12. Volume 4 — part 12

From that period the dominion of Hindustan departed from the tribe of Afghans, and their dynasty was extinguished for ever. In lieu of which arose the star of Akbar Shdh's supremacy over the whole country.

1 All these events will be considered in greater detail under the events of the TimHrian period.

2 The Makhzan-i Afghdni represents that this defeat was entirely owing to the treachery of KatW LohSni, who was rewarded by the settlement upon him of some pargmas, by withdrawing from the field at a favourable juncture. Diiid is said by the same authority to have been slain in action. All this is confirmed in the Tdrikh-i Ehdn-Jfahan. D&iid Sh&,h is also said in the MaJchzan-i Afghdni to have been dis- tinguished by his integrity and propriety of behaviour; but we find nothing in history to warrant this eulogium. It does not appear that the power of the Loh&ni Afghans entirely expired with D&tid ShSh, for we find his younger brother, Khwaja 'Usm&n, maintaining a fruitless struggle for twenty years against the Mughals, which was not finally concluded till a.h. 1021, in the reign of Jah^ngir. The treacherous Katlti also, as was to have been expected, turned his arms against those to whom he had sold his country. More will be found respecting these transactions in the Tdrikh-i Khdn-Jahan and the Timiirian histories by any one anxious to extend his inquiries.

[The Editor is indebted to Gol. H. Yule for some notes on the Matla'u-s Sa'dain, which did not reach him in time for insertion in their proper place.

Page 96. " The ninety cities of the islands of Diwah-MahaU." For Sir H. M. Elliot's reading Jy _,^ Col. Tule considers the words of Quatrem^re's MS. to be preferable, viz., yjy^ Shahr-i nau, or " New city," a name by which Siam was known to the Malays and the mariners of the Persian Gulf in the middle ages.

P. 96. "Zirbad." "This is a phrase translated from the Malay, meaning 'below the wind,' or 'leeward,' and is applied by the Malays to the countries east of the Straits of Malacca. The expres- sion occurs in the 'Ain-i Akbari, Blochmann's translation, p. 91, but the true meaning is not there given to it." It is also used in the well-known Bdgh-o JBahdr, and there it seems to apply to Burmah and other countries between India and the Straits.

P. 103. " Bandana." " In spite of Bandana handkerchiefs, there is no such port as this in Malabar. I have no doubt the real word is 'Fandaraina' or 'Pandarana.'" See note in Journ. Eoyal Asiatic Society, vol. iv., p. 345. Quatremere's reading was " Bendianeh." The MS. of the East India Library agrees with Sir H. Elliot's reading aJlAij Bandana.

P. 113. " Zaitun." " This is the name of the Chinese city whence satin was brought, hodie Thsiuancheu or Chincheu, and my belief is that our word satin came from Zaitun."

P. 124. "Bdknur." "This reading of one of the MSS. is the correct one. It is the port in Northern Malabar, called Baccanore by our old voyagers." — See Cathay, and the Way thither.

[Abu-1 Kasim Hasan bin Ahmad 'Unsurf, of Balkh, rose t& a high position by the exercise of his poetical talents. He was one of the poets entertained at the Court of Mahmud of Ghazm'.' They are said to have been 400 in number. He was reckoned their chief, and it was his duty to read and report upon the productions of the poets who sought for the patronage of the Sovereign. He wrote a series of Odes describing the victories of the Ghaznivides, of which the following is an Extract, translated by Sir H. M. Elliot. He died in 431 or 441 h. (1039 or 1049 a.d.).}

Ode in praise of Sult&n Mahmud Ghaznivi. — Jaipdl. — Multdn. — Thdnesar. — The display of booty from India.

Oh ! thou who hast heard of the virtues of kings from history, come hither and clearly discern the virtue of the Khusru of fran. ***»«> If thou regardest his face, thou wilt find it more auspicious than that of the sun. If thou regardest his wealth, thou wilt find it more abundant than the sand of the desert or the drops of a shower. The son resembles the father ; for when the matter is so excellent that which proceeds from it must be equally so. In whatever business he undertakes, he acts like a hero; he is swift to hunt lions ; the line of his army is as indissoluble as a ring ; when he rides he is as much a part of his horse as sugar dissolved in milk forms one liquid. The eye of day is blinded by the dust raised by his steed ; from its neighing the ear of heaven is deafened. His family around him are like the army of Tajuj ; his troops are as firm as the wall of Sikandar. With his body erect, his heart filled with revenge, his sword drawn, he resembles an enraged male lion pursuing its prey. The attack of the King of the World has exterminated his enemies root and branch, as the blast when it destroyed the tribe of 'Ad. The foundations of his fort are as strong as iron, and its bastions are as lofty as heaven. When men walk along its ramparts, you would say they were taking their way along the galaxy.

Thou hast heard the account of Jaipal, the King of the Hindus, who was exalted above the other chiefs of the world. His army

was more numerous tkan tlie stars «f heaven ; th© stones on the face of the earth did not equal it, or the drops of rain. His soldiers had so imbrued their hands in blood, that their swords were as red as the morning dawn. Hadst thou seen his spears gleaming, like tongues of flame through black smoke, thou wouldst have said his host was dispersed in the wUderness of heU. Sense fled from the brain at fear of him ; and the light of the eye was confounded. The Lord of Khurasan dispersed in his attack the whole of that army on the plain of Peshawar. Thou knowest the history of his expedition to Mtiltan, or if thou knowest not, consult the " Crown of Victories." ' In the SMh-ndma will be read the story of Faridun crossing the Tigris without a boat. The tale may be true, or it may not be true ; if thou knowest it to be not true, put no faith in the narrative. But [Mahmud] crossed the Chandaha, the SIhun, the Eahwali, and Behat,^ yet he had neither boat nor anchor, notwith- standing that thought could not fathom their depth, and the breeze was unable to pass over their breadth. On his road to Multan he took two hundred forts, each of which was a him.dred times etronger than Khaibar.' As the King passed from the right to the left, he dispersed all his foes, and in his contempt regarded them as vile. Their armour was shattered, their bodies wounded, their hopes depressed, their swords broken, their hearts confounded, their shields cast away. "Vestiges of the blood of his enemies, which the Shah spilt, still remain in that country, for its air is full of clouds and its soil bright red. He marred the beautiful gardens of Gang and Thanesar, because they were places of pilgrimage to the Hindus. He threw down the idol's head at the entrance of the plain of Ghaznin, because it was, as it were, the helmet of Hind. « » «s The enemy's blood will flow for years over the wide plains of that country. The mother who has witnessed the battles of that region wiU bring forth no more children through affright ; for the feet of the camels and the swords of the warriors are yet red with the blood of the inhabitants. JSo one, except God the giver, can rightly enumerate the booty

' The famous work by Abfl-l Fazl Baihald.

' The Chinab, the Indus, the Elvi, and the Jelam.

whioh the Prince- of "Ajam brought back with him. In one direct line, as far as Balkh, it was displayed ; and the road became like one sardi, fitted up with the puppets of Barbar. Villages and towns became distracted at the colours and odours arising from the strings of rubies and the balls of ambergris. Baghdad could not produce such rarities, nor Shustar [Susa] such beauties. The sand of the deserts is not greater than were the heaps of jewels piled up before the King of the World. If this surpasses belief, read the " Crown of Victories," the text of which is a necklace, and its commentaries like pearls. The Shah of Khurasan has conquered all his opponents by the help of God, in a manner which no one amongst men has done before him. Though the moon shines in a dark night and is very brilliant, yet it pales before the light of day. Though every Shah may say, " I am aloe-wood, because I also am of the same nature," yet that only can be known when tested in the fire and censer. * * *' Who upon this earth resembles the King in excellence? What thorn resembles the pine and cypress ? Princedom, nobility, wealth, and religion are excellent through his possession of them, as trees are valuable through the fruits they produce. As long as in every time men throughout the world are affected by pleasure and sorrow, by the decrees and preknowledge of God, may the life of the King of the World endure, and his wealth be abundant, his heart at ease, and his hand upon the wine and cup !

Hail ! Lord of Khurasan and son of perfection, on whom Almighty God has bestowed dignity and pomp. Thou art the right hand of the State, from whom the State has acquired honour, the asylum of the faith, from whom the faith has derived splendour. God has abolished mortality from the creation, in order to secure the eternity of his government. The tree of his liberality has risen to heaven, every leaf of which is dignity, and every fruit is wealth. Prom the utmost bounds of the sea and land he has united in his donations aU the munificent largesses which have ever been scattered over the- earth. If you look at his face, your heart will be gladdened ; if you hear his name, you may consider it a happy omen. « « « lo

Turkistan there are no houses which he has not saddened ; in Hind there are no cities which he has not levelled with the ground. Wherever there is wisdom, wherever there is exoellenoe, every one takes an example in both from thee. Wisdom has no value till it derives approval from thee; excellence makes no impression till it draws its model from thee. ««•»»« Trom fear of thee the heart of the infidel becomes black ; the heart of the pious is illumined by the light of thy religion. Before thy benefactions are made, a request is issued that they might meet with accept- ance. If I were not to wish for a long life, in order to serve thee, all that I possess in the world which is lawful would change its nature.

[Khwaja Mas'ud bin Sa'd bin Salman wrote poems in praise of the Ghaznivide sovereigns Mas'ud, Ibrahim, and Bahram Shah. A few facts respecting his life are to be gathered from his works. He suffered a long imprisonment, for he speaks of the niueteenth year of his incarceration. His writings throw some light upon the Ghaznivide period. He died in 525 h. (1131 a.d.) according to some, and in 520 h. (1126 a.d.) according to others. The following translations are the work of Sir H. M. Elliot.]

The conquest of Taharhinda, Buria, and Ghor.

As power and the strength of a lion was bestowed upon Ibrahim by the Almighty, he made over to him the well-populated country of Hindustan, and gave him 40,000 valiant horsemen to take the country, in which there were more than 1000 rdis. Its length extends from Lahore to the Euphrates, and its breadth from Kashmir to the borders of Sistan. '* '* ** What enemy has held any fort in Hindustan who has not by the power of the Sultan been placed in chains ? The rdjds and rdis with their armies had raised that fort to the heaven of Saturn ; but when the army of the Shah turned his face towards it, all their joy was turned to sorrow, all their advan-

tage to loss. » « « The good fortune of the King compelled the enemy to come out of the fort in a supplicating posture to plead for mercy. Tabarhinda is stronger than Nursadna,' and no place is so strong as these two in the world. Imagination cannot conceive anything so strong, and its defenders were innumerable. No breath of Islam had blown in that region, nor any fragrance of the truth visited the land. «<■•<> Almighty God gave him victory over the people, which had not been attained by any former kings. The army of the King destroyed at one time a thousand temples of idols, which had each been built for more than a thousand years. How can I describe the victories of the King ? I am not able to sound aU his praises. I wiU mention only a few, as I cannot recount them all.

One is the conquest of Buria. I will record it in verse, but it would require a thousand diwdns to do it justice. 'Udu ^ became greatly alarmed when he saw the soldiers of the King of the East. The sun and moon became dark from the dust raised by the horses. The fish and cow ' felt the burden of his army heavy. He leaped into the water like a fish when he learnt that the King's sword was death, and there was no escape from it. The King had collected some wooden boats for the fight, which floated on the flowing stream like crocodiles. He placed on each two hundred horsemen. •» * * 'Udu was drowned in the river with his army like Pharaoh, and the King became victorious like Moses. 'Udu was defeated, and his magic was of no avail against the dragon-like sword of the King of the World.

One hundred thousand tongues could not describe the conquest of Ghor, and the condition of Muhammad 'Abbas. The fort was strong and lofty, and as free from the chance of removal as the mountain of Sihlan (Ceylon).

Another copy reads Nausit&ra. Tabarhinda may be read Barhanda or Sirhinda, [and is, as we have seen in former parts of this work, an old name of Sirhind, see sitprd, p. 11.]

• One copy has 'Umar in one place, as the name of the nder of Blirla, which stiU exists on the banks of the Jumna ; but though 'Udvi means also an enemy generally, yet it resembles a Hindu name, and occurs too frequently to be merely a repetition of " the enemy."

' In allusion to certain absurd Muhammadan notions given in the Ma'dlimu-i Tamil, and other commentaries and works on Cosmogony.

The capture of Dhangdn and Jdlandhar. The narratives of thy battles eclipse the stories of Eustara and Isfandiyar. Thou didst bring an army in one night from Dhangan to Jalandhar. The hills were alarmed, and the clouds astonished. The horses and camels stood ready. They galloped over the narrow road and floundered in the river through • the dark- ness of the night. The clouds around formed thrones of ice, and rivulets of blood flowed in all the ravines. The standards were flying, and the spears had their heads as sharp as thorns ; and the army of the Magog of mercy made firm his tents upon the hUls, in a line like the wall of Alexander. ^ * * * Thou remainedst but a short time on the top of the hUls, thou wert but a moment involved in the narrow defiles. Thou didst direct but one assault, and by that alone brought destruction upon the country. By the morning meal not one soldier, not one Brahman, remaiaed unkHLed or uncaptured. Their heads were severed by the carriers of swords. Their houses were levelled with the ground by the flaming fire. » «s m A fleet messenger came from Dhangan, announcing that ten thousand turbulent people, horse and foot, had collected. Thou didst take the road by night, and wast surrounded by gallant warriors. The enemy's heart quailed because of thy coming. Thou didst pass on without stopping with thy foot-soldiers like the wind. Thou didst proceed tUl the noise of the clarions of Sair Sambra arose, which might have been said to proclaim his despair, and was responded to by those of Bu Nasr Parsi, which announced thy victory to all quarters. * ^ • He fled unto the river Eawa at dread of thy approach, and there he was drovmed, and descended into the infernal regions ; and well do I know that this end must have been less appalling than the daily fear which he entertained of the destruction which awaited him. Henceforth thou shouldst consider that the Eawa had done thee service, and it should be reckoned as one devoted to thy will. If such a place be conquered during this winter, I wiU guarantee the conquest of every village near Jalandhar. I am the meanest of slaves, and hold but an exceedingly small oflSce, but make thou over to me the accomplish-

' The same two similes occur in a line of 'Unsuri in an ode in praise of Sult&n Mahmdd.

ment of this business. The rdis and soldiers will not dare to revolt, and rdfds from fear of thee will proffer their allegiance. By the help of God, and by the force of thy prosperity, will I extirpate the practices of idolatry from this country. I will make the slain kiss the earth to the very gate of the fort. I will make a string of slaves kiss the earth to the banks of the Eawa. * ** * Thou hast secured victory to thy country and to religion, for amongst the Hindus this achievement will be remembered till the day of resurrection.^

The author laments the condition of his family.

For sixty years this slave's father, Sa'd bin Salman, served the State, sometimes in distant provinces and at others at the capital. I have a young daughter and a son and two sisters in the land of Hindustan. My daughter has become blind through her tears, and my son has no employment. There are- forty -three members of my family who are dependent on thy mercy, and pray for thy prosperity and welfare. Oh, thou, who deliverest thy people from evil, relieve me also from my misfortunes. From the strictness and darkness of my imprisonment, my heart is oppressed and my disposition is blackened. Though my fault is exceeding great, yet a hundred faults would not be beyond the efficiency of thy mercy.

The author complains of Ms imprisonment. Arrows and swords pierce my heart, and my niece, my daughter, and son are in pain and sickness. Day and night my heart yearns towards them. My mother and father also are afflicted. No news reaches me from them, and none reaches them from me. I am imprisoned in the lofty fort of Nai, on the top of a hill. ** «» * Though heaven is against me, yet the King Ibrahim, whose praises I sing, is just, and I feel no grief.

' There is a wildness aad want of connexion in this ode which renders its precise meaning doubtful, but it is interesting as noticing the capture of Dhang&,n and J^andhar. The latter place is well known, but has not before been noticed in Muhammadan annals. The position of the former is doubtful, but the description shows that it must have been far within the hills. These conquests appear to have been effected in the time of Ibr&him.

At the silver dawn of mom a zephyr reached me from the palace, whispering that Abu-1 Muzaffar Sultan Ibrahim had bestowed honour upon Mahmud Shah, by appointing him to the government of Hind. The khutba was read throughout all Hind in his blessed name, and the diadem was placed upon his head. » «» » A horse was bestowed upon him as a hhil'at. May it be attended with prosperity for him, and may he be established firmly on the throne of the country ! AU the astrologers declared, after making their calculations, that it would not be long before the preachers should read from their pulpits the name of Saifu-d dawwal (Mahmud), King of the Seven Climates. Bu Eihan, five years previous to this, declared in the book called Tafhim, that a king, lord of the conjunctions, would exist upon the earth, when four hundred and sixty-nine ' years had passed from the beginning of the Hijra. A thousand thanks every moment to God, that he has given us a puissant and merciful king I

Oh, Zephyr, proclaim the great victory to all the world. * * *> Thou wert thyself present and saw all, why need I tell thee what occurred ? Say how the Lord of the World, the Sword of the State and Religion, the sovereign of the great and small, in order to secure victory to Islam, brought a valiant army from the capital to the land of Hind, which he reduced to forty thousand horsemen, in order that it might not be too large and unwieldy. * ** ** He disregarded all other forts, and passed rapidly over the ground, sometimes encamp- ing in forests, sometimes on broken ground. When his lofty standards passed the river, the mirror-lLke vault of heaven was obscured by clouds of dust. The fort of Agra is built amongst the sand, like a hill, and the battlements of it are like hillocks. No calamity had ever befallen its fortifications, nor had deceitful Time dealt treacherously with it. When it was surrounded by the army,

1 Literally a ta, a sin, and three jlms, according to the numerical value of those letters ; but the chronology seems questionable, and the existence of Bu Kih^ five years previous makes the matter still more doubtful, unless by the same computation we consider the pa^ja to be fifty-five Instead of five.

it looked like a point in the centre of a circle. The battle waxed warm with arrows and swords. The following night the chiefs of Jaipal had a dream. ** ** *» When the moon arose, the Amir of Agra, Jaipal,' descended from the top of the rampart to the gate of the fort. He looked towards the tent of Saifu-d daula, and made his reverence, and seizing from his waist his holy- thread, held it up with both his hands. He sent a message to the King, saying, " Oh, great sovereign, I have committed a fault, and I am ready to acknowledge it. I proclaim my allegiance. Thou art my lord. I will relinquish my sins; do thou pardon my transgressions. If thou wilt grant me forgiveness, I will fill up a heap of treasure in this fortress." The King of Kings, the Sword of State and Keligion, replied, " I have come to this country to prosecute a religious war. I have seen countless forts, but this holy army has taken every one of them a hundred times over. I was in search of such a large virgin fortress as this, which no king or chief has yet taken. Now that my heart has found this fort of Agra, I will bring destruction upon it Avith my swords and arrows. Other kings have thought only of silver and gold. I look for nothing but pardon from the Giver of all things." He then ordered his soldiers to the attack, saying he would take the strong- hold by the help of God. His soldiers surrounded the fort of Agra, and made the day appear like night. Without, were the army of Islam ; within, were the infidels. The stones discharged from the mangonels ascended to the vault of heaven, like the prayers of saints. I saw the foot-soldiers with helmet, coat of mail, and sword, creeping up like snakes to defend their walls, which could not be destroyed by stones, arrows or fire, insomuch that you would have said they had been riveted together by iron nails. A thousand assaults were made, but their hearts did not quake ; a thousand wounds were inflicted, but their bodies were not maimed. The fires which they threw down from the battlements blazed like planets in the heavens. Every horseman who rode surrounded by the flames of fire escaped from the effects of it, like Ibrahim, the son of Azur ; and the red element blazed round him like a garden. ** ** ** Several days elapsed, and there was no respite from fighting by the • Another copy reads BatliSl.

light of day or the darkness of nigM. « « » The clarions of Mahmud resounded like thunder from the clouds. From behind the walls arose the cry of " Strike, strike."^ The troops of the King made an assault together, and dragon-like swords defended the ramparts. The faulchions of the holy warriors made the ground of Agra flov/ like a river with the blood of the enemy. «* «» « I saw the King plunging into the middle of the fight like a male lion, with a man- devouring scimetar in his hand. ** ** ** At last, from the holy warriors within the fort arose the shout of " Victory to our Sovereign Lord Mahmud." ** * ** Now do the kings from aU quarters send their presents unto thee — loads of red gold, and files of male elephants. As so many elephants are collected, make their stables at Kanauj, and appoint Ohand Eai to take charge of them. May this victory be propitious to thee, and mayst thou capture by the sword a thousand such forts as these. Thou shalt be lord throughout the seven climates, as this conquest over the infidels testifies.

The conquest of Mdlwd. — The author describes his former circumstances.

Thou didst depart with a thousand joyful anticipations on a holy expedition, and didst return having achieved a thousand victories. Thou didst encamp at pleasant spots in each province in the hottest season of the year. On this journey thy army destroyed a thousand idol-temples, and thy elephants trampled over more than a hundred strongholds. Thou didst march thy army to Ujjain ; Malwa trembled and fled from thee. Thy encampments were gardens, thy roads were groves. On the way to Kalinjar thy pomp obscured the light of day. The lip of infidelity became dry through fear of thee, the eye of plural- worship became blind. All the people felt alarm at thy army, and regarded it as the approach of the day of judg- ment. '* * » All the mothers of Turkistan produce children to adorn thy Court. AU the mines of Hindustan increase their pro- duction of iron to make weapons for thy wars. The wilds bring forth the various kinds of horses for thy stables. The Eumis send cuirasses ; the Eussians send helmets ; Eum, Baghdad, Wasit, and

1 Mdrd mdr. This is the first use of a Hindusta.ni phrase in a Persian author.

Shustar forward the olioioe robes of their manufacture. At all times every one presents as many valuable things as his means admit. Who is able to show a living ? but thou art able, thou destroying champion. Glory to my sovereign lord, and may he long live, who has a son resembling him in greatness and power. * ** » May thy Government, thy actions, thy splendour, and the kingly power bestowed on thee by thy father be propitious, and prove a blessing unto thee.' « » « On the top of hills my youth is wasted without any repining. My verses are remembered in every assembly ; fresh mention of my name is made in every chamber. The justice and munificence of the Sultan towards me are great. He has given me bread which is sufficient, and bestows happiness upon me without alloy. My affections draw me towards my native country, my love of my daughter and my son. When I was in Hindustan, I resided upon the estate of my old father. The slave Bu Nasr appointed me to a command, like other ndtbs. But I was not a ndib, inasmuch as I had not the means and appliances which were thought sufficient for them. I had a few servants very black, and a few horses very thin. All these appurtenances are necessary in a Government to enable the administration to be conducted with honour. The partridge and hawk do not fly together ; the lion and antelope do not associate. How dare the turbulent advance their foot in opposition to thy power ?

Prince Mahmud congratulated on his return to GJiazni.

Thanks to the incomprehensible God, that the Amir and Shah of Hindustan, the Sword of State and Eeligion, the honour of our faith, Prince Mahmnd, son of Ibrahim, has returned from Hindustan to the Sultan, the just lord of the world. ** ** *» When thou camest over the deserts in the month of Nisan for the purpose of this in- terview, thou didst cross the Chandraha, the Jailam, the Waihind, and Mahminara,'' as Moses did the Nile of Egypt.

1 This allusion to father and son shows that this ode is addressed to Prince Mahm<id, the son of Ihr&him.

• The Indus flows under those two towns. This portion of the stream is now called Attak as far as KSlibagh.

Conquest of Kanauj by Maa'M III. — The author bewails Ms captivity, ■ and excuses himself. 'Ala-u daula Mas'ud, by the aid of Islam, raised a thousand standards, round each of which was arrayed a gallant army. He turned his face towards Hindustan, to prosecute a holy war. ««<» With a valiant army of Turks and others, and by the aid of the King, they took Mulhf, the accursed God-forsaken Chief of Hind. They placed chains on his feet and a collar on his neck. They carried him to the royal presence. Kanauj was the capital of Hind, which the infidels regarded as their pole-star. Its story is not con- cealed, for it was the Ka'ba of the Samanis, and the Kibla of the infi.dels. The treasures of Hind were collected in it, just as all rivers flow into the sea.' Mulhi had soldiers, wealth, elephants, and arms : conceive therefore what else he had. He had taken possession of Hind by force, for he was the Ka'ba of the wicked, and the Kibla of the infidels. His face was black, his deeds demoniacal, his religion was witchcraft, his disposition that of a tiger begotten of the devil, of the family of hell, a worshipper of idols. * * ** He bounded up in alarm, and had such fear for his life that he looked on his sacred thread as the folds of a snake. » » ** From the raining of thy swords, the garden of Hind bloomed ; the bones were white as jessamine, and the blood red as a rose. •* ** *• Oh, powerful Lord, it is now nearly ten years that my life has been wasting with sorrow and anguish. My body has become as thin as a hair, my heart is burning and my chest is torn with my long blue nails. » «» *» Why should I turn my face away from thy exalted dynasty, for I have been a slave of it for seven generations. Sa'd Salman did service for fifty years, and obtained these large estates with difficulty and made them over to me ; but my enemies have taken them away from me, and my house is destroyed. I came with a petition that justice might be done, but have met no satisfaction. I know no fault or crime of my own, but my deceitful enemy planned my destruction. No one has ever seen me throw away my arms, there

' His hydrography is tetter than Bishop Hall's, who makes rivers flow from the sea.

• There is a play upon words in this couplet, " Samanist&n " meaning a jessamine garden, as well as a country of Samanis, and in another passage the same simile occurs with reference to a hattle-field.

was during the battle a sword in my hand, nor have I shown my back in flight, and in the disaster an arrow penetrated my eye. Let all the infidels be asked if I did not serve the Shah like other slaves. I sing thy praises like a nightingale ; why then am I cooped up like a hawk in a hill fortress ?

Mir 'All Sher, or 'Alf Sher Amir, the enlightened minister of Sultan Husain of Persia, was bom about a.h. 844 (a.d. 1440).

Mir 'All Sher was of an illustrious family of the Chaghatai tribe. His father, Bahadur, who was a man of deep learning and science, and whose chief pride it was to give a finished education to his children, held one of the principal offices of government during the reign of Sultan Abu-1 Kasim Babar, son of Timur, and 'Ali Sher was himself employed at Court, having ingratiated himself with this prince so much, as to obtain from him the title of son. He gained this favour by means of his literary accomplishments, and especially by the display of his talent as a composer of Turkish and Persian verses. When this prince died, Mir 'Ali Sher retired to Meshhed, and subsequently to Samarkand, where he devoted himself to study. Some time afterwards. Sultan Husain Bahadur Khan, having made himself master of Khurasan, invited Mir 'Ali Sher, with whom he had been educated, and for whom he entertained a great affection, for the purpose of entrusting to him the administration of the Government.

After being employed in the capacity of diwdn and minister for some time, love of study induced him to resign, but Husain pre- vailed upon him to accept the government of Astarabad, which also proving too busy an occupation for one of his literary tastes, he resigned it after a short period, and bidding a final adieu to public life, passed the remainder of his days in composing Turkish and Persian works, of which Sam Mirza recounts the names of no less than twenty-one. Though himself an ambitious author, he was far from being jealous of the accomplishments of others, and proved himself one of the most eminent patrons of literature. Daulat Shah the biographer, Mirkhond and Khondamir the historians, dedicated their works to him ; and amongst other men of genius who were

cherished by his liberality may be mentioned the celebrated poet Jamf. He patronized also sculpture and architecture, and several edifices dedicated to religion and humanity were raised at his sole expense. He was also very partial to music, and himself composed several pieces of merit, which are said still to maintain their credit.

His collection of Odes in the Ohaghataf, or pure Turkish dialect, which he wrote under the poetical title of Nudi, amounts to ten thousand couplets ; and his parody of Nizami's five poems, containing nearly thirty thousand couplets, is universally admired by the culti- vators of Turkish poetry, in which he is considered to be without a rival.

In the Persian language also he wrote a collection of Odes under the poetical title of Fundi, from which Haji Lutf 'All, in his A'tisTi- Icadah, has selected the following as a beautiful specimen :

" 0 you who say, ' Don't curse Yazid, for possibly the Almighty may have had mercy on him.' I say, if the Lord pardoneth all the evil which Yazid did to the Prophet's descendants, He wiU also pardon you, who may have cursed him."

'All Sher died a.h. 906 (a.d. 1500), five years before his royal friend and master Sultan Husain Mirza, and Khondamtr has re- corded the date in an affectionate chronogram :

"His highness, the Amfr, the asylum of divine guidance, in whom all the marks of mercy were conspicuous, has quitted the thorny brake of the world, and fled to the rose-garden of pity. Since the ' light of mercy ' has descended on his soul, those words represent the day of his departure." '■

There is no connected account of this officer in any of these Afghan histories. Those who treat of him separately fill their statements

' Compare S. de Sacy, Mem, stir div. antiq. de la Ferse. M. QuatremSre, Journ. des Savants, 1843, p. 387. Gesch.. d. seh. Bed. Pers., p. 310. Notices et Extraits des MSS., torn. iv. 246, 290, ix. 121. Biographical Diet. L. XT. K., s. v. Journ. Asiatique, Jan. 1842, p. 70. Sir G. Ouseley, Notices of Persian Poets, pp. fiO-63. Price's Retrospect of Mohammedan History, vol. iii., p. 666. Memoirs of Saber, p. 184. Erskine's life of Saber, toI. i., p. 81. Zeitsehrift Seutsch. M. Gesell., vol. ii., 242, 256. David's Turkish Grammar, p. xxxviii. Biog. Univ. vol. i., p. 666. Sprenger's Sibliog. p. 9. Tabahdt-i Shdh-Jahdni, fol. 163. Makhzanu-l Ghardib.

with what to us are the most uninteresting events of his life. Thus; in the TdriMi-i Khdn-Jahdn (MS., pp. 187-190), there is a long eulogy upon his great Muhammadan virtues, and especially his lavish pro- digality' in behalf of lazy fakirs. The Wdki'dt-i MusUdM (MS., pp. 112-17) gives these and other particulars ; but, notwithstanding its prolixity, is not complete even in these five long pages, as an hiatus occurs before we come to the time of his death. The Tdrikh-i Ddudi (MS., pp. 291-7) also celebrates his indiscriminate liberality to these sanctimonious vagabonds, and gives as an illustration that he had no less than 2500 apartments in his palace, in each of which 100 of these obese vermin were pampered at the rate Of two sirs of corn per diem, great and small. Doubtless, the exaggeration of numbers is enormous ; but admitting even one hundredth part to be true, it again leads to the reflection which similar laudations have excited — What misery must have been entailed upon the wretched plundered people to supply the extravagances and establish the piety and benevolence of these ostentatious patrons of professed devotees.

With respect to his death, this work simply tells us that he was killed without having committed any fault. In short, all these authors dwell more upon the excellence and liberality of his cuisine, than upon his tragic end, and the deliberate perfidy and knavery of the base king at whose instigation he was murdered. There is no occasion to notice any of the political events of his life, for they will be found frequently mentioned in the reigns of Sher Shah and Islam Shah ; but it is curious to remark that, on his first introduction to public life, when he succeeded to the title of Khawas Khan, upon the occasion of his elder brother's being drowned in the ditch of the fort of Gaur, he came into slight collision with his future murderer Islam Shah, then Prince Jalal Khan. Khawas Khan urged an immediate attack, to which Jalal Khan gave his reluctant consent ; but generously attributed the victory, when gained, to the courage and energy of Khawas Khan.'

It has been remarked at p. 485, how confused is the record of his

1 This will te found translated in the annotations of Dr. Dora's Eistory of the Afghans, part ii, pp. 106-8. In a little book entitled the Shajrat Afghdnia (MS., p. 136), this profusion is attributed to Sher Sh&h, but he was too wise and practical a man for such follies.

career at the beginning of Islam Shab's reign. It may, therefore, be necessary to mention that, after flying from Mewat with all his artillery, in which he was strong, he remained some time in Sirhind, whither 'Azam Humayiin advanced against him by Islam Shah's orders, with 40,000 men ; but they had a secret understanding with each other, and Khawas Khan, retired leisurely on his advance, and entered Kohilkhand, where, after for a long time desolating the royal parganas at the foot of the Kamaun hills, he joined the Niazis before the battle of Ambala, and on the day of action deserted them on the plea of their wishing to exclude any man of the Sur family from the succession to the empire. His movements here appear to have been very extraordinary, for instead of joining Islam Shah, to whom he had communicated his intentions, and from whom he might have ex- pected to receive the immediate reward of his perfidy, he again returned to his haunts under the hills, and finally sought the pro- tection of the Eaja of Kamaun, who conducted himself with great magnanimity during the events we shall now have to record. He entered the Eaja's country by the pass of Dabar, and fixed his re- sidence at Alhahi. Ahmad Yadgar is the author who gives by far the fullest and most consistent account of his death in a passage extending from pp. 336 to 342 of his history, which I here proceed to abstract.

After the Eaja of Eajauri had presented a white elephant, and so ingratiated himself with the King that he was reinstated in his territories, Islam Shah returned from those parts, and remained some time at Agra.

Here intelligence was brought him by his spies, that Khawas Khan had established himself upon a lofty mountain in the dominions of the Eaja of Kamaun, who had assigned him some villages for his support, as well as a daily allowance of cash. U|. on this, Taj Khan Kirani, who held the Suba of Sambhal,' was directed to use every possible means to get the refugee into his power. " If his band could not reach there, he was to do it by messages, promising royal benefactions — such as the imperial districts at the foot of the

1 This ungrateful scoundrel had owed his preferment to Khawas Khin. In the subsequent history of the Afgh&ns, we find him in rebellion against his liege-lord, and supporting his usurpations by the same means of lying and forgery which he found so successful on this occasion.

hills, which would be made over to him. By holding put hopes such as these, Taj Khan might be able to send him in chains to Court."

Several messages were despatched at the same time to the Eaja, who indignantly replied, " How can I throw into fetters a man who. has sought my protection ? As long as I have breath in my body, I never can be guilty of such baseness." Islam Shah himself then wrote to Khawas Khan, to say that he forgave him, and wished that what had passed should all be forgotten between them ; that the Eana of Udipur had again raised his head, and plundered several of the royal possessions, and carried off the wives' and children of Musulmans ; that none of the nobles had succeeded in. their measures against him ; and that all their hopes were now centred in Khawas Khan. " All this is asserted with all the sincerity than can attach to an oath before God ; and after that, an engagement and guarantee was engrossed on saffiron-coloured cloth, and despatched.. And Taj Khan was at the same time instructed to use every kind of cajolery and flattery, in order to lull that bird into security, and entice him into the net ; for the wounds which his conduct had implanted in the King's breast could not be healed but by the salve of his murder." On the receipt of these missives, Khawas Khan's immediate im- pulse was to obey them, but he was strongly dissuaded by his adherents and the Eaja, who represented that the King was per- fidious, that he had destroyed most of his nobles, and how then could he allow Khawas Khan to escape, who had been ten times opposed to him in battle 2 These remonstrances were, however, of no avail- When Taj Khan wrote to inform His Majesty that Khawas Khan had arrived within twenty leos of Sambhal, " The king, who enter- tained in his heart the most inveterate hatred, forgot his sacred promises and his oath before God, and wrote, saying, ' The moment he arrives slay him, and having stuffed his body with straw, despatch it to Dehli.' "

When Khawas Khan arrived at the town of Sirsi, Taj Khan advanced with his army to meet him, and at . night sent his

1 The Makhzan-i AfgJidm represents that the E6.J&, said he was incapable of afford- ing Mm protection any longer, and that Khaw&s KhS.n came himself to. Dehli and. surrendered himself.

myrmidons to assassinate Mm. " On the morrow, when preparing to execute the royal commands, they found, on the removal of the sheet from his body, that it was covered with about ten sirs of flowers. Taj Khan was alarmed at what he had done. Never- theless, under the peremptory instructions he had received, he cut off that head, which was the ornament of prostration in prayer, and bound it on a spear-head, like that of a common malefactor or murderer, and sent it on to its destination accompanied by the body stuffed with straw." ' " On its arrival, Islam Shah ordered that it should be im- paled in the front of the Ked Gate ; and it is said, that when this was done, a black wind arose which darkened the whole world, and such an earthquake was felt that the loftiest buildings fell to the ground. From that date, moreover, calamities befell the reign of Islam Shah."

He seems to have been buried in Dehli ; for the Mahkzan-i Afghani informs us that when, after exposure for three successive nights, a load of roses, notwithstanding the doubling of the guard, was found to have been thrown over the body, Islam Shah was inspired with remorse, and ordered that he should be solemnly interred. Firishta also says that his corpse was interred at Dehli after his assassina- tion by Taj Khan ; that his tomb is frequented even at the present day ; and that the common people, esteeming him to be a saint, go there to offer prayers for success in their undertakings.

But I have also had his tomb pointed out to me at Khawaspur in the Upper Panjdb, between the Jelam and the Chinab. He is in that neighbourhood also held in high repute for his piety and courage ; and there are several popular songs sung in his praise, under the appellation of " Sakhi " or " generous."

We read so much respecting the actions of this gallant officer during the reigns of Sher Shah and Islam Shah,^ that there is no need here to expatiate upon them. Most of the authors who have made any mention of his death ' concur in representing it as a

' Briggs ascribes this CTent to 957 a.h. (1550 a.d.), but not on the authority of his original.

2 Amongst other monuments of his rule, is the town of Shuj&'walpfir, near Ujjain.

' See Mak?tzan-i Afghani (MS., p. 326), and Tdrlkh-i Khim-JaMn (MS., p. 221). Firishta says he died at MMwi in 962 h., aod the others also say after the death of Islim Sh&h.

natural one, but as the following details appear higlily probable, and are illustrative of the ignominy and baseness which prevailed at this period, I will abstract an account of them from Ahmad Tadgar (MS., pp. 345-350).

Shuja'at Khan, Ghazi Khdn Sur, and Haji Khan were directed by Islam Shah to lead an expedition against Surat Sing Eathor, whose principality was Chonsu. The sole reason for this wanton attack seems to have been that he had a white elephant and a beautiful daughter. The elephant, though so remarkable for its docility in the stable that even children might play with its trunk and tusks, was equally celebrated in the field for its valour and ferocity, insomuch that no strange driver dare approach it.

Surat Sing chanced to be at Dwarka when he heard of the arrival of this formidable force ; but two Bajput chieftains, Kumpa and Pampd, having been left behind to manage the army during his absence, collected ten or twelve thousand veteran soldiers, and erected an earthen circumvallation round Chonsu, with a deep ditch, protected by outworks in different places.

One day, after the army of Islam Shah had reached that neigh- bourhood, they came suddenly upon the village of Nak^r, where the Eajputs were standing negligently in detached bodies, and had taken no means for securing their outposts in that portion of the defences. The three nobles, after a short consultation, determined upon an immediate attack, and the lot fell upon Shuja'at Khan to lead the advance, with 4000 cavalry and seven or eight elephants. Haji Khan and Ghazi Khan were to support him respectively on the right and left. The Eajputs maintained their ground against every attack of Shuja'at Khan, though directed with the utmost vigour and impetuosity; and at the same time, "the two nobles retired, both on the right and left, because Islam Shah was ill- disposed towards Shuja'at Khan, though he pretended to be other- wise, on account of Daulat Khan Ujlala, the Khan's adopted son, who was a catamite, of the King's. He had, therefore, directed them secretly on the day of battle to let him advance heedlessly, and not give him any support when he required it, in order that he might be slain." Consequently, when Shuja'at Khan found himself deserted by his colleagues, being determined to sell his life dearly.

lie put himself at the head of two thousand of his own cavalry, and astonished even his infidel opponents by his deeds of gallantry, " until his horse fell covered with wounds ; when, being driven to defend himself on foot with his bow and arrows, he made every bolt which he sped send an infidel to hell."

The next day, the Hindus being defeated by the other two generals, performed the jawhar, when one thousand women became victims in that sacrifice. Immense plunder fell into the hands of the victors, and treasure was carried off which it had taken three or four generations to amass. " The King was highly rejoiced to hear of Shuja'at Khan's death, and ordained a splendid festival to be held. He re- counted to Daulat Khan Ujiala all the feats of valour which had been achieved by Shuja'at Khan and in order to assuage his grief, elevated him to the rank which had been enjoyed by his adoptive father." '

What a paternal king ! What loyal and Obsequious nobles !

The author of this work. Shaikh Eizku-lla Mushtaki, was born in 897 H., and died in 989 h., (1492-1581 a.d.).' In the body of the work he names his father Shaikh Sa'du-Ua. He speaks of himself in his preface as having associated from early youth with the most learned men of his age, and having greatly benefited by their colloquies. From them he used to hear several extraordinary relations of bygone times, which, together with what he had derived from the exercise of his own powers of observation, he used to recount for the instruction and edification of his friends. They were so much struck with the marvels he related, and the value of

' Before this (if we except tTjjain, which his father was compelled to give up to him) he appears to have held no specific rank, hut perhaps took precedence of all the nohles, as being the personal favourite of the King. The Makhzan-i Afghani tells us he was at liberty to draw at any time a lac of rupees from the Treasury. This young and favoured person appears, from some few traits recorded of him, to have been better than the general run of his vile contemporaries. He was murdered, after his father's death, by his perfidious brother B^z Bahadur, who has left behind him a name of celebrity in M&lw£i.

■■' Nia'matu-Ua calls him MaulanS. Musht&kf, without giving his name [MaJihzan-i Afghani, MS., fol. 2 r.).

Ms commuiiications, that tliey would bring him pen and ink, and beseech him to record in a more permanent form the result of his researches ; and at last, upon a particular friend of his suggesting that the author should compile an historical work for the advantage of those who were partial to such inquiries, he undertook the task, and we have the result in the Wdhi'dt-i MusJitdhi.

He is spoken of in terms of high commendation by Shaikh 'Abdu-1 Hakk and Shaikh Nuru-1 Hakk in the TdrilcJi-i HakM and the Zuhdatu-t Taiodrikh. He is styled uncle by both these writers ; ' but as 'Abdu-1 Hakk was the father of Nuru-1 Hakk, he must necessarily stand in a remoter relation to one of them. He is represented as a great traveller, as having mixed with many celebrated men, as an eloquent and learned man, consistent and pure in his conduct, much devoted to spiritual exercises, and especially in the doctrines and practices of Sufi-ism, fully acquainted with the history of politics of his time, and his conversation as very engaging and replete with wit, repartee, and anecdote. In his Persian compositions he styled himself Mushtdh, in his Hindui Bdjan. He possessed the rare accomplishment at that time of considerable knowledge of the Hindui language. He quotes several distichs in the course of his history, and "his Paimdhan Job Niranjan and other treatises in Hindi ^ are celebrated throughout the world." He had eight brothers, all possessed of rare qualifications ; and as far as his grand- nephew can be understood, it would appear that their contem- poraries were unanimous in ascribing to them the merit of having effected a considerable improvement in the popular language of the country. The family appears to have had a bias towards historical composition ; for, independently of the two works noticed above, our author's grandfather, bj' name Shaikh Fi'roz, who is said to have excelled equally with his pen and sword, wrote an heroic poem upon the war between Sultan Bahlol and Sultan Husain Sharki. 'Abdu-1 Hakk mentions that he had it in his possession, but had lost it, leading us to infer that it was very scarce. Shaikh Firoz died in

' 'Abdu-1 Hakk's Ussat/ on the Literary History of Dekli (MS., fol. 20 v.), and Niiru-l Hakk's Zubdatu-t Tawdrikh (MS., fol. 80 r.), and Akhbdru-l Akhydr (MS., fol. 191 r.).

2 The distinction between the Hindiii and Hindi is observed both by 'Abdu-1 Hakk and Nflru-l Hakk, but they are evidently meant to apply to the same language.

860 H. (1456 A.D.).^ He appears to be entitled to a portion of the saint- ship which attaches to the name of his grandson, for he was much devoted to spiritual exercises, indulged in visions and ecstasies, and was especially learned in the doctrines and practices of Sufi-ism. His religious preceptor was Shaikh Muhammad Miskin, who resided at Kanauj, and was much revered by his credulous disciples. It is related of him that when his house was destroyed by fire, a store of rice was burnt along with his other goods. " It matters not," said he, '' the harvest of us who are scorched (with fire as well as the light divine) will not all be destroyed," and threw the grain upon the ground, when lo ! every seed of the grain, when they came to reap it, was found to be double. When this marvellous produce was brought before Sultan Sikandar, he devoutly thanked God that such men were produced in his time.'

Sultan Malimtid ('Adali) and Sfir dynasty

Size — Small Folio, containing 210 pages of 17 lines each.

But it is not to be supposed that the treatment of the history is so methodical as the above table would leave one to suppose. On the contrary, the work is very ill-arranged, long digressions are fre- quently introduced, and reference is again made to reigns which have been previously disposed of, and to matters which he confesses he had forgotten. Thus, in the middle of the reign of Islam Shah, we have an account of some of the nobles of Ibrahim Shah, and then of Sultan Sikandar, so as to leave the impression, that here at least there must be some error of the copyist or the binder ; for such a

'^ There is an account of this saint in the Akhbdru-l Akhydr (MS., fol. 191), and at the end of it there is a laudatory notice of Mushtdhi. See also Tahakdt-i Shdh- Jahdni (MS., fol. 137 v.).

pp. 3-13 pp. 13-81 pp. 81-84 pp. 84-86 pp. 87-91 pp. 91-92 pp. 93-111 pp. 111-143 pp. 143-146 pp. 146-155 pp. 156-165 . pp. 166-167 pp. 168-210

strange transposition could scarcely have taken place either by design, or the most treacherous lapse of memory. Anecdotes are also interspersed of the celebrated chiefs and saints of the time, and silly stories of miracles, apparitions, demons, enchantment, and jugglery deform the work — exhibiting the extraordinary credulity of the author, as weU as of the age in which he lived. It contains, however, much that is interesting, and we are occa- sionally favoured with a few illustrations of the manners of the times. It affords, therefore, a rather copious field for extract, especially as it is exceedingly rare. Many of the stories attributed to the author's heroes axe popularly related of other sovereigns.

Besides the one in my own possession, I know of only one copy of this work in India, and that is an excellent copy in the nasTch character in the Moti Mahal library at Lucknow.' It is strange that the Wdhi'dt-i MushtdM should be so uncommon, for it was much quoted by contemporaries,'' and contains abundance of trivial stories v/ell suited to the tastes and intellects of the present generation.

In giving an account of the nobles of Sultan Sikandar's time, I shall not speak of those whom I have not seen, but only of those with whom I was personally acquainted. I commence with those who were in his service while at Agra.

Masnad 'JQi Husain Khan, who was called Khan Jahan Lodi, had made it a rule that whatever fixed salary ^ he gave to his soldiers, he never deducted anything from it ; but when, after the lapse of ninety years, the sovereignty departed from the Afghans, their allow- ances were stopped.

It was also his rule, that every one of his attendants should be present whenever he was in his camp ; but when he was in his palace, if any person went to him there, he would ask him why he came. If the man replied, he came to salute him, he would say, " You have

' [Col. Lees had never seen a copy ; and although he had met with the name of " Maullna Musht&kl," he did not know the title of his book. Journ. E. A. S., vol. iii., n.B., p. 454.]

2 Besides the instances quoted above, see Nizamu-d din Ahmad, Tabakdt-i Ahbari (MS., fol. 2 v.), and Allah-d4d Faizl Sirhindi, Akbar-ndma (MS., fol. 1 v.).

come of your own accord, there is no necessity for your attendance, except wtien I am. in the camp. Now, though I am at home, you stUl come to me. It appears that you have no love for your own family. What must they think of you ? " After saying this, he would immediately dismiss him, not even allowing him to sit down.

If any person died, his allowances were transferred to his son. If he had no son, they were given to his sister's or brother's son, or son-in-law, or any of his relations who survived him. If there was no such relation, his wife was ordered to bring her brother or nephew, and the allowance was given to him. If she also had none, she was advised to adopt a son from her other relations ; and if she had no relation, then any well-born child. If she had any fit slave, she was allowed to adopt him, but she was enjoined to send lum to school, and teach him the arts of archery and riding. In short, in no manner was any fixed allowance ever stopped. If any learned or religious man had an interview with him, he was favoured with the grant of a village, a piece of land, or some pension. He always took care of his neighbours, and repaired the mosques which had fallen into disrepair.

One morning, Bandagi Mian Ladan Danishmand went to the Khan Jahan, and when he asked him what brought him there so early, he answered that he wished to eat khichri, but that he thought he could not have it prepared in time ; he had therefore thought of some rich man in whose house he could find it ready. He remembered the Khan, and immediately came to him. The Khan said that he never ate khichri, but other things were being made ready ; if he liked khichri, it should be prepared for him. The Mian answered, " The same difficulty exists here : while you are getting it ready, the time for eating it will have passed. The Khan said, " While it is getting ready I will send for some sweetmeats for you from the hdzdr." The Mian said, " Very good, but tell the man to bring the money to me. I will direct him what he should bring." When the money was brought, the Mian said to the man, " Give it to me, and you go and prepare the khichri.' ' In short, when it was ready, and the Mian had finished it, he said he had eaten too freely, and it would be very troublesome for him to stand the motion of a litter. The Khan asked, "Why do you go in a litter, have you no horse?" He

replied that a horse ■which, goes uneasily is worse than a litter, and that his horse had very unpleasant paces. The Khd,n said, '' I will give you one of my own horses which goes very easily." The Mian exclaimed, " Why should I not ride if there be such a horse at my disposal ! " The Khan ordered his men to bring a certain horse, and it was brought just as it stood in the stable, with only its clothing on it. He ordered it to be made over to the Mian, who said, "In consequence of my belly being so full, I complained of the litter ; but now a greater difSculty has arisen, for I never can ride a horse with a naked back." The Khan smiled, and sent for a saddle, which was brought and put on the horse. The Mian then asked whether he was to keep the animal at his house, or send it back. " Keep it at your house," replied the Khan. The Mian said there was nobody to take care of it. On this he was told that a servant should be employed on monthly wages for the purpose. The Mian again asked what it ate, and was told that it always ate pulse, coarse sugar, and clarified butter. The Mian said, " Where are such things to be got in this poor man's house ? " So these were were also ordered to be given to him. Again he said, " When this saddle becomes old, another will be required, and new clothing will also be needed when the old is worn out." He was told to take away those articles also. He then said, " It would be very trouble- some to send the horse-keeper every day for its food ; it would be a great favour if you were to grant me a village, the income of which will do for aU these expenses at once, viz., the wages of the groom and the horse's food, and its saddle, and its clothing, and its green fodder." This request of his was also complied with, and a village was granted him in the district of Badaun. On his taking leave, he said he had taken his dinner and received a horse and a village, but the litter-carriers who had brought him there had got nothing. On this some money was given to them, and then at last the Mian took his departure. Such was the generosity of Khan Jahan Lodi !

When he died, his son, whose name was Ahmad Khan, neither got the title of Khan Jahan nor his father's rank. Mian Zainu-d din and Mian Zabaru-d din were two officers of the deceased Khan Jahan, and his army and parganas were given over to their charge. A royal/armoji was also sent at the same time to the address of

Zainu-d din, informing him that these privileges were granted by His Majesty of his own free motion, and not in consequence of Zainu-d din's connexion with Khan Jah£n Lodi. From that time Zainu-d din took the muster of the army, and had charge of the parganas. The j'dgir of the archers was maintained, to be enjoyed by them. To Ahmad Khan, son of Khan Jahan, a tract was granted from the district of Kaithal, in the name of his mother, besides an annual allowance of one lac of tankas for the purchase of horses, one lac of tankas for his clothing, and another lac for betel-leayes and other miscellaneous expenses. * * **

I shall now mention some of the moral qualities of Mian Zainu-d din, in order to show that the officers of those days were so excellent that even divines of the present age are not equal to them. He rose so early that he bathed and read all his prayers and performed all his religious duties before sun-rise. In the daytime, he read the ten divisions of the Kwr'an, standing all the time on his legs. He went over seventeen divisions of that book every day, and never sat down while he was performing this duty. He also read one of the talemilas of Ghausu-s Satlain, and the whole of Hasn-i Hasin, besides other miscellaneous prayers, and went through five hundred different postures of devotion, all standing. From midnight till noonday he was always employed in worship. During this time he never spoke on worldly subjects ; if there was anythiag necessary to be done, he directed his servant to do it by signs. While he was taking his meals he discoursed on scientific subjects. He dined always with learned and religious men, and took a little rest after his dinner. In the afternoon he used to speak on secular subjects, and give directions respecting household business, and other matters which it might be necessary for him to speak of. After this, he again attended his prayers, and performed other religious duties. He then read the evening prayers, repeating them much oftener than is enjoined by his religion. He did not obtain leisure from these religious performances till four hours and a half of the night had passed ; and then he sat a little with his friends, and took as a supper some fruit or rice boiled in milk. Having done this he retired to

his chamber. None of his servants of either sex neglected to read their prayers. Whenever he brought any slave from the market, he first placed him tinder the care of a tutor, in order that he might learn his prayers and become acquainted with the precepts of the Muhammadan law, till which time he gave him no employment. On Friday nights, from the time of evening prayer, if there was any Hindu in his assembly, he turned him out, and would not even look on the face of a Hindu during that night. One day three persons came from the Sultan to call him, but he would not go ; and it was reported to His Majesty that although three men had been sent for Mian Zainu-d din, yet he had not chosen to come. The Sultan replied that it was Friday night, and he will not come ; he may be called after he has done with his prayers. He kept fast on Thursdays and Fridays, besides the common fasting days. He never neglected these duties in any season — summer or winter. He always attended public prayers on Fridays, even if he was ten hos off. His kitchen was so large that food was given to every one three times a day, whether he belonged to his own people or was a stranger, and from whatsoever place he came. In the month of Bamazan, rice boiled in milk was given to every applicant in the evening, when they broke fast, and also early in the morning. Whatever any person wanted to eat was given to him.

Every year he called all his relations, male and female, from Dehli to Agra, to see them. On their departure he asked them all what they wished to have, and gave them what they asked. Whenever, by way of charity, he paid the expenses of a marriage ceremony, whether the bridegroom was his relation, neighbour, or a stranger, he gave the bride money, clothes, a bed with its appurtenances, and also a pdlM if she were of sufficient rank. In short, he did all that is required of a father. If any guests came into the house of those who lived on his estate, he sent all kinds of food for them from his own kitchen in such quantity that not only was it sufScient for them, but for their servants also. During the anniversary days of the Prophet's death (may peace be to him !) food of the value of two thousand tankas was daily prepared during the twelve days. On the first and last day of the festival, victuals of all kiads, and of good flavour, and halwA were prepared in large quantities, at the expense of four

thousand tanhas. It should be considered what would now be the value of four thousand tanhas of those days. At last, when Sultan Sikandar died, he lost his Government. Ahmad Khan, son of Khan Jahan Saiyid, and he both continued without any employ- ment ; and they had saved no money to live on. Still many people continued faithfully to serve him, and he also continued benevolent to all, according to the extent of his means ; but he was often in want of money to meet his expenses.'

One day Shaikh Sa'du-lla, father of the writer of this book, who from infancy was attached to him, went to him unexpectedly, and saw papers before him which he tore one by one into pieces and gave to his slave, who steeped them in a basin of water. The Shaikh asked him what he was doing. The Mian replied that some great and noble persons had taken money from him which he did not give them with the intention of receiving back. They, however, had sent him the bonds. Now that he was without employment or means of subsistence, he thought that he might not be able to resist the temptation of knowing himself to be in possession of these bonds, which amounted in value to three lacs of tanhas, and might wish to avail himself of them. Also that his sons after his death might come forward and claim the money, if he did not destroy these bonds during his lifetime.

His friends also had similar noble dispositions. My father, for instance (may God be merciful to him!), had a numerous family. When Zainu-d din's expenses were reduced, my father's family and friends remonstrated with him for continuing on his establishment, observing that other persons holding offices of greater emoluments no longer remained in the service of the Mian, whereas he remained for two or three years. He replied that it was through the wise dis- pensation of God that he got his employment, that people who are compelled to work for their livelihood, if pay be withdrawn, wOl no longer serve, and that what he wished was moderate, and that his desires were satisfied. He had accumulated, he said, enough during

' The vicissitudes of such an ostentatious fool affect us with no sympathy. The only excuse that can be advanced for this vicious extravagance is, that if the chiefs did not expend all their extortionate gains as fast as they were acquired, the Sult&n would have done it for them.

his service to enable him to maintain himself and the Mian for two or three years. And upon his friends again remarking that they well knew he had nothing of his own, he said he would sell his houses and books, he would have no care as long as anything remained in his possession. So, without receiving any salary, he remained three years with Mian Zainu-d din, and after his death, four years with his sons, serving the family altogether for a period of fifty -five years.

There was a Mughal by name Mamun. Having resigned his situation at some other place, he entered the service of Mian Zainu-d din. Soon after Sultan Sikandar died, and the Mian became poor, the Mughal remained still faithfully attached to him, for he was a very good man. * * *

One day, his son was leading a mare to the river to water, and in the sand he felt something under his foot. The boy took it up, and saw that it was a scabbard of gold. He brought it immediately to his father, and showed it to him, saying that he had found it in the bed of the river. Mamun took the boy by the hand and brought the scabbard to Mian Zainu-d din, requesting him to make it over to its owner. The Mian sent it to the wazir's ofiice. In those days it was a rule that if any person found a thing lying in any place, he was to bring it to the police, and it was hung at the arch of the city gate. If an owner appeared, and on inquiry established his claim, it was delivered to him. It appeared, that a Hindu named Jugraj, was passing through the gate, when he recognized the scabbard, and informed the police that it belonged to him. They asked him if he remembered how much the gold on it weighed. He replied fifteen tolas. After inquiry the article was given over to him. * * On ascertaining who the discoverer was, Jugraj offered him two hundred tankas, but he would not accept them. His friends advised him to take the money, because it was offered to him as a free gift. But he strenuously declined to receive any remuneration.

On every Monday the Mian repeated the prayers hhatam durud 200,000 times ; and gave boiled rice worth four hundred tankas in alms to the name of the Prophet, may peace be to him ! On Thursdays he repeated the iltMds 100,000 times, and prepared sweetmeats at the expense of four hundred tanhas to be offered in the name of the

Saint Ghausu-s Saklain. These oblations were made withoat any deviation twice every week. What a fortunate time it was when the King was so good, and the officers so worthy of him !

The second brother, whose name was Mian Zabaru-d din, was also exceedingly pious. '* ** '* He generally lived eight months in Dehli, and four months in Agra. As long as he was in the former place he every Monday invited to the Shams-i Sauz an assembly of learned and religious men, Sufis, poets, literary persons, singers, and musicians. He had a very large and liberal kitchen, from which victuals were freely distributed. On Wednesdays, an assembly of the same people was convened in the monastery of Sultanu-1 Mashaikh, on the banks of the Jumna. In the same manner the party assembled every Thursday at the place where the print of the Prophet's feet was preserved in one of the palaces in Firozabad. On Fridays he attended the weekly prayers in the city. Again, on Saturdays a party was collected in a palace at the village of Mulcha, and there he amused himself with hunting for two days. He also took there his female establishment and tents with him ; but if he went to any place for one night only, they never accom- panied him.

Khawas Khan, who was the predecessor of Mian Bhua, having been ordered by the Sultan to march towards Nagarkot, in order to bring the hill country under subjection, succeeded in conquering it, and having sacked the infidels' temple of Debi Shankar, brought away the stone which they worshipped, together with a copper umbrella, which was placed over it, and on which a date was en- graved in Hindu characters, representing it to be two thousand years old. When the stone was sent to the King, it was given over to the butchers to make weights out of it for the purpose of weighing their meat. From the copper of the umbrella, several pots were made, in which water might be warmed, and which were placed in the masjids and the King's own palace, so that every one might wash his hands, feet, and face in them, and perform his purifications before prayers. Previous to the time when Khawas Khan was appointed, the jdgirs

of some people of that part of tlie country amounted to tliree lacs of tankas. He increased them to fifteen lacs. When he returned to the Court, being seized by a fatal sickness, he intimated that he had something to say to the King, and -was asked whether he would send the message, or wished to speak himself He replied he wished to speak personally. The King said if he had strength enough to come, he might, and if not he himself would go to him. Upon this, the Khan came to Court, seated in his p&lkl, and informed the King that he had brought the diwdn's and his own accounts, and requested that somebody might be ordered to examine them. His Majesty replied, " I had appointed you my Viceroy, invested with full power. What accounts have I to settle with you ? What you did was just as if I had done it myself." The Khan again said, " I have given some things to people without your royal orders ; if you maintain the grants, it is good ; if not, you may deduct their value from my pay." There were some meritorious people who had very little maintenance, and some again were entirely destitute. Their provision formerly amounted only to three lacs of tankas, which he had increased to fifteen lacs. His Majesty said, " I have just told you that you were my Viceroy, and I know that whatever was done, was done for my advantage, and therefore I readily sanction it." He then ordered the papers to be brought, and had them aU steeped in water and obliterated.

Among the great nobles of Sultan Sikandar's time was Saif Khan Acha-khail. He had 6000 horse under him, and was deputy of 'Azam Humayun, the jdgirddr of Karra, who used to buy 2000 copies of the Eur'dn every year, and had 45,000 horse under his com- mand, and 700 elephants. There were also Daulat Khan-khani, who had 4000 cavalry ; 'All Khan Ushf, who had 4000 also ; Firoz Khan Sarwani, who had 6000. Amongst other nobles there were 25,000 more distributed. Ahmad Khan also, the son of Jumal Khan Lodi Sarang-khani, when he was appointed to Jaunpur, had 20,000 cavalry under him. Sultan Sikandar went twice against the in- fidels of Bhata, when the rdjd fled, and placed the river between him

and pursuit. But his country was ravaged before the Imperial troops returned.

Mian Husain Tarmuli was Jdgirdd/r (mdkta') of Saran and Champaran, which are called Jal-khet, or field of water. He was a very brave man. Besides the villages comprising his jdgir {muwdjib), he had taken 20,000 villages from the infidels. At one time, when he himself was proceeding towards the territory of Champaran to attack the Eaja, and was encamped on the banks of the Gandak, Mughula Kirani, who was one of his nobles, wanted to know how far the Eaja was from there. He was told that he was in the fort on the other side of the river. He again asked how many hos it was. The people said that the river alone divided them, but that the breadth of the stream was seven Tcos. Mughula, on hearing that only the stream intervened, said, " The infidel chief is on the other bank, and I am sitting on this. What kind of Islam is this if I delay ? He then made a vow that until he had attacked him he would hold every kind of food and drink as unlawful as a carcase. Saying this he rose up, and mounted his horse, exclaim- ing, " In the name of God ! " AU the people advised him not to be so precipitate, as the stream was seven Tcos in breadth. He said he would not mind even if it were seventy Icos, because he had taken a vow upon himself, let the event be what it may ! He then plunged his hors6 into the stream. In some places he obtained a footing on the bottom : in others, where it was deeper, he was obliged to make the animal swim. His people also followed him in the same manner. Haibat Khan, Bahadur Khan, and Ikhtiyar Khan, who were also nobles of the Kirani tribe, when they heard that Mughula had thrown himself into the river, followed the example, and all the soldiers of the army, wheresoever they were encamped, went and plunged into the stream.

Midn Husain, who was in his tent, asked what the uproar was about, and was told that the whole army had gone towards the river; that Mughula had entered it first, and afterwards every person that heard of his feat had emulated the example. The Mian also took horse, and overtook Mughula in the water, and urged him

to go back. He replied, " You employed me for service, and now I shall do my duty. When the work cannot be done by a servant, it is time for the master to take the trouble upon himself. To- day you shall see my exertion. Do you return in safety — ^I will not." Although he was much dissuaded, he would not listen to anything ; so the Mfdn was also obliged to go on, because the whole army had thrown themselves into the water. At sunset they approached the infidel Kaja, reposing happy in the thought that a large river was between him and his enemy, and that even in a whole year it would be impossible for them to cross it. Suddenly an uproar arose in the city, for it was reported from the watch- tower that the Afghans had arrived, but the Eaja would not credit it, and was engaged in his pastimes when the Afghans were upon him, and forced him to fly for his life. By the will of God, that day Mughiila became a martyr. Mian Husain greatly lamented his loss, and said, " Would to God that to-day there had been no victory, for that and the plunder combined are no compensation for the loss sustained in the death of Mughula ! "

Thus, after a duration of two hundred years, destruction fell upon the kingdom- of the Eaja ; and all the riches and treasures which were amassed during that period were dispersed in plunder. The shoes of the infidels who lost their lives in this action were col- lected by Shaikh Daud Kambii,' who was a shikMdr of Mian Husain ; and when melted down no less than 20,000 mohurs of gold

Other nobles of Sidtdim, Sileandar's reign.

One half the whole country was assigned mjdgir to the Farmulis, and the other half to the other Afghan tribes. At this time, the Lohanis and Farmulis predominated. The chief of the Sarwanis was 'Azam Humayun, and the principal chieftains of the Lodis were four, viz. Mahmiid Khan, who had Kalpi mjdgir; Mian 'Alam, to

1 We find this monster mentioned elsewhere in the WdH'dt-i Mushtdki as taking out his dagger, and boasting that no less than 20,000 men had fallen its victims, by way of intimidating the Shaikhaadas of Ch^deri, where he was employed by Husain Kbin to superintend his police arrangements.

whom Etawa and Ctandwar were assigned ; Mubarak Khan, whose jdgir was Lucknow ; and Daulat Khdn who held Lahore. Amongst the Sahii-khails, the chiefs were Husain Khan and Khan Jahan, both descended from the same ancestor as Sultan Bahlol ; Bahlol, son of Kala, son of Bahram ; Husain Khan, son of Firoz Khan, son of Bahram ; and Kutb Khan Lodf Sahu-khail, who flourished in the time of Sultan Bahlol.

I shall now give an account of the Parmulis. The districts (ihtd') of Saran and Ohamparan were held by Mian Husain ; Oudh, Ambala, and Hodhna, by Mian Muhammad Kala Pahar ; Kanauj by Mian Gadai ; Shamsabad, Thanesar, and ShahabSd by Mian 'Imad ; Marahra by Tatar Khan, brother of Mian Muhammad ; and Hariana, Desua, and other detached parganas by Khwajagi Shaikh Sa'id. Each of these possessed surpassing bravery and courage, but the sons of Shaikh Sa;'id were pre-eminent above all for their learning and generosity. Shaikh Sa'id also himself, besides his nobility, possessed a great many excellences. He was a great favourite of Sultan Sikandar, who said one day, that it was thirty years siuce the Khwajagi had been associated with him, and yet he had never done anything to offend him. He never told any story twice over ; and every difScult question that he put to him, always met with a ready solution.

He was a saintly, courageous, and generous man. Prom the time of Sultan Bahlol to that of Islam Shah, he fought in every battle- field, but always escaped without a wound. He would accept of no reward or present from any king, and would never eat food from the house of any Hindu. At the time that the Eana of Chitor invited Mian Husain Farmuli and other nobles to an entertainment, the Eana took a favourite dish, and stood offering it to Mian Ma'ruf, saying, " All the other nobles have honoured me by partaking of my viands, and have eaten ; pray do you gratify me and do the same, by turning your hands towards this repast." He replied, " I never j^et have eaten from the house of a Hindu," The Eana said, " Only be so kind as to accept the hospitality of your slave." He reiterated

his refusal, " la the whole of my life I have not done such a thing, nor can I now consent to do so." Mian Husain, addressing him in the Afghan language, said, " Many things should be done for ex- pediency's sake. To-day, there is an object in the concession; so put your hands into the dish." Mian Ma'ruf replied, " You are my superior, it is for you to gratify him." At last, when all the nobles vehemently pressed him to comply, he took up a little with two of his fingers and placed it in the corner of his napkin, promising that he would eat it. But when he departed thgnce, he opened the napkin and threw its contents upon the ground. So determined was he, when he had once taken a notion into his head.

In the action between Sher Shah and MS,1 Deo, he was wounded with a sword. At that time he was one hundred and seven years old. One of the anecdotes related of him on this occasion is illus- trative of his usual self-denial. Sher Shah sent him 300,000 tmikas as a recompense for the wound he had received. But he sent it back with the remark, that he had never accepted remuneration from the King, and still less could he do so now, as the infliction of a wound had been sustained solely in the cause of God,

[During the reign of Sher Shah many regulations were made, and many forts built. He resumed the rent-free tenures, and made new grants on his own part. No person of high or low degree who went into his presence departed empty and without receiving something. He fixed a daily payment of 500 tolchas of gold upon the poor-house {langar-i fuhard) , and. night and day he was considerate and liberal to the needy. He settled allowances upon the blind and helpless of every place and village and city. Two institutions were kept up during his reign without any interruption : one, the religious estab- lishments ('imdrat khdnah), and the other the houses for the poor ; for these two institutions confer a general benefit. His private kitchen was very extensive, for several thousand people fed there every day. Whoever wanted food went to his kitchen and ate under an order which he had issued. He himself used to take his meals with learned men and shailchs. There was such security in

tlie country during his reign that thefts aiid highway robbery were unknown. When such a thing occurred, the mvkaddams of all the surrounding ■villages were seized, and restitution for the robbery was exacted from them. Examinations were held in the ■villages, and precautions taken that the like should not occur again. From G-aur to the confines of his dominions, in every direction, he had built sardis and halting places at every Icos ; and pots of water were placed at the doors of the sardis for the use of Musulmans and Hindus. At every sardi a masjid, a royal chamber (khdnah-i bddsMM), and a well were constructed; and to e^frery mosque a mu'azzin (crier), an imdm (priest), and shikMdr (manager) were ap- pointed, and lands were allotted at the place for their support. Prom Gaur to the confines of Oudh,' a road was made ha-ving sardis, gardens, and shady and fruit-bearing trees. Another road with gardens and sardis from Benares to the country of Mandu near to Burhanpur. Another road with gardens and sardis from A'gra to Jiidhpur. Another from Bayana to Jaunpur and to Ajmir. There were 1700 sardis, and at every sardi there were pairs of horses ready, so that news travelled 300 hos in one day. [Here follows the story quoted in the note on page 418.]

Sher Shah was occupied night and day with the business of his kingdom, and never allowed himself to be idle. At the end of night he arose," performed his ablutions, and said his prayers, Afterwards he called in his officers and managers to report all the occurrences of the day. For four hours he listened to the reading of reports on the affairs of the country or on the business of the Government establishments. The orders which he gave were reduced to writing, and were issued and acted upon ; there was no need of further discussion. Thus he remained engaged till morning (fajar) arrived. When it was time for prayers, he performed his devotions in a large congregation, and went through all the forms of prayer. Afterwards he received his nobles and soldiers, and made inquiries as to the horses brought to receive their brands. Then he went out and made a personal inspection of his forces, and settled the allowances of each individual by word of mouth until all was arranged. He then attended to many other affairs and audited

accounts. He summoned to his presence the officers of every country from which he received revenue and tribute, and received their accounts. Petitions were received from every quarter, and replies were sent; he himself dictated them in Persian, and the scribes committed them to writing. Every person who came to wait upon him was received in the palace. He kept money (khazdna) and revenue (khardj) in all parts of his territories, so that, if necessity required, soldiers and money were ready. The chief treasury was in Eohtas, under the charge of Ikhtiyar Khan. In the country of the Gakhars he had a fort upon the top of a hill, and he maintained a large force there, to the command of which the three great chiefs Masnad-i 'Ali Khawas Khan, Haibat Khan Myazi, and Tsa Khan Niyazi and other arrdrs were (at different times) appointed. He had 3000 elephants in his stables, and the number was daily increasing. The whole of the territories in his possession contained 13,000 parganas, for which shihhddrs were appointed. His forces were numerous, and of every kind of horse and foot. Every man who came was entertained. 25,000 infantry and lafganddrs were attached to his person ; 7000 lafganddrs were in the fort of Handu (Mahdii ?) ; 3000 lafganddrs were at Chitor ; 1800 at the fort of Eantambhor ; 500 at the fort of Bayana ; 1000 lafganddrs at Gwaliyar (Grwalior) ; and 1000 infantry at the fort of Eohtas. It was known that a suitable garrison was maintained in every fort in the country. The force of horse under the royal com- mand consisted of 150,000, some of whom were appointed on service, and others were sent to their own homes. In every pargana there was a sMkMdr, a munsif, a treasurer, a Persian writer, and a Hinduwi vrriter, and in every sarhdr there was a chief shikhddr and a chief munsif. At the branding time every man came forward and showed his horse ' and rendered his account. Munsifs were ap- pointed for examiiiing the brands in the armies on the frontiers, and the King himself occasionally made visits to different parts for this purpose. He kept one army in the upper country, as has been already mentioned, one army in Bengal, one at Eohtas, one in Malwa, one at the fort of Chitor, one in Khajwara, one in the

1 The word in the MS. is (JJy/, ' arms ; ' but in the translation it has been read as c 1 J ' a horse.'

country of Dhandhera, one in Nagor and Judhpur, and in the fort of Eantambhor and Bajwara. No fort in the country was without a garrison or a commandant.]

[The beginning of this passage is defective.] One day a merchant arrived with a large company. Amin Shah, according to his custom, demanded a present. The merchant replied that he was a trader under Sultan Fi'roz, who had strengthened the fort of Kamal, and that he was taking grain thither, Amin Shah said, no matter who he was, he must pay the regular due, and go on his way. The merchant told Amin Shah he was going to the King, and that if he would forego the duty, he (the merchant) would induce the King to grant him the country of Mandu, and to send him a horse and a robe. Did he prefer this or the custom duty ? Amfn Shah said, that if this were done, he also would become one of the servants of the King, and would serve him to the best of his power. So he allowed the merchant to pass. When the merchant came into the presence of the King, he represented that there was a man by name Amin Shah, who was zaminddr of Mandu, and had all the roads in his power. If the King were to send a farmdn conferring on him the territory of Mandu, which was entirely desolate, he would secure tranquUlity. The King sent a robe and a horse by that same merchant, who pro- ceeded to Amin Shah, and presented them to him, and expressed his devotion. From this day forth Amin Shah gave up walking on foot, and took to riding. He also made his friends ride, enlisted horse- men, and promoted the cultivation of the country.

After his death, his son named Hoshang succeeded him. He became King, and assumed the style of royalty. The country of Mandu became prosperous, forts were built at different places, and armies were raised.

A man by name Mahmud Mughis Khilji came to Hoshang, and entered his service. He advised him to confer eighteen places in j'dgir on his (the King's) eighteen sons, so that no stranger might obtain admission, and that they might acquire power during the

' [In this work also the name is written Mandfl, not Mindu.]

King's lifetime. Hosliang acted accordingly. This Mahmud was a treacherous man, and aspired to sovereignty. He first separated the King's sons from him. Afterwards he became his minister, and gave his daughter in marriage to the King, in order to secure a position by this relationship. Thus he first became minister, and afterwards a relation of the King. Twelve years he cherished his schemes without imparting them to any one. He consulted only with himself. He had constructed a place in his house where he used, to sit. When he came from the King's Court, he went into it, and there he talked to himself about what he had done, and what he must do if the result were as he expected. One day his father remarked that whenever Mahmud returned from the King's Court, he attended to nothing else, but went straight into that room. He was curious to know what his son did there. So when Mahmud went into that place,. his father also secretly repaired thither, and listened to what he said. He heard him speaking of sovereignty. So the father stepped in, and struck him on the head with both his hands, demanding why he entertained designs of royalty, and asking if he wished to ruin himself and all his family. Mahmud said, " 0 imprudent man ! you have disconcerted my scheme of twelve years, and have broken down a throne." His father went out from the place, and told the King his son's insane design, and warned him against the intended treachery. Hereupon Mahmud feigned sickness' hung up curtains at his door, and took to his bed. When it was daybreak, the King sent some servants to see him. The King sent some physicians to ascertain the facts. Mahmud drew the curtains close, and made the room dark. He placed a pot near him, and having caused an animal to be butchered, he drank its blood. When the physicians came, he called them to him, but they could not see anything through the darkness. It is customary for physicians when they pay a visit, after waiting a little while, to feel the pulse of the patient. As it was very dark, they required a little light that they might see him and feel his pulse. He arose hastily and asked for the basin. When it was placed before him, he forced him- self to vomit, and then called for the lamp that they might see what he had thrown up. He then drew back his head, and rolled about as if in pain. When the lamp was lighted, and the basin was put

before tlie physicians, they saw it was full of blood. So they did not feel his pulse, but went and told the King that he was in a very bad state. Whether he was loyal or unloyal, he had only a few minutes to live, for he must die in a short time. The King sent his wife to take a last look of her father. When she came, he (Mahmud) told her that Hoshang had numerous sons, and that what he had done was to obtain the throne for his grandson. She, how- ever, must help him in one matter. When she asked what that was, he said she must give some deadly poison to Hoshang. .She confessed she had such a thing, and promised to give it to him. So he sent her back, and she went and performed her task.

On the night when Sultan Hoshang died, Mahmud arose and placing his grandson upon his knee he seated him upon the throne. He surrounded him with men on whom he could rely, and raised the canopy over his head. He issued a proclamation to the nobles, and had robes of honour prepared. Then he called them before him one by one. Every one that recognized him received a robe, and was dismissed by another door ; but every one that refused was killed there and then, and his body put out of sight, so that at length all his adversaries were removed. After a time he killed his grandson also, and himself became King. So he who had been wdzir was now King. In the course of his reign he made his eldest son, (afterwards) Sultan Ghiyasu-d din, his wdzir.

Account of Sultdn GMydsu-d din KMlji, King of Mandu.

He was a religious and righteous king. He was a careful observer of religion, but he also enjoyed the pleasures of the world. It was his custom that he kept every night some thousand gold mohurs under his pillow, and in the day he gave them away to deserving people. In his haram there were seventy women who knew the Kur'dn by heart, and it was the rule that when the Sultan was dressing they were to read it out, and not to leave off till he had finished putting on his clothes.

One day a person brought a hoof of an ass, and said it was the hoof of the ass of Christ (may peace be to Him!). He gave him 50,000 tanhas, and took it from him. Well, four persons brought four hoofs. He took them all, and granted S0,000 tankas to each

one of them. Afterwards another person came and brought another hoof, and the same sum was ordered to he given to him. One of his (Jourtiers observed, " My lord, an ass has only four feet, and I never heard that it had five, unless perhaps the ass of Christ had five." He replied, " Who knows ? It may be that this last man has told the truth, and one of the others was wrong. Go and give this man also 50,000 tonkas"

He had ordered his private servants and personal attendants that when he was in the enjoyment of pleasure or engaged in any worldly pursuit, they should place a piece of cloth before him, and tell him it was his coffin shroud. This they did, and he took warning from it. He would rise up, perform his ablutions, beseech forgiveness from Almighty God, and then engage in worship. He had also enjoined the attendants in his haram to awake him from sleep ; and if he did not arise, to throw water on him, or pull him off from the bed, so that he might not neglect the night prayers. Also, that if he were even sitting in a pleasure party, and the time for the night prayer arrived, they should take him by the hand and lead him away. He never uttered to them any improper or querulous words. Intoxica- ting liquors he would never look upon with his eyes nor hear of. One day a potion (ma'jwn) was made for him, and when it was ready he was informed of it. He said it was not to be brought to him until he had heard the names of the ingredients in it. Accordingly, the list was brought and read to him. He heard it. There were three hundred and more ingredients in it, and among them was one drachm of nutmeg. He said the medicine was of no use to him. More than a lac of tankas had been spent for it, but he ordered it to be brought and thrown into the drain. A person begged that it might be given to somebody else; but he replied, what he could not allow himself to take, he would not give to others. One day, the horse on which he used to rid© fell sick. On it being reported to him, he ordered medicine to be given to it. Next morning, the horse was well. He asked if it was better, and the people replied yes. He then asked if it recovered of itself, or if medicine had been administered. He was told that medicine had been given. He then asked what medicine. The people said, what the physicians prescribed. The King thought it might be something that was pro-

hibited by religion, and therefore they would not tell what it was. He ordered the horse to be turned out of his stable, and left free in the jungle. He was told that such a horse should not be set at large in the forest, but should be given to somebody. The King again said, why should he allow to others what he did not approve of for himself.

On one occasion one of the neighbours of Shaikh Mahmud Nu'man, who was with the Sultan, left the city of Dehli, as other people had left that city and had returned successful. He told Shaikh Mahmud that, having remembered the King, he had come from Dehli ; for he had his daughter to marry, and he wanted the Shaikh to get the King to give him something. The Shaikh said he would give him as much as he required. But the man refused, saying that as other people had received the King's bounty, he also hoped to obtain something from him, and that he would gain respect among the people of his tribe by obtaining the bounty of the King of Mandu. The Shaikh said, what he was going to give, the recipient might represent as having been received from the King ; for who would know that the King had not given it ? The man replied that he had set his heart upon gaining his object, and that he would do it himself without the intervention of another. The Shaikh replied, the other people who had come there were the descendants of great men, and he had obtained property for them through their ancestors' names, or they themselves possessed some merit which he could praise. But, said the Shaikh, " You are neither noble nor eminent. How can I recommend you to the King ? " The man replied that he did not know, but that he had come to the Shaikh, and that he must by some means or other introduce him to the King ; for His Majesty was very generous, and would give him whatever fate had or- dained. The Shaikh was in a great difficulty. When he went to His Majesty's Court, this man also went after him. When they reached the palace gate, wheat was being dispensed in alms to fakirs and women. The Shaikh said, " Take a handful of wheat." The man went and brought it. The Shaikh gave him his handkerchief to keep the grains in it, and the man took it and did accordingly. When the Shaikh went before His Majesty, this man also followed him thither. The King asked who the man was that was standing

behind him. The Shaikh replied, he had learnt the Kur'an by heart ; that he had come from Dehli, and had brought some grains of wheat, over each of which he had read the whole Kur'an. The King said, " Then I ought to go to him ; why have you brought him here ? " The Shaikh replied that the man was not worthy that His Majesty should go to him. " Let him be what he is," said the King, " but the present which he has brought is such that I should go on my head." The Shaikh observed that His Majesty would act according to his goodness, but that, as a servant of his Court, he was afraid he should be blamed by the ministers of the age for taking his Sovereign to the house of an unworthy person. The King told him not to consider the outward appearance, but to have regard to what concerned religion and the soul. At last the Shaikh decided that the man should be in the j6m¥ masjid on Friday, and that His Majesty might take the present from him there. This was approved of by the King, and on Friday the man came. The Shaikh, when the prayers were over, reminded the King, who ordered him to tell the man to ascend the pulpit. When he did so, the King spread out the lower part of Hs garment, and the man cast down the grains.

H.— BIBLIOGEAPHICAL NOTICES OF WOEKS OF THE PEEIOD.

This work is quoted in the Histories of Firishta and Nizamu-d dm Ahmad Bakhshi as one of the authorities on which their state- ments are founded ; but it does not appear for what particular period of Indian History they are indebted to it for information. The only knowledge I have of it is derived from the account of SirW. Ouseley, who describes it thus : —

" The Zainu-l ATMd/r is a very curious and extraordinary work ; containing the ancient history of Persia, of the Jewish, Christian, Magian, and Hindu religious fasts and ceremonies, Annals of the Muhammadan kings and Khalifas, Geographical notices, anecdotes, and chronological tables," etc.

" A most valuable work in illustrating the history and antiquities of Asia. Of this excellent work I have never seen another copy." Size-^Small folio, containing 627 pages.

Haji Khalfa mentions (No. 2340) a work under this title, com- posed by Muhammad bin Tusuf Hirwi. He says that it contains an account of the notable things in the country of Hind, and he adds, " To this Title are to be referred the histories of New West India, which a late author has translated into Turki from the lingua franca, with additions. In it he has given a fuU account of the country known by the name of Tangi Dunya, " the new world." The Tdrihh-i Hind is no doubt the same work as Bisdlu-i 'Ajdib wa Ghardib-i Hindustdn, since the author of that treatise also bears the name of Muhammad Tusuf Hirwi. This Bisdla is twice quoted in the Eaft Iklim under " Kalpi."

It is probably the same Td/rihh-i Hind which is quoted in the T&rihh-i Alfi, the Edbihu-s Siyar, and the Nafahdtu-l Ins. As the last two in their quotation from the Tdrilch-i Hind show the author to have been contemporary with, and to have conversed with Khwaja Hasan Dehlivi, who was a disciple of Nizamu-d din Ahmad, he must have flourished about the beginning of the eighth century of the Hijra, for Nizamu-d din died a.h. 725.

The first work is described in Stewart's Catalogue (p. 17) as an abridged history of the Muhammadan kings of Hindustan till the accession of the Emperor Akbar. It is probably the same as the work of that name noticed by James Eraser ( Catalogue of Manu- scripts collected in the East, 1742), as well as by Von Hammer [Geseh. d. red. Pers., p. 411).

1 See Sir W. Ouseley's Oriental Manuseripts, No. 704, and Mpitome of the Ane. Mist, of Persia, p. xii.

The second is the title of a work in the Catalogue of Capt. Jonathan Soott'8 Library (Ouseley, Oriental CoUections, vol. i., p. 370).

[In a very kind and appreciative review of the Third Volume of this work/ Dr. Sachau, of Vienna, has re-opened the question as to the authenticity of the Malfuzdt-i Timuri. The old arguments for and against were noticed in the account given of the book in Vol. III. ; but as it is a matter of some literary interest, Dr. Sachau's objections are here quoted in full.

"The last two works in the series of chronicles described in this volume refer to Timur. The first of them, Malfuzdt-i-Timwri, pretends to be an autobiography of Timur. The reader wiU be astonished to learn how that monster — who knew so well how to sack and burn cities, to slaughter hundreds of thousands of his fellow- creatures, to lay waste almost one-half of the then civilized world in a marvellously short time — in his leisure hours received inspira- tions from Clio ; that he, in short, was a Tatar Casar. Even admit- ting that he knew how to write, we cannot believe in his authorship of the book in question, and that for the following reasons.

"A certain. 'Abu Talib Husaini presented to the Emperor Shahjahan a Persian translation of an autobiography of Timur, from his 7th to his 74th year, written originally in Chagatal. The original, he stated, had been found ia the library of a Pasha of Yaman. This story sounds strongly apocryphal first of all, it is not very likely in itself that Timur should have written bis own history. But Babar had done so, likewise Jahangir. Why should not also the father of the family, Timur himself, have had this 'family predilection'? Certainly it was a very good business to produce such a work at the court of Shahjahan. It is not necessary to suppose that this priuce himself believed in the authenticity of the book, but probably he deemed it in his interest to adopt the story as it was produced, and to make people believe in it.

" Professor Dowson shows (p. 390), from the preface of the Zafar- ndma, composed by Sharaf-aldln Tazdl, a.h. 828, only thirty years 1 Academy, No. 34, 15th, October, 1871.

after Timur's death, tliat certain officers in the suite of Timur were always employed to write down everything that happened to him, in fact to compose court-chronicles both in Turkl and Persian. There is no reason to doubt this statement of Yazdl ; it is from these materials that he composed his eulogy, not to say history, of Timur. But were these materials ever gathered and formed into one coherent composition, into a book ? This we can hardly believe to have been the case if we remember the statement of Tazdl, that his patron Ibrahim, Timur's grandson, tried to procure for him ' from all parts of his dominions copies of the worhs relating to the life of Timur ' (p. 391). But admitting that such a book existed, how then, did it happen that it remained unnoticed for centuries under the reigns of all Timur's descendants as far as Shahjahan ? If, after the death of Timur, another dynasty had come into power, it would be only natural that they should have tried to destroy every memorial of their predecessors. But that was not the case ; members of his family were sitting on the thrones of Persia, Transoxiana, and India. Turther, are those court-chronicles identical with the Malf&zdt-i- Timuri, as Professor Dowson seems to believe (p. 340) ? The editor states quite correctly with regard to Yazdl's Zdfar-nama and the Malfdzdt, that one is a mere reproduction of the other. And from this fact we conclude that the Malfiizdt are forged upon the basis of Yazdl's work. In the first instance, the Malfuzdt are composed in the strict form of an autobiography ('I said,' 'I ordered,' etc.), and we can scarcely assume that this was the form of the above- mentioned court-chronicles. Secondly, if Timur had been an author himself, Yazdl would certainly have mentioned it, and would, page after page, have enlarged on his stylistic attainments. But such is not the case."

Dr. Sachau, in the first place, deems it to be incredible that a monster like Timur ever wrote his memoirs, even if he were able to write at all. It has never been contended that they were actually written by Timur with his own hand, but that the book was pro- duced under his personal direction and superintendence, and that he intended it to pass as his autobiography. That Timur was " a monster " is certain, but why this should disqualify him from writing a history of his life is not manifest. Other monsters have

taken a pride in the record of their iniquities and atrocities, but then their opinions of themselves and of their deeds differed widely from the verdict passed upon them by mankind.

That the story of the discovery of the book " sounds strongly apocryphal," has been admitted from the first. It gives ground for very great suspicion, but it would not be conclusive, even if the book were entirely destitute of evidence as to its authenticity.

It would certainly have been " a very good business to produce such a work at the court of Shah Jahan," if the work had been written in the prevailing style. But the book in question tells a plain straightforward tale, devoid of all that varnish and tiasel which a forger, in accordance with the prevailing taste, would have lavished upon his work to make it acceptable. The reception it met with shows what was thought of it : Another writer was commis- sioned to assimilate it to the Zafar-n&ma.

" The Malfuzdt are composed in the strict form of an autobiography ('I said,' 'I ordered,' etc.), and we can scarcely assume that this was the form of the above-mentioned court-chronicles ; " but why not ? and in what form should an autobiography be written ? The Memoirs of Babar, Timur's descendant, are written in the very form objected to, as the pages of the present volume show. It may even be that these very memoirs were the incentive and the model of Bdbar's. Both are written in a similar style ; plain, out-spoken, and free from reticence or apology. Babar's character is plainly im- pressed upon his memoirs. Is not Timur's equally manifest in the Malfuzdt ?

"Lastly, Dr. Sachau thinks that if Ti'mur had been an author, Tazdi would certainly have mentioned it, and would, page after page, have enlarged on his stylistic attainments." Perhaps so. But, " if Timur had been an author," Yazdi employed himself in reproducing his work in an improved style. He could not very well have lavished praises on the style of a work which he so laboriously endeavoured to supersede. On the other hand, it would have been somewhat dangerous, at the court of Timur's grandson, to boast of having im- proved the writings of such a redoubtable character. Yazdi, how- ever, distinctly teUs us that Memoirs of Timur's life were written under the direction of Timur himself, that they were read in his VOL. rv. 36

presence, and received " the impress of his approval." ' Under such circumstances the autobiographical form is very likely to have been employed, even though Timur never wrote a line himself.

Dr. Saehau agrees that the Memoirs and the Zafwr-ncma are re- productions the one of the other ; but his view is, that the Memoirs are derived from the Zafar-ndma. Against this it may be urged, first, that Yazdi confesses that he used writings which had " received the impress of Timur's approval," and so acknowledges the pre- existenoe of something in the shape of Memoirs. Secondly, the Zafar-ndma comprises neither " the Institutes of Timur " nor his " Testament," which form one part of the Memoirs ; so, these at least were not taken from the Zafar-ndma. Lastly, the Memoirs contain many little matters of detail which are not to be found in the Zafar-ndma. So, if the one work " is a mere reproduction of the other," the larger work full of minor details cannot have been reproduced from the lesser work, in which those details do not appear. The Zafar-ndma may have been entirely derived from the Memoirs, but it is scarcely possible that the Memoirs were wholly drawn from the Zafar-ndma.

The Tabahdt-i Bdhari noticed in this volume reproduces Babar's Memoirs with all the graces of Persian rhetoric, and stands in the same relation to Babar's Memoirs as the Zafar-ndma does to the Malfuzdt-i TimM. There is no question as to the priority of Babar's writings. In this case at least, the natural course prevailed, and the simple narrative preceded the highly elaborate and polished com- position. Are not the two cases of Timur's and Babar's Memoirs more likely to be similar than contrary ?

In the present volume there are two or three short extracts of the History of Timur, as given by 'Abdu-r Eazzak in his Mafla'u-s Sa'dain. Sir H. Elliot's Library contains only some portions of this part of the work, and no perfect copy of the MS. is accessible, so at present it cannot be ascertained whether 'Abdu-r Eazzak acknowledges the source from which he derived the History of Timur. That he borrowed it or translated it from a previous writer is apparent — for nothing can be more dissimilar in style than the two volumes of the Matla'ti-s Sa'dain. The History of Timur is as ' See vol. iii., p. 290.

simple and plain as Timur's own Memoirs : the Embassy to India is narrated in the high style, in language almost as florid and ornate as that of the Zafar-ndma. It is easy to see which style the author preferred. Where then did he get his History of Tfmur? If he translated or adapted Tfmur's Memoirs as given in the Malfuzdt, the simplicity of style will be accounted for. It can never be believed that he drew his history from the Zafar-ndma, transferring it from a style which he himself cultivated and must have admired, into a plain narrative, uncongenial to his taste and unsatisfactory to him as an ambitious writer. If 'Abdu-r Eazzak did not use the Malfuzdt, he must have used some work remarkably similar to it. No such work is known.

Timur's Memoirs profess to have been written in Turki, and the translation into Persian was not made untU long after the date of the Matla'u-s Sa'dain. A caxeful collation of several pages of the Persian version of the Memoirs and of the Matla'u-s Sa'dain shows no identity of language. So the latter work may have been derived from the original Turki version of the Memoirs, but the Persian version of the Memoirs was not stolen from the Matla'u-s Sa'dain.

The chief and only tenable arguments against the authenticity of the work are the time and place of its discovery, and the fact of the original Turki version never having come to light. The force of these objections is fully acknowledged; but they are not and cannot be decisive. The considerations above urged must have some weight in countervailing them, but a more forcible argument than all may be drawn from the Memoirs themselves. These seem to bear the impress of originality and authenticity. The style of the work is such as no forger would have been likely to adopt ; while the personal and family matters, the petty details, the unreserved expression of the ferocious thoughts and designs of the conqueror, and the whole tenor of the work, seem to point to Tfmur himself as the man by whom or under whose immediate direction and superintendence the Memoirs were written. — J. D.]

STEPHES AUSTIN AND SONS, PKINTEKS, HEETPOBD.