in forty-eight boats. When he heard this, the prospect of fighting against the infidels made him forget his malady. He mounted his horse, and, with a thousand of his guards, went to the bank of the river. When they caught sight of the enemy some of Timur’s brave followers, heedless of their own safety, threw themselves into the river and swam to engage the enemy. Others kept up a discharge of arrows against the enemy from the banks of the river, who, in their ignorance, did nothing but put up their shields over their heads and discharge arrows in return. The body of men who had entered the river on horseback and swam off to the boats now reached them, and grappling the sides with their hands they boarded them. Having thus taken most of the boats they put the men to the sword, and made prisoners of the women and children. With the captured boats they made the best of their way to the remaining boats, ten1 in number. These the enemy lashed together in the middle of the river, and prepared for resistance. But our men engaged them, and de- spatched all the infidels either with their arrows or their swords.

Timur makes three Attacks upon the Enemy in one Bay.

As soon as Timur had defeated these boats on the Ganges, he left the river and marched to Tughlikpur, where he encamped. On the same night, the 4th of the month of Jumada-1 awwal, two persons arrived from Amir Allah-dad, Bayizid Kuchin and Altun Bakshi, commanders of the advance-guard, bringing intelligence that they had found a good ford and had crossed the Ganges. There they had found a large body of the enemy, confident in numbers, and prepared to fight, under the command of a leader named Mubarak Khan. As soon as Timur heard this, he resolved to march against the infidels, and, before break of day, he mounted his horse, and crossed the river with a thousand horsemen. After marching a kos he halted for the morning prayer, and his men harnessed on their cuirasses, in readiness to encounter the enemy. As they ap- proached, they found Muhammad Khan, with 10,000 men, horse and foot, drawn up in battle array, ready for the fight, with drums beating and banners flying.

Timur perceived that the foe, the enemies of religion, were numerous and bold, while his own followers were few. The two wings of the army were far away, and there was no help for it but to put his trust in God and fight bravely. While he was thus in anxiety, 5,000 horse belonging to the tiimans of Prince Shah Rukh, who had crossed the river with Saiyid Khwaja and Jahan Malik, now came up and joined him, as if by ar- rangement. Such was the special mercy of God. Timur first offered his thanksgivings. Then he ordered Amir Shah Malik and Amir Allah-dad to attack the enemy with a thousand horse- men of his guard, and to do so without any fear of their number and strength. These amirs , without hesitation, drawing their swords and placing themselves at the head of their thousand men, rushed towards the enemy. This bold charge filled Mubarak Khan and the enemy with fear, so that they turned and fled without waiting for the attack. They made for the jungle, but our men pursued them and killed a great number, and brought

in their wives and children as prisoners, as well as vast spoil in cattle.

Timur halted there for a little while, but intelligence was soon brought to him that there was a large body of gabrs assembled in the valley of Kupila,1 on the banks of the Ganges. He set off thither immediately with 500 men, leaving the rest of the army occupied in securing the spoil. When they approached the valley of Kupila, they perceived a large body of the enemy. Amir Shah Malik and ’Ali Sultan Tawachi, notwithstanding their scanty followers, charged the enemy boldly sword in hand and cut many of them down, so that, notwithstanding the superior numbers of the enemy, they were defeated and put to flight, and large booty was found. While the men were engaged in securing the spoil* Timur was left with only a hundred of his guards, when an officer of the gabrs , by name Malik Shaiklia, with a hundred2 men, horse and foot, made a charge upon him. Timur faced his assailant and hastened to meet him, but when they were about an arrow’s flight apart, one of the soldiers, without having well ascertained what he asserted, told Timur that it was Shaikh Kukari, one of his faithful adherents, who was advancing to meet him. Timur consequently turned back towards the hill. The gabr Shaikha then cut down several of the soldiers, and Timur, perceiving this, turned against his enemy. Shaikha was wounded in the belly with an arrow and cut down with a sword. He was then bound with a cord and brought into the presence of Timur, who wished to interrogate him, but he died before he could reply.

Intelligence was now brought that about two kos distant, in the valley of Kupila, there was a large body of infidel Hindus as- sembled. The way thither lay through a jungle which was thick with trees and hard to traverse, such as the morning breeze could hardly penetrate. Timur had already undergone the toil of fighting twice before that day and wanted a little rest, but by the

2 Here one MS., and that the most sober one, magnifies the assailants into “several thousand desperate men sword in hand.”

will of God, being thus again summoned, he set off with a party of guards and several commanders of regiments, and marched against the enemy in full reliance upon Divine support. The road to the valley was difficult, the enemy numerous, and his followers few. Reviewing these circumstances, Timur could not help thinking how fortunate it would be if his son Pir Muhammad and Amir Sulaiman Shah should come up. Three days before Timur had detached them to ravage the country and plunder the infidels and fire-worshippers. They had crossed the Ganges at Pirozpur, and had no knowledge of Timur having also crossed and being near them. But soon after afternoon prayer the wish which Timur had conceived was realized, and the prince came up with his detachment and joined his father. They advanced together against the gabrs , assailing them with arrows and the sword. They killed a great many of them and secured a large booty, including a vast number of camels and cattle. In that one day Timur had fought in three different engagements. When the day drew to a close he found himself victorious and the infidels discomfited, but there was no place in the jungle where he could encamp, so he returned with his spoil to the place where he had won his second victory.

Destruction of Gabrs in the Valley of Kupila. — Account of a Stone Cow worshipped by the Gabrs.

The valley of Kupila is situated at the foot of a mountain by which the river Ganges passes. Fifteen kos higher up there is a stone in the form of a cow, and the water of the river flows out of the mouth of that cow. The infidels of India worship this cow, and come hither from all quarters, from distances even of a year’s journey, to visit it. They bring here and cast into the river the ashes of their dead whose corpses have been burned, believing this to be the means of salvation. They throw gold and silver into the river ; they go down alive into the river, bathe their feet, sprinkle water on their heads, and have their heads and beards shaved. This they consider to be an act of devotion, just as

the Muhammadans consider the pilgrimage to Mecca a pious work.1

In this valley there was a large concourse of Hindus, having great riches in cattle and movables, so Timur resolved to attack them. On the 5th Jumada-1 awwal he set his army in motion towards Kupila. It was the will of Heaven that these infidels should perish, so in the pride of their numbers and strength they awaited his approach, and had the temerity to resolve upon resis- tance. At the rising of the sun our army reached the valley. The right wing was under the command of Prince Pir Muham- mad and Amir Sulaiman Shah, and the left under some renowned leaders. Amir Shah Malik and other officers with the centre began the attack. When the cries of our men and the noise of our drums reached them, the courage of the infidels failed. In their terror they fled for refuge to the mountains, but they were pursued and many were slain. A few who, half-dead, escaped the slaughter, were scattered abroad. All their property and goods became the spoil of the victors.

The country having thus been cleansed from the pollution of infidels, the army returned back on the same day and recrossed the Ganges. Then Timur returned thanks for his victories, after which he mounted his horse and marched five kos down the river and there encamped.

Timur s resolution to retire from Hindustan.

When Delili and its territories had been purged from the foul pollution of gabrs and idolaters, Timur formed the resolve of returning home. On the 6th Jumada-1 awwal, 801 h., lie de- parted from the banks of the Ganges. Orders were issued for the march, and for the tawac/ns to bring up the heavy baggage. On the 6th a march of six hos was made, and then a halt was called ; the baggage in this march being four bos in the rear. At this stage Timur learned that in the valleys of the Siwalik mountains

1 Two of the MSS. here refer to ’Utbi for a short notice of Mahmud’s conquests, which the other two manuscripts omit.

there was collected a large number of Hindus ready for battle. Timur then gave orders that the troops in charge of the baggage should march to these mountains. He himself having marched rapidly thither, encamped in the hills of Siwalik. In this march Prince Khalil Sultan and Amir Shaikh Nuru-d din came up from the baggage and joined Timur. * * * On the same day an order was issued that Amir Jahan Shah, one of the officers of the left wing, who had been absent for a week in a raid upon the upper parts of the Jumna, should come in and take part in the operations against the infidels. In compliance with this order he hastened to the royal camp.

On the 10th Jumada-1 awwal Timur marched to attack the Siwalik hills. In that mountain valley there was a rai named Bahruz. He had collected a great number of people around him, and had formed a numerous army. Belying besides upon the strength of the position which he occupied, he was bold and resolved upon resistance. Timur appointed Prince Pir Muham- mad and several amirs of the right wing, and Prince Sultan Husain and sundry officers of the left wing, to march and attack the infidels. Amir Shaikh Nuru-d din led the advance-guard of the centre. Thus they marched against the enemy, while Timur halted at the mouth of the valley. The soldiers fought most valiantly and made dreadful slaughter of the enemy. They obtained a decisive victory, and acquired a great booty in valuables, slaves and cattle. With the desire of doing justice, Timur ordered that the strong men of the force, who had secured as their share of the spoil three or four hundred head of cattle each, should give up part of them to the weaker men, so that all might obtain a share in the fruits of the victory, and no man remain empty-handed. This decision gave great satisfaction. The victorious force marched and joined the royal camp at the village of Balirah, a dependency of Bakri, well known as the

country of Miyapur.1 On the 12th he marched four kos from Bahrah and encamped at the village of Shikk-Sarsawa. In conse- quence of the immense booty which the army had gained, it was impossible to march more than four kos per day. On the 13th he marched and encamped at Kandar, a distance of nearly four kos.

Raid into other parts of the Siwalik hills.

On the 14th Jumada-1 awwal Timur passed the Jumna and proceeded to another part of the Siwalik hills. There he heard that one of the rats of Hind, called Ratan, had assembled a great number of Hindus, and had taken post on the lofty heights in the thick forests. The hills were so high that no eye could see from the bottom to the top, and the trees so dense that the rays of the sun and moon could not reach the ground. It was impos- sible to make a passage without cutting down the trees. But for all this Timur did not hesitate, and without even waiting for the night to pass, he, on the 15th,2 gave his order for the advance. The troops accordingly marched on by the light of torches, and employed themselves in cutting down the trees and clearing a way. In that night they made a progress of twelve kos, and in the morning of the 15th they penetrated between the Siwalik mountain and the Kuka mountain. Here Rai Ratan had taken up hi3 position, with his forces drawn up in regular battle array, with right wing and left wing, and centre and supports.3 But when the noise of our music and the cries of our soldiers reached the ears of the Hindus, they wavered and fled without waiting for the attack. Our officers and men pursued them, and put many of them to the sword. All their property in movables and cattle fell into the bauds of the victors. Every soldier obtained a hundred to two hundred head of cattle and from ten to twenty slaves.

2 It must be remembered that the Muhammadan day begins at sunset. '

On the same day Prince Pir Muhammad and Amir Shah Malik, in command of the right wing, went to another valley, where he destroyed many Hindus and obtained great spoil. The left wing, also under Prince Jahan Shah, attacked and destroyed a body of Hindus in another direction, but they did not obtain so large a booty. On the night of the 16th both wings came up and joined the main body. In the morning Timur left the valley between the two mountains and returned to the Siwalik mountain. From this encampment to the country of Nagarkot there was a distance of fifteen parasangs. In this valley there are many dense jungles, and the mountains are high and difficult of ascent. Timur heard that there were great numbers of infidels in the mountains, and he determined to disperse and destroy them. The men of the left wing under Amir Jahan Shah, and the army of Khurasan, had acquired but little spoil, so he sent them out to make a raid and collect plunder. Early on that day Sain Tamur,1 commander of the advance-guard, came in to report that the number of Hindus in front exceeded all calculation. Timur therefore held his ground while the left wing was absent, engaged in its work of plunder. The men of this force put a great many infidels to death, and acquired great spoil in wealth and cattle. On the same day, at noon, news came from the regiment of Amir Shaikh Nuru-d din and ’All Sultan Tawachi that there was, upon the left, a valley in which many Hindus had gathered, having with them much wealth and cattle. Timur immediately proceeded thither, and ordered the two officers who had made the report to attack the infidels. They accordingly fell upon the enemy and put many to the sword, and while they did so Timur stood upon the summit of a hill watching them and encouraging them with his presence. Many of the infidels were killed and wounded, and those who were able fled, leaving a great booty behind, which the victors brought into the presence of Timur, who warmly praised their bravery. Vast quantities

1 The printer of the French translation has converted this name into “Sainte Maure ! ”

of cattle were taken, and Timur stayed upon the mountain until evening, in order that the booty might be fairly distributed, and each man get his share. Every man got as much as he could take care of. That night they encamped in the valley. In the jungles there were many monkeys, and when night came on they entered the camp and carried off the things of the soldiers. In the course of one month, from the 16th of Jumada-1 awwal, when Timur was between the mountains Siwalik and Kuka, to the 16th of Jumada-s sani, when he arrived at Jammu, he had twenty conflicts with the infidels and took seven fortresses, each of them a Khaibar in strength. These forts were situated one or two parasangs apart, and their occupants were all at war with each other. In the days of the old Sultans they had paid the jizya , but they had broken away from their allegiance to the sovereigns of Islam, and would not now pay the tax, so the slaughter and plunder of them was lawful and laudable. One of these fortresses belonged to Shaikhu, a relation of Malik Shaikh Kukar,1 and he, by means of a few Musulmans who dwelt there, had induced the inhabitants to make submission to Timur, and outwardly to admit their subjection. But proofs of their aversion and hatred soon become apparent, for when the ransom money was assessed upon them, they made all sorts of excuses and evasions. One of Timur’s officers thereupon resorted to a clever stratagem. He gave orders that cast-off clothes and old bows should be accepted in payment of the ransom, and as he offered a good price for these things of little value, they brought forth their damaged weapons of all descrip- tions and sold them for a high price. By this sharp device they were led to strip themselves of their arms, so that they had no weapons left. After this an imperial order was issued that forty persons should be sent in to be the servants ( 'khuddtn ) of Hindu Shall, the treasurer, one of his majesty’s courtiers. The infidels resisted this order, and killed some Musulmans. It thus became necessary for the soldiers of the Faith to exact vengeance. They

assaulted the fort and took it. 2,000 infidels were put to the sword, and the smoke of their consuming goods rose from their roofs to the sky.1

Of these forts, the fort of Deo Raj and five others were all taken ; and in a short time the country was cleansed from the wickedness of the idolaters and infidels. The foundations of idolatry were uprooted, and the basis of the true religion and law was firmly laid.

When Timur had completed his campaign in the Siwalik, he resolved to march against the country of Jammu. On the 16th Jumada-1 akhir he left the village of Mausar. After a march of six hos, he arrived and encamped near the village of Baila, in the Jammu territory. On the same day he sent Amir Shaikh Mu- hammad Aikutmur aud other officers against that village. The men of Baila were very brave, and they had some strong jungles. They placed palisades ( chapar ) along the edges, and then stood ready to fight and slay. The brave warriors of Islam were about to attack them without hesitation, when an order arrived from Timur ordering the assault to be postponed till the morrow, as he himself intended to be present.

On the 17th Jumada-1 akhir, Timur mounted his horse and arranged his forces in order of battle, with right wing, left wing, and centre. The soldiers raised their war-cry, which resounded to the sky, and the infidels on hearing it were filled with terror and fled to the woods, abandoning their village. Thither the soldiers pursued them, and pulling up the palisades they took their post on the border of the jungle, while other soldiers plundered the village in safety. Great quantities of grain and fodder were secured, sufficient to supply the wants of the army.

1 The editor of the revised MS. here adds : “ The writer of these sheets considers that, although historians have credited the story of the people of the fort having brought out all their arms and sold them to pay the ransom, still it does not appear to be so probable as they represent it. There were quite sufficient proofs of the malice, had faith, and rebellious spirit of the infidels. God knows the truth.”

On the same day the army marched four hos and encamped. It was then joined by l/ljah Tamur Tunkatar, and Fulad, and by Prince Rustam’s confidant Zainu-d din, who had been sent as ambassadors on the part of Timur from Delili to Kashmir. They brought with them letters to Timur from Iskandar Shah, king of Kashmir, and were attended by ambassadors from him. The letters were presented, and Timur was informed that the king made his submission and had come as far as the village of Jahan.1 At this stage Maulana Nuru-d din, the ambassador, represented to his majesty that the officers of the Exchequer had called upon his master for a contribution of 30,000 horses and 100,000 dur lists of gold, each durust weighing two and a half miskdls. He (the Shah) had therefore gone to Kashmir to endeavour to provide for this demand, and would return when ready to discharge it. When Timur heard of this, he disap- proved of the demand made by his revenue officers, saying that they had pressed too heavily on Sh&h Iskandar, and had demanded more than the country of Kashmir could furnish. It was unjust and improper to demand from any country more than its extent and resources could pay. The ambassadors represented the ready submission of Shah Iskandar, and Timur was pleased to act liberally towards him. He ordered the ambassadors to return to their master, and tell him on no account to fail in obey- ing the orders he should receive. On the following day, 18th Jumada-1 akhir, the ambassadors were sent back, with the faithful Zainu-d din, with directions that in twenty-eight days from that date he should come and wait upon Timur on the banks of the Indus.

Near this camp there was a village, at the foot of a mountain, in which were many people. The soldiers attacked it, put the Hindus to the sword, and set fire to the village. They carried off plenty of grain and fodder. On the same day, in the after- noon, they attacked two other villages which were near, and again found abundance of provisions, which they carried off. In this

1 Variants, “ J’ahfin,” “ Chahan,” “ Jiriyan.” The real name appears to be Jabhiin. See pp. 470, 475, and 521.

march Ara-tamur, one of the emperor’s officers, was wounded with an arrow. On the 19th, Timur marched again a distance of four or five parasangs through a well-cultivated country, where plenty of pasture was found for the horses. On the 20th, the army marched towards the town of Jammu, which is situated in a valley where the river Jammu rises. The army passed the river several times, and encamped at the foot of a mountain on the left of the town of Jammu. On the right was the village of Manu. These places where inhabited by robust, tall, and power- ful Hindus ; brave but ignorant. They considered their moun- tains and jungles to be so strong and secure that they could not be penetrated, and they sent off their wives and children thither. The rai , with a force of bold and fearless men, had taken his stand in a strong position on the mountain, where they discharged their arrows and kept on shouting like dogs baying the moon. Timur resolved to proceed against them by stratagem, so he gave orders that they should be left alone, and that the village of Manu should be attacked. The soldiers accordingly plundered that village, and as they were returning they entered the town of Jammu, and carried off a large quantity of grain and provisions. Timur then ordered several regiments of active men to place themselves in ambush in the groves, and to remain there while he marched away with the (rest of the) army. On the 21st he passed the river of Jammu, and marching four kos through culti- vated lands, he encamped in a pasturage on the banks of the river Chinawa.1 When he had left the valley of J arnmu and Manu, the Hindus, like foxes, thinking that the mighty lion had left the field, came out of their holes in the jungle, quite unaware of the ambuscade prepared for them. They were suddenly assailed by the concealed troops, who put numbers of them to the sword. Daulat-tamur Tawachi and Husain Malik Kuchin made the rai of Jammu prisoner, with fifty of his infidels, and brought them to Timur [tvho praised his officers and gave thanks to God.~\ These men were put in chains and bonds, but the rat , who was wounded, 1 See P- 472, supra.

was carefully tended, for the sake of getting the ransom-money. By hopes, fears, and threats, he was brought to see the beauty of Islam. He repeated the creed, and ate the flesh of the cow, which is an abomination among his compatriots. This obtained for him great honour, and he was taken under the protection of the emperor. On the 21st the army halted, waiting for the arrival of the division which had marched against Labor.

Proceedings at Labor1 with Shaikha Kukar.

At this place intelligence arrived that the princes and officers who had been sent against Labor had taken possession of that city, and were engaged in realizing the ransom-money. They had also taken prisoner Shaikha Kukar, who had not been true to his professions. * * The history of this is, that Shaikha Kukar, brother of Nusrat Kukar, of whom mention has been made in the early part of the history of this invasion, had been taken into honour by Timur, and had been marked with great favour, so that wherever in Hindustan any people were found who declared themselves to be his subjects and dependents, they were exempted from pillage and from being made prisoners. In the Doab, between the rivers Ganges and J umna, he sought permission to return home, for the purpose of raising his contribution and tribute, promising to rejoin the camp of Timur on the river Biyah, which is also called the river of Lahor. When he obtained permission and returned home, he forgot his promise, and gave himself up to pleasure and dissipation. He allowed the ap- pointed time to pass by, regardless of his oaths and promises, and he entirely neglected to show any attention and honour to several of Timur’s officers who passed through Labor on their way to join their master. In consequence of this conduct, Timur gave orders for ravaging his country and making him prisoner.

On the 24th of the month the army crossed the Chinawa, and encamped after a march of five kos. * * On the 25th, several of the sick soldiers ( zaifan ) were drowned in the river. Timur was 1 The name is still written “ Lahawar.”

sorry for the poor men, and ordered that his own horses and camels should be used to carry the survivors over. On the 26th, Timur left the shores of the Chinawa, and after a march of six kos encamped in a desert. * * He here determined to cross the river Dandana before his army, and started off in advance. On the 27tli he was carried in a litter for six kos, and encamped on the edge of a jungle. In the course of this day a tiger (sher) was seen and was hunted. It was killed by Shaikh Nuru-d din. Prince Pir Muhammad and Prince Rustam, accompanied by the Amirs Sulaiman Shah and Jahan Shah, arrived from Labor. They had slain many infidel Hindus, had gained a large booty, and now returned to the imperial presence to offer their spoil. * * On the same day an order was issued that the amirs of the left wing and the amirs of regiments should all proceed to their homes by certain settled routes. The princes, the nunians , the amirs of tumans , of thousands and of regiments, all received robes and gifts according to their merits. Prince Pir Muhammad Jahangir received a jewelled girdle and diadem. The Indian chiefs and all the officers and attendants and saiyids who had accompanied him received princely gifts and permission to return home. Khizr Khan, whom Sarang had taken and confined in a fort, and who, having made his escape, fled to Bayana, a depen- dency of Delili, to Aliodan, the Musulman governor, and who there came in and made his submission to Timur, was appointed governor of Multan.

[A great hunt in which many rhinoceroses were killed.~\

On the 28th Jumada-1 akhir, after the hunt was over, the army marched eight kos , to a place called Jabhan, on the frontier of Kashmir, a very lovely and pleasant spot.

[. Description of Kashmir .] There is a city named Naghaz,

which is the residence of the rulers ( hukkam ) of the country. Like Baghdad, the city has a large river running through it, but the waters of this river exceed those of the Tigris. It is

extraordinary that the waters of so great a river all spring from one source, which source is situated in this country itself, and is called Vh\ * * * This river, after passing from the confines of Kashmir, is known by different names in different places. First it is called Dandana, then Jamd. Above Multan it joins the Chinawa, and the two flow together past that city, and below it join the river Ravi, which passes on the other side of the city. Afterwards the river Biyah joins them, and the united streams pass by TJch and join the Sind or Indus. * * * On the 29th Timur marched from Jabhan, a distance of four kos, and then encamped on the banks of the Dandana. He ordered a bridge to be thrown over the river, which was a great relief to the infantry, both Turks and Tajiks. * * *

On the last day of Jumada-1 akhir, Timur set out in advance of his army towards Samarkand. He marched twenty /cos down the river Dandana to the village of Sambast, belonging to the Jud mountains. On the 1st Rajab he proceeded to the vicinity of the fort of Baruja, and there halted; but on the same day, in the afternoon, he mounted his horse and entered the desert called Chol-i Jalali. Making all possible speed, he came out of the desert in the evening, and encamped by the side of a pool ( maghak ) which still retained some of the waters of the rainy season. This place is three kos distant from Baruja. On the 2nd Rajab, at breakfast time, he reached the river Sind. The officers who had been appointed to guard the way from Naghaz to Banu had built a bridge with tripod trestles over the river. Timur passed over this bridge, and rested on the bank of the river till noon. Amir Allah-dad was left in charge of the bridge, to keep it for the transit of the baggage and the army coming up behind. In the afternoon Timur marched ten kos, and then encamped, and marching again on the 4th he made a day’s journey to Banu.

[The following analyses of some of the poetical works of Amir Khusru, with the copious extracts, are all the work of Sir H. Elliot. Mr. Blochmann, the present learned and active secretary of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, has just declared that “it would be of interest to examine Khusru’s Khazdinu-l futuli and the Kirdnu-s Sa’dain from a historical point of view.” 1 That examination Sir H. Elliot made twenty-five years ago, nor did he confine his investi- gations to these two works of the great poet. He carefully perused other poems of this most copious writer. By his brief abstracts he has given a general notion of the character and contents of each work, and he has translated those passages which have an historical interest.

In the notice preceding the extracts from the Tarikh-i ’Alai {supra, p. 67), he has given a short account of the author, and of that prose work, which after all is more of a poem than a history. Amir Khusru, the “Parrot of Hind,” whose name was Yaminu-d din Muhammad Hasan, was one of the most prolific poets that the world has ever produced, for he is said to have left behind him “some Half million of verses.”3 Without answering for the accuracy of this prodigious number, a mere glance at the list of his productions, or a perusal of the following extracts, will establish the boundless fertility of his muse. He was born in 651 a.h. (1253 a.d.), and died in 725 h. (1325 a.d.). His father was a military chief, and he himself was attached to the Court. “ He lived in a stirring time,” when the Mughals were making reiterated efforts to work their way into India. He fell a prisoner into their hands, as we have been told by Bami {supra, p. 122), and the frequent references made to him by that author prove the esteem and honour in which he was held.]

1 Journal, No. 1. 1870. 2 Cowell, Journ. As. Soc. Beng., xxix. p. 225.

[“ Tlie Conjunction of the Two Auspicious Planets,” the poem in which Khusru celebrates the meeting of Sultan Kai-kubad, with his father, Nasiru-d din, Sultan of Bengal. This poem was completed in Ramazan 688 h. (September, 1289 a.d.). Professor Cowell has given an account of it, with some specimens, in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for 1860, and from that article the fol- lowing criticisms are quoted : “ The style of the poem (as of all Khusru’s works) is full of exaggeration and metaphorical descrip- tion, but the facts of the history are generally given with tolerable fidelity. In fact, few historical poems in any language adhere more closely to the actual order and character of the events ; and when we compare Ferishta’s account with the poetical version, we are struck by their great agreement in the main points.” “ Every now and then, at the end of many of the chapters, there is given a ghazal, which is supposed to express the poet’s feelings contemporary with that part of the story which has just been described, something like the songs introduced between the parts of Tennyson’s Princess. These ghazals are in various metres, and serve admirably to diversify the poem, while at the same time they form a running commentary, like the choruses of a Greek play, on the progress of the action, and the hopes and fears which it may be supposed to excite in the minds of the spectators. The poet, having actually been present through- out the campaign, is in this way enabled to throw himself into the scene, and we have thus an interesting mixture of the epic and lyric elements, each portion of the action being represented from an objective and subjective point of view.”]

Praise of God and the Prophet, and panegyric upon Mu’izzu-d din Kai-kubad, king by virtue of three descents : the first from Sultan Shamsu-d din Altamsh, the grandfather of his grandmother ; the second from Nasiru-d din Mahmud Shah, the father of his grand- mother ; the third from Ghiyasu-d din Balban, his grandfather. Praise of the city of Dehli, which has three large forts and thirteen gates ; of the Masjid-i Jama’ and its lofty minaret, built by Shamsu-d

din ; of tlie Hauz-i Shamsi, the terrace and dome which are in the centre of the Haaz. Praise of Hindustan, and the inhabitants of Dehli, its learned doctors, poets, singers, and chiefs.

When Sultan Kai-kubad succeeded his grandfather Balban on the throne in h. 686, there were nearly five thousand nobles in attend- ance upon him, with an army of one hundred thousand men. His kingdom extended from the borders of Bengal to the river Sind. Upon receiving the news of his accession, his father, Baghra Khan, the son of Balban, advanced from his capital, Lakhnautx, to Oudh, with a powerful army, had the Tchutba read in his name, and pro- claimed himself king under the title of Nasiru-d din Sultan.1

Kai-kubad, on receiving intelligence of his father’s having marched to Oudh, ordered his officers to collect an army, which amounted to one hundred thousand horsemen. “He despatched his orders to every country, he summoned a chief from every city. The nobles of the land were assembled together; Maliks, Khans, Princes, and Kings ; all the swordsmen of the country of Hind, all the spear- men of the province of Sind. The horsemen were so many that EJcaspas were of no consideration, and Paths and Afghans were without number.”

“ On the forenoon of Monday, at the close of the month Zi-1 hij, the victorious banners were displayed, and the moon-standard was exalted to the heavens. The king rode out from his fortunate palace, preceded by the star-banner and the cow-tail.” His right wing was at Tilpat, his left wing at Indarpat, and the Pdigdh-i Mas at SiiTi, and his elephants occupied a breadth of three miles at Hapur. The king mounted his horse and went to Kilokharf to hunt. Praise of the new palace which he built there on the bank of the Jumna, and a description of the festivities he enjoyed there, and the charms of the season of autumn.

“ The king was thus enjoying himself at this season, when the report of a Mughal invasion fell upon the earth. Several messengers

1 About this period the title of “ Defender of the Faith” appears to have been a favourite with Kings. We find Ivhusru in the Diwdn called Wastu-l haydt, speak- ing of Balban as Nasiru-d din, which was the distinctive title of his predecessor.

arrived swift as an arrow from a bow, and kissed the ground like a barb, reporting that the Mughals had arrived from beyond the border, with an army as dense as the sands of the desert, and tumul- tuous as boiling water in a cauldron ; the people of that country were ground down to the dust, and slaughter accompanied the devas- tators wherever they went. The impetuous torrent of invasion swept on, and the inhabitants of Lahnur (Lahore) fled to Multan.”

“ When the king learnt from his messengers the disobedience of those wretches, he laughed bitterly like a lion in anger, and ex- claimed, ‘This is indeed ridiculous that, during my reign, foreigners should dare to make a commotion in my cradle. If my holy warriors should not be able to protect me, infidels may well commit their ravages in my country. Dominion over all the world is mine, why should I feel any anxiety about the designs of others ? What will the people of every kingdom say ? I am king, and destroy the forts of enemies. How can the owl dare with long talons to snatch prey from the nest of the falcon ? A dog may be very bold after a deer, but how can he contend with a lion ? It is I who take every year from the rats of Hind tribute in elephants and money. Sometimes I pay my army by assignments upon Gujarat, sometimes upon Deogir.1 All my swift horses I obtain from Tilang, all my vigorous elephants from Bengal. Treasures of mine are deposited in Malwa and Jajnagar. My tunics are obtained from Khita, the borders of Chin are tied in my waistband. Shall I take the cotton from my ears and attend to this perfidious tribe with their quilted dresses ? The bones of their army will I pound into flocks of cotton. Though their hordes be like ants and locusts, I shall tread them under foot like insects on the road. My heart disposes me to leap from my throne and lay the head of Kara Khan beneath my feet ; but again I should feel foul scorn that my sword should be tarnished with the blood of a dog. No one would condescend to shoot an arrow at a dead body; it is only a pellet-ball that is fit for such vile game as this.’

“When he had finished these words, the wise ’A'riz summoned the army. The king said, ‘ I desire that thirty thousand serviceable

1 This is also so spelt by Iiadr-Chach, and is the usual mode adopted by Khusrd and other writers of this period. It is also authorized by coins.

cavalry may be told off for the pursuit of the Mughals. At the head of them set the swordsman, Barbak Khan-i Jahan, the active defeater of armies.’ Then the wise ’A'riz, by order of the Shah, detached the army in pursuit of the enemy. The BdrbaJc took post in the centre, and prepared for fight, and a hundred chiefs of lofty stature were under his orders. ° * ° They proceeded from place to place with such expedition that they outstripped the morning breeze. In that country not a name or vestige remained of any building where the vile feet of the Mughals had trod. From the boundary of Samana as far as Lahnur (Lahore), not a house was left standing except at Kasur.”

“ When the army of Islam reached its destination, it was as a river watering a thirsty soil, for the deserted country was again inhabited, and when the ungodly infidels heard of its arrival, they fled swifter than an arrow from a bow. They turned away from their plunder to flight, and thought themselves fortunate in escaping with their lives. Notwithstanding that Tamur exhibited activity and strength, he became soft as wax, though as firm as steel.1 Sarmak, Kill, Khajlak, and Baidu, fled away hastily and shamelessly all of them, as if a stone had fallen among a brood of chickens. The whole tribe turned up their garments and fled to the foot of the hills in all directions. The Mughals turned their backs to the ad- vancing army, and when their faces were seen they were black and harsh. Barbak was behind them with relentless revenge, putting all to the sword who fell in his way. ° * * Their cheeks were as broad as an inverted bowl, and their eyes and heads looked as if they had been bathed in gore. 4S ° ° The army of Islam in pur- suit dyed the hills like tulips with their blood. Some few of these ass-bodied fools managed to effect their escape, but the rest, both old and young, were put to the sword, or taken captive. Khan-i Jahan returned happy and triumphant. He bound the Mughal captives in a string, and led them camel-hearted like a drove of those quadrupeds. Not one of those marauding Turks was slain until the skin had been flayed from his head.”

1 In allusion to the name of Tamhr, which in Turki means iron.

“When the world had derived benefit from this victory, the leader of the army indulged in wine. He convened an assembly, after the manner of the Kaianians, and the golden goblets circulated freely. A drop of fragrant wine was first poured on the earth. The barbat and the timbrel resounded. Many presents were given to his friends and to the soldiers, and many excuses were offered on their part. Every one arose from that assembly happy and rejoiced, and took the way to their own homes. When the guests had all departed, the master of the revels sat down to drink wine. A few of his intimate friends were invited to this private feast. The wine, which quivered in the cup like the heart of an infidel, was drunk off in the name of the King of Islam.”

In celebration of Spring. — The festival of the new year. — The five royal umbrellas, black, red, white, green, and rose colour.

The king set out for his Eastern expedition in the middle of Eabi’u-l awwal, 687 h. The first march was made from the New City to the borders of Tilpat and Afghanpur. On the army’s return from the expedition against the Mughals, the booty and captives were presented before the Sultan, Tatari horses, and other rarities.

“ Barbak advanced straight to the place of salutation, and bowing his body, brought his forehead to the earth. From the common soldier to the lord of tymbals, all obtained the honour of kissing hands, and received royal rewards without measure for their ser- vices,— standards of golden cloth, horses, and other rarities. There were more than a thousand Tatar infidels and warriors of other tribes, riding on camels, great commanders in battle, all with steel- like bodies clothed in cotton ; with faces like fire, with caps of sheep-skin, with their heads shorn. Their eyes were so narrow and piercing that they might have bored a hole in a brazen vessel. Their stink was more horrible than their colour. Their faces were set on their bodies as if they had no neck. Their cheeks resembled soft leathern bottles, full of wrinkles and knots. Their noses ex- tended from cheek to cheek, and their mouths from cheek-bone to cheek-bone. Their nostrils resembled rotten graves, and from them the hair descended as far as the lips. Their moustaches were of

extravagant length. They had but scanty beards about their chins. Their chests, of a colour half black, half white, were so covered with lice, that they looked like sesame growing on a bad soil. Their whole body, indeed, was covered with these insects, and their skin as rough-grained as chagreen leather, fit only to be converted into shoes. They devoured dogs and pigs with their nasty teeth.”

“ I have heard another story about them, that what one man vomits another eats, but this is no great wonder, for they are Turks of Kai.1 Their origin is derived from dogs, but they have larger bones. The king marvelled at their beastly countenances, and said, that God had created them out of hell-fire. They looked like so many white demons, and the people fled from them everywhere in affright.”

When they were carried out from the royal presence they were put to the slaughter. “ Spears without number bore their heads aloft, and looked denser than a forest of bamboos;” others were trodden to death by elephants. After several had been slaughtered in this manner, “the remnant were reserved to be paraded about from city to city ; sometimes they had respite, at others punish- ment.” The king then called for wine, and devoted himself, as usual, to pleasure and revelry.

The armies of Dehli and Bengal advance to the Ghdgra.

“The country-conquering army advanced, and heaven and earth became as one through the dust which arose.” After two marches the Jumna was crossed at Jewar, “ which place, from the encamp- ing of the army, was denuded of corn and grass.” Barbak was appointed to the command, and he arrived with the army on the banks of the Saru (Sarju). He was joined by Chhajju, the Khan of Karra, at the head of several thousand horsemen, and by the Khan of Oudh and his party.

When Nasiru-d din, the King of the East, who was encamped on the other side of the river, heard of his arrival, he sent Shamsu-d

1 Meaning both “ vomit ” and “ a tribe of Mughals.” In the next line, “ dogs ” bears the same equivocal meaning, there being also a Mughal tribe of Sag. It seems strange that the author should sometimes confound the Turks and Mughals. In some passages he discriminates very accurately between them.

din Dabu with a message inviting to peace, but he returned without effecting anything. Description of the hot season.

Mu’izzu-d din Kai-kubad, on his arrival from Dehli, pitched his camp at Oudh (Ajudhya), on the bank of the Ghagra. Nasiru-d din, from the opposite side, sent his chamberlain to deliver a mes- sage to Kai-kubad, who, by way of intimidation, himself discharged an aiTow at him, which induced him to return to his master with- out crossing the river, at which the King of the East was much grieved and angered.

Next day the King of the East sent another officer to convey a threatening message, mentioning, amongst other things, the number and power of his elephants. He was answered by the son in a similar spirit.

He then tried the effect of sending a message of reconciliation, and requesting an interview, which was acceded to. The King of the East sent his youngest son, Kai-kaus, to Kai-kubad, with jewels and elephants. In return, Kai-kubad sent his own son, Kaiomars, accompanied by the ’A'riz, with some rare presents.

Each is invited by the other to ascend the throne. The son said to the father, “ Here is the throne, it is thy seat, I am a slave ready to obey orders.” The father said to the son, •“ This is a mistake, it is of you that this honour is worthy.” Again, the son said to the father, Advance and ascend, for the throne will be exalted by thy presence.” Again, the father said to the son, “ Oh, thou that wearest a crown, my empire will be established through the credit of thy name.”

“ Long they continued in this gentle altercation, and no one could see the step of either advance. And when the father saw that the respect of his son exceeded all bounds, he said, 1 1 have one desire near to my heart, and, thanks be to God, that it now approaches fulfilment, and that is, oh, fortunate one, that I may place thee on the throne with my own hand ; because thou didst ascend the throne in my absence, and I was not there to take thy hand, though, it is true, thou hadst no need of my aid, for by thy own power didst thou establish thyself in the kingdom.”

“ He then seized his son’s hand, and seated him on the throne, and when he had descended again from it, he stood with his hands joined, and all were astonished at the scene. The son sat but a short time on the throne, when he descended, and approached his father. The officers of state stood on each side, holding trays of jewels in their hands, which they poured upon the heads of the two kings, and the ground before them was strewed with rubies, pearls, silver, and gold.”

When the father had confirmed the possession of his son upon the throne, he exclaimed with a loud voice before the assembled throng, “ This day enough has been accomplished, to-morrow we will con- vene another assembly. Thanks be to God, that I have attained my wishes, and I have seen the desire of my heart accomplished ! ” He then kissed his son’s head, and returned in his boat to the other side of the river, and again the son filled his own boat with a flood (of wine). A torrent flowed from the ocean of wine, and all immersed themselves in it till they became drunk, and lost all respect for their king, as well as their own senses.

Next day, the Sultan selected some horses, and sent them as a present to his son, and at night the King of the East again em- barked on a boat, and visited Kai-kubad. A full description of the festivities on the occasion. The father gave the son a valuable Bengal elephant, “ a jewelled crown, lofty on all sides,” and “ a throne made of wood, but covered with gold, standing on four feet, with supports for the arms of the king.” The crown was placed upon the son’s head, and they sat together upon the throne.

The father requested from his son the gift of a white canopy and black cap, both of which had been used by Balban. J'hese were promised to him, and he retired, declaring his intention of returning the next day. The Sultan then returned to his usual enjoyments.

Next morning, the Sultan sent the white canopy and black cap to his father, and the bearer was rewarded with a robe of honour and presents.

In the evening, the father again embarked on a boat, to have an interview with his son, when he took occasion to instil into his ears good advice respecting the future management of his country, and returned at midnight to his own camp.

The next day, both armies prepared to return to their respective countries. “ The army of the east, towards the east, the army of the west, marched towards the west.” An affectionate interview first took place between the two kings, and they finally parted from each other. No one else was allowed to be present. A bridge was made over the river, to facilitate communication between the two armies. Deep grief was expressed on both sides, on taking leave, and, locked in each other’s arms, the father reiterated the advice he had before given. On the departure of his father, the son solaced his woes by drinking wine.

As the rainy season had commenced, and the river Ghagra began to rise, the Sultan’s army moved from the bank of the river towards Oudh, and encamped at Kautpur. Khan-i Jahan was appointed to the government of Oudh, and directed to remain there.

“ I, who had been in the service of Khan-i Jahan, previous to this, received from him now greater kindness than ever. He took me to Oudh with him, and treated me with such consideration, that I forgot my own country. There I remained with him two years, and knew no sorrow or want. I left my family, to attach myself to him. My mother, who was old, and always telling her beads, remained at Dehli, distressed at my absence. Night and day she was sorrowful that this worthless person was not near her, and used always to write letters inviting me to return. Though my heart was wounded at her grief, I did not like to ask her to oome to me, When I was deeply grieved at these perpetual remonstrances, and my heart ^as greatly unsettled, I mentioned the circumstances to my master, and showed him my mother’s letters. He, with his usual greatness, granted my request, and allowed me leave to return to my home, and sent me two trays of gold to enable me to proceed on my journey, which I prosecuted with the rapidity of an arrow, as my mother’s grief had filled my heart with anxiety.”

“I had travelled a whole month, without drawing rein, and ar- rived in the month of Zi’l-Ka’da at the city. Smiling like a flower in a garden, I visited my friends, and thus fulfilled my heart’s desire, and was restored to life after death. I placed my head at

the feet of my mother, who, when she saw me, embraced me with tears in her eyes, and when relieved from her solicitude, fulfilled the vows which she had made, in consideration of my safe return.”

“ Two days after, the news of my arrival was conveyed to the king, and the chamberlain came to call me to his presence. I went and placed my face upon the earth, while my heart was in trepidation. I drew out from my waistband the panegyric I had written, and read it out with a loud voice. The king was greatly pleased at my verses, and honoured me in the eyes of my companions. He treated me with great kindness, and gave me a dress of honour of his own wearing, and two bags of dirhams, and enrolled me amongst his special attendants. My heart was replete with joy, and my poor house was filled with gold. His majesty said, ‘ Oh, most perfect of poets, whose very crumbs other poets are glad to pick up, if you will, the wish of my heart can be accomplished. I will give you as much as you like, and no desire of yours shall be left ungratified.’ I bowed to the ground, and replied, ‘ Oh, king, what am I capable of, but writing a few laudatory verses, that I should be treated with such condescension ? Your majesty bestows everything upon the needy ; what need then can you have of such poor services as mine ? My imagination is not lively, and I have no accomplishment, but that of being able to write some indifferent Persian. If the wish of his majesty can be gratified by such poor attainments, I am ready to be honoured with his commands.’ ”

“ When I had thus offered my excuses to the king, he thus ad- dressed me : ‘It is my desire, that you should undertake the trouble of writing in verse an account of the interview between the two kings, namely, my honoured father and myself.’ When he had said this, he pointed to the treasure before him, and told me to take it away, bestowing upon me at the same time a dress of honour.”

He determined to effect what the king desired, and after giving the subject much consideration, and secluding himself from all society, and trusting in God, after revolving the subject in his mind for three months, he completed the poem in six months, in 3941 verses, in the month of Ramazan, 688 a.h. (September, 1289 a.d.), and in the 36th year of his age.

Verses upon his pen, inkstand, and paper. Entry of the king into

city of Dehli. Conclusion, in which he expresses a hope that his errors may be leniently dealt with.

The Ghurratu-l-kamdl is the third and longest of the four Diwans of Amir Khusru. The Miftdliu-l futuh1 is a Masnavi included in the Diwdn, but most commonly considered to be a separate poem, in consequence of the extreme rarity of such an arrangement. I have seen respectable copies of the Ghurratu-l-Jcamdl, in which this poem is included, as well as other Masnavis, from one of which the second extract which follows is taken ; but in a very beautiful old copy of all the Diicans, in the possession of Nawab Ziau-d din Khan of Dehli, and which bears the seal of the Tarkhan prince, Jani Beg, being, therefore, about one hundred and fifty years old, neither this nor any other Masnavi is included. The first Diwdn of Amir Khusru is the Tuhfatu-s sighar, “the present of youth,” containing the poems which he wrote from the 16th to the 19th year of his age. These were written in the time of Sultan Balban, and contain several panegyrics addressed to him. In compliment to his sovereign title, he here frequently assumes to himself the poetical designation of Sultani. Thus, in one passage he says : —

Most of the Jcasidas in this Diwdn, which are not devoted to the Sultan, were written in celebration of new year festivals and the ’Ids, or addressed to the king’s eldest son, Nusratu-d din Sultan Muhammad Kaan, known better as Khan-i Shahid, or the Martyr Khan, and to contemporary ministers and nobles. The Tarjis are addressed to the author’s spiritual teacher, Nizamu-d din Aulya, Sultan Balban, and his son above named. It includes also a poem in praise of Malik Ikhtiyaru-d din, the ’A'riz.

The second Diwdn is the Wastu-l-haydt, “ the middle of life,” containing the poems written from the 24th to the 32nd year of his life. These are in praise chiefly of Nizamu-d din Aulya, and the 1 There is a work of this name on morals, by Shaikh ’Abdu-1 Hakk of Dehli.

prince above named, then Governor of tbe Panjab and Multan, who was slain in an action with the Mughals at Depalpur, at the close of the year 683 h. The poet was in his service. One panegyric is addressed to Sultan Mu’izzu-d din Kai-kubad, and another to Ikhtiyaru-d-daula Chhajju Khan-i mu’azzam, the son of Kislilu Khan, nephew of Sultan Balban, and Governor of Karra Manikpur. Others are addressed to the ’Ariz Taju-d-din, Fathu-1 mulk Sharfu-d-din, Alp Khan Ghazi son of Azhdar Malik, Naib Shah Malik Ikhtiyaru-d din ’All bin Aibak, and other nobles.

The third Diwan is the Ghurratu-l-kamdl, “perfect light,” con- taining poems written from the 34th to the 42nd year of his life. It opens with an interesting preface, containing some autobio- graphical notices, of which I have availed myself in another article. These poems comprise panegyrics upon Nizamu-d din Aulya, Sultan Kai-kubad, Shayista Khan, who for a short time ruled the state in the name of Shamsu-d din, the son of Kai-kubad, and afterwards became king under the title of Jalalu-d din, Sultan Kuknu-d din Ibrahim, youngest son of Jalalu-d din, who sat for a short time on the throne of I)ehli after the murder of his father Sultan ’Alau-d din, Ikhtiyaru-d din ’All bin Aibak, Saifu-d-daula Barbak, Taju-d din, Alp Khan Ghazi, and Taju-d-daula Malik Chhajju; an elegy upon the death of Khan-i Khanan Mahmud, Sultan Ikhtiyaru-d din the son of Jalalu-d din, and benedictions addressed to his other sons, Khan-i mu’azzam Arkalah Khan and Khan-i ’a’zam Kadr Khan. This Diw&n contains also odes on new year festivals and the ’ Ids , and, besides the Masnavis mentioned above, the poet addresses one to his brother Zahid Khan, descriptive of his accompanying the royal army in 687 h. to Oudh. Another is in praise of the palace at Kilukhari and of its founder Sultan Kai-kubad. Size of the work, 4to. ; 694 pages of an average of 15 lines.

The fourth Dhcdn is called the Bakiya nakiya, “ the pure rem- nant,” containing poems written by Amir Khusru from the 50th to the 64th year of his age. There are in it panegyrics on Nizamu-d din Aulya, Shaikh ’Alau-d din, grandson of Shaikh Faridu-d din Ganj-i shakar, Sultan ’Alau-d din, Sultan Kutbu-d din Mubarak Shah, Shamsu-1 Hakk Khizr Khan, eldest son of Sultan ’Alau-d din, Nasiru-l-Mulk Haji, Hamidu-d-daula, Taju-d-daula, Fakhru-d din

Pulad Tughlik, Mu’izzu-l Hakk, A’zam Alp Khan, Malik Ikhtiyaru-d din Sa’di, Malik Hisamu-d din Khan-i ’a’zam and Nasiru-d din. There is an elegy on the Sultan’s death on the 8th of Shawwal, 715 h. and some Masnavis on the marriage of the princes and other matters.

Praise of God and the Prophet. — Panegyric upon Sultan Jalalu-d din Firoz Shah Khilji. — Concise account of the four victories of Firoz Shah.

“Hail to Sultan Firoz! who rapidly accomplished four victories in one year. In the first victory, he made the head of one rebel roll upon the dust. In the second victory, he moistened the point of his spear with the head of a second rebel. By the third victory, he cleansed Hindustan from the darkness of his enemy. The fourth victory was achieved in another way, when he fell like a hurricane on Jhain. But what are four victories for such a hero as his majesty ! he has a thousand others in his sleeve. Long may he survive to rule with conquest and kingly pomp, and may the key of the capital of the seven climates remain secure in the hands of his slaves ! ”

The accession of Firoz Shah to the throne of Dehli, on Tuesday, the 3rd of the second Jumad, 689 h. “ He despatched his orders to the comers of the world, and established the khuiba on a new foun- dation. The turbulent throughout the whole world rubbed their faces upon the earth in respect and obedience. They girt up their loins and placed their heads upon the ground, and then stood obedient in the audience-chamber. They proclaimed the sound of the khutba above the moon. They distributed gold in the name of the king of kings. They all made effort to show their obedience, except the faithless Chhajju, the Mir of Karra. Pride had inflated his brain with wind, which extinguished the light of his intel- lect, and a few sipdhis from Hindustan, without any religion, had supported the credit of his authority. Neither fear nor hope was able to inform them that a particle cannot contend with the sun.”

“ The Shah received intelligence of that new disturbance, and how

that Clihajju was advancing expeditiously with the Hindu thieves. Outrageous like a male lion, he became greatly perturbed, and ex- claimed, in the violence of his anger, ‘ Bravo ! Is there any man in in the world who dares to raise dust in my plain ? What weakness has that wretch seen in me, that he dares to peer where my arrow can penetrate ? If he has not seen the splendour of my sword, he must have heard its renown from afar. He must have heard how from Ghazna, Kirman, and Barghand, I have extended my conquests as far as Darband ; how I have issued orders for the shedding of the blood of my enemies, who have become like worms, when they hear the whizzing of my Kirmani blade ; how, at one time, from the heads of the Mughals, I have filled my cup with blood, and stuck their inverted skulls upon the top of my standards ; how, at another time, my spears have wounded the Afghans, until the hills resounded with lamentations ( afgJidn ) ; how, at another time, I made the blood flow in Janjuha, so that a boat might have glided within the hills of Jud. The Hindus themselves cannot conceive how full I have made hell. What did that ignorant thoughtless man imagine, that he dared advance his foot into my territory ? ’

“ When he had thus given vent to his anger, he forthwith ordered the prince to advance. Arkali Khan proceeded, swift as the wind, accompanied by an army like a hill of steel. He then directed that gold, to any amount that was necessary, should be distributed to the army, from the treasury of his mercy. Although only eight months’ pay was due from the royal coffers, yet ten months’ pay was bestowed upon the troops. The body of each man as he carried away his wealth was bent down by the load, like the crescent of the new moon. The sipdMs stood ready before the commander, as a hill of iron or a sea of flame.” 0 * 0 “ In this order, the king of the fourth inhabited portion of the earth carried forth his standards outside the capital. He made one or two halts to adjust the affairs of the army.” 0 0 0

“ The king remained in the rear, the prince was in advance. The king made two marches in one, and the prince marched even quicker. Mile after mile he hastened on, and rapidly passed the Jumna and Ganges towards his destination,” and then encamped on the bank of the Rahab.

The enemy was encamped on the opposite side, and had seized all the boats on the river, but “the royal army crossed the river on a few boats, called zauraks, like the wind, and spread confusion through the camp of the enemy. They fell on the evil-disposed crowd, and dyed the earth everywhere with their blood. When they were satiated with that victory, they returned in triumph. On their arrival, they placed their heads on the ground in token of respect, and proclaimed the first victory of the king, who rewarded them with gifts beyond calculation. ° ° Jn the depth of night that stony-hearted rebel, oppressed with grief, fled towards the hills, leaving his camp on the bank of the river, and took the road of Jubala. The com- mander remained two days plundering the camp, and then, hastening in pursuit, came up to them while retreating in confusion.” ° c

“ In the centre of the line was the great Arkali Khan, whose stan- dards were united with victory.” Mir Mubarak Barbak commanded the right "wing, and Malik Mahmud the left. On the left near the prince, was Malik Fakhr Dawwal, and Mu’azzam Ahmad on his right.

In the front of the array were two champions, the nephews of the king : one Malik Katlagh-tigin, “ who could split a spear with an arrow ; ” 1 the other ’Alau-d din. Another attendant was his son Kaji ; another, Kiki Malik, the governor of Kol : another was Malik Nusrat Mu’azzam, the chief dawat-dar. The contending parties fought the whole day, “ during which the sword found no rest,” and at night the Khan of Karra, hearing that the king himself was on the point of joining the prince’s army, fled with a few attendants to Inji, concealing his departure by the beating of drums, as if he was preparing to renew the combat on the morrow.

His army, thus deserted by its leader, came over to the king and begged forgiveness. Some were bound as prisoners, and some kept under surveillance, but the rest were admitted into the favour of the king.

The Sultan, on leaving the city, went towards the Ganges, and remained some time encamped at Baglana. After that he departed

1 The same expression occurs in the Boston.

2 In the Wastu-l-haydt Khusni calls him Maliku-s shark, King of the East, and the son of Azhdur Khan.

towards Bhojpur,1 and his light illumined the banks of the Ganges. By his hands a work was completed, which had been difficult of accomplishment to former kings ; for when he arrived at the Jumna and Ganges, by the power of his art he constructed a bridge over both those rivers. He collected gold from the rats of the Ganges, for he had the power of crossing the river at his pleasure. Like Dara, he went on full of hope, and his faithful sipdMs accompanied him as far as Kabar.2 When the Shah arrived at the land of Kabar, a contest ensued, and the “ Musulmans made their swords rusty with the blood of the Hindus.” The king was here joined by his son, “ who gave the first congratulation after the victory, and was then appointed to the government of the Province of Multan, and his father gave him power from the river to the hill of Jud.”

“Whatever live Hindu fell into the king’s hands was poimded into bits under the feet of elephants. The Musulmans, who were Hindis (country -born), had their lives spared,” and were distributed amongst the chiefs as slaves ; and he made many over to the son of the Tcotwal, that he might parade them through the cities. “No one of these slaves was slain by the sword, except Alp Ghazi, who suffered on account of his misdeeds : for he had, without just cause, killed Chahaltan,3 and the wretch received this retribution from fate.” ° *

When the Shah had made the country over to his own friends, he determined to proceed towards Hindustan, and open a way through the forest to Lakhnauti. He cut the jungle that in- tercepted his passage, and cleared the road of the robbers who infested it, and suspended them from boughs, so that they looked like the trees of Wakwak.4 “ When the Shah had cut down this jungle of Taraya, he created an earthquake in the walls of life, that is, slaughtered many of the inhabitants, and as he was about to lay his axe upon Rupal, that chief protected himself by an advance of gold. His heaven-like umbrella then advanced to Kashun,

1 This is not the Bhojpur of Behar, but a place near Farrukhabad, in the central Doab.

4 See extract from Kazwini in Gildemeister, Be rebus Indicts, p. 196, respecting the island of W akwak, and the trees which produced that sound.

for the purpose of plunder and punishment, and he collected such wealth from the rats, raos, and ranas, that his treasury was over- flowing.”

“ Thence he went towards Balaghatrak, as it was necessary to dis- charge his arrows against the Mughals. Hail glorious mom of

prosperity, for that sun rose on high ! His standards ascended rapidly, stage by stage, for a period of one month, and the road was illumined by the light of his army.”

“ On Monday, the last day of Muliarram, 690 h., the neighbour- hood of the city was blessed by the king’s arrival. He did not delay and plant his flags in the city, because another victory was urging him on ; but during the month of Safar he gave himself up to enjoyment at Siri, near the city.” * * 0

On Thursday, the 18th of Babi’u-l-awwal, the Shah held a darbdr, distributed robes of honour, and gave red umbrellas, durbdshes, and standards to two of his confidential servants, and selected also Euknu-d din Ibrahim for marks of special favour. “The maliJcs of the kingdom, according to their respective ability, showered gold upon the head of the king.”

The king then marched from Siri towards Eanthambor. The first march was to Sohrait, thence to Chandawal, “where he encamped for some time.” ° 0 0 Thence to Eewari in two marches. Thence to the country of Narnaul. “Thence the march was to Beohan, where the people had their mouths shut through thirst. The earth was dry, and in it not a blade of grass had sprung up anywhere, through drought. The sipdhis, whom a river would not have satisfied, how could they procure enough water from two or three wells ? ” A hundred camels, however, were here laden with water, to satisfy the necessities of the army. The king killed several tigers on this expedition. Hills were on each side covered with peacocks. “Two weeks he was employed in passing this hilly tract, when the Shah arrived on the borders of Eanthambor.” The Turks began to plunder on every

1 The original says ‘‘conquest of Ranthambor,” but this heading is not suited to the test.

sidg, “and the king sent out horsemen to collect information.” The Hindus were killed or enslaved, as far as within four jjarasangs of Jhain.

From this place, Karri Bahadur was sent on with a few archers to reconnoitre as far as the hills of Jhain, from which place 500 Hindus made a sally. “They were wounded with the poisoned arrows of the Turks, and exclaimed in Hindi, ‘ Strike, strike.’ Seventy were killed and forty wounded, and, though they were reinforced, they retreated to the hills, and the royal troops returned to camp, and reported to the king what had occurred. Next day, the king despatched 1,000 men under Malik Khurram ’A'riz Malik, the chief Karibak, Malik Katlagh-tigin, ’Azam Mubarak, the amir of of Narnaul, Ahmad Sarjandar, Mahmud Sarjandar, the chief hunts- man Ahmad, and Anku and Abaji Akhurbak. They advanced at full speed to within two parasangs of Jhain, when they entered a narrow pass in the hills, and alarm spread in Jhain.”

The rdi was in affright, and sent for Gurdan Saini, who was the most experienced warrior amongst the 40,000 rawats under the rdi, and “ had seen many fights among the Hindus. Sometimes he had gone with the advance to Malwa ; sometimes he had gone plundering in Gujarat.” The Saini took 10,000 rawats with him from Jhain, and advanced against the Turks, and, after a severe action, he was slain. Upon which the Hindus fled, and in the pursuit many were slain and many taken prisoners, but only one man was wounded among the royal troops.

Great consternation spread in Jhain, and at night the rdi, and all the Hindus with him, fled to the hills of Ranthambor, and the victorious troops returned to the king, and presented the plunder they had obtained, the heads which they had cut off, armour, horses, swords, and “a string of rawats with their hands bound.” The king allowed them to retain their booty, and distributed gold to them besides, and robes of honour.

Three days after this, the king entered Jhain at mid-day, and occupied the private apartments of the rdi, where he admired the ex- quisite colours and carviug on the stone, “ on which the figures were

so beautifully cut, that they could not be exceeded in wax. The plaister was so beautifully made, that it reflected the image of one looking at it, and the mortar was mixed with sandal. The wood- work was all of ’ud (aloe-wood).”

He then visited the temples, which were ornamented with elabo- rate work in gold and silver. Next day he went again to the temples, and ordered their destruction, as well as that of the fort, and set fire to the palace, and “ thus made a hell of paradise.” The foundations of Jhain were so destroyed, that the army of the Shah was enriched by the discovery of burnt treasures, and “ so much gold was laden upon elephants, that who could tell its amount ? This enormous wealth made rich men of beggars, for in every ruin a treasure had been found. While the soldiers sought every oppor- tunity of plundering, the Shah was engaged in burning the temples, and destroying the idols. There were two bronze images of Brahma, each of which weighed more than a thousand mans. These were broken into pieces, and the fragments distributed amongst the officers, with orders to throw them down at the gates of the Masjid on their return.”

Malik Khurram then departed in pursuit of the infidels to their retreat in the hills, and took countless prisoners. Another party was detached under Sarjanddr, “ across the Chambal and Kuwari, to plunder Malwa, and shed the blood of the false religionists. When he was two parasangs beyond the Kuwari, he came upon an open plain to which a narrow pass led. Here he found a crowd collected who had escaped the sword of the malik, and he plundered them to such an extent, that it is beyond my power to describe.” The party returned, and met the king on the banks of the Chambal, to which river he had moved his camp. Thence Mubarak Barbak was detached in another direction towards the Banas, where he plun- dered according to the fashion of the time. Malik Jandarbak Ahmad was detached in another direction. He also plundered and massacred “ from the hill of Lara to the borders of Mara.”

The king returned towards Dehli, with “ an army so encumbered by booty, that it could not proceed more than a mil a day.” He

first visited on his route the hills of Bayana, and as the road was “ difficult on account of rivers and hills,” he allowed his officers to march in any direction they chose. The Sultan proceeded more leisurely in the rear.

On the king’s return to Dehli, he held the second anniversary of his accession, on the 3rd of Jumada-1 akhir, in the palace of Siri. Description of the festival. “ Each bride who witnessed the pro- cession from the housetop, when she gazed at the countenance of the king, tore up her marriage settlements,” in love and despair. — Con- cluding praises of the king, “ who achieved two victories in different quarters of the country in one year.” The author speaks of his work. “ When I commenced this history, I thought of writing falsehoods, but truth seized my hand and restrained me.” The poem was finished on the 20th of Jumada-1 akhir, 690 h.

Conquests of Sultan ’ Alau-d din Khilji. e 0 0 o 0 0 «

“ ’Alau-d din, that king whose court is like Jamshid’s, who has conquered the east and protects the west, whose fortune is lofty, whose commands are obeyed.” ° ° ° “ He who has been honoured by the chief of the ’Abbasis, who has destroyed the country of the sun-worshippers. When the arm of his fortune was raised, he became the ruler of Hindustan. When he advanced from the capital of Karra, the Hindus, in alarm, descended into the earth like ants. He departed towards the garden of Behar, to dye that soil with blood as red as a tulip. He cleared the road to Ujjain of vile wretches, and created consternation in Bhilsan. When he effected his conquests in that country, he drew out of the river the idols which had been concealed in it.

As this was but a small adventure in his sight, he determined to proceed towards Deogir, “where he overcame Bam Deo.” “But see the mercy with which he regarded the broken-hearted, for, after seizing that rdi, he set him free again. He destroyed the temples of the idolaters, and erected pulpits and arches for mosques. He captured two-and-twenty elephants, in battles raging like the stream of the Nile. He captured also Bengal elephants from Lakhnauti, but those of Deogir were of a different stamp, — not such as knew

only liow to eat their full, but such as could discharge arrows and brandish swords.1 Were I to attempt to recount the plunder of jewels and gold, no measure or balance would suffice, for the treasure had been accumulated by the rdis from of old. Camels and mules were laden with rubies and diamonds, and every kind of precious stone, and the most experienced jewellers were unable even to guess at their value, and who can tell of the heaps of amber, and the costly silks ? He returned victorious with this booty, in order to accomplish new conquests.”

He advanced again from Karra, with iron in one hand and gold in the other; he gave a crown to one chief, while he took off the head of another. He marched to Dehli and set up his kingly throne, while all the world were in astonishment at the marvel that Dehli should be taken by Karra. The whole city declared that no one had ever been blessed with such good fortune. When he had es- tablished himself upon the throne, he began to think of the neigh- bouring countries. All the independent chiefs bowed down their heads, except the ill-fortuned Mir of Multan. That wretch was not of such importance that the Shah should himself undertake any expedition against him.” So Ulugh Khan was despatched with orders to conclude the business speedily, and, on its accomplishment, he returned to Court; and “all, both young and old, were astonished at the success of the universe-conquering Sultan.”

[“ L' Innamorata.” This, like the Kirdnu-s Sa’dain, is a kind of epic or historical poem, having for its main subject the loves of Dewal Rani, daughter of the Rai of Gujarat, and Khizr Khan, eldest son of Sultan ’Alau-d din. Khizr Khan, as told by Barni, fell under his father’s displeasure and was put in confinement. Upon the death of ’Alau-d din, the traitor and would-be-usurper, Malik Naib Kafur, caused the eyes of the prince to be put out. When Kutbu-d din Mabarak Shah had ascended the throne, to secure his own position, he had Khizr Khan and other of his

1 That elephants were once taught these useful exercises is evident from a similar passage iu the Sikandar-ndma , of Nizami.

brothers murdered. The fate of Dewal Rani is doubtful. Khusru ( infra p. 555) says that her hands were cut off while she was clinging to her husband’s body, and implies that she was left among the slain, though he says not so distinctly. Firishta asserts that she was taken into Kutbu-d din’s harem, and that she was also taken after his death by the villain, Khusru Khan. Barni, who was intimately acquainted with the facts, is silent upon the subject, so that it may be hoped that the high-born damsel escaped that union with “the foul Parwari,” which would have been worse than death.]

Praise of God and the Prophet. — Panegyric on the author’s spiritual teacher, Nizam-d din Aulya and on the Emperor ’Alau-d din Khilji.

The author a captive in the hands of the ITughals.

“ At the time that this learner of evil, the author, was a captive in the hands of the Mughals,1 may such days never return ! travelling in a sandy desert, where the heat made my head boil like a cauldron, I and the man who was with me on horseback arrived thirsty at a stream on the roadside. Although the naphtha of my life was heated, I would not inflame it with oil by drinking a draught of water. I merely wetted my lips, and obtained a little relief after my exhaustion. But my thirsty guard dismounted from his horse, and both he and his horse drank their fill of water and expired immediately.”

The Author relates the cause of writing this Poem.

He states that he went one day to visit Khizr Khan, who asked him to write a poem upon that prince’s love for Dewal Rani ; and Khizr Khan causing the account which he had himself written descriptive of his own passion to be produced, he consigned it to the author, who agreed to versify it.

“ Happy Hindustan, the splendour of Religion, where the Law

1 He gives a brief notice of this captivity and of the hardships which he endured from exposure, boils upon his feet, fatigue, and thirst, in his second Diuidn , called Wastu-l-haydt. He was taken prisoner on the borders of Multan, in the 34th year of his age, or 684 h. (1285 a.d.). See supra p. 122.

finds perfect honour and security. In learning Dehli can now compete with Bokhara, for Islam has been made manifest by its kings. The whole country, by means of the sword of our holy warriors, has become like a forest denuded of its thorns by fire. The land has been saturated with the water of the sword, and the vapours of infidelity have been dispersed. The strong men of Hind have been trodden- under foot, and all are ready to pay tribute. Islam is triumphant, idolatry is subdued. Had not the law granted exemption from death by the payment of poll-tax, the very name of Hind, root and branch, would have been extinguished. From Ghazni to the shore of the ocean you see all under the dominion of Islam. Cawing crows 1 see no arrows pointed at them ; nor is the Tarsd (Christian) there, who does not fear (taras) to render the servant equal with God ; nor the Jew who dares to exalt the Pentateuch to a level with the Kuran ; nor the Magli who is delighted with the worship of fire, but of whom the fire complains with its hundred tongues. The four sects of Musulmans are at amity, and the very fish are Sunnis.”2

Mu’izzu-d din Muhammad bin Sam. Kutbu-d din Aibak ; “ That flaming wave drove the Rai of Kanauj into the Ganges, where he was drowned, and took from him fourteen hundred elephants.” Sliamsu-d din Altamsh, — Ruknu-d din Firoz. — Sultan Raziya. — Mu’izzu-d din Bahrain. — ’Alau-d din Mas’ud. — Nasiru-d din Mah- mud ; “ It was a wonderful time, one career of victory ; in every house was joy and gladness. The Musulmans were powerful, the Hindus peaceful, and no one knew even the name of Mughal.” Ghiyasu-d din Balban ; “ He was a king bounteous and powerful, an elephant in his time would avoid treading on an ant. During his reign the Mughals found entrance to these parts, sometimes they ravaged the country, sometimes they professed allegiance. In anger

1 Hindus. Badr Chach Las tLe same expression to signify Hindus ; and Hasan

Nizami, in the preface to the Tdju-l Ma-asir, speaks of the i .c., clj xJb « crow-like Hindus ; ” and again in the chapter on the conquest of Ajmir “ Hindus crow-faced,” x \ ; . d.Jii Jb .

came they on with inflamed visage and obtained gifts from the king. Whether this invasion was a loss or a benefit, it passed array, and what was destined came to pass.” — Mu’izzu-d din Kai-kubad. — Shamsu-d din Kai-kubad.

“ He made the blood of the infidels to flow in streams, and formed bridges with their heads. He went from Multan to Ghazni, and thence invaded the Tatars, dyeing the country with their blood and covering the whole land with their heads. He made Turkistan so entirely Hindi, that he took the life from the Turks by means of his Hindus. When he again turned his face this way from that country, he stretched his arm to slaughter the Khokhars,1 and shed blood on all the five rivers of the Panjab.” ‘-'By his wise measures he forged for the Mughals chains both of iron and gold.”

“He was the first who, while yet only an Amir, placed an ’ amdri upon his elephants.”2 On his advance to Dehli he lavished money profusely on the way. “ The fort of Dehli fell before the mangonel of his gold. His largesses offered him the aid of catapults, and presents of jewels yielded him as much victory as balistas.” Shortly after his accession, he despatched troops to Multan and Sind, where he was victorious.

“ Shortly after, the Sultan of religion determined to wreak the vengeance of a hundred years upon the Mughals. They were coming on to be destroyed by his beheading sword, like moths in the flame of a candle. First they came to the borders of Manjur

2 It is usual in India to say that ’Alau-d din was the first who used an ’amdri, or canopied seat upon an elephant, but, as here stated, he was the first to use one while yet only a Prince. In the preceding reign we read in the Miftdhu-l Fatiih of golden ’amdris.

and Charan, and Ulugh Khan1 attacked them like Karan, and by the force of his sword made them food for jackals.

‘•'After that, the audacious infidel Katlak Khwaja,2 one of the strongest branches of that accursed tree,3 advanced that year to Kaili, and the Shah regarded that boldness as a happy omen. The king moved on for two parasangs, in order that he might come to action within the borders of Kaili. The vile Katlak Khwaja was confident and bold, but it was as if an owl were contending with a falcon. The king ordered Ulugh Khan and Zafar Khan to advance with determination to the fight, and those two rapid dragons made the hills and forests quake. Ulugh Khan pursued the Mughals like a panther after its prey, and those who escaped the sword fell victims to the arrows. The hill of Kaili 4 was drowned in a torrent of blood and the heads of the gabrs rolled down like a weighing pan (Jcail ).” “ After that, Targhi, the headstrong, bit the dust when he was struck with a hatchet, and for a time religion was freed from the troubles caused by the infidels.”

“ Afterwards the sand of the desert was saturated with the blood of the armies of Turtak and ’Ali Beg.5 The army of religion came rushing on like a river, overwhelming the Mughals in its waves. The two Turk Khans were suddenly captured by a Hindu servant of the Court.”

“ Subsequently, three other active warriors, who outstripped the wind in their fleetness, came rapidly to the neighbourhood of Multan, and lit up the flame of insurrection on the banks of the Bavi. One was Tlhu, another Ikbal the stubborn, the third Kabak determined both in fight and hatred. Their soldiers were countless as the sand, and infuriated by the fate of Turtak and ’Ali Beg. His majesty despatched his principal minister, Kaffir (camphor), the splendour of Islam, against them, in order that by his fragrance he might

1 [I have no complete copy of this poem, hut only some extracts and abstracts. In some the name is written Alaf Klidn, in others Ulugh Khan ; the latter is certainly right. See supra pp. 43 and 162.]

2 [This is here the spelling ; not “ Katlagh.”]

3 He was son of Amir Dadd [or Dawa] Khan, ruler of Turkistan, and Mawarau-n nahr.

4 [This name has hitherto been given as “ Kill,” hut this shows what Khusrd’s pronunciation was. See supra p. 166, and Beng. Jour., 1869, p. 199.]

dispel the offensive smell arising from their dead bodies. He went so expeditiously that, in ten nights, he performed the journey of a whole month. The blood of the Tatars flowed in such torrents that it reached to the girths of the horses. Ikbal and Tihu fled together towards the rivers, and were glad to save their lives by abandoning the plunder which they were carrying off. But Kabak was taken like a partridge (Jcabak),1 and that learned dog was sent with a collar round his neck to the king of the world. The victory was obtained by the aid of God, and the Mughal had enough of his attempts at revenge.

“ From that day the torrent of the Jihun had no power to carry away even an ant from Hindustan. Behold a great marvel which marked the good fortune of ’Alau-d din, may he always remain king ! A deadly blast from hell blew over that country, and dis- solved by its fire even iron into wax. They all died, and though Buyahia escaped, as he had the life of a dog, yet his power was ignominiously destroyed; and so entirely had all their turbulence subsided in this country, that no one heard anything more about them.”

Conquest of Gujarat , Chitor, JUalwa , Siwana.

The poet passes to the conquests of ’Alau-d din, in Hindustan. Ulugh Khan sent against the Rai of Gujarat, “ where the shores of the sea were filled to the brim with the blood of the gabrs.” The conquest of Somnat, Jhain, and Ranthambor, whose ruler was “Pithu Rai, descended from Pithaura, but an hundred hundred thousand times more proud than he. Ten thousand swift Arabian horses were liis, and elephants with ’ amans on their backs. Soldiers and rdwats and rdnas were beyond number. This fort was two weeks’ journey dis- tant from Dehli, and its walls extended for three parasangs. Terrible stones were sent against them with such force that the battlements were levelled with the dust. So many stones were thrown, pile upon pile, that it would have required thirty years to clear the road to one of the gates.” The king took the fort in one month, and made it over to Ulugh Khan.

1 [The name is given as “Kank” (or Kanak) in liarnf ( supra p. 199), but this proves it to be Kabak. See also p. 73.]

The conquest of Chitor, which was named Khizrabad, after Khizr Khan, who was here honoured with being allowed to bear a red canopy over his head.

“ After that, the king’s attention was directed towards the south, in order that he might seize the country of the Southern rdis. Koka, the wazir, commanded the army, and he was stronger in the country of Malwa than the rdi. He had more than 40,000 cavalry, and his infantry were without number. 10,000 men were sent against him by his majesty, and they destroyed his entire force. The Hindus were captured and slaughtered in heaps, and only the rdi, Malhak1 Deo, escaped to the hills.” This conquest was effected by ’Ainu-1 mulk. Mandu taken, “ a wonderful fortress font- parasangs in circumference.”

Siwana is next proceeded against by his majesty in person. “The strong-armed rdi of that place was Satal 2 Deo. Many iron-hearted gabrs were in his service. The army sat down before it for five or six years, and did not, during that time, succeed in destroying half a bastion, but after one attack made upon that hill by the king, it was moved from its foundations by the troops like a flowing river.”

The conquest of Telingana, Mo1 bar, Fatan.

The conquest of Tilangi, where the rdi is made to send “ a golden idol and an himdred elephants, and treasure beyond all calculation.”

The army proceeded to Ma’bar, that it might “ take the shores of the sea as far as Lanka, and spread the odour of the amber-scented faith,” and thence returned to Deoglr, from which place the rdi fled at their approach, and, after plundering the country, they proceeded towards the sea-coast.

“ There was another rdi in those parts, whose rule extended over sea and land, a Brahmin, named Pandya Guru. He had many cities in his possession, and his capital was Fatan,3 where there was a temple with an idol in it laden with jewels. He had many troops and ships; and Musulmans, as well as Hindus, were in his service. He had a thousand elephants of Ma’bar and innumerable horses. The rdi, when the army of the Sultan arrived at Fatan, fled away,

1 [Or“Mahlak.” See supra p. 76.] 2 [Or“Sutal.” See supra p. 78.]

and what can an army do without its leader ? The Musulmans in his service sought protection from the king’s army, and they were made hapj^y with the kind reception they met with. 500 elephants also were taken. They then struck the idol with an iron hatchet, and opened its head. Although it was the very Kibla of the ac- cursed gabrs, it kissed the earth and filled the holy treasury. Wealth and jewels were taken from it in such quantities that they would have outweighed a mountain. After the business of the rai of Ma’bar was completed, the army returned victorious, and received due rewards from the fortunate king. May God grant him success, that he may take a whole world without moving from his throne ! May he, sitting at Dehli, be able to plunder the country of Ma’bar and the seas, with a mere movement of his eyebrow ! ”

The author proceeds to the more immediate subject of his poem. Shortly after ’Alau-d din’s accession to the throne, he sent his brother, Ulugh Khan, with a large army towards Gujarat and Somnat. The ruler of those countries was Rai Karan. In an action between him and the Khan he sustained a defeat and fled, and his treasures, wives and concubines fell into the enemy’s hands. On his return from Gujarat, the Khan presented all the booty he had taken to the king, and amongst other captives was the wife of Kai Karan, Kanwala Di, celebrated for her beauty, who was taken into the king’s Seraglio.

The Rani had two daughters by Rai Karan ; both had been carried off by their father in his flight. The eldest died, but the youngest, Dewal Di, survived.

Kanwala Di solicited of the king that this daughter might be sent for and made over to her, and as the king was well disposed to meet her wishes, he demanded her from Rai Karan, who was preparing to send her, accompanied with many presents, to the king, when he took alarm at the large army which had marched under Ulugh Khan and Panchami for the conquest of the whole of Gujarat, and fled with his daughter and private attendants to seek the protection of the rai of Deogir, by name Sankh Deo, the son of the Rai-Rayan, Ram Deo.

When the chief of Deogir learnt the approach of Rai Karan,

he sent his brother, Bhelam Deo, to demand Dewal Di in marriage. Rai Karan felt himself compelled to accede to the proposal, and he was preparing to send his daughter when he was attacked by the king’s army, and Panchami, who commanded the advance-guard, seized Dewal Di, whose horse had been wounded and lamed by an arrow. She was taken to Ulugh Khan, and Rai Karan fled. Accord- ing to the king’s order, Ulugh Khan sent Dewal Di to Dehli, where she was made over to her mother in the palace. She was then eight years of age.

The Sultan wished to betroth Dewal Rani to his son Khizr Khan, who was then ten years old, and Kanwala Di agreed to the marriage, as she had' an affection for Khizr Khan in consequence of his resemblance to her brother. The children were accordingly admitted to each other’s presence, and indulged in youthful gambols, and became attached to each other.

The mother of Khizr Khan objected to this match, and was desirous of betrothing him to the daughter of her brother Alp Khan, who was himself anxious to speed the preparations for the ceremony. Upon which it was represented to the mother, that as Khizr Klian had conceived an affection for Dewal Di, he ought to be separated from her. This was accordingly done, and they were placed in different apartments, but as they were able to have occasional interviews, their growing attachment ripened, and four go-betweens on each side conveyed affectionate messages from one to the other.

The queen-mother, apprehensive of these interviews, determined to send the girl to the Red Palace. Khizr Khan’s distress upon the occasion, when he tears his clothes and exhibits other signs of frantic grief. The queen foregoes her intention, when Khizr Khan recovers his serenity. The young pair contrive a secret assignation, when they become senseless through emotion. The queen again determines on sending Dewal Di to the Red Palace. On her way there she has an interview with Khizr Khan, when he presents her with a lock of his hair to preserve as a memento, and she in return gives him a ring.

Marriage of Khhr Khan with the daughter of Alp Khan.

This marriage was solemnized in Ramazan, 711 h. (Jan. 1312 a.d.). The decorations of the city upon the occasion. Triumphal arches, dancing, singing, music, illuminations, rope-dancing, jugglery. “The juggler swallowed a sword like water, drinking it as a thirsty man would sherbet. He also thrust a knife up his nostril. He mounted little wooden horses and rode upon the air. Large bodies were made to issue out of small ones ; an elephant was drawn through a window, and a camel through the eye of a needle.1 Those who changed their own appearance practised all kinds of deceit. Sometimes they transformed themselves into angels, sometimes into demons. Balls were made to be sometimes white and sometimes black, in imitation of the fitful vicissitudes we are subject to upon earth. They sang so enchantingly that they could make it appear as if a man was dying, and as if after an interval he was again made alive.”

The marriage of Khhr Khan with Dewal Rani.

Dewal Di, on learning Ivhizr Khan’s marriage, writes him a letter full of reproaches, to which he replies by excuses. The grief of the two lovers and their solicitations to heaven. The deep distress of Khizr Khan is reported to the queen-mother, and it is repre- sented to her, that as it is lawful for a Musulman to many four wives, he might be allowed to many Dewal Di also. She relents, and as the Sultan has from the beginning given his consent to Khizr Khan’s marriage with Dewal Di, she is sent for from the Red Palace and married to him. — The complete happiness of the lovers at their union. — Khizr Khan becomes one of the disciples of the Saint Nizamu-d din Aulya.

Rupture between ’ Alau-d d'm and Khhr Khan.

The poet again proceeds to some historical details. — Misunder- standing between the Sultan and Khizr Khan, and the imprisonment of the latter. — The cause was this : the Sultan being ill of fever, Khizr Khan made a vow that, in the event of his recovery, he would

1 This is in the original, and shows that those who object to the common reading of the Bible have no good ground for any alteration. The phrase is universal in the East to express any difficulty.

proceed bare-footed on a pilgrimage to some sbrines. When the Sultan recovered in some degree, Khizr Khan set out on his expedi- tion to Hatanpur, but in consequence of his feet getting blistered he was persuaded by his attendants to mount on horseback. Amir Kkusru here observes that when the prince had such a spiritual teacher as Nizamu-d din Aulya, he should have performed his pilgrimage to him, and not have sought out other shrines; that it was to this that his ill-fortune is to be ascribed. Malik Kafur, the eunuch, was not slow to take advantage of this indiscretion of the Khan, and represented that this non-fulfilment of his vow was a personal insult to the Sultan.

The Sultan first wreaked his vengeance on the Khan’s maternal uncle and father-in-law, Alp Khan, who was assassinated in I)ehli by his orders. He then caused an angry letter to be written to his son, telling him not to return to his presence without orders, and assigning Amroha to him as a residence, and the country from the Ganges to the foot of the hills as his hunting-ground, where game was so plentiful that “he might kill ten antelopes with one arrow.” He was directed to remain there for two months, after which he would be summoned, when the king had recovered his composure. Meanwhile, he was to send back the royal insignia he had received, the canopy, duridah, standards, and elephants, which would be retained by the king until he had again restored the Khan to his good graces.

This farmdn was sent by an ugly courier called ’Arnbar, who brought it in one night from Dehli to beyond Meerut, where the Prince was encamped. The Prince was deeply afflicted at the contents, but returned the royal insignia under the charge of Malik Hisamu-d din, while he himself, with tears in his eyes, crossed the Ganges and went to Amroha.

He had only been there two or three days, when his agitation was so great that, without a summons, he determined to return to his father, who, being on the point of death, received him kindly, his affection for him having revived in this extremity. Malik Kafur, again successfully practising his wiles, persuaded the Sultan that till his recovery it would be wise to confine the Khan in the fort of Gwalior. The Sultan consented, but bound Kafur by solemn

oaths not to attempt the life of the Prince, who was accordingly carried otf from Dehli to Gwalior in two days. There his faithful Dewal Rani became the companion to and solace of his miserable imprisonment.

Death of ’ Alau-d din and subsequent massacres.

’Alau-d din, partly through bodily infirmity and partly through mental distress, died on the 7th Shawwal, 715 h. (Jan., 1316 a.d.), when Malik Kafur placed the king’s youngest son, Shahabu-d-din ’Umar, upon the throne, and despatched Sumbul to Gwalior to blind Khizr Khan. When Sumbul had completed his inhuman deed, he was promoted to the office of Naib-hdjib.

A short time afterwards, the slaves and guards of the late king slew Malik Kafur, and conveyed the intelligence to Khizr Khan, to show that the curse that he had pronounced against Kafur had been fulfilled.