10. Volume 4 — part 10

' It is to be regretted that the MSS. show a want of concurrence ia the enumera- tion of these forces. The Tdrikhr-i Ddudi, in the passage quoted above, says that there was also maintained a body of footmen, acting singly and independently, called paiks ; and 113,000 horsemen distributed throughout the parganaa for the protec- tion of the district forts.

' One MS. has 2500 sardk. The Ncrnddiru-l SiMydt (MS., p. 599) boldly says 2500 sardis on the road from Bengal to the Indus alone. This arises from the double ignorance of rating that distance at 2500 kos, and of reckoning that there was a sardi at each kos, instead of at every second one.

tardi he built separate lodgings, both for Hindds and Musulmans, and at the gate of every sardi he had placed pots full of water, that any one might drink ; and in every sardi he settled Brahmans for the entertainment of Hindus, to provide hot and cold water, and beds and food, and grain for their horses; and it was a rule in these sardis, that whoever entered them received provision suitable to his rank, and food and litter for his cattle, from Government. Villages were estabhshed all round the sardis. In the middle of every sardi was a well and a masj'id of burnt brick ; and he placed an imdm and a mua'zzin in every masjid, together with a custodian (^shahna), and several watchmen ; and all these were maintained from the land near the sardi. In every sardi two horses were kept, that they might quickly carry news.' I have heard that Husain Tashtdar' once, on an emergency, rode 300 kos in one day.' On both sides of the highway Sher Shah planted fruit-bearing trees, such as also gave much shade, that in the hot wind travellers might go along under the trees ; and if they should stop by the way, might rest and take repose.* If they put up at a sardi, they bound their horses under the trees.

' "We shall see below, that they are said to have amounted to 3400. The Tdrileh-i Khdn Jahdn (MS., p. 186) adds : " In order that every day news might be conveyed to him from the Nil&b and Agra, and the very extremities of the countries of Bengal.' ' Sikandar Lodi has the credit of having established these ddk cAaukis before him.

^ In some copies he is called " Shikkddr; " but in others, and very plainly in the two works quoted below, he is called " Tashtddr," or ewer-bearer, a member of the royal household.

3 The Wdki'dt-i MushtdM (MS., p. 97), followed by the Tirikh-i Bdidi (MS., p. 225), has another account of this impossible feat, which would defy even a twenty- Osbaldistone power. Fifty miles an hour for twelve hours vrithout intermission ! ! ! "Husain Ehau TashtdSr was sent on some business firom Bengal. He went on travelling night and day. Whenever sleep came over him, he placed himself on a bed [ehahdr-pdi), and the villagers carried him along on their shoulders. "When he awoke, he again mounted a horse, and went on his way. In this manner he reached Chitor from Gaur in three days ; and think what a distance thkt is ! " It is indeed, 800 miles, as the crow flies, over some of the most impracticable parts of India ! Such senseless lying should be exposed ; but the native mind is at present so constituted as to put implicit credence even in such an averment as this.

• The author of the Muntakhabu-t Tawdrikh says that he himself saw the high road from Bengal to Eohtis, which was in many places so ornamented, after it had stood for fifty-two years. It is strange that, at this period, not a trace can be found of sardi, mosque, road, or tree. His beautiful mausoleum at Sahsar&m is still a stately object, standing in the centre of an artificial piece of water, faced by walls of cut stone.

Sher Shah also built a fort,.Eohtds, on the road to Khurdsdn, to hold in check Kashmir and the country of the Ghakkars, near the hill of Bain 4th Jogi, four hos from^ the river Behat, and about sixty kos from Lahore, and fortified and strengthened it exceedingly. There was never seen a place so fortified, and immense sums were expended upon the work. I, 'Abbcis Kalkapdr Sarwani, author of the Tuhfa-i Ahhar ShdM, have heard from the relators of the history of Sher Shdh, that, when build- ing this fort, stones were not procurable. The overseers wrote in their reports that stone was not procurable, or only procurable at an enormous ouitlay. Sher Shah wrote back in reply, that his order should not be allowed to fail firom avarice, and they should go on with the building though they paid for the stone its weight in copper. He calkd that fort " Little Kohtas."^

Thfr former capital city of Dehli was at a distance from the Jumna, and Sher Shdh destroyed and rebuilt it by the bank of the Jumna, and ordered two forts tO' be built in that city, with the strength of a. mountain, and loftier in height ; the smaller fort for the governor's residence ; the other, the wall round the entire city, to. protect it ; * and in the governor's fort he built a Jama masjid of stone, in the ornamenting of which much gold,, lapis lazuli, and other precious articles were expended. But the forti- cations round the city were not completed when Sher Shah died. He destroyed also the old city of Kanauj, the former capital of the Kings of India, and built a fort of burnt brick there; and on the spot where he had gained his victory he built a city, and called it Sher Sur. I can find no satisfactory reason for the destruc- tion of the old city, and the act was very unpopular. Another fort, that of Bohnkundal, he also built, and ordered another fort to be built in these hills, and called it " Sher Koh."^ He said,

• The Tdrikh-i Ddidi (MS., p. 236) says " New Eoliths," and adds, that " it cost eight hrors, five lacs, five thousand and two and a half dams, which means Bahlolls. All which is written over the gate of the fort."

2 Literally, that it might be a- "Jahl.n^panahi"' which was the name of one of the old cities of Dehli.

3 There is a notice of the fort of Patna, which was buUt by him, among the Extracts from the Tdrikh-i Ddidi.

"If my life lasts long enough, I will build a fort in every sarkdr, on a suitable spot, which may in times of trouble become a refiige for the oppressed and a check to the contuma- cious ; and I am making all the earthen-work sardis of brick, that they also may serve for the protection amd safety of the highway."

For the protection of the roads from thieves and highway rob- bers, he made regulations as follows : He strictly impressed on his ''dmik and governors, that if a theft or robbery occurred within their limits, and the perpetrators were not discovered, then they should arrest the mukaddams of the surrounding villages, and compel them to make it good ; but if the mukaddams produced the offenders, or pointed out their haunts, the mukaddams of the village where the offenders were sheltered were compelled to give to those of the village where the crime occurred the amount of restitution they had paid ; the thieves and highway robbers themselves were punished with the penalties laid down in the holy law. And if murders should occur, and the murderers were not discovered, the ^dmik were enjoined to seize the mukaddams, as detailed above, and imprison them, and ^ve them a period within which to declare the murderers. If they produced the murderer, or pointed out where he lived, they were to let the mukaddam go, and to put the murderer to death ; but if the mukaddams of a village where the murder had occurred could not do this, they were themselves put to death ; for it has been generally ascertained that theft and highway robberies can only take place by the connivance of these head-men. And if in some rare case a theft or highway robbery does occur within the limits of a village without the cognizance of the mukaddam, he will shortly make inquiry that he may ascertain the circumstances of it ; for mukaddams and cultivators are alike thieves, and they bear to each other the intimate relations of kinsmen : hence either the mukaddams are implicated in thefts and highway robberies, or can ascertain who perpetrated them. If a mukaddam harbours thieves and robbers unknown to the governor, it is fit he should

be punished, or even be put to death, that it may be a warning to others to abstain from similar acts.^

In the days of Sher Sh4h and of Isl5.m Shdh, the mukaddams used to protect the Emits of their own villages, lest any thief or robber, or enemy of their enemies, might injure a traveller, and so be the means of their destruction and death. , And he directed his governors and ''dmils to compel the people to treat merchants and travellers well in every way, and not to injure them at all ; and if a merchant should die by the way, not to stretch out the hand of oppression and violence on his goods as if they were unowned j for Shaikh Niz^mi (may God be merciful to him !) has said : " If a merchant die in your country, it is perfidy to lay hands on his property." Throughout his whole kingdom Sher Shdh only levied customs on merchandize in two places, viz. : when it came from Bengal, customs were levied at Gharri (Sikri-gali) ; when it came from the direction of Khurdsan, the customs were levied on the borders of the kingdom ; and again, a second duty was levied at the place of sale. No one dared to levy other customs, either on the road or at the ferries, in town or village. Sher Shd,h, moreover, forbad his officials to purchase anything in the bdzdrs except at the usual bazar rates and prices,

' The Tdrihh-i Ddudi (MS., pp. 231, 247) mentions two instances in illustration of this enforcement of Tillage respousihility. One was, that a horse was stolen one night from Sher Sh&h's camp at Thinesar, for which all the zaminddrs for a circuit of fifty koa were summoned and held responsible, with the threat that if the thief and horse were not forthcoming within three days, the lives of every one of them would fall a sacrifice, Soth were shortly produced, and the thief was immediately put to death. Another was a case in which a murder was committed near Et&w&, on a piece of land which had long been disputed between the neighbouring villages. In this instance, it being impossible to fix upon the responsible village, Sher Sh&h directed that two men, should be sent to cut down a tree which was near the spot where the murder was committed, with orders that any man who came to prohibit them should be sent in to him. A mukaddam of one of the villages ca,me forward to remonstrate, and was dealt with accordingly. He was tauntingly asked, how he could know of a tree being cut down so far from his village, and yet not know of a man being cut down. All the inhabitants of the village were then seized, and threatened with death, if the murderer were not produced within three days. Under these circumstances, there was of course no difficulty in getting the culprit, or at least a culprit, who was forthwith executed !

One of the regulations Sher Shdh made was this : That his victorious standards should cause no injury to the cultiva- tion of the people ; and when he marched he personally examined into the state of the cultivation, and stationed horsemen round it to prevent people from trespassing on any one's field. I have heard from Khan-i 'azam Muzaffar Khan, who said he often accom- panied Sher Shdh, that he used to look out right and left, and (which God forbid !) if he saw any man inj-uring a fi«ld, he would cut off his ears with his own hand, and hanging the corn (which he had plucked off) round his neck, would have him to he paraded through the camp.^ And if from the narrowness of the road any cultivation was unavoidably destroyed, he would send amirs, with a surveyor, to measure the cultivation so destroyed, and give compensation in money to the cultivators. If unavoidably the tents of his soldiery were pitched near cultivation, the soldiers themselves watched it, lest any one else should injure it, and they should be blamed and be punished by Sher Shdh, who showed no favour or partiality in the dispensation of justice. If he entered an enemy's country, he did not enslave or plunder the peasantry of that country, nor destroy their cultivation. "For," said he, "the cultivators are blameless, they submit to those in power ; and if I oppress them they will abandon their villages, and the country will be rumed and deserted, and it will be a long time before it again becomes prosperous." Sher Shah very often invaded an enemy's country ; but on account of his justice the people remained, and brought supplies to his army, and he became known by the fame of his generosity and benevolence; and he was all day long occupied in scattering gold like the sun, in shedding pearls like a cloud ; and this was the reason that the Afghdns collected round him, and that the kingdom of Hindustan fell to him. And if any want befell his

' The Wdki'&t-i Mmhtdkl (MS., p. 101) and the Tdrikh-i Dd&di (MS., p. 252) record a barbarous punishment inflicted on a camel-driver during a march in MywS., for plucking some green chick-pea. Sher ShS.h had a hole bored in his nose, and with his feet bound together he was suspended during a whole march with his head downward. " After that no one stretched out his hand upon corn,"

victorious army, he did not suflfer one soldier or any poor helpless person to be in despair or utterly unprovided for, but gave them something for their subsistence. Every day he enlisted men, to give them a subsistence.

His kitchen was very extensive, for several thousand horse- men and private followers, who in the Afghdn tongue are called "Fiahi," fed there ; and there was a general order, that if any soldier or religious personage, or any cultivator, should be in need of food, he should feed at the king's kitchen, and should not be allowed to famish. And places for the dispensing of food to the poor and destitute, and to all necessitous persons, were established in the camp, that they might feed every one as above described. The daily cost of these meals, and of these places for the distribution of food, was 500 gold pieces (ashrqfis).

It became known to him that the imams and religious persons had, since the time of Sultdn Ibrahim, by bribing the 'dmils, got into their possession more land than they were entitled to hold ; he therefore resumed their holdings, and investi- gating the cases himself, gave to each his right, and did not entirely deprive any man of his possessions. He then gave them money for their road expenses, and dismissed them. Destitute people, who were unable to provide for their own subsistence, like the blind, the old, the weak in body, widows, and the sick, etc., to such he gave stipends from the treasury of the town in which they were resident, and giving them the expenses of their journey sent them away. And on account of the fraudulent practices of the religious personages (imams), he made this arrangement : he did not give the farmdns directing the assignments to the religious personages themselves, but ordered the munsMs to prepare the farmdns relating to one pargana, and to bring them to him. Sher Shdh then put them all into a letter and put his seal on it, and gave it to a trustworthy man of his own, and said to him, " Carry these farmdns to such and such a pargana." When the farmdns came to the shikkddr, he first made over to the holy personages their stipends, and

then gave the farmdns into their possession. Sher Shdh often said, " It is incumbent upon kings to give grants to imams; for the prosperity and populousness of the cities of Hind are dependent on the imams and holy men ; and the teachers and travellers, and the necessitous, who cannot come to the king, they will praise him, being supported by those who have grants ; and the con- venience of travellers and the poor is thereby secured, as well as the extension of learning, of skill, and religion ; for whoever wishes that God Almighty should make him great, should cherish ''Ulamd and pious persons, that he may obtain honour in this world and felicity in the next."

To every pious Afghdn who came into his presence from Afghanistan, Sher Shdh used to give money to an amount exceeding his expectations, and he would say, "This is your share of the kingdom of Hind, which has fallen into my hands, this is assigned to you, come every year to receive it." And to his own tribe and family of Stir, who dwelt in the land of Roh, he sent an annual stipend in money, in proportion to the numbers of his family and retainers; and during the period of his dominion no Afghdn, whether in Hind or Roh, was in want, but all became men of substance. It was the custom of the Afghans during the time of Sultdns Bahlol and Sikandar, and as long as the dominion of the Afghans lasted, that if any Afghdn received a sum of money, or a dress of honour, that sum of money or dress of honour was regularly apportioned to him, and he received it every year.

There were 5000 elephants in his elephant sheds, and the number of horses personally attached to him was never fixed, for his purchases and gifts of them were equally great ; but 3400 horses were always kept ready in the sardis to bring intelligence every day from every quarter. 118,000 villages of Hind were included in the royal fisc.^ He sent a shikkddr to each of his parganas, which were all prosperous

• The original has "113,000 parganas, that is, villages;" hut the WdWit-i Mushtdki (MS., p. 98) says " 113,000 parganas," ■without any such qualification.

and tranquil, and there was not one place which was con- tumacious or desolated; the whole country was settled and happy ; corn was cheap, nor during his time was there any- where scarcity or famine. His army was beyond all reckoning, and every day increased. For the enforcement of the regulations which he had published for the protection of the people, Sher Shdh sent trusted spies with every force of his nobles, in order that, inquiring and secretly ascertaining all circumstances relating to the nobles, their soldiers, and the people, they might relate them to him ; for the courtiers and ministers, for purposes of their own, do not report to the king the whole state of the kingdom, lest any disorder or deficiency which may have found its way into the courts of justice should be corrected.

I have heard from a trustworthy Afghan, who was with Shujd'at Khdn, that when Sher ShS.h gave him the government of the kingdom of Mdlwa, at the time of assigning Jdgirs, his ministers said to him : "It is time to asBign jdgirs to the soldiery if* it pleases your worship ; keep a share for yourself from the portion assigned to the soldiery, and divide the rest among them." ShujcL'at Khdn, from covetousness, agreed to his ministers' proposal. When his soldiers heard of it, 2000 of them, men of repute, both horse and foot, bound themselves together by an agreement, that if Shujd'at Khdn permitted himself, from covetousness, to infringe their rights, they would represent the case to Sher Shdh, who showed no favour in dipensing justice to any one on account of the amount of his followers, or on account of his kindred ; that they would unanimously expose the innovations of Shujd'at Khdn and his ministers, and that they would stand by and assist each other in good or evil, and would not, for any worldly covetousness, scratch the face of friendship and alliance with the nail of disunion. After this agreement, they went on a march from Shujd'at Khdn's forces, and sent a man of their own to him, saying : " Your ministers do not give us the full rights which Sher Shdh has bestowed on us, and it is contrary to his regulations, that the soldiery should be defrauded j nay.

the nobles ought rather to encourage the poor among their soldiery with presents, over and above their monthly pay, that in time of action they may serve them with earnestness and devotion. If you covet our rights, the door will be opened to enmity and mutiny, and your army and your forces will be- come disunited and dispirited, which will be the cause of disgrace to your ministers."

When Shuja'at Khan became aware of the request of his soldiers, he asked of his ministers what course it behoved him to pursue. They replied: — "Two thousand cavalry have turned aside from the path of obedience, and you are lord of 10,000 ; if you fully satisfy these impudent persons, people will think you have done so for dread of Sher Sh4h, and dilatoriness and infirmity will find their way among the officers of your province and into the stability of your authority. It now becomes you to give a stern and peremptory reply, and such as shall leave no hope, so that others may not behave ill and may not disobey your commands." Covetousness sewed up the far-seeing eye of Shujd'at Khan's sagacity, and made him for- getful of the justice and watchfulness of Sher Shah. The soldiers, on receiving this harsh answer, took counsel together ; some said that they ought to go to the presence of Sher Shdh the Just ; but some Afghdns, who knew Sher Shah's disposition, and were moreover possessed of some share of prudence and sagacity, said to their friends, — " It is not proper to go ourselves to Sher Shdh, for this reason : that he has posted us with Shuja'at Khan in this country of the Dekhin, and it is not right for us to move out of these parts without his orders. Let us send a vahll to Sher Shdh, the protector of the oppressed, to represent the real circumstances of our case to him. Whatever he orders, let us act up to it ; and if any business of the king's should meanwhile occur, it behoves us to exert ourselves in its settlement more than all others." At length the opinion of these Afghans was adopted by all, and they wrote an account of their state and sent it. Their vakil had not yet arrived when Sher

Shah's spies reported the circumstances of Shuja'at Khdn's quarrel with the 2000 remonstrants to Sher Shdk. On hearing the news, Sher Shdh was enraged, and sending for Shujd'at Kh4n's vaUl, said to him, "Write to Shuja'at, and say: — 'You were poor, and I ennobled you, and put under you Afghans better than yourself. Are you not satisfied with the revenue of your government, that you covet the rights of the soldiery ? and are you without any shame before the people or any fear of God; and have you violated my regulations which I have enacted and promulgated for this very purpose, that the chief's rights and those of his soldiery might be distinct, and that the chiefs might respect the rights of the soldiers I If you were not aprotegi of my own, I would strip off your skin ; but I pardon you this first fault. Do you, before their mMl reaches me, appease your soldiery, and give them a satisfactory answer ; if not, and their vaMl comes and complains to me, I will resume yonrjdgirs, and arrest and punish you severely. It does not behove nobles to disobey their master's orders, for this occasions the loss to him of his honour and authority.' "

When the vakiVs letter reached Shuja'at Khdn, he was exceedingly confounded and ashamed, and disturbed with dread and apprehension ; so reproaching his ministers, he said : — "Your counsel has been the cause of disgrace and distress to me. How shall I show my face to the king?" Then going himself to the encampment of the 2000 remonstrants, he made many excuses for himself, and appeasing the soldiery with pro- mises and oaths that he would not do them any harm, and encouraging them with gifts and presents, brought them back to his own encampment. When the vakil of the soldiers turned back again from his journey, and came to Shujd'at Khan, the latter returned many thanks to heaven, and distributed much money to the poor and needy, and gave him a horse and a princely robe of honour. Sher Shdh's authority, whether he was absent or present, was completely established over the race of Afghans. From the fear, either of personal punishment or of

deprivation of office, there was not a creature who dared to act in opposition to his regulations ; and if a son of his own, or a brother, or any of his relatives or kin, or any chief or minister, did a thing displeasing to Sher Shah, and it got to his knowledge, he would order him to be bound and put to death. All, laying aside every bond of friendship or respect, for the sake of the honour of the Afghan race, obeyed without delay his irresistible farmans.

I, the author of this relation, 'Abbas Kalkaptir Sarwdni, have heard that during the reign of Sher Shdh, 'Azam Humdyun Niazi was ruler of the Panjab and Multdn, and had a force of 30,000 horse under him. No other of Sher Shdh's nobles had so great a force, Sher Shdh sent his own nephew, Mubdriz Khan, to govern the district of Roh, which was in the possession of the Nidzis. Mubariz Khan ordered Khwaja Khizr Sambhali, chief of the Sambhals, to give him a mud fort which he had built on the Indian {i.e. eastern) bank of the river Sind. Mubdriz Khdn lived in this fort, and the Sambhals were generally with him ; indeed there was not a moment they were not employed in his service, and always obedient and submissive to him. The daughter of AUah-ddd Sambhal had no equal in that tribe for beauty and comeliness. When Mubdriz Khin heard the fame and renown of her beauty, he became, without having seen her, desperately in love with her, and the bird of rest and quiet flew out of his hand. Actuated by the pride of power, he took no account of clanship, which is much considered among the Afghdns, and especially among the Rohilla men ; and sending a confidential person to Allah-d4d, demanded that he should give, him his daughter in marriage. Allah-ddd sent a civil reply, saying : — " My lord is of high power and rank, and has many sons, and many high-born wives and women servants are in his female apartments; besides, my lord has been bred and brought up in Hindustan, and is possessed of deli- cate breeding and graceful accomplishments : my sons have the habits and manners of Eoh. Alliance between myself

and my lord is altogether unadvisable, as there is so wide a dif- ference between us." When Mubdriz Kh&n heard Allah-d4d's answer, he was convulsed with exceeding anger, and set himself to injure and persecute the Sambhals, in the hope that they, being driven to extremities by his violence and oppression, might give him Allah-dS,d's daughter. From fear of Sher Shdh, the Sambhals submitted to all the violence and oppression which Mubdriz committed ; but when it reached beyond all bounds of sufferance, Farid, Idris,^ and Niz4m, three illegitimate brothers of AUah- ddd, said to Mubariz Khan, — " We three brothers have several daughters, and possess' more influence in our tribe than AUah- ddd. We will give you a daughter of any of us brothers you may wish, and do you then abstain from persecuting the Sambhals.'" Mub4riz Khdn replied : — " I do not require your daughters ; give me AUah-ddd's daughter."

When the Sambhals perceived that Mubariz Khan desired a thing which could never come to pass, they said undisguisedly to him, — "Intermarriages have continually taken place between our families and yours, but always those of pure descent have intermarried with those of pure descent, and the illegitimate with the illegitimate. Although, with regard to your station in life, such a marriage is not an equal one, yet, as the mother of us three was, as yours was, a slave, and respecting the royal authority, we have agreed to our daughters being given in marriage to you, in order that the rust of quarrel and contention might be effaced from between us. To this you have not consented, which we much regret : do not act in opposition to the fear of God and the customs of the Afghans. Allah-dad is of pure birth, and he never wiU be compelled to connect himself with you by force and violence, or from fear of you ; do not entertain so vain a desire.'" When Mubciriz Kh4n heard these words, from presumption, arrogance, and the pride of power, his wrath overpowered him ; he gave way to anger and enmity, and hastened to persecute the Sambhals ; and, on account of his hatred, without any fault of theirs, laid ^ This name is doubtful.

waste their villages and their property, and made prisoners of many of the inhabitants. Among these he carried off to his own house the daughter of Kheru, who was a dependent of AUah- d4dy and filled the post of shahna among the Sambhals. The chiefs of the Sambhals came in a body to> Mubdriz Khdn, and said: " The honour of our women and yours is one. Eelease the daughter of Kheru the shahna, and respect the honouj of our wamen." But although the Sambhals humbly and earnestly entreated him, he would not listen to- them, for his predestined time was near at hand. When the Sambhals were driven to despair, they said to Mubariz Khan :■ — " You were born in Hindustan, and do not understand the habits of the Afghans. The crane has never yet overpowered or domineered over the hawk. We have paid the reverence due to- the king and to yourself. Leave us alone, and do not oppress and injure us beyond all bounds, and let this helpless one go tree." Mubariz Khdn in a passion replied : — " You talk of the- honour of this dependent of yours ; you will know what it is when I tear Allah- dad's daughter by force from her house, and bring her away." The chiefs of the Sambhals fell into a passion also, and said to Mubariz Khdn ; — "Have respect to your own life, and do not step beyond your own bounds. If you so much as look towards our women, we will slay you ; though, in return for your life, they will put several of our chiefs to death." Mubdriz Khdn, on hearing this angry reply of the Sambhals, told his Hindustani doorkeepers to beat the chiefs of the Sambhals out of his house, for they were insulting him. When the Hindustani doorkeepers lifted up their sticks to beat the Sambhals out of the house, a tumult arose. The gallant Sambhals, who had, by Mubdriz Khan's violence and oppression, been driven to extremi- ties, grew enraged, and, in the twinkling of an eye, killed Mubariz Khdn and most of his followers.

When Sher Shdh heard the news, he wrote to 'Azam Humdyun, saying : — " The Surs are a tribe the least quarrelsome of the Afghans, and if every Afghdn was to kill a Siir not one would be

left in the world. The Sambhals are of your own tribe. Do you bring them to order, and chastise them, that they may not set a bad example to others, and may refrain from killing their governors for the fiiture." When this order reached 'Azam Humiyun Ni4zi, he collected an army against the Sambhals. They hearing that 'Azam Humayun was coming in person against them, left their country, and took to the hills, where they occu- pied fortified positions, intending to go with their families to Kdbul.

When 'Azam Humayun heard that it was the intention of the Sambhals to go to Kabul, he was overwhelmed with anxiety and grief, and took counsel with his people, saying : — " The Sambhals are my brethren, and a numerous tribe and race : we cannot seize them by force. If they go to Kdbul, Sher Shdh will think that I have been negligent in seizing them, and that they have escaped fii'om these parts by my connivance. We must get hold of them by some stratagem or contrivance." He sent his mkil to them, and said: — " I have ascertained you are not to blame. You were much injured and oppressed by Mubarizf Kh4n. I will send you to Sher Shdh, and beg him to forgive your fault. Accord- ing to the Afghan custom, the Mazis shall give several of their daughters in marriage to the Stirs, or Sher Shah may put to death two or three of your chiefs. It is not fitting that the whole tribe should be exiled, and compelled to go to other countries." The Sambhals wrote in their reply r — "We, are in difficulties. If the Stirs come to fight with us, we will do our best against them, that it may be remembered in the world, how the Nidzis combated, and how they went into exile ! If you come and fight with us, on both sides Niazis will be killed ; and if we are cast out, you will even then be disgraced — for it was your own tribe who were driven out, and you had no pity. But if you will bind yourself by promises and oaths, that you will not seek to injure or persecute us, we will come in and make our submission. 'Azam Humdytin replied : — " Have I no regard for my kin, that I should injure or persecute you ? " So 'Azam

Humayun made the most solemn promises and oaths to the Sambhals ; and the whole tribe, with their wives and families, came to him. When he saw that he had deceived the whole tribe of Sambhals, and that they had come in with their wives and families, he took measures to prevent their escape, and slew 900 persons. While he was putting them to death, the Ni4zis said to several of their friends among the Sambhals, " We will let you escape, fly ! " But the Sambhals maintained the Afghan honour, and said : — " It is better to die with our wives and families than to live dishonoured; for it is a well-known proverb, ' The death of a whole tribe is a solemn feast.' " When 'Azam Huradyun had slain most of the Sambhals, he sent their wives and families to Sher Shdh. Sher Shdh, who wished no man evil, disapproved of 'Azam Hum^yun's cruelty, and said: "Never before has such a shameful thing been done among the race of Afghdns ; but 'Azam Humdyun in fear of the King has slain so many of his own tribe. It is only from his affection for the King that he would thus uselessly shed so much blood of his own tribe." He had intended to remove 'Azam Humdyun from his government of the Panj^b, but had no time before he was glorified in martyrdom. After his death, 'Azam Humayun displayed great loyalty, which shall be narrated in its proper place.

From the day that Sher Shah was established on the throne, no man dared to breathe in opposition to him ; nor did any one raise the standard of contumacy or rebellion against him ; nor was any heart-tormenting thorn produced in the garden of his kingdom ; nor was there any of his nobles or soldiery, or a thief or a robber, who dared to direct the eye of dishonesty to the property of another ; nor did any theft or robbery ever occur in his dominions. Travellers and wayfarers, during the time of Sher Shah's reign, were relieved from the trouble of keeping watch ; nor did they fear to halt even in the midst of a desert. They encamped at night at every place, desert or inhabited, without fear; they placed their goods and property on the plain, and

turned out their mules to graze, and themselves slept with minds at ease and free from care, as if in their own house ; and the zaminddrs, for fear any mischief should occur to the travellers, and that they should suffer or be arrested on account of it, kept watch over them. And in the time of Sher Shdh's rule, a decrepit old woman might place a basket ftill of gold ornaments on her head and go on a journey, and no thief or robber would come near her, for fear of the punishments which Sher Shah inflicted. " Such a shadow spread over the world, that a decrepit person feared not a Rustam." During his time, all quarrelling, disputing, fighting, and turmoil, which is the nature of the Afghans, was altogether quieted and put a stop to throughout the countries of Eoh and of Hindustan. Sher Sh4h, in wisdom and experience, was a second Haidar. In a very short period he gained the dominion of the country, and provided for the safety of the highways, the administration of the Government, and the happiness of the soldiery and people. God is a discerner of righteousness !

[This history bears no date, and the author says nothing about himself; but he incidentally calls himself 'Abdu-Ua, and mentions the name of the Emperor Jah^ngir ; so the book must have been written after the accession of that monarch, which took place in the year 1605 a.d. The author gives the following account of his work in the Preface : —

" History is not simply information regarding the affairs of kings who have passed away ; but it is a science which expands the intellect, and furnishes the wise with examples. Since this humble individual has spent a considerable portion of his life in studying historical works pregnant with instructive examples, and has examined the conditions of things under many sovereigns; and it appeared that the records of the reigns of the Afghan kings (of Hindustan), who were one of the dynasties of the times, existed only in a scattered form ; I involuntarily conceived the design of collecting them, with the aid of the Almighty, in one volume. I therefore undertook the work, and in a very short time completed it. I commenced with the reign of Bahlol Lodi, who was the first king of the Afghan dynasty, and brought my history down to the (end of the) reign of Muhammad 'Adali Stir [and] Daud Shdh, who was the last ruler of this race, and I entitled it the Tdrikh-i DdML" ^ D4ud Shdh was beheaded by order of the Khan-khdndn, and a chronogram at the end, of this work gives the date as 983 h. (1575 a.d.).

' Col. Lees, in Journal of Eoyal Asiatic Society, vol. iii. new series, p. 453.

Like all historians of this period, 'Abdu-Ua is very deficient in dates, and is fond of recording stories and anecdotes, many of them not a little maryellous. All the writers attribute to the Sult4n Sikandar Lodi great intelligence and justice, and a shrewd way of settling mysterious disputes-. Anecdotes of his acumen are numerous, and many of them have been reproduced by later writers, and attributed to the monarchs of their own times. A few only of the stories recorded under the reign of Sikandar have been printed as specimens. The history of his reign, as given in this book, is very fragmentary and disjointed, and amounts to little more than desultory memoirs : but this is the prevailing character of all the works upon the Afghan dynasty. They are valuable as affording materials from which a history might be compiled ; but the dynasty has no special historian. The earlier and the later extracts were translated by Sir H. M. Elliot ; but the narratives of the reigns of Sikandar and Isldm Sh^h were translated by Ensign Charles F. Mackenzie, and approved by Sir H. M. Elliot. The notes are the work of the latter.]

Malik Bahlol invited to usurp the throne.

Hamid Kh4n escaped and fled to Dehlii, and pondered how he should elevate some one else to the throne in lieu of 'A14u-d din. He summoned two competitors for the crown — Kiyam Khan and Malik Bahlol. Both obeyed the summons with alacrity. Bahlol was at Sirhind, and hastened with the quickness of the wind towards Dehli, accompanied by a countless army. Kiyam Khdn, hearing that Bahlol had the start of him, abandoned the journey on which he had set out.

Malik Bahlol paid his respects to Hamid Khdn, who, on his very first interview, congratulated him upon obtaining the empire of Uehli, expressing his own determination to retain the wazdrat. Malik Bahlol replied : — " I am a mere soldier, and cannot manage even my own country. You should be king, and I will

be the commander of your troops, and obey any other injunctions you may have to issue." * * *

At last, after engagements had been entered into, he placed the keys of the fort before Bahlol, who acknowledged himself ready to undertake the service assigned to him. He professed to take charge of the city and its gates, leaving the government in the hands of Hamid Khdn, and although the latter retained all the shadow of power, yet in reality all the royal establish- ments were usurped by Bahlol. So long as HamId Khan retained any power, Sultdn Bahlol thought it expedient to pay him extreme marks of deference, and went every day to pay his respects.

Sultan Bahlol was, indeed, a king who fostered religion, and evinced courage and generosity. His mercy and benevolence were habitual: he observed the rules of honesty, and had exceeding respect for the law, to the injunctions of which he strictly adhered in all his undertakings. He spent most of his time in the assemblies of the wise, and in the society of holy men ; and made special inquiries respecting the poor and necessitous. He never turned away a suppliant ; and he read his prayers in public five times every day. He devoted excessive care to the administration of justice ; himself heard the petitions of his subjects, and left them not to be disposed of by his ministers. He was wise, experienced, considerate, kind, friendly, condescend- ing, and just. Whatever came into his possession, in money, goods, or new parganas, he distributed it all among his troops, and reserved nothing whatever for himself. He accumulated no treasure, and executed his kingly functions without parade and ostentation. At the time of his meals, he satisfied himself with fe,rinaceous food; but any one who entered might partake of other viands. In his social meetings he never sat on a throne, and would not allow his nobles to stand ; and even during pubhc audiences he did not occupy the throne, but seated himself upon

a carpet. Whenever h& wrote a farmdn to his nobles, he addressed them as "Masnad lA'li;" and if at any time they were displeased with him, he tried so hard to pacify them that he would himself go to their houses, ungird his sword from his waist, and place it before the offended party : nay, he would sometimes even take off his turban from his head, and solicit for- giveness, saying : — " If you think me unworthy of the station I occupy, choose some one else, and bestow on me some other office." He maintained a brotherly intercourse with all his chiefs and soldiers. If any one was ill, he would himself go and attend on him. Before he ascended the throne, it was the custom in Dehli to distribute, every third day, sharbat, pan leaves, sugar- candy, and sweetmeats. But Sult&n Bahlol put an end to this, and positively declined to maintain the practice, observing, that, with respect to Afghans, if one poor man should die, a hundred thousand of his tribe would como forward, and how could he provide for such a multitude, and satisfy them? He was exceedingly bold, and on the day of battle, immediately he saw the enemy appear, he would dismount from his horse, fall on his knees, and pray for the success of Islam and the safety of Musul- mdns, and confess his own helplessness. From the day that he became king, no one achieved a victory over him ; nor did he once leave the field of battle until he had gained the day, or been carried off wounded : or, from the first he avoided an engagement. It is said that, during the first week of his accession, he was present at worship in the Masjid-ijami', when Mulld Fdzin, who was one of the elders of the city, ascended the pulpit to read the khutba. When he had concluded, and had come down again, he exclaimed : — " Praised be God ! we have an extraordinary tribe of rulers ; nor do I know whether they are the servants of the arch-fiend or arch-fiends themselves. Their language is so barbarous, that they call a mother, miir; a brother, rur; a nurse, shiir; a soldier, tiir, and a man, wwr." When he said this. Sultan Bahlol put his handkerchief to his mouth, and smilingly said : " Mulla Fazin, hold, enough ! for we are all servants of God." * *

The Beign of SuUdn Sikandar Lodi. Historians who have written concerning the reign of Sultdn Sikandar say, that before his accession to the throne he was called Nizam Khan, and that he was remarkable for his beauty, which was unsurpassed, and that whoever looked on him yielded his heart captive. Shaikh Hasan, the grandson of the Shaikh Abu Laid whose memory is revered in Rapri, was captivated by his appearance. This Shaikh Hasan was one of the most distinguished men of the period. One winter day, Prince Nizam Khan was sitting in his private chamber, when Shaikh Hasan was seized with a desire of beholding him, and he found no difficulty in reaching him, on account of the respect in which men of his pure mode of life are held. Sultan Sikandar was mmch astonished at seeing him enter, and asked him how he had come in without permission, in spite of the doorkeepers. The Shaikh answered, " You know best how and when I came." The Sultan said : " You consider yourself fond of me P " He replied, " I cannot hinder myself from being so." The Sultdn ordered him to come forward; he did so, and there was a stove before the Sultan : the Sultan placed his hand on the Shaikh's head, and pressed it towards the burning coals ; not- withstanding which, the Shaikh did not make the slightest movement or resistance. They remained in this position for a short time, when Mubarak Khan Lohani arrived : he wondered much at what he fiaw, and asked who that person (the Shaikh) was. The Sultdn replied that it was Shaikh Hasan. Mubarak Khan said : " 0 man who fearest not God, what are you doing ! Shaikh Hasan has suffered no damage or injury from the fire ; tremble, lest you yourself should ! " The Sultan said, " He calls himself my admirer ! "" Mubarak Kh4n answered : " You ought to be thankful for his doing so, and that you are pleasing in the sight of so holy a man : if you would obtain felicity in this world and the next, obey him." Prince Nizam Khan then withdrew his hand from the Shaikh's neck ; and every one saw that, notwithstanding the dreadful heat of the fire, neither the

face nor hair of the Shaikh had been injured. In spite of all this, the Sultdn ordered the Shaikh to be chained, neck and foot, and cast into a dungeon. This was also done ; and a week afterwards they informed Sultdn Sikandar, that Shaikh Hasan was dancing in the bazar; he ordered him to be seized and brought before him. When he came into the presence, the Sultan said to him : " You call yourself my admirer ; why have you escaped from the captivity in which I placed you ? " Shaikh Hasan answered : — " I did not do so of my own accord ; my grandfather. Shaikh Abu Ldld, led me forth by the hand." The Sult4n ordered the room in which the Shaikh had been con- fined to be inspected ; the door was opened, and the chains found lying on the ground ; and the Shaikh had, nevertheless, been found dancing in the hdzdr ! Thenceforth the Sultdn did not treat the Shaikh with disrespect.^

It is also related of this prince, that before his accession, when a crowd of Hindus had assembled in immense numbers at Kurkhet, he wished to go to Thdnesar for the purpose of putting them all to death. One of his courtiers represented to him that it would be better to consult the learned before doing this; Sultan Sikandar caused the doctors to assemble, and questioned the chief of them, whose name was Mika 'Abdu-lla, of Ajodhan. This Maliku-1 TJlama asked the King what there was in that place (Thanesar). He replied, " There is a tank in which all the infidels are accustomed to bathe." The Maliku-1 Ulama said, " Since when have they been in the habit of doing so?" Niz4m Khan replied that it was an ancient custom. Midn 'Abdu-lla asked what the Muhammadan sovereigns who had preceded him had been in the habit of doing. The Sultan answered, that up to his time they had left the Hindus unmolested. The Maliku-1 TJlama then assured the King that it would be very improper for him to destroy an ancient idol-temple, and that he ought not to forbid the accustomed rite of performing their ablutions in the

' This curious illustration of the customs, follies, and superstitions of the time is also given by Bazku-lla Mushtaki (MS., p. 23) and Ahmad YMg&r (MS., p. 56).

tank. When this conversation had lasted a short time, the Sultdn placed his hand on his dagger, and exclaimed, "You side with the infidels. I will first put an end to you, and then massacre the infidels at Kurkhet ! " Midn 'Abdu-Ua said, " Every one's life is in the hand of Grod — no one can die without His command : whoever enters the presence of a tyrant must beforehand prepare himself for death, let what may happen! AVhen you asked me, I gave you an answer in conformity with the precepts of the Prophet ; if you have no reverence for them, what is the use of inquiring ? " Sultan Sikandar's wrath was slightly appeased, and he said, " If you had permitted me to do this, many thousands of Musulm5,ns would have been placed in easy circumstances by it." Mikn 'Abdu-Ua replied : " I have said my say ; you know what you intend doing :

What I say to you is dictated by eloquence.

The Sultdn then rose up from the assembly, and all the learned

went with him, with the exception of Mi^n 'Abdu-Ua, who

remained standing in his place. The Prince requested that

he would visit him occasionally, and then gave him leave to

Another anecdote related of him is, that, in the time of Sultdn

Bahlol, when Tdtdr Khan and Saif Jin, grandees of the State,

had rebelled, and seized many districts,* the revenues of which

they applied to their own private use, it so happened that at

the same period Prince Nizam Kh4n had seized Panipat without

the permission of Sultdn Bahlol, and made it a,jdglr of his own.

Certain nobles laid a complaint about this before the Sultan,

who caused a farmdn to be written to Khwdjagi Shaikh Sa'id,

the Prince's diwdn, to this effect : " The Prince has behaved

thus at your instigation. If you have such a desire to display

your courage, take forcible possession of Tdtar Khdn's estates !

What courage do you show when you plunder my territory p "

' The WdkCit-i Mushtdkl (MS., p. 16) says Lahore was the proTince ■which had heen seized by Tktii Kh^m T6suf-khail.

The Shaikh went to the Prince with thefarmdn in his hand, and on the Prince's inquiring if all went well, he answered that it did, inasmuch as Sultdn Bahlol had himself made over the regal power to the Prince. The Prince asked why he spoke in that way. He answered, " Look at this farmdn which he has written and sent." The Prince opened it, and found that its contents were to the effect that if he possessed the courage and power, he should take possession of Tatdr Khdn's lands. The Sultdn said, " 0 Khwdjagi, they have given us a strange sort of kingdom." The KhwSjagi observed : " A kingdom is not to be gained easily. If you can perform what has been ordered, you are certain to succeed to the throne. The King commands you to take the management of important business, which he ought to transact himself; and by so doing he hints to you that he intends you to succeed him." " Well," said the Prince, "what must I do then?" He replied, "Arise, and try your fortune ! As it is said in this verse •

Unless he arms each of his hands with a sword 1 "

At that period, when the Prince Niz4m Khdn was staying at Pdnipat, he had 1500 horsemen with him, all of whom were as much attached to him as Khw^jagi Shaikh Sa'id Farmuli, and his relations. Amonji these adherents were Midn Husain and his five brothers, Daryd Khdn, Sher Khan Loh&ni, 'TJmar Kh&n Sarwdni, and others. One day the Prince mustered this force in Panipat, and after consulting with all the chiefs about his affairs, they came to the conclusion that the best course would be to send a portion of the 1500 men he had with him against the parganas in the neighbourhood of Sirhind, and order them to take possession of them. When strife had thus commenced, Tatar Khan collected a large army, and Prince Nizam Khan advanced from Pdnipat with the before-mentioned troops to meet him. They encountered each other in the pargana of Ambdla, on the plain where subsequently the battle was fought between Salim Sh4h and Haibat Kh4n Ni^zi, whose title was 'Azam Hum&yiin.

Niz^m Khan and his troops turned their faces towards the field with the same courage which their predecessors had dis- played on the day of the fight. The Prince was accompanied by a body of his most valiant warriors well armed, and the Khwajagi Sa'id went beforehim on horseback. The Khwdjagi ' glanced two or three times at the Prince, who asked him what he noticed. He replied : " Your slave sees that you are surrounded by gallant youths : if you lead them well, you may hope for victory ; if you do not choose to do this, you are, of course, at liberty to do what you please. Just consider what your troops are capable of performing. Tdtdr Khan may have 15,000 horse- men, but he does not possess ten such as these. If the Most High be pleased to grant victory to your troops, your wishes will be accomplished ; if not, you can easily efiiect your escape, for you are mounted on a swift horse, and could never be overtaken." When the Prince heard this speech, he laughed, and said to the Klwajagi, " In my imagination I can picture to myself your horse's feet scampering above the surface of the ground ; but as for mine, I see him buried in the enemy's gore up to his very chest, so that he cannot move." The Khwajagi alighted from his horse, and gave his right hand to the Prince, saying, " This is a sign of victory ; such a chief ought always to possess bravery and resolution."

When the hostile parties had come to close quarters, the first person who rode towards the foe was Darya Khan Lohdni, accompanied by thirty men, who placed himself between the two armies ; and in order that these horsemen might act effectively, he desired that they should all direct their attack together against the same quarter. From the other side, 500 horsemen advanced to meet them, and Daryd, Khdn attacked these 600 with his thirty troopers, and fought so fiercely that sparks flashed from the steel in the sight of both armies. Darya Khan vanquished and defeated them, and they fled back to their com- rades, whilst Darya Khdn returned to his position. It is said that 500 horsemen came out three several times against Dary4

Khdn, who put them on each occasion to flight, and then went back to his post ; after the third trial no enemy advanced, and Dary4 Khdn said to his companions, "The fear which I have caused and the fortune of my lord have appalled them ; you, 0 friends, remain here whilst I hasten against them in person." Daryd Kh&n penetrated their army three times, and three times returned to his place. After which Mian Husain, with 700 troopers,^ sallied forth from the army of the Prince, and was attacked by 1500 horsemen of Tdtar Khan's. Midn Husain was three times successful in the same manner as Darya Khan had been ; and he also went three times singly in amongst the foe, and escaped three times. After Mian Husain, 'Umar Khan Sarwani with 500 horse, receiving permission from the Prince, advanced in the direction of Mika. Husain, and when near him, an interchange of civilities took place, after which 'TJmar Khdn said to the Mian, " May a thousand mercies be with you and Daryd Khan ! You have behaved with a valour which elicits the praises of every one. I have as yet done nothing, and I have come to consult you as to what I ought to do. You have already done more than your duty ; now it is my turn ! "

Just at this time, Ibrahim Khan, the son of 'Umar Khan, galloped up to his father, and said, " I adjure you by the Kurdn and the salt of the Prince not to advance your horse. As you looked on whilst Darya Khdn the son of Mubdrak Khan, and Mian Husain the son of Khwdjagi, were fighting, look also at what your own son does ! " 'Umar Khan said, " I am ready to witness your valour, and will hold back," Ibrdhim Khan said, "Nothing can be perceived in a crowd; you ought, therefore, to see me advance singly." After saying this to his father, he attacked the enemy's 15,000 horsemen three times, overthrowing on each occasion two or three hostile cavaliers with his spear, whilst their horses fled riderless. 'Umar Khan, when he beheld this, raised the battle-cry of the followers of Islam, and charged

1 The original reads only seventeen. I adopt the more probable number given by Ahmad T&dgSir.

the division attached to T&tdr Khdn himself. T&tkr Khkn ■was slain, and Hasan Kh4n his brother fell alive into his hands, and the whole army of T4t4r Khkn was routed. This victory, which no one expected the Prince to gain, caused him to be admired by all the people and nobles. After this, Sultdn Bahlol also became thoroughly convinced that Nizam Khan was the ablest of his sons, so much so that he appointed him his successor.

When the news of Bahlol's death reached Prince Nizdm Kh^n in Dehli, he left at Dehli one of his nobles, Jamal Kh4n, in whom he placed confidence, and determined to set forth himself. On the day he quitted Dehli, he first went to Shaikh Sam^u-d din, one of the holy men of that age, for the purpose of requesting him to repeat the fdtiha, and said, " 0 Shaikh ! I desire to study orthography and prosody with you." He com- menced accordingly, and began repeating these words by direc- tion of his instructor, " May God render you fijrtunate in both worlds." The Sultdn said, " Say that again." He did so three times successively in Arabic. Then the Sultdn kissed that reverend person's hand, and explained that he was about to set forth at the summons of the nobles to assume the kingdom, and so he went away, considering this benediction as a favourable omen:

" The assertions of the pure are the interpretation of Fate, For their hearts resemble the tablet and pen."

Prince Niz^m Khan, by the advice of the principal chiefs, advanced with all expedition from Dehli to the town of Jaldli, and sent the corpse of his father to Dehli.

On Friday, the 7th Sha'bdn, a.h. 894, he was raised to the throne by the assistance of Kh4n Jahdn, the Khan-khandn Farmuli, and other great chiefs, on an eminence near the Black River, or as it is called by the inhabitants of that district Kali nai. On that spot there is a building called the palace of Sultdn Firuz, and there he became king in the eighteenth year of his age, with

the title of Sultdn Sikandar Ghdzi.^ Sultan Sikandar was a most illustrious monarch and of a benevolent disposition ; he was famous for his liberality, honour, and politeness ; he had no aiFection for pomp and ceremonies, and cared not for processions and magnificent dresses. No one who was profligate or a bad character had access to him ; he always associated with men of religion ajud the virtuous, and was both inwardly pious and out- wardly handsome ; he did not give way to his desires, and was exceedingly God-fearing and benevolent to the people. He was very just and courageous, his equity beheld the weak and the strong with the same eye, and he was constantly employed in balancing evidence, deciding suits, arranging the affairs of the Empire, and trying to render his subjects happy ; he personally assisted the wretched. After the afternoon prayer, he went into an assembly of Mullas, and then read the Holy Book. After being present at public prayer and the conclusion of the evening thanksgiving, he was in the habit of going to his harem, where he remained an hour. He then proceeded to his private chamber, where he seated himself, and remained awake the entire night, but slept at mid-day. He generally preferred the night for listening to the petitions of the needy ; he also devoted a portion of it to regulating the affairs of the Empire, and in causing farmdns to fee written to the governors of provinces and letters

' Nia'matu-lla (MS., p. 95) informs us that on Ms accession lie gave a splendid festival, at which, he presented fifty-three nobles each with a horse and an honorary dress, conferring upon them exalted mansabs and rich jdgirs. He says also that Barbak Shkh was the elder brother, but this is contrary to the statement in the Tdrikh-i Vdudi and Firishta, though he is so represented in Gen. Briggs' Genealogical Table prefixed to the Lodi reigns.

Nizimu-d din Ahmad tells us, that the chiefs were by no means unanimous about his right of succession to the throne. Though he had been designated to it by Bahlol, many were anxious that the decision should be revoked, and his grandson, 'Azam HumSiyiSn nominated. He was objected to by Tsi Kh&n, a nephew of Bahlol's, on the ground of his mother Zaina being the daughter of a goldsmith. Ts^, together with many other Afghans, gave the preference to B&rbak Sh&h, on account of the greater purity of his blood. "What business," he exclaimed, "have goldsmiths' sons with government, since it is proverbial that monkeys make but bad carpenters," — a speech for which he was sternly rebuked by Sikandar's warm partisan, Kh&n- kh4n&n Loh^nl. — Tdiakdt-i Ahbari.

to the monarchs of the time. Seventeen accomplished and learned men of tried merit were constantly with him in his ,private apartment. After midnight he was in the habit of calling for food, when these seventeen learned men, after washing their hands, seated themselves in front of the Sultdn, who was himself seated on his couch. A large chair was then brought close to the bed, and the different dishes being placed on it the Sultdn commenced eating ; food was also placed before his seventeen companions, who were, however, forbidden to partake of it in his presence. When the King had finished, they carried their plates away to their houses, and ate there. Some writers assert that His Majesty, in order to keep himself in health, was then in the habit of secretly drinking wine.

He founded masjids throughout all his dominions, and ap- pointed a preacher, a reader, and a sweeper to each ; to all of whom he gave regular stipends. Every winter he sent clothes and shawls for the benefit of the needy, and distributed a certain amount of money to them every Friday. Cooked and uncooked victuals were daily given to the poor at various places in the city by his command. During the blessed season of the month of Eamazan, and on the day of the Prophet's decease, he rejoiced the hearts of the necessitous and poor, and behaved towards them with royal liberality. He ordained that twice a year he should be furnished with detailed accounts of the meritorious poor of his Empire, whom he then supplied with means sufficient to support them for six months, each receiving according to his wants. During his reign, nobles, shaikhs, and men of learning from the lands of Arabia and Persia, of Hind and Bukhd.ra, induced to do so by his favour and benevolence, took up their residence at ^gra, where the King himself generally dwelt. During the fortunate reign of this monarch the fields were in a high state of cultivation, and merchants, peasants, and all God's creatures were enabled without danger to perform the duties of their respective occupations in ease and contentment. He always inquired strictly into the particulars of the lineage and ancestors

of any one who came to him for service, and gave him an ap- pointment corresponding to the dignity of his forefathers, bestow- ing a jdgir without inspecting the applicant's horse and arms, and commanding him to equip himself from its revenues. The military profession was in his time a very honourable one. The public roads in his territory were so well secured that there was not a sign of highwaymen and robbers throughout all his dominions. He allotted lands to the infidels who submitted to the followers of Islam in their respective countries ; and whoever rebelled or was contumacious, was considered guilty of treason, and was either slain or banished.

He was so zealous a Musulmdn that he utterly destroyed divers places of worship of the infidels, and left not a vestige remaining of them. He entirely ruined the shrines of Mathurd, the mine of heathenism, and turned their principal Hindu places of worship into caravanserais and colleges. Their stone images were given to the butchers to serve them as meat-weights,^ and all the Hindus in Mathurd were strictly prohibited from shaving their heads and beards, and performing their ablutions. He thus put an end to all the idolatrous rites of the infidels there ; and no Hindu, if he wished to have his head or beard shaved, could get a barber to do it. Every city thus conformed as he desired to the customs of Isldm. In each quarter prayers were performed in public, and high and low were everywhere seized with a desire of acquiring knowledge. In Sikandar's time many tradesmen were wealthy, and so much rivalry in consequence existed amongst them, that each tried to exceed the other in his expenditure. One of the King's commands was, that twice a year money should be distributed from the royal treasury to the deserving poor of the different cities, and certain God-fearing persons were sent to inquire into the state and administer to the necessities of the unfortunate. He ordained that each Jdgirddr should possess all the revenues of his tenure, with the exception of

' This is specially said of the famous idol of Kagarkot, hy Ahmad Ykigkr (MS., p. 86), and the Wdki'dt-i MushtdM (MS., p. 64).

those proceeding from imldk and wazdif. Thus were the holders of aima released by this single order of the Sultan, as no one now required to have his farmdn renewed. There was no inter- ference in the concerns of any of the chiefs who went to the wasir's diivdn and settled their accounts with him, having drawn them up in the manner most convenient to themselves. No one was allowed to press cattle from the villagers for the purpose of carriage.

It was the custom for every chief, when he heard of the coming of a royal order, to go out two or three kos to meet its bearer ;i a terrace was then erected, on which the messenger placed himself, whilst the nobleman standing beneath received the farmdn in the most respectful manner with both hands, and placed it on his head and eyes ; if it was to be read privately he did so, and if it was to be made known to the people, it was read from the pulpit of the Mosque. The annual procession of the spear of Salar Mas'ud he abolished in every province of his dominions, and peremptorily enjoined its discontinuance. Women also were forbidden to perform pilgrimages to tombs.^ Grain, merchandize, and goods of all descriptions were so cheap during his reign, that but small means enabled their possessor to live comfortably. On the festivals, or 'Tds, and on the anniversary of the death of the Prophet (on whom be the peace and blessing of God !), he, by order, was furnished with a list of all the prisoners in his dominions, and he then released, by a written command, all those who were confined on account of balances of public revenue. If any one who had been oppressed demanded justice whilst he was out riding, he immediately demanded who the petitioner was. The agents of the various chiefs being

' This is a T&t&r cuBtom, and prevails even now in China and some other Eastern countries.

^ The Wdii^dt-i MushtdM (MS., p. 15) adds, that he put a stop to the display of tdzii/as during the Muharram ; that the worship of Sitald, or the smaU-pox divinity, was abandoned in his time ; that people were exceedingly generous in their donations to fakirs, and that if a fakir died worth lacs of rupees, his heirs succeeded to the property, and if there were no heirs, it was distributed amongst othei fakirs.

always in attendance on him, would take the man by the hand, and use their best exertions to give him satisfaction. If he made any one a grant of a jdgir he never removed him until a fault was proved against him. When a person had once been convicted of a crime, he never again gave him any- thing, bu^ at the same time he did not cease to treat him with honour and kindness. If singers or performers greatly skilled in the science of music came to his Court, he never allowed them to display their talents in his presence. MIrdn Saiyid Ruhu-lla and Saiyid Ibn-i Rasul, two men who were great favourites, were commanded to station themselves in the neighbourhood of the Sultdn's tent, and before them all the musicians used to come and perform. The Sultan was, however, in the habit of listening to the surnd, and ten performers on it, called shdhndk, played every night in the royal darbdr, commencing at nine o'clock ; they were ordered only to play these four tunes : 1 Mdllkur, 2 JLaltydn, 3 Kdnra, 4 Husaini, and then cease for the evening ; if they ever played other tunes, they were chastised.^

Every business had its appointed time, and an established custom was never changed ; no one could possibly have found fault with any of his actions, with the exception of his shaving his beard. When he had once allowed an individual meat and drink, he never, till the close of his reign, made any alteration in the allowance. It is related that Shaikh 'Abdu-1 Ghani, a man of eminence, came from Jaunpur to visit the Sultan during the hot weather, and that a portion of food was allotted to him, which, in consequence of the heat of the weather, was accom- panied by six jars of sharhat, and that even when he came in winter- time the same quantity of sharbat was sent to him. He always behaved to the nobles and great men of his time in the

• Ahmad Y'aAgkx says (MS,, p 88) that there were four of the Sultan's slaves who were excellent singers and performers, one on the chang, another on the Mnim, another on the tamhur, and another on the ten; who were, moreover, very beautiful in their persons. He mentions only four surndia, and the names of these tunes are given as Kalddra, Uddna, Sasani, and RdmhaU. Eazku-lla Musht&ki (MS., p. 61) names them Gawtd, Kalydn, Kdnrd, and Mukdm-i Bmaini.

■way he did on the first day of the interview, whether they revisited him after the lapse of years, or remained with him doing daily service. The Sultan's conversation was under discipline, and he was never desultory. Every chief had his appointed post in his presence, where he always stood. He possessed a retentive memory. He daily received an account of the prices of all things, and an account of what had happened in the different districts of his Empire. If he perceived the slightest appearance of anything wrong, he caused instant in- quiries to be made about it. He generally resided at i^gra ; it is said by some that ^gra became a city in his time, before which it had been a mere village, but one of old standing. The Hindus, indeed, assert that ^gra was a strong place in the days of Raja Kans, who ruled in Mathura, and who confined every one who displeased him in the fort at that place, so that in course of time it had become the established State prison. In the year when the army of Sultdn Mahmiid of Ghazni invaded Hindustan, he so ruined i^gra, that it became one of the most insignificant villages in the land; after this, it improved from the time of Sultdn Sikandar, and at length, in Akbar's time, became the seat of government of the Empire of Dehli, and one of the chief cities of Hindustan.

The noble who had the general direction of affairs in the reign of Sikandar ' bestowed districts and charitable gifts upon the learned and religious to an extent that had never been known in former reigns, notwithstanding the great extent of territory and the vast treasures. In his reign, business was carried on in a peaceful, honest, straightforward way. A new sort of life obtained, for people high and low were polite, and self-respect, integrity, and devotion to religion prevailed, like as had never been the case in former reigns. The study of the helles lettres was not neglected, and a general respect was paid to integrity and piety. Factory establishments were so encouraged that all the young nobles and soldiers were engaged in useful works

(kasb). Under the orders of Sultan Sikandar, the Argar-maM- hedah^ on the science of medicine and the treatment of disease was translated, and received the name of Tibh-i Sikandari. The book is the foundation of the practice of the physicians of Hind, and was thus brought into general use.^

Sultan Sikandar had six sons : the eldest, Ibrahim Khan, suc- ceeded his father, with the title of Sultdn Ibrahim, in the Empire of Dehli ; the second, Jalal Khdn, became King of Jaunpur, and was styled Sultan Jal41u-d din ; the third, Isma'il Khan ; the fourth, Husain Khdn V the fifth, MahmudKh^n; the sixth, 'Azam Humayun. As for the nobles of note, who were all men of dignity and might, and were unequalled in their day in valour and skill, how can I give a list of them ? During his reign, innumerable Afghdn chiefs attached themselves to him, and he treated the Afghans and those of his own tribe with the greatest kindness. Whenever he granted an allowance to one of his chiefs to supply his wants, he from that day placed confidence in him, and said, " I have sown good seed, I shall lose nothing by it ! " His nephews had no equal in bravery and liberality. All the nobles and soldiers of Sikandar were well satisfied ; each of his chiefs was appointed to the government of a district, and it was his especial desire to gain the goodwill and affections of the body of the people.. For the sake of his officers and troops, he put an end to war and disputes with the other monarchs and nobles of the period, and closed the road of contention and strife. He contented himself with the territory bequeathed him by his father, and passed the whole of his life in the greatest safety and

2 [On this subject the Wd/ei'&t-i MushtdMss^i, " MiS,n Bhfidh succeeded to the late Khaw^s Kh&.n, and was confirmed in the dignity. He used t» associate with learned men, and the great men of the age assembled round him. He got together fine caligraphists and learned men, and employed them in writing books upon every science. He brought (books) from Khur&sSn, and gave them to learned and good men. 'Writers were continually engaged in this- work. He assembled the physicians of Hind and Khur&s&n, and collecting books upon the science of Medicine, he had a selection made. The book so compiled received the name of Tibb-i Sikandari, and there is no work of greater authority in India."]

enjoyment, and gained the hearts of both high and low. An account of several of the chiefs of Sikandar will be found in its proper place, after the completion of the relation of what happened during this reign.

An account of certain events which occurred during the first year of the reign.

It is said that in the Sambhal district a person was digging, and found an earthen jar, containing 5000 gold mohurs. Midn £4sim, the governor of Sambhal, took all of it away from him ; upon which the sufferer sent a petition to the King, informing him of all that had happened. Sultan Sikandar, being a benevo- lent and excellent monarch, commanded all the gold to be given back to the finder. Mian £asim then represented that he was not a proper person to receive so large an amount of money ; upon which the King addressed a/armdn to Mian Kasim, saying, " 0 fool. He who has given it to him would not have done so had he been unworthy of it : all men are the servants of God, and He knows who is worthy, and who is not ! " So all the gold was restored.

In the same way a husbandman, who was ploughing a field in Ajodhan, belonging to the holy Shaikh Muhammad, turned up a very large block of stone ; he left his work, and went and related this to the Shaikh, who sent some persons to inquire into the matter. On digging up the earth they found the stone, raised it up, and discovered a well beneath it. They then replaced the stone in its former position, and informed Shaikh Muhammad, who mounted his horse and came to the spot in person, and removed the stone. On descending into the well, they perceived it to be full of treasure, which the Shaikh caused to be carried away to his own dweUing. Some of the golden plates and vessels bore the seal of Sultdn Sikandar Zu-1-karnain (Alexander the Great). This led people to suppose that the treasure had been buried during the reign of that monarch. 'All Khdn, the name of the chief who governed the territories of Lahore and

Dib41pur, wrote a letter, and sent it to the Shaikh, saying : " This country is in my charge, as also any hidden treasure found in it." The Shaikh replied, " If the great God had given it to you, I should not have had anything to say to you ; as He has been pleased to bestow it on me, no portion of it belongs to you." 'All Khan wrote an account of this aflFair to the Sultan, and represented that " a royal treasure had been discovered on the lands of Shaikh Muhammad." Sultan Sikandar said : "What have you got to do with it? Why do you relate what has happened to the darwesh ? " Shaikh Muhammad also sent one of his men with some gold vessels, stamped with the seal of "Zu-1-karnain," to the King, telling how they had been found, and asking for orders how to dispose of them. Sultdn Sikandar wrote in reply, desiring him to keep them all, and said, "You and I have each an account to render to the most High God, who is the owner of the world, and who gives to whomsoever He will."i

If Sultdn Sikandar commanded his ministers to make over a j'dgir of a lac of tankas to any individual, and if after seizin he received information that its revenue amounted to ten lacs of tankas, he always inquired whether the person had received it from him, or had taken possession of it himself; and when told that His Majesty had bestowed it, he replied, " Let his good fortune remain untouched." Kjagir worth seven lacs of tanhas was ordered to be given to Malik Badru-d din Bahlim, and he received a pargana yielding that amount. In the first year its revenue amounted to nine lacs of tankas, and he informed the King that he had collected more than the assigned revenue — seeing that ajagir which was said to produce only seven lacs had given nine — and requested instructions relative to its disposal. T^ie Sultdn said, " Keep it yourself." In the next year the

' Eazku-lla Musht&ki and Ahmad TMga,r give both these anecdotes, and the latter concludes with an unusually bold remark ; " God be praised, for endowing the Sult&n with such a generous spirit ! In these days, if any one were to find even a few copper tankas, our rulers would immediately pull down his house to examine every nook and corner for more ! "

revenue reached eleven lacs, and Malik Bahlim again sent to tell His Majesty, who ordered him to keep it. In the third year he collected fifteen lacs, and again sent information to the King, who replied, " The jdgir is yours, as is also all the money it pro- duces ; why, therefore, are you always mentioning the subject to me ? " Marvellous was the integrity of the Kh4ns of that period, and the magnanimity and benevolence of the monareh of the age.

So great was Sult4n Sikandar's justice, that no man could even look sternly at another. His vakil, Darya Khan Lohani, was directed to remain all day, until the first watch of the night, on the seat of justice ; the Kdzi with twelve of the ' Ulamd were always present within the King's own palace. All cases brought before the court of law were tried before these twelve wise men, who decided them and wrote decisions, of the nature of which the Sultan received immediate information. Certain young slaves were specially appointed for this service, and from morning until the close of the sitting, reports of everything that occurred in court were brought to His Majesty the instant it happened.

One day a saiyid from the district of Ardal, which is twenty or thirty kos from Panna on the Agra side, sought redress, because Mian Malik, the Jdgirddr of ih&i pargana, had resumed his land, and withheld it from him. The SultAn commanded Mian Bhua ^ to inquire into the matter, and make known who was in the right. This dispute lasted two months ; after which period the Sultan asked, "What has happened to you, that you cannot settle this aflfair ? Until it is answered let no one leave the court to-day." Mian Malik, and the wazir's diwdn, and the ' Ulamd, discussed the matter until the third watch of the night, and accounts of what they were doing were constantly sent to the Sultdn, until the case was determined, and the right discovered to be on the saiyidls side, who had been oppressed. The Sultan directed Midn Malik to be asked why he had disobeyed the Sultdn's orders by tyran- nizing over the weak, and resuming wazdif and imldk tenures, ' [The « Ml&n Bh\idli " of the Wd/ci'dt-i Mushtdkl.}

which he had expressly reserved in all jdgir grants. Midn Malik being ashamed hung down his head, and said : "I have committed a fault." He was then obliged to repeat this three times, " Malik is guilty and a tyrant, and the saiyid is an oppressed person." When he had said this three times, the Sultan said, " You have been disgraced in the hall of justice, and that is your punishment." He then had \a.s jdgir taken from him, and he never received another as long as he lived.

An account of certain other events which occurred during the year of His Majesty's accession.

In the first year of his reign Sultcin Sikandar had a design of conquering Bayina,^ which task he effected, like a mighty monarch, in a very short time, and then returned speedily to Dehli. On the third day after his arrival, he was playing at chaugdn. Whilst he was in the chaugdn ground, news was brought from Jaunpur that Barbak Shah was coming from that city with a numerous army. Sultdn Sikandar sent Isma'il Kh^n Lohani to Barbak Shah at Jaunpur, to make pacific overtures, and then started after him in person, in the direction of Kampila and Patiali. 'I's^ Khan, the governor of that district came forth to oppose him. When both parties were engaged, 'tsk Khdn received a wound, from the effects of which he died in a few days.^

Sultdn Sikandar advanced thence towards Bdrbak Shah, who also had collected his troops and prepared to encounter him, leaving Jaunpur for that purpose. Both sides met and engaged.^ During the fight, a holy kalandar appeared, who seized Sultan

' Nia'matu-Ua, in his Makhzan-i Afghdni, says nothing of this expedition to Bay&ua, but informs ns that his first expedition was against Eapri on the Jumna (MS., p. 96), where 'Alam Kh&n, his brother, had fortified himself, but afterwards fled to 'All KhS,n and T&,tSr Kh&n Lodi at Patl&li. Eapri was made over to Eh^n-kh&n&n Lohani ; and the Sult&n then went to Et&wa, where he passed the rainy season. He bestowed Etiwa upon 'Alam KhSn, in order to detach him from the interests of their nephew 'Azam Hum^ytin. E&i Kishan received Patfili as a reward for deserting the cause of B&rbak Sh&h.

• Tsi Kh&n was Sikandar's cousin, and had strongly opposed his succession to the throne. The Tdiakdt-i Ahhari tells us that this expedition preceded that to Eapri.

3 Near Kanauj, we are informed by Nia'matu-lla.

Sikandar's hand, and said, " The victory is with thee ! " The Sultdn withdrew his hand with an expression of disgust. The darwesh said, " I give you a glad omen, and the joyful tidings of success ! Why do you withdraw your hand?" The Sultdn said, "When there is strife between two parties of the religion of Islam, you ought not to side with one, but to say that the victory will remain with those whose success will produce the greatest benefit to religion, and you ought to solicit the Almighty to grant victory to him who will treat the servants of the Lord best ! "

After a fierce battle, Barbak Shdh's army was defeated, and he fled thence to Badatin, to which place he was pursued by Sultan Sikandar, who besieged him there.^ Barbak Shah excused him- self and submitted, and Sultcin Sikandar conciliated him, and took him to Jaunpur, where he seated him again on the throne of the Eastern monarchy as before; but he distributed the parganas of the Jaunpur country amongst his nobles, and left governors of his own everywhere ; he also appointed men of trust to remain with Barbak Shdh. Thence he went to Kalpi, which place he resumed from his nephew 'Azam Humayun, and bestowed it upon Mahraud Khdn Lodi. He then advanced for the purpose of securing possession of the countries and districts belonging to Baydna.^ After seizing the whole of that territory, he returned in a short time to Dehli.

' A curious anecdote is related respecting this action. B&rbak and his general Kala Pahar drew out in order of battle to meet his brother, and an action ensued in ■which Kala Pahar was taken prisoner. Sikandar Lodi, on seeing him, alighted from his horse, and embracing him, said he esteemed him as Ms father, and begged he would look on him as his son. Kala Pahar, overcome by this unexpected honour, replied, that except his life, he had nothing to offer in return, and trusted that he might be employed, and have an opportunity of evincing his gratitude. He was accordingly mounted on one of the King's own horses, and instantly led a charge of cavalry against the party whose cause he had before espoused, which in a great measure led to the King's success. The troops of B&rbak seeing Kala Pahar charging them, and imagining that all his division had also gone over to the enemy, took to flight. Prince Barbak himself displayed great gallantry, but fled to Badtidn on being deserted by his troops. His son Mub&rak Kh&n was made prisoner, and Sikandar pursued bis brother to Bad&tin.

' Some other intermediate events will be found among the Extracts from the Tdrlkh-i Khdn-Jahdn Lodi.

On the third day after his arrival, he was again playing at chaugdn, and was standing with the bat in his hand, intending to proceed with the game, when news arrived that the zaminddrs of the district of Jaunptir, led by a Hindu named i\ygk,^ and numbering nearly 100,000 men, horse and foot, had attacked and defeated Mubarak Khdn Lohdni, and slain his brother, and that Mubarak Khdn had been seized by Mulla Khdn at the ferry of Illahabas, which at that time was called Pyag, and that Barbak Shah, learning how powerful these people were, had gone to Midn Muhammad Farmuli, nicknamed " the Black Mountain," at Darydbdd.

When Sultan Sikandar heard of these events, he threw down the chaugdn bat, and went from the field to Khan Jahan Lodi, and told him all that happened, at the same time asking what he ought to do. Khdn Jahdn said, " Food is just ready, eat a little of it as a good omen, and then set out for Jaunpiir." The King replied : " I will eat after the first stage." On quitting Khan Jahan's house, he went to the royal palace; and then causing the scarlet tents to be pitched, he proceeded with such celerity, that he came up with Jtiga on the tenth day. When he encamped near the water of Kudi, a scout brought informa- tion concerning the rebel army. The Sultdn asked how many kos Jugd was from this place, and he was told that he was near at hand. On this, the Sultan ordered an immediate attack ; some of the chief nobles recommended waiting until the arrival of the army, and the Sultdn inquired how many troops had kept pace with him. The Bakhshi answered that there were only 500 horsemen. He said, " The fortune of Isldm is in the ascendant ; these men will suffice." He then repeated the FdUha-i Khair, and mounted his horse. After proceeding a short distance, another messenger arrived, from whom the King inquired how far Jugd was off. He answered, " Not more than three kos." The King asked what force he had with him ? The man replied,

' It will be seen from the Extracts from the Tdri/rh-i Khdn-Jahdn Lodi, that he must have been the leader of the Bachgoti Eajptits.

300,000 foot and 15,000 horse. The Sultdn said, " Has he re- ceived intelligence of my coming ? " He answered, " Not as yet."

The Sultdn directed those who were with him to advance ■with all possible speed, saying, "If he does not seek safety in, flight, by God's favour he will fall into my hands." They advanced quietly two kos farther ; when they were only one kos distant from the enemy, another spy came to tell His Majesty that Juga and the other rascals, having just heard of the Sultan's coming, had run away and taken nothing away with them. The Sultdn said, " If he had remained after being told, he would have seen what he would have seen." The King, on arriving at Jtigd's tent, found even his clothes lying there ; for the dread of His Majesty caused the assembly of the rebels to disperse, and much booty fell into the hands of the victorious army. Sultan Sikandar followed him as far as the fort of Jiind,^ where Sult4n Husain Sharki was, and with him the Hindu Juga took refuge.

Sultan Sikandar encamped at a short distance from the fort, and wrote thus to Sultan Husain, " You are in the place of my uncle ; all that happened between you and Sultan Bahlol has passed. I bear no enmity to you, and would treat you with respect ; may this fort and land which you have taken possession of always belong to you. I have come hither to punish and chastise the rebel Juga ; if you undertake his chastisement yourself, so much the better ! If not, turn him out, that I may give him the punishment he merits ; he is an infidel, and I am therefore convinced that you will not side with him." When this reached Sultan Husain Sharki, he sent one of his chief nobles, Mir Saiyid Khdn, as an ambassador to Sultan Sikandar with this answer, " Jugd is my servant, and thy father Bahlol was a soldier ; I fought with him sword in hand ! You are a silly child, and if you are guilty of any folly, I will strike you with my shoe instead of my sword." When Sultdn Sikandar had heard these words, he said, " At first, I styled him my uncle, and I still adhere to that piece of civility. I

desire to punish the infidel ; if he assists him, I shall then be obliged to act. I have never boasted, and all Musulmans know it. With the blessing of God, the mouth that has uttered the word shoe, will itself be stricken with a shoe."

Sultan Sikandar said to Miran Saiyid Khan, " You are children of the Prophet (on whom be the mercy of God !), why do you not teach him to be reasonable, since he will afterwards have cause to repent ? " Mirdn answered, "I am his servitor; what he chooses is my choice." Sultan Sikandar said, " Fortune and Sense are the servants of each other ; whosoever suffers a change of fortune, also loses his sense ! you are excused. To- morrow, please God, after his flight, when you come a captive before me, I will cause you to recollect what I have said ; but it will be better that you should understand at once all I have said to you." After speaking thus, he gave Saiyid Khan per- mission to depart, and went to consult with his nobles ; they all advised war, and after repeating the Fdtiha, went to their places. Whilst all the great chiefs were present Sultan Sikandar had said, " You acted for Sultan Bahlol, as was proper for brethren and faithful subjects to do ; in this affair of mine, I am certain you will not fail to do your best for me."

On the following day, when both armies were ranged in order of battle, the skirmishers consisted of men of the Lodi and Sdhu-khail tribes, whilst the men of the Farmuli tribe were stationed on the right and left. The Sarwanis were in the rear of the force. 'Umar Khdn Sarwani, one of the bravest men of the time, commanded the vanguard of the army. Sultan Sikandar was mounted on an elephant, in order that he might behold the enemy's forces; and while he was encouraging his men, suddenly his eye fell on the fort of Jund; and he ex- claimed, " Is this the citadel which has made him so proud ? I will yet forbear, if he will understand his position." But shortly after, Sultdn Husain brought forth his army from the fort, and attacked the advanced troops of the force. In a brief space of time, aft^r the commencement of the encounter, and after a short

contest, Sultdn Husain fled, and Mirdn Saiyid Khan, who had acted as ambassador, was, with other nobles, taken prisoner, and brought with disgrace before Sultdn Sikandar. When the Sultan beheld him, and saw that he was bare-headed and on foot, he turned his face away from him, and said, " Give him a turban, and bring him mounted on a horse into my presence." When this was done as had been ordered, the Sultdn said to Miran Saiyid Khan and the other chiefs, " May mercy be with you, since you have shown the utmost fidelity in this matter. As your master was void of sense, what could you do ? Now, set your minds at ease." He gave two curtains, one tent, and a canopy sup- ported on four poles, two horses, ten camels, and a bed and its appurtenances, to each of the chiefs of Sultdn Husain who had been captured. When the tents had been erected, he ordered that the chiefs should be conducted to him.

When Sultdn Shark! had fled after his defeat at Jund, Mubarak Khdn Lohdni requested permission to pursue him. The King ordered inquiries to be made regarding the direc- tion he had taken. Mubarak Khdn stated that some of his men who had been despatched by him for the purpose of inquiry, were aware of the direction of his flight. Upon this the King commanded him to wait until the men who had also been sent by himself should return with information. Again Mubarak Kh4n spoke, and said, " Peace be with the monarch of the universe ! Delay is not good." The King answered, " He hath not fled from you, but from the wrath of God ; he is the same Sultdn Husain who routed you at the ferry of Kunjh. That Deity who has smitten him to the ground, and raised you from it by giving you success, still watches over his affairs. Boast not, but have patience. Sult4n Husain's pride has reduced him to his present condition." These words were spoken by Sultdn Sikandar at the early age of eighteen or nine- teen years. He who gives without asking, had endowed him with wonderful meekness and forbearance.

Sultdn Husain fled towards Bihar, and Sultdn Sikandar went

to Jaunpur ; and leaving there Bdrbak Shdh, the Sultan took

his departure to Oudh, where he spent nearly a month in hunting

and amusing himself. About this time, fresh news arrived to

the effect that Barbak Shdh, on account of the superior force of

the zaminddrs, was unable to hold Jaunpur. Sultdn Sikandar

commanded that Muhammad Farmuli, 'Azam Hutndyun, and the

Kh4n-kh4ndn LohanI should go to Jaunpur by the road of Oudh,

whilst Mubarak Kh^n Lohani should proceed through Karra,

for the purpose of making Birbak Shah prisoner and sending

him to Court. He was accordingly seized and brought before the

King, after which he was given in charge to Haibat Kh4n

Sarwani and 'Umar Kh^n. The Sultan then proceeded to the

fort of Ohun^r, with the intention of chastising the rebels of that

district. When the Sultdn's army arrived there, the E4j4, after

a slight resistance, thought fit to fly; during his flight, this

fugitive Raja, by name Bhed, went to hell. His Majesty desired

to advance farther, but opium and poppy-heads had become

excessively dear, and he had lost many of the horses used during

this expedition ; in fact, each man possessing a stable of 100

horses had lost ninety. Sultan Sikandar halted some months at

During Sultan Sikandar s stay at Jaunpur, his army became

totally disorganized, and the zaminddrs of that place wrote to

Sultan Husain, saying, " Since no horses are left in Sikandar's

army, and there is no cavalry to oppose you, you ought to take

advantage of so favourable an opportunity." Sultan Husain

accordingly advanced against Sult4n Sikandar with a vast force

and 100 elephants. The latter, perceiving the unprepared state of

his troops, sent the Khan-khandn to Sdlbahan to persuade him

to join him. When the enemy were thirteen kos off, Sultdn

' Ahmad YadgSi (MS., p. 38) represenls that, shortly after this unsuccessful expedi- tion, he returned to Dehli, whence, at the close of the rains, he moved with an army against M^lw&, where Sultan MahmM made his suhmission, and agreed to pay an annual tribute of several elephants besides cash. He adds, " In short, from Jalil- &b&d, near KS-bul, to Mludfi, and from Uiipix to Patn&, the coin was struck and prayers pronounced in his name, having no rival or partner in the realm. He passed his time in pleasure and festivity at Dehli, the centre of his Empire."

Sikandar, notwithstanding the condition of his army, proceeded at^ainst Sultan Husain. Meanwhile, S^lb&han also arrived with his troops to the assistance of Sultan Sikandar. After a contest between the two parties, Sultan Husain was defeated and pursued by Sultan Sikandar as far as Bihar, where he received intimation that Sultan Husain had gone to Kahal-ganw, in the country of Lakhnauti.i The province of Bihdr fell into the hands of Sikandar, and after establishing his officers in that territory, he went on a pilgrimage to the shrine of Shaikh Sharafii-d din Yahya, of Munir, and having caused the fakirs and dwellers of that place to rejoice, he arrived at Patna. About this time, Khdn Jahau, one of his chief nobles, yielded up his life into the hands of the angel of death, and his eldest son Ahmad Khan was distinguished by the title of 'Azam Humayun.

His Majesty having issued orders for his troops to assemble again, he marched against the King of Bengal, by name Sult4n 'Alau-d din, who sent his own son with a strong army to oppose him. When the hostile parties approached each other, proposals of peace were made, and it was agreed that neither party should injure the other's possessions, and that 'Alau-d din should deny refuge to any of Sikandar's enemies. Sultan Sikandar returned thence to Darweshpur, where he stayed some months, and as- signed that district to 'Azam Humayun. At this period grain became very dear, and to relieve the people he released them throughout all his dominion from furnishins; the usual zakdt of corn, and issued orders for its abolition. From that time it was forbidden, until the reign of the Khalifa of the age. King Jahangir.

From that place Sultan Sikandar appointed a large force to proceed against the R^jd of Bhata,^ which he followed in person.

1 The nature and order of these events are very differently related in the TdriJeh-i Khdn-Jahdn Lodi.

2 This is a very difficult name to restore, and none of the original authors have given it correctly, ringing the changes upon Patna, Panna, and Thatta. General Briggs (vol. i., p. 573) has "Salivahn ES.J&. of Punua." Dr. Dorn (p. 59) has " Salbahen " and " Panna." The real name of this tract is " Bhata," or " Bhat-Ghori,"

Previous to this, the Sultdn had demanded the Eaja's daughter, but he refiised to give her to the King, who, to avenge himself for this old grievance, now invaded his country, and entirely- destroyed all signs of cultivation. His most valiant soldiers showed their courage at the fort of Bdndhu, the strongest castle of that district, and Sultan Sikandar having utterly devastated and ruined the whole of that territory, went back to Jaunpur, where no foe remained. He thence directed his course towards Sambhal, where he abode during four years, during which time he was chiefly employed in pageants and festivities.^ * * *

Whilst Sultan Sikandar was staying in the district of Sambhal, he passed most of his time in playing at chaugdn. One day, when the Sultan went forth to amuse himself at chaugdn, the bat of Darya Khdn Sarwani struck Sulaimdn's head and broke it. This caused a quarrel amongst them. Khizr, Sulaiman's brother, to avenge his brother, seized the bat and struck Haibat Khdn's head, so that there arose a great tumult and uproar. The Khan-khanan consoled Haibat Khdn, and took him home. The Sultan quitted the field, and returned to the palace. Four days after he again went to play at chaugdn. In the middle of the road he found Shams Khan, a relative of Haibat Khdn, standing furiously enraged ; who, when he saw Khizr, Sulaimdn's brother, struck him over the head with the bat. For this. Shams Khan was severely beaten by order of the King, who then turned back home. After this he became suspicious of the Afghan chiefs.^

or simply " Ghorii," as it is entered in the Ain-i ATcbari -without specification of parganas. Here the mention of the fort of Bindhd, now hetter known as Bandrigarh, leaves us no room to doubt what country is meant ; but in many other passages, as noticed elsewhere, we are frequently left in great perplexity. Firishta assigns this expedition to the year 904 h. — [See Glossary, toI. ii., p. 164.]

1 The Makhean-i Afghani (MS., p. 104) tells us that it was in the year 905 H. that he went to Sambhal and remained four years, as he found the climate agree with him, and game was plentiful.

^ It is hinted elsewhere, that this disa0Pection arose from many Afghan chiefs having taken offence at the rigid inspection of Muhammad Kh&n Lodi's accounts during his administration of Jaunpfir, and from the King's having demanded the balance from him, when a groat defalcation was discovered. This is probable and characteristic, as a common partnership in roguery makes even Afghans wondrous sympathetic.

Certain loyal nobles were in the habit of keeping guard over His Majesty every night ; but twenty-two individuals of rank and name conspired together, and formed treacherous and malicious designs. They proposed to raise Prince Fath Khan, the son of Sultdn Bahlol, to the throne, and mutually swore to effect this. The aforesaid Prince related the circumstance to Shaikh Taha and to his own mother, and made known the names of the conspirators. Shaikh Tihk and the Prince's mother, by means of good advice, dissuaded the Prince from engaging himself in the plot ; and it was agreed that he should take the list of names to the King, and thus cleanse his skirt from the accusation of rebel- lion. He did so, and gave Sultdn Sikandar information of the evil intentions of those people. The King, with the aid of his ministers, ferreted them out, exiled them to different parts of his dominions, and thus put an end to their seditious designs.

It is related in the Akbar ShdM, that there came a Brahman,^ by name Laudhan, who dwelt in the village of Kaner, who had one day asserted in the presence of Musulmans that Islam was true, as was also his own religion. This speech of his was noised abroad, and came to the ears of the ' Ulamd. Kazi Piyara and Shaikh Badr, who resided at Lakhnauti, gave /atoass which did not coincide respecting the merits of the case. Consequently 'Azam Humdyun, the governor of that district, sent the Brahman, the Kazi, and Shaikh Badr, all three into the King's presence at Sambhal. Sultan Sikandar took great pleasure in disputations on religious questions, and on this occasion summoned all the wise men of note from every quarter. MuUa 'Abdu-lla, the son of MuUd Ilahddd, Saiyid Muhammad, and Mian Kddan, from Dehll, all the Mullds in short of his empire, were summoned to Sambhal, and the assembly of the learned who were always attached to the stirrup of His Majesty were also present on this occasion. After investigating the matter, the ' TJlama determined that he should be imprisoned and con-

^ FrofessoT H. H. Wilson Burmises that he was a disciple of Kabir. — See Asiatic Researches, vol. xvi., p. 6S.

verted to Muhammadanism, or suffer death, and, since the Brdhman refused to apostatize, he was accordingly put to death by the decree of the ' JJlamd. The Sultdn, after rewarding the learned casuists, gave them permission to depart.

In that year, the Sultdn sent Khaw4s Khan to take possession of the fort of Dhulpur. The R4ja of that place advanced to give battle, and daily fighting took place.^ The instant His Majesty heard of the firm countenance shown by the rdi of Dhulpur in opposing the royal army, he went there in person ; but on his arrival near Dhulpur, the rat made up his mind to fly without fighting ; and, after leaving a body of his retainers in the fort, he went to Gwdlior. Those Hindus who remained in the fort, finding themselves unable to maintain their position, quitted the fort at midnight and fled, and Sultdn Sikandar entered the place at sunrise. He offered up suitable thanksgivings for his success, and the royal troops spoiled and plundered in all directions, rooting up all the trees of the gardens which shaded Dhulpur to the distance of seven kos. Sultdn Sikandar stayed there during one month, erected a mosque on the site of an idol temple, and then set off towards i^gra. When he arrived at that seat of government, he allowed all the chiefs to depart to their jdgirs. About this period, on Sunday the 3rd of Safar, 911 H. (July, 1505 A.D.), a dreadful earthquake occurred at iSigra, the very hills trembled, and large and substantial buildings were utterly destroyed. The living thought that the day of judg- ment had arrived, and the dead that their resurrection was at hand. A poet has written some verses on the subject of this earthquake ; this is one of them :

" In 911 an earthquake rendered the Agra territory a desert"

Such an earthquake had never been witnessed in Hindustan. From the days of Adam to the time of Sultan Sikandar, no one could remember a similar one ; and from that period earth-

^ The Extracts from the Tdrlkh-i Khdn-Jahdn Lodi 'will show that several events, both before and after the capture of Dlnilpiir, have been omitted from the Tdrikh-i Ddudi.

quakes have been frequent in Hind. Sultdn Sikandar passed the rainy season of that year at Xgra. After the rising of the star Canopus, he assembled his army, and set forth to take possession of Grwalior and the territories belonging to it. In a short space of time he took most of the Gwdlior districts ; and after building mosques in the places of idol-temples, returned towards Kgia,. But the troops were much harassed by the narrowness and unevenness of the roads, and at one spot where he was compelled to halt, in order to admit of the people passing at their leisure, the want of water was so severely felt, that, both on that account, and the crowding together and jostling of a vast number of cattle, many people perished. It is said, that on that day a jar of water sold for fifteen tankas. Some people, when in their excessive thirst they found water, drank to such an extent that they died, whilst others expired from the want of it. They were counted by order of the Sult4n, and found to number 800 persons.

Sultan Sikandar, after the lapse of two years, in 913 a.h. (1507 A.D.), wrote a/armdn to Ja\i\ Khdn, the governor of Kalpi, directing him to take possession of the fort of Narwar, and to as- semble his troops and besiege it with all possible expedition. It was the custom of Sultdn Sikandar, whenever he appointed an army to proceed on a distant expedition, to send daily two farmdns to it ; one used to arrive in the morning, directing the troops to march and to halt at a certain place indicated ; towards evening another used to arrive, pointing out what they were to do where they were encamped. When the army was at a distance of even 500 kos, this rule was never infringed, and post-horses {ddk- chauM) were always kept ready at each sardi. Jaldl Khan Lodi, by the Sultan's command, besieged Narwar, where Sultdn Sikandar also joined him with great expedition. On the second day the King rode forth to see the strength of the besieged fortress, and the operations carrying on against it. Jalcil Kh4n divided his men into three divisions, and placed them in the King's way, that he might be satisfied with the appearance of his

troops ; one division of foot, another of horsemen, a third of elephants. Sultdn Sikandar inspected them, and was not a little astonished at their numbers. He consequently made up his mind gradually to subvert the power of Jalal Khdn, and remove him from his government. The siege of the fort was protracted for one year; it was no less than eight kos in length. Men were daily sMn on either side. After the time above mentioned, the defenders of the place were compelled, by the want of water and scarcity of grain, to ask for mercy, and they were allowed to go forth with their property ; but the Sultan destroyed their idol- temples, and erected mosques on their sites. He then appointed stipends and pensions for the learned and pious who dwelt at Narwar, and gave them dwellings there. He remained six months encamped below the fort.

The Sultan having satisfied himself that the citadel of Ifarwar was a very formidable stronghold, one that could not be retaken if it fell into the hands of an enemy, he raised another fortified wall all round it, so as effectually to preserve it from the attempts of a foe. And having thus freed his mind from the apprehension of danger, he turned his face towards the fort of Agra.' On his return march, Nia'raat

1 The Tdrlkh-i Khdn-Jahdn Zodi (MS., p. 123) informs us that he left Narwar on the 28th Sha'b^n, 914 H. (Deo. 1508 a.d.). The events of the two following years will he found recorded in the Extracts from that work. But between 917 and his death in 923 (1517 a.d.), we have no information of hie movements, if we except the following passage, taken from Briggs' Firishta, vol. i., p. 583 : — "At this time Buhjat Khin, governor of Chanderi, on the part of the King of Maiw^ perceiving the imbecility of his master, Sultin MahmiSd, made overtures to place himself under the Dehli government. Sikandar Lodi accordingly deputed Im^du-1 Mulk to assist Buhjat Kh&n in his revolt; soon after which, the King issued a proclamation, announcing th« acquisition of Chanderi to his dominions. Deeming it desirable, also, to make some alterations among the public ofiScers of that province, the King deputed Saiyid Khin Lodi, Shaikh Jamil Farmuli, and Rai Ugar Sin Kachhwaha, together with Khizr Khan and Khw&ja Ahmad, to proceed to Chanderi; and these ofiScers succeeded in occupying effectually that district for the government of Dehli. Muhammad Kh&n, the Prince of Milwi, although considered ostensibly the chief of Chanderi, was, in fact, dispossessed of all authority, and conftued to the city, while the supremacy of Buhjat Kh4n, the Maiwi governor, being usurped by the Dehli ofBcers, he left his government and came to Court. At this period, the King having reason to suspect the conduct of Husain

Khdttin, the consort of Kutb Khan, Sult4n Bahlol's cousm, arrived, in company with Prince Jal41 Kh^n, in the camp of Sult4n Sikandar, who went to visit them, and tried to gain their good-will. Some days after, he appointed the sarkdr of Kdlpi to be the Prince's Jdgir, and at the time of his departure favoured him with a present of 120 horses and fifteen elephants, together with dresses of honour and ready money ; he then dis- missed the Prince and Khattin, and directed them to proceed to Kalpi, after which he continued his route in the direction of ilLgra.

During his reign everything was cheap, and safety and security prevailed. He was busied with affairs from day- break until evening and sleeping time. During his reign the hand of oppression was not stretched out over the zamin- ddrs of Hind, and all obeyed- and submitted to him. The reign of Sikandar was an extraordinary one, and the people of that age were born under a fortunate star to possess such a ruler as the Sultin.

" Upon every nation of which God approves

Khan Farmuli, ndit of Sahiran, lie deputed Hijf Strang, with some troops, into that quarter, with orders to gain OYcr the ndib's troops, and to seize his person. Husain Khan hecame acquainted with the King's intentions; and contriving his escape, sought an asylum with 'Alku-d din Sh^h Piirbi, King of Bengal. In the year 922, 'All Kh&.n Nagori, governor of Suisapor, entered into a plot with the Prince Daulat Kh&n of Malwi, governor of Rantambhor, who promised to deliver that fortress to the King of Dehl'i, if he should come in person to take possession. Sikandar Lodl, overjoyed at this intelligence, proceeded towards Bay&na, to which place the governor of Eantamhhor came to meet him, and was honourably received-; but 'Ali Khto Nagori, disappointed in the attainment of some objects on which lie had calculated as a reward for bringing this affair to bear, resolved to prevent its accomplishment, and used his influence with the governor to retract his promise. The King, ascer- taining the true cause of this change, disgraced ' All Nagori and deprived him of his government of Suisapor, which he conferred on his brother, Ab6 Bakr ; and Sikandar Lodi was obliged to return to A'gra without obtaining possession of Bantambhor."