Books / The History of India as Told by Its Own Historians — Volume 3

6. Volume 3 — part 6

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effected in Deogir. When intelligence of this reached the Sultdn's ears, he was very disheartened, for he saw very well that the people were alienated. No place remained secure, all order and regularity were lost, and the throne was tottering to its fall.

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During the months of the Sultdn's stay at Nahrw^Ia no one was sent to execution {siydsat). He summoned Ahmad Ayy4z and other nobles, with an army, from the capital, with the in- tention of sending them to Deogir, and they, having made every preparation, came to the Sultan. But news now arrived that Hasan Kangii had drawn together a large force at Deogir. The Sultan therefore did not deem it advisable to send them there, and gave up the idea of attacking it. He determined that he would free Q-ujarat, take Karnal, and put down the traitor Taghi; after which he would march to Deogir, overthrow the rebels, and remove every cause of trouble and anxiety. In pursuance of this plan he first directed his attention to the taking of Karnal and the fort of Khankar.^ The mukaddims of Deogir, who had come from that place to wait upon the Sultan, now saw that the busi- ness of their country was postponed ; so they went off by ones and twos, and, meeting at a rendezvous, they returned to Deogir.

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The success of the rebels, and the loss of Deogir, greatly troubled the king. One day, while he was thus distressed, he sent for me, the author of this work, and, addressing me, said : "My kingdom is diseased, and no treatment cures it. The physi- cian cures the headache, and fever follows ; he strives to allay the fever, and something else ^ supervenes. So in my kingdom dis- orders have broken out ; if I suppress them in one place they appear in another; if I allay them in one district another be- comes disturbed. What have former kings said about these disorders?" I replied, "Histories record many remedies which kings have employed in these disorders. Some kings, when they have perceived that they do not retain the confidence of

3.6.4

' This is a personal name, see infrd. The spelling is that of one of the MSS. The print has " Kanhg&r " and " Khank^r." * " Sadali" in the print and in one MS., " cMze digar " in the other.

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their people, and have become the objects of general dislike, have abdicated their thrones and have given over the government to the most worthy of their sons. Retiring into privacy, and occupying themselves in innocent pursuits, they have passed their time in the society of sympathizing friends, without troubling themselves about matters of government. Other kings, when they have found themselves the objects of general aversion, have taken to hunting, pleasure, and wine, leaving all the business of the State to their waztrs and ofiScers, and throwing off all concern in them. If this course seems good ^ to the people, and the king is not given to revenge, the disorders of tbe State may be cured. Of all political ills, the greatest and most dire is a general feeling of aversion and a want of confidence among all ranks of the people." The Sultan replied, " If I can settle the affairs of my kingdom according to my wish, I will consign my realm of Dehli to three persons, Firoz Sh^h, Malik Kabir, and Ahmad Ajjiz, and I will then proceed on the pilgrimage to the holy temple. At present I am angry with my subjects, and they are aggrieved with me. The people are acquainted with my feelings, and I am aware of their misery and wretchedness. No treatment that I employ is of any benefit. My remedy for rebels, insurgents, opponents, and disaffected people is the sword. I employ punish- ment and use the sword, so that a cure may be effected by suffer- ing. The more the people resist, the more I inflict chastisement." When the Sultan gave up Deogir and applied himself to the settlement of Grujardt, he passed three rainy seasons in that country. The first he passed at Mandal and Teri,^ devoting his time to the affairs of the country and the equipment of his army. The second he passed near the fort of Karnal. When the mukad- dim of that place saw the numbers and strength of the royal army, he resolved to make Taghi prisoner and deliver him up; but the rebel got notice of his intention, and fled to Thatta, where he found refuge with the Jdm. After the rains were over, the

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1 The text has a negative here, which seems to mar the sense.

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2 " Mandalid Tert." " Mandal pari" in one MS.

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Sultan took Karndl, and brought all the coast into subjection. The rdnas and mukaddims came in and made submission, where- npon they received robes and rewards. A commissioner was sent to take charge of Karnal. Khankh^r and the Rana of Karnal, being taken prisoners, were brought to the court, and all that country was completely subdued. The third rainy season the Sultan passed at Kondal. This is a place in the direction of Thatta, Sumargdn,i and Damrlla. At Kondal the Sultan fell sick with fever, which obliged him to remain there for some time. Before the Sultdn went to Kondal he received from Dehli the intelligence of the death of Malik Kabir, which deeply grieved him. Thereupon he sent Ahmad Ayyaz and Malik Makbul from the army to take charge of the affairs of the capital. He summoned Khud4wand-z4da,* Makhdum-zdda, and many elders, learned men and others, with their wives and families, to Kondal. Every one that was summoned hastened with horse and foot to join the Sultdn at Kondal, so that a large force was gathered there and was formed into an army. Boats were brought from Deobalpur, Multdn, Uch, and Siwistdn to the river. The Sultdn recovered from his disorder, and marched with his army to the Indus. He crossed that river in ease and safety with his army and elephants. He was there joined by Altun Bahadur, with four or five thousand Mughal horse, sent by the Amir of Farghan. The Sultan showed great attention to this leader and his followers, and bestowed many gifts upon them. He then advanced along the banks of the Indus towards Thatta, with an army as numerous as a swarm of ants or locusts, with the intention of humbling the Stimras and the rebel Taghl, whom they had sheltered.

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As he was thus marching with his countless army, and was thirty hos from Thatta, the ''dshura or fast of the 10th of Muharram happened. He kept the fast, and when it was over he ate some fish. The fish did not agree with him, his illness returned and fever increased. He was placed in a boat and con-

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' Var : " Siyuinga,n " and " Siyumragan." ' See page 276 infri.

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tinned his journey on the second and third days, until he came to within fourteen kos of Thatta. He then rested, and his army was fully prepared, only awaiting the royal command to take Thatta, and to crush the Sumras of Thatta and the rebel Taghi in a single day, and to utterly annihilate them. But fate ruled it otherwise. During the last two or three days that he was encamped near Thatta, the Sultan's malady had grown worse, and his army was in great trouble, for they were a thousand kos distant from Dehli and their wives and children, they were near the enemy and in a wilderness and desert, so they were sorely distressed, and looking upon the Sultdn's expected death as preliminary to their own, they quite despaired of returning home. On the 21st Muharram, 752 h. (1350 a.d.), Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlik departed this life on the banks of the Indus, at fourteen kos from Thatta. * * *

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I, the author of this Tdrikh-i Firoz Shdhi, have written all that I have witnessed during six years of the personal character of the reigning sovereign, and of the events which have occurred during that time. I have included these in eleven chapters, and if I live some years longer I intend to write ninety more chapters, so that the complete history of the reign may consist of one hundred and one chapters {mukaddamas). * * *

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Chapter 1. Account of the Accession of Firoz Shah.

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  1. March of the Sultan from Shvistdn to Dehli.

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  1. Eulogy of the personal character of the Sultan.

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  1. Sis iounty in the grant of pensions and in^dms.

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  1. Arrival of letters and robes from the Khalifa.

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  1. Defeat of the attacks of the Mughals.

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  1. — Accession of Mroz Shah, * * * On the third day after the death of Muhammad Tughlik, the army marched from (its position) fourteen kos from Thatta towards Siwistdn, on its return homewards. Every division of the army marched without leader, rule, or route, in the greatest disorder. No one heeded or listened to what any one said, but continued the march like careless caravans. So when they had proceeded a kos or two, the Mughals, eager for booty, assailed them in front, and the rebels of Thatta attacked them in the rear. Cries of dismay arose upon every side. The Mughals fell to plundering, and carried off women, maids, horses, camels, troopers, baggage, and whatever else had been sent on in advance. They had very nearly captured the royal harem and the treasure with the camels which carried it. The villagers (who had been pressed into the service) of the army, and expected the attack, took to flight. They pillaged various lots of baggage on the right and left of the army, and then joined the rebels of Thatta in attacking the baggage train. The people of the army, horse and foot, women and men, stood their ground ; for when they marched, if any advanced in front, they were assailed by the Mughals ; if they lagged behind, they were plundered by the rebels of Thatta. Those who resisted and put their trust in God reached the next stage, but those who had gone forward with the women, maids, and baggage, were cut to pieces. The army continued its march along the river without any order or regularity, and every man was in despair for his life and goods, his wife and children. Anxiety and distress would allow no one to sleep that night, and, in their dismay, men remained with their eyes fixed upon heaven. On the second day, by stratagem and foresight, they reached their halting ground, as- sailed, as on the first day, by the Mughals in front and the men of Thatta in the rear. They rested on the banks of the river in the greatest possible distress, and in fear for their lives and goods. The women and children had perished. Makhdum Zdda 'Abbdsi, the Shaikhu-s Shaiyukh of Egypt, Shaikh Nasiru-d

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din Mahmiid Oudhi, and the chief men, assembled and went to Firoz Shdh, and with one voice said, " Thou art the heir apparent and legatee of the late Sultan ; he had no son, and thou art his brother's son ; there is no one in the city or in the army enjoy- ing the confidence of the people, or possessing the ability to reign. For God's sake save these wretched people, ascend the throne, and deliver us and many thousand other miserable men. Redeem the women and children of the soldiers from the hands of the Mughals, and purchase the prayers of two lacs of people." Firoz Shdh made objections, which the leaders would not listen to. All ranks, young and old, Musulmans and Hindus, horse and foot, women and children, assembled, and with one acclaim declared that Firoz Shah alone was worthy of the crown. "It he does not assume it to-day and let the Mughals hear of his doing so, not one of us will escape from the hands of the Mughals and the Thatta men." So on the 24th Muharram, 752 h. (1351 A.D.), the Sultdn ascended the throne.

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On the day of his accession the Sultan got some horse in order and sent them out to protect the army, for whenever the Mughal horse came down they killed and wounded many, and carried ofiF prisoners. On the same day he named some amirs to guard the rear of the army, and these attacked the men of Thatta when they fell upon the baggage. Several of the assailants were put to the sword, and they, terrified with this lesson, gave up the pursuit and returned home. On the third day he ordered certain amirs to attack the Mughals, and they accordingly made several of the Mughal commanders of thousands and of hundreds pri- soners, and brought them before the Sultan. The Mughals from that very day ceased their annoyance ; they moved thirty or forty kos away, and then departed for their own country.

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  1. — Stoppage of the evils inflicted hy the Mughals of Changiz

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All men of intelligence in Hind and Sind have seen and re- marked the stop which has been put to the inroads of the Mughals

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of Changiz Khdn in this auspicious reign. They have not been able to attack and ravage the frontier territories, nor have they been permitted to come in with professions of friendship and employ their arts to carry off the wealth of the country. They had the presumption to make two attacks. Once they crossed the Sodra and came into the neighbouring country. There they were met by the forces of Islam and were defeated. Many were killed and many were taken prisoners. These latter were placed upon camels, and were paraded in derision 'round Dehli, with wooden collars on their necks. Those who escaped from the battle fled in the greatest precipitation and confusion, and many were drowned in the passage of the Sodra. On the other occa- sion they made a rapid dash into Gujarat. Some perished from thirst, some died by the hands of the soldiers, and some fell in a night attack which the natives of the country made upon them. Not one-tenth of these accursed followers of Changiz Khan reached their own country.

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[This History of Firoz Shah is devoted exclusively to the reign of that monarch, and therefore has a better right to the title than Barnl's history, which embraces only a small por- tion of the reign of Firoz, and bears the title simply because it was written or finished during his reign. Little is known of Shams-i Siraj beyond what is gleaned from his own work. He was descended from a family which dwelt at Abuhar, the country of Firoz Shah's Bhatti mother. His great grandfather, he says, was collector of the revenue of Abuhar, and was intimate with Grhiy&su-d din Tughlik before he became Sult&n. He himself was attached to the court of Firoz, and accompanied him on his hunting expeditions.]

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The work has met with scarcely any notice, whilst every historian who writes of the period quotes and refers to Zidu-d din Barni. The reasoil of this may be that Shams-i Siraj enters more than usual into administrative details, and devotes some chapters to the condition of the common people — a matter of the utmost indifference to Muhammadan authors in general. His untiring strain of eulogy could not have condemned him in their eyes, as they were accustomed to little else in all the other histories they consulted ; so that we must either attribute the neglect of this work to the cause assigned, or to the fact of its having at a comparatively late period been rescued from some musty record room. The work, consisting of ninety chapters, contains an ample account of this Akbar of his time ; and, making due allowance for the prevalent spirit of eulogium and exaggeration, it not only raises in us a respect for the virtues

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and munificence of Firoz, and for the benevolence of his character, as shown by his canals and structures for public accommodation, but gives us altogether a better view of the internal condition of India under a Muhammadan sovereign than is presented to us in any other work, except the Aym-i Akbark

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[In style, this history has no pretensions to elegance, being, in general, very plain. The author is much given to reiterations and recapitulations, and he has certain pet phrases which he con- stantly uses. Sir H, Elliot desired to print a translation of the whole work, and he evidently held it in high estimation. A por- tion of the work had been translated for him by a munsM, but this has proved to be entirely useless. The work of translation has, consequently, fallen upon the editor, and he has endeavoured to carry out Sir H. Elliot's plan by making a close translation of the first three chapters, and by extracting from the rest of the work everything that seemed worthy of selection. The transla- tion is close, without being servile ; here and there exuberances of eloquence have been pruned out, and repetitions and tauto- logies have been passed over without notice, but other omissions have been marked by asterisks, or by brief descriptions in brackets of the passages omitted. Shams-i Sir&j, with a better idea of method than has fallen to the lot of many of his brother his- torians, has divided his work into books and chapters with appropriate headings.

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[Besides this history of Firoz Shah, the author often refers to his Mandkib-i Sultan Tughlik, and he mentions his intention of writing similar memoirs of the reign of Sultan Muhammad, the son of Firoz Shdh. Nothing more appears to be known of these works. Copies of the Tdrikh-i Firoz Shdhi are rare in India, and Colonel Lees, who has selected the work for publication in the Bibliotheca Indica, has heard only of " one copy in General Hamilton's library, and of another at Dehli, in the possession of Nawdb Ziau-d din Lohdrii, of which General Hamilton's is perhaps a transcript."" ^ The editor has had the use of four • Jour. E. A. S., New Series, iii., 446.

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copies. One belonging to Sir H. Elliot, and another belong- ing to Mr. Thomas, are of quite recent production. They are evidently taken from the same original, most probably the Dehli copy above mentioned. The other two copies belong to the library of the India OflBce, one having been lately purchased at the sale of the Marquis of Hastings's books. These are older productions ; they are well and carefully written, and although they contain many obvious errors, they will be of the greatest service in the preparation of a correct text. None of these MSS. are perfect. The two modern copies terminate in the middle of the ninth chapter of the last book. The Hastings copy wants several chapters at the end of the first and the beginning of the second book; but it extends to the eleventh chapter of the last book, and has the final leaf of the work. The other MS. ends in the middle of the fifteenth chapter of the last book, and some leaves are missing from the fourteenth. For- tunately these missing chapters seem, from the headings given in the preface, to be of no importance.

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[A considerable portion of the work was translated in abstract by Lieut. Henry Lewis, Bengal Artillery, and published in the Journal of the Archaeological Society of Dehli in 1849.]

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Firoz Shdh was born in the year 709 h. (1309 a.d.). Tt is recorded that his father was named Sipah-saldr Eajab, and was brother of Sultdn Ghiyasu-d din Tughlik Ghazi. The writer of this work has given a full account of their parentage in his Memoirs of Sultdn Tughlik [Mandldh-i Sultan Tughlik). The three brothers, Tughlik, Eajab, and Abu Bakr, came from Khurdsdn to Dehli in the reign of 'Alau-d din, and that monarch, under Divine guidance, treated them with great kindness and favour. All three were taken into the service of the Court, and the Sultdn, observing their courage and energy, conferred upon Tughlik the country of Dipalpur, and employed all the brothers in public business. Tughlik was desirous that his brother Sipah-

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salar Rajab should obtain in marriage the daughter of one of the Hdis of Dip41pur ; and while he was seeking a suitable match, he was informed that the daughters of Eana Mall Bhatti were very beautiful and accomplished. In those days all the estates, from the highest to the lowest, and all the jungle belonging to the Mini and Bhatti tribes, were attached to the town of Abuhar, which was one of the dependencies of Dipdlptir. The author's great-grandfather, Malik S'adu-1 Mulk Shahdb 'Afif was then 'amaldar of Abuhar, and Tughlik Shdh, after consultation with him, sent some intelligent and acute persons to Eana Mall with a proposal of marriage.

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When the messengers delivered Tughlik's message, Rana Mall, in his pride and haughtiness, uttered unseemly and improper observations. This, together with the Rana's refusal, was com- municated to Tughlik ShS,h, who then again took counsel with the author's ancestor, and after much debate it was decided that Tughlik Shdh should proceed to the villages {talwandi) belonging to Rana Mall, and demand payment of the year's revenue. Next day Tughlik proceeded thither and demanded payment in ready money of the whole amount. The mukaddims and chaud- haris were subjected to coercion, and payment in full was insisted upon. The Rana's people were helpless and could do nothing, for those were the days of 'Alau-d din, and no one dared to make any outcry. In the course of two or three days they were reduced to extremities and suffered much hardship. Some trust- worthy and precise persons told the author that the mother of Rana Mall, who was an old woman, when she heard of Tughlik Shah's severity to the people, proceeded at the time of evening prayer into the house of her son, weeping and tearing her hair, and spoke most feelingly upon the matter. At that time Rana Mall's daughter, the future mother of Firoz Shdh, was in the court-yard. When that fortunate damsel heard the wailing and crying of the Rana's mother, she inquired what was the cause of her grief; and the dame replied, " I am weeping on your account, for it is through you that Tughlik Sh4h is weighing so heavily on the

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people of this land." The author's veracious informer said that the high-spirited, noble girl exclaimed, "If the surrender of me will deliver the people from such misery, comply instantly with the demand, and send me to him; consider then that the Mughals have carried off one of your daughters." The old lady went and told the Eana of his daughter's resolution, and he gave his assent. The B&na communicated the fact to the author's great-grandfather, when a messenger was sent to Tughlik Shah announcing the Eidna's assent to the marriage, and the damsel herself was brought to Dipalpur. Before her marriage she was called Bibi Nalla, but on entering the house of Sipah-sdlar Rajab, she was styled Sultan Bibi Kadb4nu.

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After the lapse of a few years she gave birth to Firoz Sh5,h in a most auspicious hour, and Tughlik Shah distributed his bounty on all sides in token of his joy. On the very day that Firoz Shah was bom, the author's grandfather, Shams-i Shdhdb 'Afif, also came into the world. The females of the author's ancestors then lived at Dipalpur, and constantly visited the female apart- ments of Tughlik Shdh, and often in talking of these matters the author's great-grandfather used to say that he had frequently given Firoz Shdh a cup of milk ; and Firoz Shdh himself, when he had reached the summit of his power and glory, used to tell the author's father that he had sucked at the breast of his grand- mother.

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When Firoz Shkh was seven years old his father, Sipah-s41ar Rajab, died, and Tughlik Sh^h made great mourning for him. The widowed mother was in great distress as to the education and training of her son, but Tughlik Shah consoled her, and told her that he would look upon the child as his own, and treat him with every kindness so long as he lived. The mother of Firoz Shdh had no other child, either son or daughter. Those who say that Malik Kutbu-d din was brother of Firoz Shah speak the truth, but he was born of another mother. The same was the case with Malik Ndib Bar-bak ; he also was his brother, but by a different mother.

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Firoz Shdh received instruction in the duties of royalty and the functions of sovereignty from two kings, Sultan Tughlik Shdh and Sultan Muhammad Shah, and he became thoroughly conversant with all affairs of State. Tdtar Khan Buzurg used to say upon this subject that Firoz ShS.h ought to be acquainted with regal and political duties, and that no one should feel any apprehension about him.

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Second Muhaddama. — Firoz ShdKs Education in the Duties of

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Firoz Sh^h was fourteen years old when Sultan Tughlik Shah ascended the throne. The Sult&n was engaged for four years and a half in travelling about his dominions, and during that time Firoz Shdh attended him, obtaining full knowledge of all public business transacted by the Sultdn. On the death of Sultdn Tughlik he was succeeded on the throne of Dehli by Muhammad Shah. At the accession of this monarch Firoz Sh&h was eighteen years of age. He was appointed deputy of the lord chamberlain (ndib-i amir-hdjib), with the title of N^dib Bdr-bah, and received the command of 12,000 horse. The Sultan was exceedingly kind and generous to him, and keeping him con- stantly near his person he used to explain to him, with much intelligence, all affairs of State that came up for consideration. Even at this period Firoz Shah showed himself very kind and generous to the poor, and when any case of distress came before him he was prompt to relieve it. When Muhammad Shah divided the territories of Dehli into four parts, as the author has fully explained in his Mandkib-i Sultdn Muhammad, he placed one part under the charge of Firoz Sh4h, so that he might acquire experience in the art of government. The wise have said that the man who can perform the duties of one charge may guide the affairs of a State and accomplish the government of a kingdom. So the clear-sighted Sultdn Muhammad placed Firoz Shih over a fourth part of his kingdom, in order that, with the Divine favour, he might become an adept in all political matters.

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It' is commonly said that Sult4n Muhammad Sbdh used to keep Firoz Sh41i continually at work in various matters^ and the state- ment is true. But this labour was not imposed upon him out of any ill-feeling, for, had the king disliked him, he would have sent him far from his court. Muhammad Shah was an illustrious king, and a most intelligent and able man, so much so that he was remarkable for his talents among the great men of Dehli. His object was to train Firoz Shah, so that he might become thoroughly versed in the duties of royalty. Thus Firoz Shah completed his forty-fifth year under the tuition of Sultan Mu- hammad Shah.

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Third Muhaddama. — Accession of Firoz Shah.

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When Sultdn Muhammad Sh^h died, a body of Mughals plundered the baggage train and went off towards their own country. At this conjuncture all the Khans and princes, the learned men, shaikhs, and officials who were with Sultdn Muhammad at Thatta, met in council and decided that nothino- could be done without a leader, saying, "Dehli is distant,^ and these things have happened. Sultan Muhammad is gone to Paradise, and the Mughals have taken the field and have come up against us."^ In fine, a Mughal band plundered the baggage, and their in- satiate desires being unsatisfied with the plunder thus wickedly obtained, they approached closer in search of further booty. The nobles of Sult^ Muhammad Shah then assembled in council, and, after a long and anxious deliberation, the nobles and the administrative officers both agreed that the proper course was to place the reins of government in the hands of Firoz Shah.

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J'iroz Shdh, through fear of God, was averse to being made sovereign, and stated that he had formed the design of making the pilgrimage to Mecca. But the divine approval of the suc- cession of Firoz Shdh was from the first made known by means of the shaikhs, because in attaining royalty the mode of its acqui- sition is an important point. Sometimes when an elder is about

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1 A provertial expression. ' Bu-ha-dk-i mi dar-dmndah.

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to quit the world, he authoritatively places one of his disciples in his place, and hands over to him his prayer-carpet, although the disciple may be reluctant to undei-take the serious charge. This mode of appointment is called authorization by investiture with the religious garment, and is highly honoured among shaikhs. So all the princes, and judges, and doctors, and shaikhs, and officials who had gone to Thatta with Muhammad Shah, agreed unanimously upon choosing Firoz Shdh, but he was reluctant to assent, feeling the weight of the responsibility to God. This however, is a feeling which can only be allowed to saints, because the burden of royalty is an arduous one. Every one approved the choice, and all men set their hearts upon its acceptance.

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When this election was made known, Khudawand-z4da, daughter of Tughlik Sh^h and mother of Dawar Malik, sent a message to the nobles, urging that it was not right to prefer the Amir-hdjib to her son by Malik Khusru, seeing that she was daughter of SultS.n Tughlik, and sister of Sultdn Muhammad. Whilst her son lived, how could any stranger sit upon the throne ? Some historians add that Khudawand-zada used indecorous lan- guage upon the matter. On her message being delivered to the nobles, they all winced as if snake-bitten. It pleased nobody, but all the assembly agreed to send Malik Saifu-d din Khoju to her. The Malik was a celebrated man, and whatever he said, he said well, with dignity and firmness. He accordingly pro- ceeded to Khudawand-z4da, and addressed her in polite, though decided, language, saying, " 0 woman, if thy son had been chosen instead of Firoz Sh4h, thou wouldst have no home to look upon, nor should we have wives or children to gladden our eyes, because thy son is an incompetent person, incapable of governing. We have come into this foreign country, and a large Mughal army confronts us ; if thou wishest tb save thyself from that army, do thou acquiesce in what we all have deter- mined, and the office and title of Ndib Bdr-hak shall be conferred upon thy son." Khud4wand-z4da was silent, and Malik Saifu-d din returned.

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All the nobles then agreed upon choosing FIroz Shah, but still he would not consent. Writers of credit report that Tdtar Khdn, who was president of the meeting, then stood up, and taking the arm of Firoz Shkh, forced him to sit upon the throne. Upon this Sultdn Firoz said to Tdtar Khan, " Since you have placed this heavy trouble and grievous labour upon my shoulders, you must be patient for a while till I have performed my de- votions." He then went through his ablutions, and repeated the regular form of prayer in singleness of heart. Afterwards, bowing his head to the ground, he, with tearful eyes, poured forth his supplications to the Almighty, saying, " 0 Lord ! the stability of states, the peace, regulation, and occupations of governments do not depend upon man. Permanence of dominion depends upon thy behests. Oh God, thou art my refuge and ray strength." After this they placed the crown of empire upon his head, and invested him with the robes of sovereignty. Many persons who were present in this assembly have told the author that Sultan Firoz Shih put on the robes of royalty over his garments of mourning, and although the nobles of the late Sultan Muhammad Sh^h wished to remove the dress of mourn- ing, he -Would not allow them, and said: "Although in com- pliance with your counsels I have assumed the robes of sove- reignty, still I cannot throw off my garments of mourning, for Sultan Muhammad was my lord, my teacher, and my guide in all things. It was my earnest desire to make the pilgrimage to the holy temple, but I have yielded to your strenuous opposi- tion ; it will be well, therefore, that the robes of royalty should cover the garments of mourning." He was so attired, when an elephant was brought, which ha mounted, and went forth in state. The heralds and attendants shouted in loud acclaim, the drums were beaten in exultation, and universal joy prevailed.

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The first public act of Sultdn Firoz Shkh was to invest Shir- abru Chashm with the duties of 'Im4du-1 Mulk.^ The date of his accession to the throne was the 24th Muharram, 752 h. ' " Pillar of the state " — i.e. minister.

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(March 23rcl, 1351 a.d.). Firoz Shah, the sovereign elect, pro- ceeded on his elephant to the female apartments, and threw him- self at the feet of Khuddwand-zdda. She embraced him, and with her own hands placed upon his head a crown, valued at a lac of tanltas, which had belonged to Sultan Tughlik Shah and Sultan Muhammad Shdh. The Sultan Firoz Sh&h then re- turned, and general satisfaction prevailed.

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Fourth Muhaddama. — Firoz Shah wars with a Mughal force.

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The accession of Firoz Shdh made the people glad, because they were in great alarm about the Mughal hordes. After plundering the baggage train, the Mughals had come within sight of the camp at Dehli. The khans and nobles assemhled, and the opportunity was deemed favourable for an attack upon the invaders. The Sultan accordingly assembled his forces of horse, foot, and elephants, and attacked the enemy. A fierce battle ensued, and the slaughter was great, but victory inclined to the Sultan, and the Mughals fled, abandoning their camp and baggage. The victory was complete, and all the people of the great bazar (hdzdr-i buzurg) ■ who had been taken prisoners by the Mughals were set free. This was the first victory of the reign of Sultan Firoz, and he proceeded to Dehli amid general rejoicings and acclamations.

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Fifth Mukaddama. — On the mistake made hy Khwdja-i Jahdn Ahmad Ayydz in setting up the son of the late Sultan Mu- hammad Shdh.

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When Sultdn Muhammad Sh^h, in the latter days of his reign, proceeded to Daulatdbdd (Deogir), he left three persons in (charge of) Dehli ; — Malik Kabir, Katlagh Khdn, and Firoz Shah, who was then Ndib-i amir hdjib (deputy of the lord cham- berlain). The two former died before their master, and the latter was summoned to attend his person in Thatta. Dehli being thus left vacant, Khwdja-i Jahdn was sent thither from Thatta as representative of the absent sovereign. With him were several

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other nobles, Malik Kiwdmu-1 Mulk the Khdn-i Jahdn, Malik Hasan, Malik Hisdmu-d din Uzbek, and others. It is commonly reported that when the Khwdja-i Jahdn heard that Sultan Muhammad Sh4h was dead, and that Sultdn Firoz Shah had been chosen by the nobles and chief men to succeed him, he set up the son of Muhammad Sh4h in opposition at Dehll, and gained the people over to his side. But this commonly received story is not true. The author here gives the true account of this transaction just as he heard it from Kishwar Khan, son of Kishlii Khan Bahrdm, one of the servants of the Court.

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When Sultan Muhammad Shah died at Thatta, the chiefs of the Haz^ra of Khurasd,n, who had come to assist him, as soon as they heard of his death, plundered the chief bazar, as the author has related in his Mandkih-i Sultan Muhammad Shah. In those days the baggage belonging to the forces, which were at detached stations, was plundered, and the men of these de- tachments all fled to the city. Firoz Shih had not yet been placed on the throne. A slave named Malih Tuntun^ had been sent from Dehli by Khw&ja-i Jahah to Sultan Muhammad, and just at this juncture, when the alarming news was coming in from the army, he started on his return to Dehli. On his arrival he unfolded to KhwAja-i Jahan the intelligence of the death of the Sultan, the attacks of the Mughals upon the army, the plundering of the bdzdr, and the disaffection and bloodshed among the royal forces. He then proceeded to add that Tdtar Khdn and the Amir-hdjib Firoz Shah were missing, and it was not known whether they had been taken prisoners or killed by the Mughals ; that many other nobles had been slain 5 and that such untoward events had happened in the royal army.

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When the Khwdja-i Jahdn heard this news, he mourned for the death of Sultan Muhammad, and also for Firoz Shah. There was great affection between the Khwaja and Firoz Shah, so that they had no reserve with each other, and it reached to such an extent that the Khwdja called Firoz his son. After the duties 1 Var. "Tflnlin.'' Barni calls him " AltiSn," which is more likely.

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of mourning were completed, the Khw4ja, believing the report brought by Malih to be correct, placed a son of Sultan Mu- hammad Shdh upon the throne, and thus, through adverse fate, committed a blunder. "When he heard that the Lord Chamber- lain was alive and well, he perceived his error. But he proceeded to collect an army, and thought his best policy was to be pre- pared, because in affairs of State no one believes acts like his to be be mistakes and errors ; and until peace is made between the two parties, neither ought to be free from apprehension of grievous consequences. So the Khwdja assembled a strong force in Dehli, and took men into his service, until his army amounted to about 20,000 horse. He distributed large sums among the people, although the treasury was then at a very low ebb, in consequence of the lavish liberality of Sultdn Muhammad Shdh during his reign of twenty-seven years. When the money was exhausted, he gave away the gold and silver utensils, and when these had come to an end, the jewels. This profusion attracted crowds from all directions, but it was a curious fact that while they ac- cepted the Khwaja's bounty, their hopes and prayers were in favour of Firoz Shdh.

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Siast/i Mukaddama. — Khwdja-i Jahdn hears of the accession of Sultan Firoz Shah.

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When Khwaja-i Jahan heard of the succession of Sultdn Firoz Shd,h, he lamented the mistake he had made. Conflicting rumours were afloat in the two armies. It was said to be the Khwdja's determination that, as soon as the Sultdn's army reached Dehli, he would place all the dependents of the nobles who were in that army on the manjaniks, and shoot them away. Another rumour said that the Khw4ja had a powerful army and would offer a stout resistance.

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When these proceedings and rumours were reported to Sultdn Firoz, he called a council of all the princes and nobles in his army. It was unanimously agreed that Sultin Muhammad Shah had no son, but only a daughter, who was born in the reign

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of Sultan Tughlik. Where, it was asked, had the Khw4ja-i Jahdn found the pretended son? All wise men spoke in the same strain, expressing their astonishment at the Khwdja's error, and agreeing that his actions were quite unworthy a man of his age. Sultdn Firoz finished the discussion by expressing his own surprise, and resolved upon marching to Uehli. The chiefs and men of the army warmly supported him, and on the other side the people of Dehli anxiously watched for his arrival. He accordingly marched on and arrived at Multan. Up to this time he had never talked to any one, small or great, about the Khwdja-i Jahan, but had acted in the most politic manner and in strict accordance with the examples of the wisest kings. It was now fully confirmed that the Khwdja was resolved upon opposition. Sultan Firoz knew that the army of Thatta had suffered many hardships and troubles, and through the prodi- gality of Sultan Muhammad Shdh the treasury was empty. The army had also been reduced to great straits by the assaults of the Mughals, and had been compelled to retire towards Dehli ; and, besides this, the wives and children of the men were there ; hence Firoz Shkh was apprehensive that if the Khwaja-i Jahdn's antagonism became the talk of the army, the men would be di- spirited, and would think the Sultdn was afraid of the Khwdja. For these reasons Sultdn Firoz never talked on the subject until he reached Multdn.

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Seventh Mukaddama. — March of Firoz Shah from Thatta to Dehli.

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When the Sultan was about to march upon Dehli, a consulta- tion was held as to the most suitable route. The council was in favour of proceeding by way of Guj4rdt, so that the riches of that country might be secured. But the Sultan took another view, and said, " When Sultan Tughlik Shah marched to repress the insurrection of Khusru Kh4n, he went by way of Dipalptir, and by God's favour obtained the victory. I am therefore re- solved upon pursuing the same route by Dipalpur and Multdn,

3.6.65

hoping that I, in like manner, shall be brought in safety to l)ehli." So he began his march by that road. When the news of his approach by way of Multan, with the elephants and baggage, reached Dehli, the people rejoiced, and many of the nobles and principal men of the place went forth to meet him. The Khwaja, on seeing this defection, was sorely troubled, but he said nothing, and did nothing to prevent it. His counsellors pointed out to him that the fugitives were carrying olF the wealth of Dehli to Firoz Shdh, and urged him to put a stop to it by detaining their wives and children. To all this Khw4ja-i Jahdn gave no answer, and things went on until every one who had the power joined Sultan Firoz, and those who had not the power looked in anxious expectation of his arrival. * * *

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When the Sultan arrived near Multan, while he was on the march, Malih Tuntun, the slave of Khw4ja-i Jah&n was perceived approaching at a distance. He came as a messenger and carried in his sword-belt a letter from the son of Sultan Muhammad. Sultan Ffroz recognized him when a long way off, and reining up his horse, he doubted in his mind whether Khwaja-i Jahdn might not be dead. He then ordered the mes- senger to be stopped, and inquiry to be made of him as to whether the Khwdja was well. The attendants went forward and inquired as to the state of the Khwaja and of the people of Dehli. Malih replied in very haughty terms, and his answer was conveyed to the Sultan, who observed, "We must trust in God's mercy — what can Khwaja-i Jahdn or others do?"

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The Sultan at length entered Multdn, and behaved very liber- ally to the shaikhs of the city. From thence he proceeded to Ajodhan, and made a pilgrimage to the tomb of Shaikhu-1 Isldm Faridu-1 hakk. He next marched to Sarsuti, which is ninety kos from Dehli. The bankers and merchants of the place assembled and brought several lacs of tankas to the Sultan who accepted the money as a loan, and promised to repay it after his arrival at Dehli, making Malik 'Imddu-1 Mulk responsible for its discharge. All the money thus received was paid to the army. * * *

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Eighth Mukaddama. — Kiwdmu-l Mulk the Khdn-i Jahdn Makbul joins Sultan Firoz.

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As Sultdn Firoz advanced, the people of Multdn, Dipalpur, Sarsuti, and other places, joined his army, just as they had flocked to the support of Sultan Muhammad Sh4h. Men of all classes came in, nobles and plebeians, soldiers and officials. Thirty-six rajas of the neighbourhood joined him, and his forces greatly increased. The Sultan addressed them all in friendly, conciliatory terms, and held out promises of favours to come. The people in Dehli were anxious about the progress of the Sultdn, and at length Kiwdmu-l Mulk, the Khdn-i Jahdn Mak- bul, took the lead, and addressed a letter to him relating how matters stood, and announcing his intention of joining him. In every letter he expressed his ardent good-will, and the Sultdn, according to his request, wrote to him in reply. It began to be whispered about in the city that Khan-i Jahdn was in corre- spondence with Firoz Shdh, and would soon be off to join him. Khwaja-i Jahdn was satisfied of this being his intention by many palpable proofs, and resolved to seize the Khdn and to frustrate his design. * * *

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Early one morning Kiwdmu-l Mulk got into a chaudol (kind of sedan), and with his armed retinue, his wives, children, friends, and dependents proceeded to the gate of the maiddn. When he reached it, the sentinels attempted to bar it, but the horsemen rode up with drawn swords and frustrated their design. So Kiwamu-1 Mulk, the Khan-i Jahdn, then went leisurely out of the city to meet Sultdn Firoz Shdh. The Sultdn had left Sarsuti, and, having made several marches, had reached Ikddr, where he was joined by, and received homage from, Khdn-i Jahdn. Another pleasure which the Sultan received on the same day at this place was the birth ^ of a son, who was named Fath Khdn. The Sultdn founded a town there, to which he gave the name of Fath-dbdd (Futtehabad).

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• The text says "in the house of Prince Firoz Khin," but these words have been omitted to prevent confusion.

3.6.72

Ninth Muhaddama. — Khwdja-i Jahdn meets the SuUdn.

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Khwdja-i Jalian heard that Kiwdmu-1 Mulk Kh4n-i Jahan had joined the Sultdn. * * * His mind became greatly troubled, and he reflected that as his proceedings had originated in error, no good could come of them. He resolved, therefore, to go to the Sultan and explain his error, trusting in God's protection. Accordingly he started from Dehll on a Thursday, and on the same day arrived at Ismd'il,^ which is twenty-four Icos distant. On the next day, being Friday, after prayers, he proceeded to Hauz-i Khass-i 'Aid. Here the nobles, who were faithful to him, Malik Hasan, Malik Khattdb, Mahk His4mu-d din Uzbek, and others, being uneasy in their minds, went to him and said that they perceived he was resolved upon going to Sultan Firoz, and inquired what he advised them to do. He told them that in preferring the son of Sultdn Muhammad Shdh, he had no object or design of his own in view. * * * When he heard that Sultan Muhammad was dead, that the Mughals were pressing on, and that Firoz Shah and Tatdr Khdn were missing, he acted as he thought best for the public welfare and the safety of the country. He had been guilty of many faults and errors, but the cries and pressure of the people on all sides had urged him on ; otherwise he would have taken no part in the matter. He then went on to say that during the late reign he had called Firoz Shah his son, and had been addressed by him as father, and his wives had been in the custom of going to the house of Firoz. He knew not what God had decreed for him, but Sultan Firoz was a kind man, and would listen to what he had to say. He would also extend his pardon to the Khwdja's supporters.

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Khwaja-i Jahan was more than eighty years old. His frame was wasted and feeble, and his hair was white. * * * He was a kind-hearted man, and when his followers heard of the resolution'

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' This is a large village on the road from DehU to fl&nsi. It is now open, butj apparently, was once strongly fortified.

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he had taken, they wept for him, and told him that in affairs of royalty no consideration is paid to the relation of father and son, and no excuses of error can be admitted. Sultdn Firoz, although a good man, could not act differently from kings in general. The Khw4ja replied, "I may turn back and fortify myself in Dehli but although I have an army and elephants. Sultan Firoz will take the place, and Muhammadan ladies will fall into the hands of the raffians of his army. In my old age I should do that for which I should be called upon to account in the judgment. I have not much longer to live ; come what may, God's will be done ! " His adherents seeing him thus resolved, some accom- panied him to Sultan Firoz, and some fled.

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Khwaja-i Jahdn accordingly proceeded to Fathdbad. The author has been informed that, on his arrival, the Sult4n was seated on his throne holding a court, and the Khwdja went into his presence with a chain around his neck, his turban off a tdlika (?) on his head, and a naked sword fastened to his throat and took his standing low down among the attendants. * * * The Sultan directed his turban to be replaced upon his head and sent his own chaudol to convey him to the grass plot, where he promised to meet and converse with him. * * *

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Tenth Mukaddama. — Conversation of the Sultan with his nobles about Khwdja-i Jahdn.

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Sultan Firoz was desirous that no evil should come to Khwaja-i Jahan, and wished to reinstate him as wazir, * * * but the Khans, nobles, and officials, having met and consulted, arrived at the unanimous opinion that it was improper to look over such a political offence. * * * They accordingly went to the Sultan and said that as Dehli had now come into his hands, and the Khwaja-i Jahan had joined him, all apprehension upon that ground was removed ; they therefore desired the royal permission to set out on a pilgrimage to Mecca. The Sultan perceived their meaninc and, speaking in kind and gentle words, said : " It was a hif-h .duty of kings to overlook any irregular acts of their officers."

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      • They replied, " That the offences of royal servants were of two classes — one small, the other great. The venial offences were those against property, the graver, those against authority ; the former might be excused, but the latter ought not to be for- given. Clemency in such cases was sure to be followed by re- pentance. The Khwdja, in his inordinate thirst for distinction, had raised a child to the royal dignity, and had squandered vast wealth among the people." * * * SultAn Firoz saw that they were resolved, heart and soul, upon the destruction of the Khwdja. This made him very anxious and thoughtful, so that he grew pale. In this state he remained for some days — his heart rent with sorrow. At length he called 'Imadu-1 Mulic to a private interview, and told him to go to the friends and supporters of the throne and tell them that the Sult4n placed the case of Khwaja-i Jahan in their hands. They might do with him what seemed to them best, for the Sultan had given up the case. * * * They accordingly agreed that as the Khwaja was aged, the estate of Sdmdna should be assigned to him in in' dm, and so^he was ordered to go there and devote his days to religion. * * * The Khwdja set out for Samdna, and had made some stages when Sher Kh4n overtook him, but did not go to see him. * * * So the unfortunate noble saw plainly that the Khan had come on no errand of mercy, but rather to effect his destruction. * * Next day he asked Sher Khdn for some tents, into one of which he went, performed his ablutions and said his prayers. * * * He then looked at the executioner and asked if he had a sharp sword, and the executioner, who was a friend of the Ehwaja's, showed his weapon. The old man then told him to make his ablutions, say his prayers, and use his sword. When the man had com- pleted his devotions, the Khwdja bowed his head to his prayer- carpet, and while the name of God was on his lips his friend severed his head irom his body. :

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Eleventh Mukaddama. — Arrival of Sultan Firoz at HdnsL The Sultan being relieved from all apprehension on account of Dehll, marched in great state from Karoda towards the city.

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After several stages he arrived at Hansi, where he went to wait upon the Shaikhu-1 Isldm Shaikh Kutbu-d din. * * * The Shaikh said to him, " I have heard it said that you are addicted to wine ; but if Sultans and the heads of religion give themselves up to wine-bibbing, the wants of the poor and needy will get little attention." * * * The Sultan thereupon said that he would drink no more. After this the Shaikh said that he had been informed that the Sultan was passionately fond of hunting ; but hunting was a source of great trouble and distress to the world, and could not be approved. To kill any animal without neces- sity was wrong, and hunting ought not to be prosecuted farther than was necessary to supply the wants of man — all beyond this was reprehensible. The Sultan, in reverence of the Shaikh, promised to abstain' from hunting. * * *

3.6.83

Twelfth Mukaddama. — Interview with Shaikh Kutbu-d din-i Munawwar and Shaikh Nasiru-d din Mahmud at Sdnsi.

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Thirteenth Mukaddama. — Arrival of Sultan Firoz Shah at Behli.

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When the Sultan reached Dehli, the drums of joy were beaten, and the citizens decked themselves out in their jewels and best clothes. Pavilions {kaba) were erected and were decorated accord- ing to the custom prevailing in the times of former kings. Six of these pavilions were raised, and for twenty-one days a continual festival was maintained. One lac of tankas was expended in each pavilion in food and sherbet, and no one was excluded. * * *

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Fourteenth Mukaddama. — The Sultan' s fostering care of the people of Dehli and his remission of arrears. * * * In those days Khwaja Fakhr Shddi was accountant- creneral. After Sultdn Muhammad returned from Daulatabdd, he lent the people of Dehli property equivalent to two krors (of tankas ?) ^ for the purpose of restoring the land, villages, and quarters which had fallen into ruin during the days of the famine.

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This money remained in the hands of the people, and Khwaja-i Jahdn, after the death of Sultdn Muhammad, took the people of Dehlf under his protection, and they in their greediness joined themselves to him. When Sultan Firoz ascended the throne at Thatta, the Khwdja distributed jewels and diamonds among them. All the money lent and the jewels stood against the names of the parties concerned in the government books. Fakhr Shddf , the accountant, brought the fact to the notice of Firoz Shdh. After thinking over the matter, the Sultdn consulted Kiwdmu-1 Mulk as to what ought to be done, * * * and that minister re- plied, "That Sultan Muhammad had deemed it expedient to make loans to the people, and that the Khwaja-i Jahan had squandered the jewels and wealth in prosecution of his projects and vain desires; therefore it would not be seemly to' demand their res- toration. The people were in great distress and poverty ; if such a claim were made, they would be reduced to utter helplessness and ruin, and not one jot of the debt and jewels would be realized." * * * The Sultdn then asked him how he ought to pro- ceed, and the Khan advised him to have all the accounts brought into the public court, and there to destroy them in the presence of all the people, so that they might be relieved from their great anxiety. The Sultdn heartily approved of this advice, and by his direction the records of the debt and of the jewels were brought into his court, where they were publicly cancelled. * * * At this time the Sultan appointed Kiw4mu-1 Mulk his tcasir, and bestowed upon him the insignia of his office. * * * The revenues of Dehli, during the forty years which Sultdn Firoz reigned, amounted to six krors and seventy-five lacs of tanhas (67,500,000).

3.6.88

Fifteenth Mukaddama. — Sultan Firoz makes new rules for grants

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of revenue} The Sultan showed great liberality in his grants of revenue, and excited the cupidity of a host of expectants. To some he

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' " Ndnhd" — plural of nan, a loaf. Grants of revenue instead of salaries or pecuniary allowances.

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gave 10,000 tankas, to others 5,000, and to others 2,000, accord- ing to the respective ranks and claims of the different office- bearers. This method (of paying officials) was introduced by Sultan Firoz, and remains as a memorial of him. In the reigns of former rulers of Dehli it had never been the rule to bestow villages as stipends upon office-bearers. The author has under- stood from various historians that Sultan 'Alau-d din used to speak of this practice with disapprobation, and say that in. every village granted there would be two or three hundred residents, all of whom would receive pay (from the grantee). Such a number of pensioners would give rise to pride and insubordination, and if they were to act in concert, there would be danger of rebellion. With these feelings there is no wonder that 'Alau-d-din refused to make grants of villages, and paid his followers every year with money from the treasury. But when Sultan Firoz came to the throne, he dismissed such thoughts from his heart, and during the forty years of his reign he devoted himself to generosity and the benefit of Musulmans, by distributing villages and lands among his followers. In the whole of these forty years not one leaf of dominion was shaken in the palace of sovereignty .^ These facts are among the glories of his reign. * * *

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Another law made by Firoz Shah was this : If an officer of the army^ died, he was to be succeeded by his son ; if he had no son, by his son-in-law ; if he had no son-in-law, by his slave (ghuldm) ; if he had no slave, by his nearest relation ; and if he had no relations, by his wives. During the whole of his reign he made it a rule that, under all circumstances, the succession of every person should be clearly defined. * * *

3.6.93

Sixteenth Mukaddama. — Sultan Firoz' s fostering care of his

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      • Unwise regulations had been made in former reigns, and

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the raiyats and subjects were oppressed in the payment of the

3.6.96

revenue. Several writers told the author of this work that it

3.6.97

1 That is, there was no rebellion. * TaU az jumlah i ydrdn i hashm.

3.6.98

was the practice to leave the raiyat one cow and take away all the rest. Sultan Firoz made the laws of the Prophet his guide, acting zealously upon the principles they laid down, and pro- hibiting all that was inconsistent therewith. No demand in excess of the regular government dues was to be made, and the officer who made any such exaction was to make full reparation. Brocades, silks, and goods required for the royal establishments were to be purchased at the market price, and the money paid. * * * Such rules were made that the raiyats grew rich, and were satisfied. * * * Their homes were replete with grain, property, horses, and furniture ; every one had plenty of gold and silver ; no woman was without her ornaments, and no house was want- ing in excellent beds and couches. Wealth abounded and com- forts were general. The whole realm of Dehli was blessed with the bounties of the Almighty.

3.6.99

Seventeenth Muhaddama. — Perfidy of Khusrii Malik and Khudd-

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wand-zdda. While Firoz Shdh was engaged at Dehli in arranging the affairs of government, Khuddwand-zdda, daughter of Sultan Tughlik Shah, was also residing there with her husband, Khusrii Malik, in a palace which had belonged to the late Sult4n Mu- hammad. Sultan Firoz had made it his custom to go every Friday after prayers to pay a ■ visit to Khud^wand-zdda, and whenever he saw her he treated her with the greatest possible respect. She also, on her part, shewed every mark of respect to him. The Sultdn and Khuddwand-zada used to sit down together in the robe-room ; Khusru Malik used to stand ; and D4war Malik to sit behind his mother, Khuddwand-zada. When their conversation was over, the princess used to present pan, and the Sultan departed. So it went on every Friday. Under the decrees of God envy and rancour still lurk in the constitution of man, and so Khusru Malik and Khuddwand-zada conceived the idea of hastening the end of Sultan Firoz, and of killing him treacherously in the place where he was in the habit of visiting Khuddwand-zada on Fridays.

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In the palace there was a long room, haying two lateral chambers. These rooms Khusru Malik filled with men armed from head to foot, and gave them instructions that when Khudd- wand-z4da adjusted the garment round her head, they were to rush forth and cut ofF the Sultan's head. Khusru Malik also concealed some more armed men under the floor of the outer gateway, who were directed to fall upon the Sultdn and despatch him should he succeed in escaping from the inside of the palace. * * * When Friday came, the Sultan paid his accustomed visit, and sat down to converse as usual. DAwar Malik, son of Khud4- wand-zdda (but, as the author has been informed, by another husband than the base Khusru Malik), sat behind his mother. He took no part in the plot, and when he saw the Sultan, he made signs that he should depart quickly and secure himself in his own palace. The Sultan took the hint and rose to depart. Khudawand-zada pressed him to wait until the pan was served, but he said that Fath Khan was sick, and he .must hasten away, but that he would come another day. The armed men in concealment were not informed of what passed, and so the Sultan escaped from the room. The men who were hidden in the gateway knew the Sultan had gone in, but they were unaware of his having come out, and so, by the grace of God, the Sultan got away safe from the house of Khuddwand-zdda.

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As soon as he got outside the house (into the court-yard), the Sultan raised a loud cry for his followers, but as it was Friday most of the nobles had gone back ; Rai Bhiru ' Bhatti remained in attendance. When the Sultan came forth very excited, he cried out in a fierce tone, " Eai Bhiru, give me the sword which thou hast in thine hand ! " The Rai perceived that he was in a state of great excitement, and replied, " I will draw my sword and will follow your Majesty ; will you not proceed home ?" With- out heeding what was said, the Sultan snatched the sword from the hands of the Rai, and drew it ; then getting safely away from the buildings of Sultan Muhammad's harem, he mounted ^ This name is written ^ ^^ ,

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to the top of the hushk (palace). The princes and nobles were instantly summoned, and they surrounded the dwelling of Khusru Malik and Khudawand-zada. The armed men were brought forth, and, on being questioned, told all the truth of the matter. The Sultan asked if they were not aware of what had passed. They replied with one voice that the Almighty had closed the eyes of their perception, so that they were aware of the Sultin's going into the house, but did not know of his coming out.

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When the facts were proved, the Sultan' ordered Khudawand- zada into retirement and settled an allowance upon her. She had very great wealth, by the power of which Khusru Mahk had hoped to effect his designs ; all this was brought into the public treasury. Khusru Malik was banished, and Ddwar Malik was directed to pay a visit to the Sultan at the oeginning of every month, wearing an overcoat and slippers on his feet.^

3.6.105

Eighteenth Mukaddama. — Sultan Firoz adopts a Khutha, including the names of former Sultans for the public prayers of Fridays and Festivals. Account of the edicts issued hy him.

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  1. On the names used in the khutha. — It had been a rule among the Sultans of Dehli that the name of the reigning monarch only was mentioned in the prayers of Sabbaths and Festivals, and no reference was made to former Sultans. When Sultan Firoz came to the throne, they were about to follow the same rule, and to mention his name only in the khutha ; but he disapproved of the omission of former kings, and ordered that a khutha should be said first in the names of former kings, and then one in which his own name should be mentioned. In accordance with this decree, the Sultans in the following hst were specially selected to be named in the khutha : — 1. Sult4n Shah^bu-d din Muhammad Sdm ; 2. Shamsu-d din Altamsh ; 3. Ndsiru-d din Mahmud ; 4. Ghiy^su-d din Balban ; 5. Jalalu-d din Firoz ; 6. 'Aldu-d din Muhammad Khilji ; 7. Kutbu-d din Mubarak ; 8. Ghiydsu-d

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' C^A ijije ^^>\ji i^xJ Hdf \jjd jLs6 J XSj^y ^\j^ .

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din Tughlik Shdh; 9. Sultan Muhammad; 10. Firoz Shdh. Two names were selected to be mentioned after that of Sultdn Firoz Shdh ; viz., 1. Muhammad bin Firoz Shdh ; 2. 'Alau-d din Sikandar Shdh ; and till the end of the reign these names were mentioned in the prayers. * * *

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  1. Account of the edicts on matters of royalty. — Sultan Firoz Shdh issued twenty-one edicts (sikka) and thirty-one instructions Caldmat) upon matters of royalty. The author here inserts their titles for the benefit of his readers. 1. On the khutha ; 2. On the sandal-wood throne; 3. On the imperial cornelian signet, etc., etc.^

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KisM II. — The Two Expeditions to LakhnautI and the Campaigns against J a jn agar and Nagaekot.

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Mrst Mukaddama. — The first expedition to Lakhnauti. About 70,000 men of the khans and maliks having assembled, Firoz Shkh marched with his nobles and great men to Lakhnauti. * * * Kh4n-i Jahan remained behind at Dehli.

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Second Mukaddama. — The Sultan lays siege to Lakhnauti.

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Sh^h Firoz marched triumphantly through Hindustan and reached Bengal in great strength. * * * When he arrived on the banks of the Kosi, after resting for a short time, he found the army of Shamsu-d din posted in force on the other side of the river, near its junction with the Ganges.^ The passage ap- peared difficult, so the Sultdn marched 100 kos up the Kosi, and

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' This list of sikkas has puzzled the copyists, from their having apparently under- stood the word sikka in its common signification of " coin," not in that of " rule, regu- lation." Taken in this latter sense, the title of the list quite agrees with its contents. The MS. of the East India Library, No. 1002, gives interlineary explanations of some of the words, which explanations are copied as part of the original text by the copyists of Sir H. EUiot's and Mr. Thomas's MSS. Sir H. Elliot's scribe appends a mar- ginal note that " the whole is evidently erroneous, and a correct list is desirable," and the writer of Mr. Thomas's copy thought the list so manifestly wrong that " he has not entered it in the book, but copied it on a separate piece of paper."

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2 This sentence is derived from another passage which says the position was " on the banks of the Sam and Ganges, and on the Kosi, etc.

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crossed it below Ohamp4ran,^ at the place where the river issues from the mountain. Here a ford was found, but the waters ran with such force that stones of five hundred mans weight were borne along like straws. The Sultdn ordered a line of elephants to be drawn across the river, both above and below the ford, to facilitate the passage. The upper line was to break the force of the current ; the lower line was furnished with ropes, to which men carried away hj the stream might cling. * * * When Shamsu-d din heard that the SultAn had succeeded in crossing the river, he fled in great alarm with all his forces to Ikddla, and the Sultan followed by way of Cham- pdran and Rachap.^ Shamsu-d din abandoned the town of Pandwah, and shut himself up in IkdMa, pursued by the Sultan, who closely besieged the place and threw up batteries (hungura), and dug entrenchments all round it. The forces of Shamsu-d din came out daily from Ikddla to make a display, and were received with showers of arrows. They were at length compelled to take shelter in the islands [jazdir) of Ikdala. The country was overrun by the troops of the Sultdn, and all the rdos, rdnas, and zaminddrs of Bengal, who joined the Sultan, were favourably received. Many people of the country of Bengal also came over to him.

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When hostilities had thus gone on fiercely for some time be- tween the two sovereigns, unfriendly weather sowed the seed of heat in the moist earth, and the sun was about to enter the sign Cancer. The Sultan therefore called a council, and after much secret debate it was resolved that Shamsu-d din had taken refiige and fortified himself in the islands of Ikddla, with the belief that when the rains came on, and the country became inundated, the

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' So in Sir H. Elliot's MS. Mr. Thomas's has ^.L»., and that of the East India Library , ,L:>. .

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' Var. : -^s-X , CLJ ,L-l>- . jia-\ , , , ,L»- . Barni does not mention these places, but says simply the march was through Gorakhpur, Kharosa, and Tirhut. He represents the rdls of Gorakhpur and Kharosa as making their submission to the Sultan and foUowing him to Lakhnautl.

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Sultan would be obliged to retreat. It was therefore expedient that the Sultan should fall back strategically a few kos and see what would happen. i This plan was approved, and accordingly- next day the Sultan retreated seven kos towards Dehli. Some kalandars were then craftily sent to Ikddla, with instructions that if they were brought before Sharasu-d din, they were to report that the Sultan was in full retreat, with all his forces and baggage, towards Dehli. The kalandars, being captured, were taken into the presence of Shamsu-d din, to whom they told the story they had been taught, and he, believing it, * * * de- determined to go out of Ikdala and harass the retreat.

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Third Mukaddama. — Battle between Sultan Firoz and Shamsu-d din. Capture of fifty elephants and slaughter of one lao of the people of Bang and Bangdla.

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When Shamsu-d din heard that Sultdn Firoz had retreated towards Dehli, he made up his mind to pursue him. Some writers say that Firoz Shdh left his camp {rakht) standing, others that he caused part of his baggage to be burned. Sultan Shamsu-d din came out in pursuit with a force which consisted of 10,000 horse, 200,000 infantry like the infantry of Subuk- tigin, and fifty mighty elephants. Firoz Shah had marched seven kos, and the place where he was lying in wait was on the bank of the river where the eddies had formed a ford. His baggage was in the act of crossing at this ford, when, unexpectedly, the Sultan of the Bengalis came up and rushed to the attack. * * * * When the Sultan heard that the enemy had arrived in great force, he proceeded to draw up his army in three divisions. Malik Dildn, the Mir-sMkdr, had command of the right wing, consisting of 30,000 horse, and the left wing, also consisting of 30,000 warriors, was commanded by Malik Hisdm Naw4. The centre, consisting likewise of 30,000

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' BamI says the rains were at hand, and the country was low and liaUe to deep inundations. The mosquitos also were so large and numerous that neither men nor horses would have been able to endure their stings.

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men, was under Tat4r KhAn. The Sultan himself proceeded frona one division to another, encourasiinir his men. * * * The elephants were divided among the three divisions. * * * AH preparations being made, the drums were beaten, and the din of war arose between the two armies. When Shamsu-d din perceived the Sultan's army drawn up in battle array, he feared and trembled like a willow-leaf, for he found that he had been deluded by the kalandars to bring his forces out of his strong- hold ; all he could now do was to resign himself to the decrees of fate.

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The fight began with the left wing under Hisdmu-d din Nawd, and was stoutly maintained. The right wing also under Malik Dilan became hotly engaged. * * * When the time for shooting arrows was past, they used their spears and swords, and when the conflict became even yet closer, the brave warriors seized each other by the waistbands, and grappled in deadly strife. * * * After much fighting and slaughter, Shamsu-d din retreated and fled towards his own city. T4t4r Khan, with the centre of the Sultan's army, strongly reinforced from both wings, pursued; and the Bengali army having abandoned Pandwah, continued its flight to Ikdala. Tatdr Khan cried, "0 Shams-i siydh (Black Sun), whither art thou running ? A man ought to show his face, not turn his back : stop for a moment and feel the strength of Firoz Shdh's lads ! " Shamsu-d din, however, pursued his flight, heedless of everything. Forty-eight elephants were taken, and three were slain. The King of Bengal, out of all his enormous force, fled with seven horsemen, and his whole army was scattered. The place where Firoz Shah had taken his position on the river was seven kos from Ikddla. * * * Sultdn Shamsu-d din took refuge in the fort of Ikddla, and by dint of great exertion the commander succeeded in closing the gate, but Firoz Sh4h's forces occupied the town. When the arrival of Firoz Shah became known, all the ladies and respectable women went to the top of the fort, and when they saw him they uncovered their heads, and in their distress made great lamentation. The Sultan saw

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their state and heard their waihngs ; he thereupon reflected that he had occupied the city, had overcome many Musulmdns. had taken possession of the country, and that the Khutha would be said in his name. To storm the fort, put more Musulmdns to the sword, and expose honourable women to ignominy, would be a crime for which he could not answer in the day of judg- ment, and which would leave no difference between him and the Mughals.

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Tdtdr Kh4n repeatedly urged the Sultan to retain the territory he had conquered, but the Sultan was adverse to annexation, observing that many of the sovereigns of Dehli had come into this country and had subdued it, but none of them had deemed it prudent to remain there long. For Bengal was a land of swamps,^ and the nobles of the country passed their lives in their islands {jazdirdt). It would not do therefore for him to act differently from all his sovereign predecessors, so Firoz Shah turned back after having changed the name of Ikddla to j^zadpur. Tdtar Khan acted with great bravery in this war, and pressed the retreat of Sultan Shamsu-d din with great vigour. He at one time during the pursuit resolved to put the fugitive prince to the sword, but he abandoned that design and fell back slowly to Flroz Shdh. * * *

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Fourth Muhaddama. — Return of Firoz Shah to Delhi.

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When the Sultdn resolved upon returning home from Bengal all his followers were much pleased. An order was given for collecting the heads of the slain Bengalis, and a silver tanka was offered for every head. The whole army went busily to work, and brought in the heads of the slain and piled them in heaps, receiving in payment the silver tankas. The heads were counted and amounted to rather more than 180,000, for the battle had raged for a whole day over an extent of seven kos, * * *

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• Three MSS. agree in reading J^^^ . or \s>- ,, words which have no appropriate meaning. A note in the margin of one MS. suggests A.>., "mud," and that reading has been here followed.

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The Sultdn then turned with his army and marched quickly towards Dehli. When he reached Pandwah,i the khutba was said in his name, and he changed the name of the place to Firozab^d. The new names which he gave to Ikdala and Pandwah were made permanent and were entered in the Government records as " i(!zd,d-pur, otherwise Ikddla, " and " Firozabdd, otherwise Pandwah." When the Sultan arrived on the banks of the Kosi the rains came on, and orders were given for the troops to embark in boats (kishUhd-i band-kusha). The whole army thus crossed over. When Shamsu-d din entered Ikddla, he seized the Governor, who had shut the gates, and had him executed.

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As the Sultdn was returning, he sent forward to Dehli a despatch announcing his conquest of Lakhnauti. Khan-i Jah&n Makbul had been left in Dehli as deputy, and when the news of the victory arrived, great rejoicings were carried on for twenty-one days, * * * and great preparations were made for the reception of the Sultan. * * * When he entered the city, forty-eight elephants, captured at Lakhnauti with their howdahs and housings, marched at the head of the victorious army. * * * In this, the Sultan's first expedition to Lakhnauti, he was engaged eleven months.

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Mfih Mukaddama. — Founding of the city of JSisdr Firozah.

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After returning victorious from Bengal, Sultan Firoz passed several successive years riding about Dehli. The author was told by his father that, in the second year after the Bengal campaign, the Sultan was in the neighbourhood of Hisar Firozah, and exerted himself actively and liberally in endeavouring to provide for the needs of the country. It was at this time that Hisar Firozah was founded. * * * In the place now occupied by the city two large and populous villages formerly stood, which were called Great Lards and Little Lards. There were fifty kharaks included in Great Lards, and forty in Little Lards. In this country there

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' 5.JiX» Stewart calls it '-Pundua," and says it is near Malda. — "History of ," p. 84.

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is no other village than the Jcharak} The neighbourhood of Great Lards greatly pleased Sultan Flroz, and he thought it would be well to build a city there, for it was very deficient in water, and during the hot season travellers who came from 'Irak and Khurdsdn had to pay as much as four fitals for a pitcher full. So the Sultdn resolved to build a city, being filled with hope that if he built a town for the benefit of Musulmdns, God would provide it with water. He therefore began the work, and persevered in it for several years, assisted by his nobles and great men. Hard stone was brought from the bills of Narsdi, and was used with strong quicklime and burnt bricks. A fort of great extent and height was com- menced. Various officers were appointed to superintend different portions of the work, and busied themselves in their respective duties, so that in course of time the fort was completed. The Sultd,n gave to the place the name of Hisar Firozah. When the fort was finished, a ditch was dug round it, and the earth, which was taken from its bed was spread on each side of the ditch, and along the banks of the ditch battlements were built. Inside the fort a large and deep tank was formed, the water of which ran into the ditch and replenished it from year to year. Inside the fort a palace was built, which had no equal in the world, and the various apartments of which were contrived with infinite pains. One of the arrangements of this palace was that any person, having a general acquaintance with the place, after passing through several apartments, would arrive at the centre. This central apartment under the palace was very dark, and the passages were narrow, so that if the attendants did not guide the visitor he would never be able to find his way out. Indeed, it is said that a servant once went into that place, and after he had been missing for some days, the guards went there in search of him and rescued him from the darkness. * * *

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One MS. reads jXib J i^j^ jJo ^J ^Jd <tJl ^^j ^ ^j. . Thomas's copy has j^u instead of ^ .

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The Sultdn, perceiving that there was a great scarcity of water, resolved in his munificence to bring a supply thither. He ac- cordingly conducted two streams {jiii) into the city from two rivers ; one from the river Jumna, the other from the Sutlej.i That from the Jumna was called Eajiwdh, and (the other) Alagh- khani. Both these streams were conducted through the vicinity of Karnal, and, after a length of about eighty kos, discharged their waters by one channel into the town. The author's father was then in the service of the Court, and held the office of 8hab- navis. He informed the author that Sult&n Tiroz was occupied two years and a half in building the town. When it was built he laid out many gardens and planted many trees, including all sorts of fruit trees. * * * Previous to this time there had been an autumn harvest, but the spring harvest failed, because wheat would not grow without water. After the canals had been dug, both harvests came to maturity.

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Before this time, in the days of the old kings, this country had been entered in the revenue accounts as belongins to the division (shikk) of H^nsi ; but now that Hisdr Firozah had been built, the Sultan ordered that from henceforth the division should be called Hisar Firozah, and that the districts {iktd'df) of Hansi, Agrowah,^ Fath-4bad, and Sarsuti, as far as Salaurah and Khizr- abad, with some other districts, should all be "included in the division of Hisar Firozah.* * * *

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1 All three MSS. agree that the canals werehrought from iwo riyers, but the MS. of the India Office Library alone mentions the Sutlej. The catise of the omission is palpable : two lines commence with the word Jun, and one of these has been passed over.

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  • This simply means that the new town of HisSj Firozah was made the sadar or chief place of the revenue division, instead of H&nsi. The word shikh is not a common revenue term, but its meaning is that of " division, separating," and there can be no doubt of the sense in which it is here employed. Mr. Beames in the Glossary (II., 17) quotes and translates the passage with some doubt. The verb which he comments upon is given correctly in one MS., " mi nahishtand ;" which is certainly preferable to the inappropriate "mi-nishinad," which he adopts from the MS. 1002 of the East India Library.

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Sixth Mukaddama. — Settlement of the Sovereign's rental (istikdmat-i amldh)}

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Firoz Shdh thus established two cities by land and by water — the city of Fath-abad, of which an account has been given in a former chapter, and the city of Hisdr Firozah, which has just been described. Numerous water-courses were brought into these places, and an extent of from eighty to ninety kos in these districts was brought (under cultivation), in which there were many towns and villages, as the kashas o/' Janid^ and Daha- tarath, and the town of Hansi and its dependencies. In every town and village great advantage was derived from the supply of water. The king therefore convened a general assembly of judges, lawyers, and doctors, and demanded of them an opinion upon this question : " If a man with great labour and expendi- ture of money conducts water into certain districts, so that the inhabitants thereof realize a large profit, ought he or not to receive any return for his trouble and outlay ?" They were unanimously of opinion that the benefactor was entitled to the right of sharhf that is to say, ten per cent. The Sultan ac- cordingly realized his sharh^ and included it in his rent-roll.

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Like unto former kings, he brought many waste lands* into cultivation, and subject to the payment of rent ; but the pro- ceeds of such lands were devoted to the learned and religious, among whom they were apportioned, and the public treasury was by this means relieved. The king's rental was thus increased from two sources, from the sharh, and secondly from the newly culti- vated lands.* A sum of about two lacs of tankas was in this way added to the king's revenue. Ko king of Dehlf had ever

3.6.145

1 The word amldk is used to designate the sovereign's private rental as distinct from the revenue of the public treasury.

3.6.146

2 The name " Janid" is found only in the MS. of the East India Library.

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3 Sharaha, an Arabic verbal root, means " to drink," as a noun, " water " or " drinking." Here it has a technical meaning.

3.6.148

5 Karydt-i ahydi, "living villages," as opposed to the "dead lands" before mentioned.

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been in the receipt of such an income as Sultdn FIroz now enjoyed, and the sovereign's financial business had so greatly increased that separate officers were appointed for the control of the private income of the Sultdn, and the public revenue of the State was kept distinct.

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When the rainy season came on, and the rains were at their height, officers were appointed to examine the banks of all the water-courses, and report how far the inundations extended. The author's father was several times appointed on this duty. The Sultdn was greatly pleased when he heard of the spread of the waters. If any village in his estate went to ruin, he dis- missed the officers in disgrace, and so during his reign the country was thriving and prosperous.

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Seventh Mukaddama. — Interview of the Sultan with the preceptor of the Author at SdnsL

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Saltan Firoz proceeded from His^r Firozah to Hansi, in order to have an interview with the author's preceptor, Niiru-d din, who had succeeded to the spiritual supremacy {sijjada) lately vacated by the death of Kutbu-d din. \The Sultan's object was to induce the Shaikh to remove to Hisdr Firozah, but he declined, because Hansi had been the home of his ancestors and the abode ■ of his predecessors.]^ In these latter days the accursed (Mughals) have captured the city of Dehli and have plundered and laid waste the possessions of Musulmans ; but through the protection of the Shaikh, the town of Hansi remained in safety, and the people of Hisar Firozah, who there took refuge, also found security.

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Eighth Mukaddama. — The building of Firozdbdd on the river

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      • The Sultan having selected a site at the village of G-^win, on the banks of the Jumna, founded the city of Firoz- 6,b4d, before he went to Lakhnauti the second time. Here he

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commenced a palace, * * * and the nobles of his court having also obtained {giriftand) houses there, a new town sprang up, five hos distant from Dehli. Eighteen places were included in this town, the kasha of Indarpat, the sarai of Shaikh Malik Y4r Paran, the sardi of Shaikh Abu Bakr Tusi, the village of Gawin, the land of Khetw4ra, the land of Lahrdwat, the land of Andhdwali, the land of the sardi of Malika, the land of the tomb of Sultan Raziya, the land of Bhdri, the land of Mahrola, and the land of Sultdnpur. So many buildings were erected that from the kasha of Indarpat to the Kushk-i shikdr, five kos apart, all the land was occupied. There were eight public mosques, and one private mosque. * * * The public mosques were each large enough to accommodate 10,000 supplicants.

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During the forty years of the reign of the excellent Sultan Firoz, people used to go for pleasure from Dehli to Firozabad, and from Firozabad to Dehli, in such numbers, that every kos of the five kos between the two towns swarmed with people, as with ants or locusts. To accommodate this great trafiic, there were public carriers who kept carriages, mules {sutiir), and horses, which were ready for hire at a settled rate every morning after prayers, so that the traveller could make the trip as seemed to him best, and arrive at a stated time. Palankin-bearers were also ready to convey passengers. The fare of a carriage was ■four silver yi^afe for each person; of a mule {sutur), six; of a horse, twelve ; and of a palankin, half a tanka. There was also plenty of porters ready for employment by any one, and they earned a good livelihood. Such was the prosperity of this district; * * but it was so ravaged by the Mughals, that the inhabitants were scattered in all directions. This was the will of God, and none can gainsay it.

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Ninth Mukaddama. — Arrival of Zafar Khdnfrom Sundr-gdnw to seek the protection of Firoz Shah.

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Zafar Khan was son-in-law of the king of Sunar-ganw, who was called Sultan Fakhru-d din. The capital, Sundr-g4nw, is

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before Pandwah.i After Sult4n Firoz returned the first time from Bengal, Sultan Shamsu-d din, in pursuit of revenge, em- barked in boats, and in the course of a few days reached Sundr- ganw. Fakhru-d din, who was commonly called FukhrA, was living without any thought of danger at Sundr-gdnw, where he was taken aUve and slain immediately by Shamsu-d din, who established himself in his territory. AH the friends and allies of Fakhru-d din were scattered ; but Zafar Khan was at that time engaged in the country collecting the revenues and examining the accounts of the collectors. When he was informed of what had happened, he was greatly alarmed, and fled from the territory of Sunar-gdnw. He embarked in a boat and departed by the river, and afterwards, pursuing the most dijBEcult roads, he at length, after many hardships, arrived at Thatta, and from thence pro- ceeded to Dehli. He was then conducted to Hisar Firozah to pay his homage and tell his story to Sultdn Firoz. * * * The author's father was then in attendance on the Sultan, and, ac- cording to his account, Zafar Khan was greatly amazed at the splendour of the court, because he had never seen the like at Lakhnauti. He made an offering of an elephant, and paid his compliments.

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The Sultdn having very graciously made many inquiries of him, consoled him and told him that, after all his troubles and sufferings, he should at length gain his object, and should receive- the double of what he had lost at Sun4r-ganw. * * * B,obes were presented to Zafar Khan and his followers. On the first day he received 30,000 tankas to get his clothes washed,^ his title, Zafar Khan, was confirmed to him, and the sum of four lacs of tankas was granted to him and his friends. One thousand horse

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[1 This sentence is doubtful. One MS. has " Tahhtgdh-i Sundr-gdnw az takhtgdh-i Pandioah peshtar ast ;" two others have " az takhtgdh-i Pandwah wa Sundr-gdnte peshtar ast," which seems to be nonsense ; and a fourth has "Fandwah wa Satkdh.'-' The application oi peshtar is not obvious ; it may relate to time, place, or estimation, but it most likely means that Sunar-gS,nw was a more ancient capital than Pandwah, which had been only lately established.]

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and large numbers of footmen were assigned to him. He was first appointed de^uty-wazir, and subsequently became wazir. * * *

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On another day, when the Sultdn held a court, he perceived Zafar Khdn to be downcast and pensive, * * * and he inquired the reason why he was so oppressed. * * * He replied that * * he was sore distressed, but that if the Sultan would consider his case, his mind would be set at ease. The Sultdn directed him to proceed at once to Khdn-i Jahan in Dehli, whither he him- self would follow. The Khan accordingly took leave of the Sultan and proceeded to Dehli, where he was received with great kindness and respect by the Khan-i JahAn, and was lodged in the Green Palace belonging to his majesty. The Sultan soon followed him to Dehli, and, after consulting with the Khan-i Jahan, directed him to make every suitable preparation for avenging the claims of Zafar Khdn.

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When Sultan Shamsu-d din heard of the preparations that were making against him, he was dismayed, and felt that he could not remain in the islands of Ikdala. He deemed it expedient to re- move to Sunar-ganw, which was in the very centre of Bengal, and there secure himself against the enemy. He accordingly pro- ceeded thither, but the inhabitants of that place were instant in their supplications to Sultdn Firoz Shkh. for relief from the tyrant.

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Tenth Mukaddama. — Sultdn Firoz' s second expedition to Lakhnauti.

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      • As on the first occasion when the Sultan marched to Lakhnauti, his army (was large and) consisted of 70,000 cavalry, innumerable infantry, 470 warlike»elephants, and many barrier- breaking boats {kishtihd-i hand-kushd). The warlike fervour was so great at the time that many volunteers assembled in Dehli, and were sent on by the Sultan to the army. There were two outer tents (dihliz), and two reception tents (bdrgdh) ; two sleeping tents, and two tents for cooking and domestic work. There were also one ^

3.6.167

' The authorities differ here; three of my four MSS. read "ham sad o hashtdd, also one hundred and eighty ;" the fourth has " nuham sad o hashtdd, nine hundred and eighty ;" which agrees with Lieut. Lewis's translation in the Dehli ArchEeological JTournal.

3.6.168

hundred and eighty standards of various kinds, eighty-four ass- loads of drums and trumpets {tahal o damdmah), and camels, asses, and horses in great numbers.

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With this brave and well-appointed army the Sultdn marched towards Bengal, and Kh4n-i Jahan was left behind as deputy in Dehli. The Khdn-i 'azam T4tar Kh4n' accompanied the royal standards some marches, but was then sent back to Hisar Firozah. The author learned the cause of this dismissal from his father, who was then one of the royal attendants (khawdss). The Sultan at the beginning of his reign, as is the practice of kings, used to indulge in wine from time to time. After starting on his campaign the Sultdn encamped with his army and showed the utmost care and attention to its discipline. But it so hap- pened that one morning they placed some wine before him. It is a remarkable fact that the wines which Firoz Shdh used to drink were of various colours and diiferent flavours ; some were yellow as saffron, some red as the rose, some were white ; and the taste of all was like sweet milk. Thus the personal at- tendants of this great king used to serve him with wines of dif- ferent colours. One morning after prayers the Sultdn called for a glass to moisten his throat, and it so happened that Tdtdr Khan came to wait upon him just at the same time. His arrival was announced to the Sultan, who was greatly annoyed at being thwarted in his enjoyment ; so he desired his son Fath Khan to see Tatar Khan, and to put him off with some excuse. But Tdtdr Khdn was not to be denied ; in spite of all excuses he would not go away, but went in and sat do,wn, saying that he had a statement to make. The Sultdn was thus compelled to invite him in.

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At that time the Sultan was lying half-naked {chiin nihang) on his couch ; but before the Kh&n came in, he wrapped a garment around him, and, rising from his couch, sat down on a coverlet. The wine and cups he pushed under the bed, and covered all with a sheet. When Tdtdr Khdn entered, he spied what was hidden under the bed, and his suspicions were aroused. He was so troubled by the sight that his lips failed to utter the usual salutation. The

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Sultan spoke not a word, neither did he. At length Tat^r Khdn began to speak (seriously) as if beginning a sermon (ddstdn), saying, that they were about to march against the enemy, and the time was one for repentance, self-abasement, and prayer. The Sultdn inquired what he meant, and asked if anything untoward had hap- pened, and the Kh4n said he perceived certain articles under the bed. The Sultdn repUed that he liked to take a little now and then ; and T&tar Kh^n expressed his deep regret that the Sultan should indulge in such a practice. Thereupon the Sult4n swore an oath that he would drink no more wine while the Khan was with the army. T4t4r Khdn gave thanks to God and went away. The Sultdn sat brooding over the matter and thought the KhS.n had spoken to him in a disrespectful and unkind manner. After some days the Sultdn bethought him that they were not near Hisdr-Firozah, the neighbourhood of which town was in a disturbed state; he therefore sent Tdtdr Xhdn thither to re- store order and quiet, and the Kh^n accordingly took his de- parture.

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The Sultdn then marched through Kanauj and Oudh to Jaunpur. Before this time there was no town of any extent (shahr-i dhdddn) there, but the Sultdn, observing a suitable site, de- termined upon building a large town. He accordingly stayed there six months, and built a fine town on the banks of the Kowah.^ to which he determined to give the name of Sultdn Muhammad Sh4h, son of Tughlik Sh^h, and as that sovereign bore the name of Jaundn, he called the place Jaunanpiir (Jaunpur). An ac- count of this foundation was sent to Khwaja-i Jahan at Dehli. Jaunpur was made a (capital) city in the reign of the Sultdnu-sh Shark Khwdja-i Jahan,* and I intend to give a full account of this King of the East in my memoirs (mandkib) of the reign of Sultdn Muhammad, son of Firoz. After this delay of six months, he marched for Bengal, and in due time arrived there.

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Sultan Shamsu-d din was dead, and had been succeeded by Sultdn Sikandar, who, fearing the invading force, fled with all 1 The Giimti. ' See Stewart's "History of Bengal," p. 96,

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his forces into the islands (j'azdlr) of Ilcdala. Firoz Sh4h sur- rounded these islands, and by his command all his forces built themselves wooden huts/ and prepared for battle.

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Eleventh Mukaddama, — Sultan Sihandar takes refuge in his fortress. — Fall of a bastion of the fort.

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The Sultdn having blockaded the islands of Ikddla, as above stated, 'arrddas (small balistas) and manjaniks were erected on both sides, arrows and darts were discharged, the business of the siege went on, and conflicts occurred every day. The besieged were unable to come out of their fortress, and strict guard was kept on both sides by night and day. Suddenly one of the prin- cipal bastions of the fort of Sikandariya fell down, because it was unable to bear the men and the immense weight placed upon it. A great cry arose from the besiegers before the place and the besieged within, and both sides prepared for battle. When the alarm reached the ears of the Sultan, he looked inquiringly upon his attendants, and Prince Fath Kh^n suggested that the Bengal army had made a sally from Ikdala. The Sultan immediately called for his dress, and, girding on his arms, he rode to the scene of the iiproar. There he was met by the impetuous His&mu-l Mulk, who told him that the chief tower had fallen under the pressure of the crowds placed upon it, and urged him to make an immediate assault and capture the place. The Sultan thought over the proposition, and after serious reflection he replied to His4mu-d din, that although it was very desirable that the place should be captured, still, if it were taken by sudden assault, thousands of worthy and respectable women would be subjected to violence and indignity at the hands of grace- less men, and he was therefore resolved to wait awhile and trust in Providence. AH the army expected the order for the assault, but accepted patiently the I'oyal decision.

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During the night " the King of the Blacks " mounted " the eastern roof," and urging his Bengalis to work energetically, they

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laboured all nights and, restoring the ruined fort, were again pre- pared for the attack. The author has been informed by trust- worthy people that the fort of Ikdala was built of mud, so that it was soon repaired and made ready for action. Fighting re+ commenced and went on, of which no description can be given. Provisions at length grew short in the fort, which made the Bengalis anxious, and both parties being heartily tired of fight- ing, the Almighty disposed the two kings for peace.

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Twelfth Mukaddama. — Concltision of Peace between 8ultdn Sikandar and Sultan Flroz, with the presentation of forty elephants.

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Sultdn Sikandar and his people being in great distress, he con- sulted with his ministers as to the best course to be pursued to escape from their difficulties. They being unanimous, said that the people of Bengal had never been very friendly with the people of the Upper provinces,^ because the decrees of fate had so ruled 5 but if the Sultan would give his consent, they, his servants and well-wishers, would send a person to the ministers of Sultan Firoz Sh4h and make propositions of peace. Sultan Sikandar kept silence, and his advisers retired, observing that " Silence is one of the signs of assent." His ministers accord- ingly sent a clever, confidential agent to the ministers of Sultan Firoz to open negotiations for peace, representing that * * * the combatants on both sides were Muhammadans, and that these contentions were productive of evil to the professors of Isl^m ; it therefore behoved the ministers of Sultan Firoz to make him disposed for peace, as Sultdn Sikandar was already inclined.

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When these overtures were made to the ministers of Firoz Sh4h, they assembled together, and, after carefully considering the matter, they agreed that the propositions were reasonable, and that they would recommend them to his acceptance. These wise men accordingly repaired to his presence, and made known

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' Faro-daet, " the lower country," meaning Bengal ; and Idld-dast, " the upper country," meaning the provinces dependent on Dehli.

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to him the proposals of Sultdn Sikandar. He entertained the proposal, and said that as his adversary was reduced to distress, and was disposed to peace, it behoved him to listen to the pro- position in conformity to the Divine precept that "Peace is good," and so stop the sword in its ravages on the people of Islam. After some consideration he replied, that he would accept the proposition, on condition that the Kh^n-i 'azam, Zafar Khan, should be placed on the throne in Sun4r-ganw. When the ministers heard this resolution of the Sultan, they * * * sent Haibat Khdn as envoy, to settle the terms of peace.

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The ministers of Sultdn Sikandar met and received the envoy ; but although Sultdn Sikandar was fully acquainted with all the negotiations which had been carried on, he pretended to be in ignorance. Haibat Kh6,n was, according to trustworthy statements, a countryman of his, and had two sons in his service. When he set forth the terms on which peace might be made, Sultdn Sikandar replied, that Sultan Firoz had been kind to him, and that he was very averse to carrying on war and slaughter with him. Haibat Khan conducted himself like an accomplished ambassador; what he had to say he said well, tenderly, and warmly. When he perceived that Sikandar also spoke in favour of peace, he said that the chief reason why Sultdn Firoz had undertaken the campaign was the establishment of Zafar Khdn in the country of Sundr- gdnw. Sultan Sikandar accepted the proposed terms, and agreed to surrender Sun&r-gdnw to Zafar Kh4n. But he added, that if this were the object of the campaign, much unnecessary trouble had been undertaken ; for if an order had been sent to him from Dehli, he would have placed Zafar Kh4n in possession of the place.

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Haibat Khan returned to Sult4n Firoz in high spirits, and made an exact report of all that had passed, including Sikandar's consent to allow Zafar Kh4n to occupy Sundr-gdnw. The Sultdn was satisfied, and expressed his desire to remain at peace with Sikandar, and to look upon him as a nephew. [Maibat Khan suggested that some presents should be given to Sultdn Sikandar

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and'] the Sultan sent into the fort of Ikd41a, by the hands of Malik Kabtil, otherwise called Tordb^nd, a crown worth 80,000 tankas, and 500 valuable Arab and Turki horses, with an ex- pression of his wish that henceforth they might never again draw the sword. The Sultdn then advanced two marches, while Malik Kabul proceeded to the fort. It is credibly reported that the ditch of the fort of Iskandariya was twenty gas broad. When Malik Kabul reached it, to show his daring, he made his horse take a leap, and the high-spirited animal carried him over in safety, to the great amazement and admiration of the Bengalis. When Malik Kabul was received, he walked seven times round the throne of Sikandar, and placed the crown upon his head and the robes upon his breast _eixpressmg in strong terms the hope of peace and friendship between the two Mngs. Sultdn Sikandar asked him what his name was, and he replied, in the Hindi language, " Tordbcind." The Sultan again spoke and asked if his master had other servants like him, and the Khan replied, that he was a slave in the second palace, and that 10,000 men as good as he kept night watch over the palace of his sovereign. At which Sultdn Sikandar was much amazed.

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Sultdn Sikandar, to show his satisfaction, sent forty elephants and other valuable presents, expressing, at the same time, his desire that every year there might be a similar interchange of brotherly and friendly feeling between them. So long as these two sovereigns lived, presents and souvenirs were exchanged, as was well known to their subjects; but when they died, the people of the two kingdoms did the best they could {rah-i hhud giriftand) •

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When the forty elephants were sent to Sultan Firoz, the Sultan of Bengal sent one also for Malik Kabul. Firoz Shdh was greatly pleased, and, in gratifying language, he told Malik Kabul that Sultan Sikandar had done well in restoring Sunar- ganw to Zafar Khan, and that he did not intend to interfere fiirther about it. He then sent for Zafar Kh4n, and directed him to proceed to Sundr-g4nw, oflfering to remain for a time where he was, with his whole force to sustain him. Zafar Khdn

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consulted with his friends, and they all agreed that it would be impossible for him to stay at Sun4r-gdnw, for all his relations and friends had perished. He therefore returned to the Sultdn and said that he and his family were so happy and secure under the government of Dehli, that he had given up all desire of Sunar-ganw, and had resolved to retain his present position in peace. For all the Sultdn's persuasion he would not return. Sultdn Firoz then, to the joy of his friends, went back to his garden, and sent oflF dispatches to Khan-i Jahdn. After some time, the Sultdn proceeded to Jaunptir, and from thence he went towards Jdjnagar, accompanied by the forty elephants from Lakhnauti.

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Thirteenth Muhaddama. — March of Sultan Firoz from Jaunpiir to Jajnagar.^

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When Sultan Firoz reached Jaunpur in returning from his campaign against Bengal, he determined to proceed to Jajnagar, and his officials made every preparation for the march. The Sultdn left his baggage^ at Karra, and proceeding from thence he hastened to Jajnagar, which place he reached by making suc- cessive marches through Bih^r. The country of Jdjnagar was very prosperous and happy. The author's father, who was in the royal suite, informed the writer that it was in a very flourish- ing state, and the abundance of corn and fruit supplied all the wants of the army and animals, so that they recovered from the hardships of the campaign. Sultdn Firoz rested at BanArasi, an ancient residence of the arrogant EAis. At that time the EAi of Jdjnagar, by name Addya, had deemed it expedient to quit Bardnasi, and to take up his residence elsewhere ; so Sultan Firoz occupied his palace. The writer has been informed that there were two forts in Bandrasi, each populated with a large number

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1 The J&jnagar of Cuttaok, see swprcL, pp. 112 and 234.

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2 Two MSS. haTe ij:^^|a^ ij^^j Jl^ ili Ciiyo^, "the King of Bengal " proceeded to Karra, which agrees with Lieut. Lewis's translation in the Dehli Journal. The other two MSS. say i- ^ .*.|,'v^ }s^ .j iilJoj iLii ^"'^A-^, " the SultSin left his baggage train at Karra," which is undoubtedly correct, and is confirmed, by a subsequent passage in the fifteenth Mti&addama, page 316.

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of people. The Eais were Brahmans, and it was held to be a religious duty that every one who succeeded to the title of Eai at Jdjnagar should add something to these forts. They had thus grown very large.

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The cowardly R4i of Jdjnagar, when he heard of the approach of the Sultdn's army, embaiked on board a boat in great alarm, and took refuge on the water. All his country was thrown into confusion — some of the inhabitants were made prisoners, others fled to the hills. Their horses (hurda) and cattle became the spoil of the army; Those who accompanied the Sultan relate that the numbers of animals of every kind were so great that no one cared to take them. Two jUals was the price of a horse {hurda) ; ^ as for cattle, no one would buy them. Sheep were found in such countless numbers, that at every halt great num- bers were slaughtered. If any were not required, they were left behind, because a plentiful supply was sure to be found at the next stage. The author has mentioned these matters to show the prosperity of the country. He has further been informed that the inhabitants had spacious houses and fine gardens ; they had even gardens and walks within their houses, and fruit trees, flowers, etc., were cultivated therein. * * *

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The Sultan left Bandrasi with the intention of pursuing the Rai of Jdjnagar, who had fled to an island in the river, having let loose a fierce elephant to occupy the attention of his enemies, and to divert them from pursuing him. This elephant was very wild, and would allow no other elephant to approach him. For three days the army was actively engaged in endeavouring to take him alive, but failed. By the Sultdn's order he was then slain, and the Sultan with his army entered the fort. News was then brought that in the jangal there were seven elephants, and one old she-elephant, which was very fierce. The Sultan resolved upon endeavouring to capture these elephants before continuing the pursuit of the Eai,