4. Volume 4 — part 4

Sultan Mahmud was ill for two years. Opinions differ as to his disease : some say it was consumption, others a disease of the rectum, and others dysentery. During the time of his illness he used to ride and walk about just as he did when in health, although the physicians forbad his doing so.

It is said that two days before his death he ordered all the bags of gold and silver coins which were in his treasury, and all the jewels, and all the valuables which he had collected during the

1837, pp. 719-729, 1843, pp. 170-185 and 385-403, 1845, p. 383, 1837, pp. 162- 180 ; Wien Jahrbuclier, No. Ixxvi., p. 227 ; Nom. J. As., torn, xi., pp. 179-182 ; /. Asiatiqm, 4th series, torn. iii. pp. 268-291 ; Fimdgruhen d. Or., toI. iii., p. 330, ■vi., 269 ; As. Journal, vol. xivi., pp. 228-237 ; Casiri, Bibl. Arab. Sist., vol. u., p. 68 ; Gesch. d. Gold, Sorde, p. xxiv. ; Sdji Khalfa, torn, iii., 601, Ti., 648.

days of his sovereignty, to be brought into his presence. They were accordingly all laid out in the court-yard of his palace, which, in the eyes of the spectators, appeared like a garden full of flowers of red, yellow, violet, and other colours. He looked at them with sorrow, and wept very bitterly. After shedding many tears, he ordered them to be taken back to the treasury, and he did not give a farthing to any deserving man, notwith- standing he knew that in a day or two he must depart from this world. When the compiler of this book read this account in history, he was much disgusted with this victorious king, and has never since been able to listen to any excuse for him. It is for the same reason that he has occasionally made mention of this glorious king in the course of his narrative simply by the name of Mahmiid. When the king had seen the valuable contents of his treasury, he sat in a litter and went out to the field. There he reviewed all his personal slaves, his cattle, Arab horses, camels, etc., and after casting his eye upon them, and crying with great sorrow and regret, he returned to his palace.

Abti-l Hasan 'Ali Maiman.di says that one day Sultan Mah- mud, having asked Abu Tdhir Sdmani what quantity of precious stones the S4m4nian kings had collected in their treasury, he was told, in reply, that Amir Kdzi N uh bin Manstir possessed seven rails ^ in weight. On this he placed his face on the earth, and said, " Thanks be to God, who hath bestowed on me more than a hundred rails.''''

Abu Bakr 'Ali, son of Hasan, clerk of Muhammad bin Mah- mud bin Subuktigin, relates that Sultan Mahmud departed from this perishable world to the eternal abode on Thursday, the 23rd of Rabi'u-1 &khir, a.h. 421, in the sixty-third year of his age. Even during his illness he sat upon the throne and gave audience to the people. His remains were buried in the palace of Firoza, at Ghaznin, in a dark night, when rain was falling. He was very bigoted in religion. Many authors have 1 A pound Troy.

dedicated their works to him. He undertook repeated expedi- tions against India, a brief account of which we have given in these pages. It was a great blemish on his character that he was exceedingly covetous in seizing the riches of wealthy people. On one occasion it was reported to him that a person in Naishapur was possessed of immense riches, so he called the man to Ghaznin, and told him that he had learnt that he was an infidel Karmatian. The man replied he was not, but that the Almighty had bestowed much wealth of this world upon him, and he would rather that the king should take it all from him than stain his character by that name. The Sultan took his property, and ordered a royal certificate to be given of his orthodoxy.

It is said that one day, as Sultan Mahmud was sitting in his palace, his eye suddenly fell on a reckless fellow, who had a pair of fowls in his hand. Seeing that the Sultan was looking at him, he made a signal. The Sultan disregarded it, but asked himself what he could mean by it. The next time Mahmud looked at him he made the same signal again, and the king again overlooked it ; but on the third signal he called him into his presence, and asked him who he was, and what he was doing with the pair of fowls. The man answered, " I am a gamester ; to-day I gambled in my own and the Sultan's name, and have won two pairs of fowls, so I have brought one pair for His Majesty." The Sultan ordered the fowls to be received from him. The next day the man came again, and brought another pair. The Sultdn asked himself what the fellow could mean by such partnership. The third day the man came in the same manner ; but on the fourth he came empty-handed, and stood looking very sorrowful under the king's window. The Sultan, having looked at him, knew that some misfortune had befallen his partner, be- cause the signs of distress were visible in his face. He called him, and asked him the reason of his grief. The man replied, " I played to-day in partnership with the king and have lost one thousand dirams.'''' The Sultdn smiled, and ordered five hundred

dirams to be given to him, but added, " Do not make me your partner in future unless I am present." Many stories and anec- dotes are told of this king, but they are not worth relating in an historical work.

Sultdn Mas'tid having reached Grhazni in a state of great dis- traction and embarrassment, imprisoned certain of the chief officers of the -State, and put some of them to death, under the suspicion of their having misconducted themselves in the war with the Saljukis. He then despatched towards Balkh his son, named Maudud, at the head of a detachment of his army, ac- companied by Wazir Abu Nasr Ahmad, son of Muhammad, son of 'Abdu-s Samad, while he himself, attended by his brother Muhammad Makhul,'^ and the sons of the latter, named Ahmad 'Abdu-r Rahman and 'Abdu-r Rahim, as well as by all his rela- tives, proceeded to Hindustan with a view to pass the cold season there. In the spring he assembled a very large army, and marched towards Khurdsan for the purpose of expelling the Saljukis. After Sultan Mas'ud had crossed the Indus, the royal treasure, which was in the rear on the other side of the river, was plundered by Noshtigin and the household troops of the Sultan, who afterwards waited upon Muhammad Makhul, and saluted him as their sovereign.

On his refusing to comply with their request to ascend the throne, they said that they had rebelled with a view to the advancement of his interests, and they threatened at the same time, that in the event of his non-compliance, they would put him to death, and enter into an understanding with some other chief. Muhammad Makhul was thus compelled to agree to their demands, and crossing the river with him, they fought a battle

' Makhul means " deprived of his eyesight," for he had been blinded by order of Mas'ud. — The only meaning which Richardson gives to this word is " Anointed with coUyrium." [Both meanings are right, for the mikhdl, or bodkin used to apply collyrium, is the instrument employed in destroying the vision.]

against Mas'iid. The army of Mas'ud, whicli was very small, was defeated, and he was compelled to take shelter in a neigh- bouring sardi. He was at length taken prisoner, and brought into the presence of his brother, who assured him that he had no intention to take his life, and desired him to name any place which he might select to reside in with his family.

Mas'iid chose the Fort of Kiri,i to which place Muhammad sent him and all his family, and set a guard over them.

It is said that when Mas'ud was about to set out for that fort, he begged of Muhammad a certain sum to meet his expenses. The parsimonious^ Muhammad sent him only 500 dirams, on the receipt of which Mas'ud wept, and exclaimed, " Yesterday I could command three thousand loads of treasure, but to-day I have not a single diram which I can call my own." Upon this, the bearer of the 500 dirams gave to Mas'ud 1,000 dinars out of his own private resources. This liberal act led to the prosperity of the donor, who met with his reward in the reign of Maudud, son of Mas'ud.

As Muhammad had been deprived of the blessing of sight, he left the administration of the country to his son Ahmad, and reserved for himself merely the name of king.^ Ahmad, whose mind was somewhat deranged, in concert with the son of Tiisuf Subuktigin, and with the son of 'All Kheshawand, went to the fort of Kiri, and, without the consent of Muhammad, put Mas'ud to death, which circumstance aflSicted Muhammad very much. Some say that Ahmad instigated his father to procure the death of Mas'ud.

Mas'ud reigned nine years and eleven months. He was brave, affable, generous, and fond of the company of the learned, whom he placed under manifold obligations to him ; on which account many authors dedicated their works to him. He was very

2 Wilken translates "mera ex negligentia."

^ Wilken translates " neque reglse dignitatis nomen retinuit." He reads pesh instead of besh, -which latter reading ia shown to be correct by the word ziydda, in his MS. marked D.

profuse in his charity. A story is told of him that on one occasion, during the Eamazan fast, he directed that a miUion dirams should be distributed among the deserving. During his reign so many colleges, mosques, and other religious edifices were built in various parts of his dominions, that it is impossible to enumerate them. After Mas'ud was killed, Muhammad Makhul wrote to Maudtid, son of Mas'ud, naming the persons who had slain Mas'ud, in retaliation for blood spilt by him, and declaring that he himself had taken no part in the murder. Maudtid answered to the effect that he hoped Grod would give the king's mad son sense to live better in future, for he had engaged in great matters, and had shed royal blood. The king, too, had called him Chief of Princes and Kings ; but vengeance would soon fall upon him. After the murder of Mas'ud the country went to decay, and neither soldiers nor people had any confidence in Muhammad or his sons. All the property and possessions of the people of Pershdwar, which is a wide and extensive province, went to ruin. In that country slaves were then sold at one diram each, and one man of wine realized the same price, and there were more purchasers for the wine than for the slaves.

When the news of the murder of Mas'ud reached his son Maudud, he set out from the vicinity of Balkh towards Ghazni. Muhammad also came to the confines of Grhazni from the neigh- bourhood of the Indus. There they met in battle, and Maudud gained the victory. Muhammad himself, with his two sons, Noshtigin Balkhi who had been the prime mover in the con- spiracy, and the son of 'AK Kh'eshawand, all fell into the hands of Maudud, and all were put to death : no one found mercy ex- cept 'Abdu-r Eahim, son of Muhammad. The reason why he was spared was this : When Mas'ud was kept a prisoner, his

nephews, 'Abdu-r Rahman and 'Abdu-r Rahim, went to see him^ The former snatched the cap from the head of Mas''ud, but 'Abdu-r Rahim took it from the hands of his brother and re- placed it on the head of his uncle, at the same time reproving and condemning his brother's conduct. This graceful act saved him from death, while 'Abdu-r Rahman threw himself with the others into the abyss of destruction.

This work may be considered an abridgment of the Rauzatu-s Sofa. It was written by Mirkhond's son, Khondamir, whose full name is Ghiy^su-d din Muhammad bin Humamu-d din.'^

Khondamir was born at HirAt, about the year 880 h. (a.d. 1475), for he states in the Preface to the Salihu-s Sit/ar, that when he commenced it in the year 927 H., he had advanced through seven or eight stages beyond the fortieth year of his hfe.

From his early youth he showed a predilection for history, and perused with indefatigable ardour books which treated of that science ; and guided by the example and advice of his illustrious father, he prepared himself for the composition of some work by which he might attain equal celebrity. In this purpose he was assisted by the learned minister 'All Shir,^ who, having collected a valuable library of the most esteemed works, placed our author in charge of it. According to Haji Khalfa, it was about the year 900 h.,^ that Khondamir completed the Khuldsatu-l AJchbdr, and at the close of it he gratefully acknow- ledges that, had it not been for 'Ali Shir's considerate kindness in placing him in charge of the library, he could not have com- pleted in six years a tenth part of what he had concluded in as

1 1 am not aware that Mirkhond was ever called by the name of Humimu-d din during his lifetime. It might have been an honorific title given after his death. It is perhaps the use of this name which has made some authors suppose that Khonda- mir was not a son, but a nephew of Mirkhond.

3 But the author himself quotes a.h. 904, a.d. 1498, in his Preface, as the time when 'All Shir's Library was placed at his disposal.

many months, and to that excellent minister he gratefully- dedicated his work.

Khondamir was occasionally employed in a public capacity. In the year- 909 h., when Sult4n Badi^u-z Zaman resolved on repelling the Uzbeks, who were preparing to make an attack upon Khurasan, under the command of Muhammad Shaibani Khan, he despatched an embassy to Khusru. Shah, the chief of Kunduz, in order to invite him to join the common cause, and to second the preparations which were making for the destruction of this formidable enemy. Our author joined this embassy, and was deputed by the head of the mission to convey certain im- portant intelligence to the Sultdn.

Under the reign of this Sultan, the last of the descendants of Timur who sat on the throne of Persia, we find Khondamir appointed to the ofELce of sadr, or Judge of the Ecclesiastical Court, a post which had been held by his uncle Niz4mu-d din Sultan Ahmad ; and shortly after he was commissioned by the Sultdn to proceed to Kandahar, to induce its ruler to join the general league ; but the death of one of the Sultdn's daughters at that time put a stop to his journey. Khurasan was soon invaded by the Uzbeks, and in the year 913 (1507-8), the capital itself, not being able to make any effectual resistance, offered terms of submission. Khondamir drew up the conditions, and his nephew was commissioned to negociate the surrender.

Under the rule of the Uzbeks, our author had to submit to great indignities, and he was not sorry to see it overthrown by the victorious arms of Sbdh Isma'il in 916 h. (1510 a.d.). During the troubles of this period he went to reside at Basht, a village in Georgia, and there devoted his leisure to literary pur- suits. While in this retreat, he seems to have composed the Ma-dsiru-l Muluk, the Akhbdru-l Akhydr, the Dasturu-l Wusrd, the Makdrimu-l Akhldk and the Muntakhab Tdrikh-i Wassdf.^ He is found again as a negociator in 922 (1516 a.d.).

1 These works are mentioned as the author's in the Preface to the Sabihu-s Siyar. The Akhbdru-l Akhydr, which is also the name of a work on the Saints by 'Abdu-1

After the death of this monarch, a.h. 932 (1525-6), Khonda- mlr seems to have found httle inducement to reside in Persia, for in the year 935 h. (1528-9 a.d.), he was introduced to the Emperor Babar at Agra, and that monarch and our author concur in mentioning the very day of the interview. At the conclusion of the first volume of the Hahibu-s Siyar he tells us, " Under the unavoidable law of destiny, the writer was compelled in the middle of Shaww^l, 933 h., to leave Hir^t, his dear home (may it ever be protected from danger !), and bend his steps towards Kandahar. On the 10th of Jumada-s s^ni, 934 h., he undertook a hazardous journey to Hindustan, which, in consequence of the great distance, the heat of the weather, the setting in of the rainy season, and the broad and rapid rivers which intervened, it took him seven months to complete. On Saturday the 4th of Muharram, 935 h., he reached the metropolis of Agra, and on that day had the good fortune to strengthen his weak eyes with the antimonial dust of the high threshold of the Emperor, the mention of whose name in so humble a page as this would not be in conformity with the principles of respect. He was allowed, without delay, to kiss the celestial throne, which cir- cumstance exalted him so much, that it placed the very foot of his dignity over the heads of the Great and Little Bears in the Heavens."

He accompanied the Emperor on his expedition to Bengal, and upon his death attached himself to Humayun, in whose name he wrote the Kdnim-i Humdyuni, which is quoted by Abii-l Fazl in the Akbar-ndma. He accompanied that monarch to Guzer&t, and died in his camp in the year 941 h. (1534-5), aged sixty-one or sixty-two years. At his own desire, his

Hakk DehliTi, is in the copy consulted by M. Quatremfere, and in one I obtained from Haidara,b6.d, but omitted from three other copies which I have examined, and in which the last two works mentioned in the text are added. I haye seen also another work ascribed to Khondamir, called the Ghardibu-l Asrdr. These, together with the Jawdhiru-l AJehbdr and the Habibu-s Siyar, which are noticed in the succeeding articles, are a sufficient evidence of our author's industry, as well as of the versatility of his talents.

body was conveyed to Dehli, and he was buried by the side of Nizamu-d din Aulyd and Amir Khusru.^ For the saint and the poet he entertained a high veneration, and of both he speaks in most eulogistic ,terms in the Hahtbu-s Siyar.

The Khuldsatu-l Akhbar is a most able compendium of Asiatic history, brought down to a.h. 875 (a.D. 1471), but events are recorded in it as 1-ate as A.D. 1528. It is held in high repute both in Asia and Europe. A portion of the first book has been translated in the first volume of the Asiatic Miscellany, and the history of the Saljtikians has been given in original, with a French translation, by M. Dumoret, in Nouv. J. As. xiii. pp. 240-256. Major Price is largely indebted to it in his Retrospect of Mahommedan History and his History of Arabia, and D'Herbelot's ^ obligations to it are still greater.

M. Oharmoy has published the text, with a translation, of Timur's expedition against Tuktamish Khan, of Kipchak, in the Mem. de I' Acad. Imp. de St. Petersbourg, 6me s^rie, tome iii.

The chapters relating to the Ghaznivides, the Ghorians, and the kings of Dehli, are contained in the eighth Book, and the Indian occurrences are narrated down to A.H. 717 (a.d. 1317). But we derive no information from his short abstract, he himself referring; for fuller accounts to the Tabakdt-i Ndsiri, the Tdrikh-i Wassdf and the Rauzatu-s. Safd.

The KJiuldsatu-l Akhbar comprises an introduction, ten books, and a conclusion. Size, large Svo., 734 pages of 19 lines each.

Introduction — Grives an account of the Creation of the world, the Deluge, Jinns, Iblis, etc. pages 5 — 13.

Book I. — The History of the Patriarchs and Prophets, pp. 13—116.

1 See Journal des Savants, 1843, pp. 386-393,

2 This author commits the error of attributing the work to Mirkhond, in which he has been blindly followed by several others.

Book II. — Of Philosophers and illustrious personages, pp. 117—123.

Book III. — Of the ancient kings of Ir&n and adjacent countries, pp. 123—212.

Book IV. — Of Muhammad and his conquests, pp. 212 — 285.

Book V. — Of the twelve Ira&ms and the descendants of 'Ali, pp. 285—346.

Book Yl.-.Of the Ummayide Khalifs, pp. 347—399.

Book VII.— Of the 'Abbaside Khalifs, pp. 399—460.

Book VIII. — Of the kings who were contemporary with the 'Abbdsides, and of a few subsequent to them, pp. 460 — 579.

Book IX. — Of the posterity of Japhet, the life of Ohangiz Kh4n and his successors, pp. 579 — 624.

Book X. — The history of Timiir, and of his descendants who reigned in Khurasdn to a.d. 1471 , pp. 624 — 680.

Conclusion. — Description of Hirdt — Memoirs of its celebrated inhabitants, pp. 680 — 743.

[Mr. Morley has given a more detailed statement of the con- tents in his Catalogue of the MSS. of the Royal Asiatic Society.]

In Eurppe there are several good copies of this work, of which the best known are those of St. Petersburg, Vienna, the British Museum, and Sir W. Ouseley.' The work is common in India. In the Asiatic Society's Library there is an excellent manuscript, but by far the most beautiful copy I have seen is in the possession of Muhammad Raziu-d din, chief native Judge of Allahdbdd, though a little defective at the end.

Regarding the slaves of the Ohorian Kings, who attained regal

Sultan Shahabu-d-din took considerable delight in purchasing Turkish slaves and educating them. He bestowed the govern-

^ Von Hammer-Purgstall, in noticing these in the Gesch. d. Gold. Sorde in Euss- land, p. ixiv, has faUed to observe his usual accuracy.

ment of the territories of Kirman and Tlir4n, dependencies of Sind, upon one of these slaves, named Taju-d din Yaldtiz, who, upon the death of Sultan Shahdbu-d din, ascended the throne of Grhazm. He reigned a short time, but in a war with Sultan Shamsu-d din Altamsh, King of Dehli, he was taken prisoner and put to death.

Kutbu-d din fbak was likewise one of the slaves of Shahabu-d din. He was distinguished for his great courage and liber- ality. Having had the reins of the government of Dehli en- trusted to him by the Sultan, he prosecuted many religious wars in India, the particulars of some of which are recorded in the Tdju-l Ma-dsir.^ Kutbu-d din fbak ruled twenty years, during fourteen years of which period he held himself independent of the Sultan, and had the Khutha read in his own name.

Upon his death, his son j^ram Shah ascended the throne, but owing to his want of ability, he was deposed after a few days, and was succeeded by Sultan Sharasu-d din Tbak (Altamsh).

Malik^ Nasiru-d din Kubaj (Kub4cha), after the death of his master Sultan Shahabu-d din, took possession of Ifch, Mult4n, and several towns in Sind. When Changiz Khan committed great depredations and massacres in Persia, the people of Khurasan sought refuge in great numbers in the territories of N4siru-d din, under whose protection they were treated with great munificence and consideration. Malik N4siru-d din, in the latter years of his reign, assumed a hostile attitude towards Sultan Shamsu-d din Altamsh The latter marched an army towards U'ch and Multan, and Nasiru-d din being defeated, fled to the fort of Bakar. On receiving intelligence of the intended attempt on that fort by the ivazir of Shamsu-d din, named Nizamu-1 Mulk Muhammad, son of Abu Sa'id, he tried to get away in a boat, and thus escape from that whirlpool of danger to the shore of safety ; but in the river he sank into the ocean of mortality.

" [He is here by mistake styled " Sult&n," but afterwards correctly " Malik,"]

Some say Sultan Shamsu-d din was one of the slaves of Sultan Shahabu-d din ; others again say he was one of Kutbu-d din fbak's slaves. However this may be, it is certain that after the death of Kutbu-d din fbak, the kingdom devolved upon Shamsu-d din, who administered even-handed justice for twenty-six years, conquered a great number of forts and territories in India, and died in 633 a.h. (1235-6). The Jdmi'u-l Hikdydt, which was dedicated to Wazir Nizamu-1 Mulk Muhammad, son of Abii Sa'id, was composed during the reign of this king.

Sultan E.uknu-d din Firoz Sh^h, son of Shamsu-d din Altarash, ascended the throne, and was exceedingly liberal in his largesses and donations, but in consequence of his inordinate addiction to wine, he altogether disgusted and alienated the nobles and ministers of the State. They at length seized him and put him in prison- He reigned only seven months..

This biographical account of famous Asiatic ministers is by the same author, Khondamir, and may fairly claim a place among the G-eneral Histories. There is a later and shorter work on the same subject, by Sadru-d din Muhammad, son of Zabardast Khan, written in India, in Muhammad Shah's reign, under the name of Irshddu-l Wuzrd. The latter contains notices of the wazirs of India, which are not included in the former, but it is very brief. Both works are to be found in the Farah- bakhsh Library at Lucknow.'- The Dastiiru-l Wuzrd is not an uncommon work in India. The copy used is a 4to. volume, containing 234 pages of 19 lines each.

There were ten wazirs of note during the reigns of the Ghaznivides.

Abu-l 'Abbas Fazl bin Ahmad Isfardini? In the beginning of his career he was secretary to Faik, one of the nobles of the Sdmdni court, and when the fortunes of that noble declined, he attached himself to Amir Nasiru-d din Subuk- tigin. Upon the death of that king, his son Mahraud greatly favoured Abu-l 'Abbas Fazl, and appointed him to the post of wazir. It is related in the Jdmfu-t Tawdrikh, that Abu-l Fazl

' See Eampoldi, i. 366, vii. 483, is.. 423. &emaldesaal, Pref. xi. xv.

^ This is related without any new particulars in the Jdmi'u-l Sikdydt, i. 14, 37.

was neither a man of learning, nor of good manners, and that he was ignorant of the Arabic language ; but his political and administrative abilities were marvellous. God had given him a son called Hajjaj, who was blessed with such an excellent dis- position, and endowed with such extraordinary mental faculties, that he surpassed all his contemporaries. He composed most excellent Arabic verses, and was a perfect master of the tradi- tionary sayings of the Prophet ; and many writers on the traditions have quoted him as an authority.

When Abu-1 'Abbas had been minister for ten years, the star of his destiny fell from the firmament of prosperity into the pit of adversity. Some historians have thus related the cause of his dismissal :

Sultdn Mahmud had an intense love for slaves (possessing faces as fair as that of the planet Jupiter). Fazl bin Ahmad followed his example, which accords with the saying, that " men follow the opinion of their master." Fazl, on hearing the re- putation of the beauty of a boy in Turkistan, deputed a con- fidential person to purchase that boy (whose countenance was beautiful as that of the planet Venus), and bring him to Ghazni, according to the mode of conveyance usually adopted for females. When an informer represented to the king these circumstances, his most august Majesty demanded that slave (who was as white as silver) from the minister (whose glory and dignity were raised as high as the planet Mercury). The minister made evasive replies, and pertinaciously refused to part with the slave, not- withstanding His Majesty's absolute power. The king one night visited the minister at his house, where the minister enter- tained him with the respect and hospitality due to the dignity of a sovereign. When the slave (who looked as beautiful as a virgin of paradise) came into the presence of the king, high words passed between him and his minister, and so greatly was the king's anger kindled, that he issued orders to seize the minister and plunder his house. Soon after this the king de- parted for Hindustan, and certain evil-disposed amirs tortured

the minister so severely with the rack that he lost his life. "No man can secure himself from the frowns of fortune, nor can any one look upon fortune as 'permanent,"

He was a foster-brother and a fellow-student of Sultdn Mah- mud. His father Hasan Maimandi, during the lifetime of Amir N4siru-d din Subuktigin, was employed in collecting the revenue at the town of Bust; but Amir N4siru-d din was led by the secret machinations of his enemies to entertain an unfevourable opinion of him. Hasan, however, did not live long. It is stated by some that he was one of the ministers of Sult4n Mahmiid. This statement is altogether incorrect and unfounded, as it is not maintained by any great historian.

Ahmad bin Hasan, in consequence of his beautiful handwrit- ing, excellent qualities, proficiency in eloquenceand great wisdom, became the most conspicuous man of his time, and was regarded with affection by several eminent persons. The king, taking him into favour, appointed him secretary, and continued to promote him, time after time, to higher dignities, till at last, in addition to his former offices, he was nominated the chief legal authority of the State, as well as invested with the superintendence of the concerns of tho army. A short time after, he was further en- trusted with the additional duty of conducting the affairs of Khurasan. All these duties he discharged in a manner .that could not be excelled. At length, when Abu-1 'Abbas Isfariini fell into disgrace, the king conferred on Ahmad the office of minister. He held the office of minister without any control for a period of eighteen years, when a number of the chief amirs, such as Altuntldsh, the chamberlain. Amir 'All Kheshawand and others, brought before the Court of the king scandalous imputa- tions and false charges against him. According to the saying

' See supri val. ii., page 61 ; also Kampoldi, vi., 54. Mod. TTniv. Hist., iii., 3. Eiog. Univ. v. Meimendi,

that "whatever is listened to will make an impression," these injurious words did not fail to take effect on the heart of the king. So the minister was deposed, and imprisoned in one of the forts of Hind. When Sultan Mas'iid ascended the throne of Ghaznin after the death of his father Sultdn Mahmiid, he released Ahmad and reinstated him in the responsible office of minister, which he held again for a long period. He died in the year 444 a.h. "It is finally ordained as the lot of all creatures, that nobody should live for ever in this world."

Ahii Ali Susain bin Muhammad, alias Hasnak Mikdl}

From his early youth he was in the service of Sultan Mahmiid. He was very agreeable in his conversation, well-behaved, energetic and quick in apprehension, but he was not a good writer, nor was he well versed in arithmetic and accounts.

^ It is recorded in the Raiizatu-s Safd, that when Sultan Mah- mud, in accordance with the solicitation of Nuh bin Mansiir Samdni, was on his march to Khurasan against Abu 'Ali Samjur, it was represented to him that there was in the neigh- bourhood of the place where he was then encamped a darwesh distinguished for abstinence and devotion, and called Zdhid- dhwposh (a devotee wearing a deer-skin). The king had a firm belief in the power of darweshes, and paid him a visit. Hasnak Mikdl, who had no faith in the sect of sufis, was in attendance, and the king said, " Although I know that you have no belief in sifis, still I wish you to go with me and see this devotee." So Hasnak Mikdl accompanied him. The king having had a long interview with the darwesh, when he was about to go away, oiFered to bestow upon him anything of which he might stand in need. The devout man stretched forth his hand into the air, and placed a handful of coins in the palm of the king, with the remark, that whoever could draw such wealth from an

' Mod. TTniv. Hist., i., 486, iii., 3. Eampoldi, i., 487. Eeinaud, Blaoas, ii., 37. ^ [This story is given in the Sauzatu-s Safd, among other anecdotes at the end of Mahmtid's reign, and the translation agrees with the text as there given.]

invisible treasury had no need of the treasure of this world. The king handed those coins to Hasnak, who found that they were struck in the name Abu 'AH Sanijur. The king on his way back, asked Hasnak how he could refuse to accord his belief to such miracles as this. Hasnak answered, that whatever the king observed in respect to miracles was very correct and proper, but at the same time he would suggest that His Majesty should not venture to contend against a man in whose name the coins had been struck in the invisible world. The king asking him whether indeed the coins were struck in the name of Abu 'Ali, he showed them to him ; upon which the king was astonished and put to the blush.

In fact, Hasnak was a constant attendant of the king, whether on journeys or at home. The circumstances which led to his appointment to the ofiB.ce of chief minister are as follows :

On the dismissal of Ahmad bin Hasan from the post, the king issued orders to the other ministers for the nomination of some great man to fill up that office. The ministers accordingly nominated Abii-l Kasira, Abu-1 Husain Akbali, Ahmad bin 'Abdu-s Samad, and Hasnak Mikal, and sent their names to the king to make his selection. The king, in reply, observed that the appointment of Abii-l Kasim to the office of minister would interfere with his present duty of 'driz ; that it would be impolitic to confer this oflice on Abii-l Husain Akbali, as he was too avaricious ; that Ahmad bin 'Abdu-s Samad was indeed fit for this post, but he had been entrusted with the duty of ar- ranging the important afifairs of Khwirizm ; and that Hasnak, though he was of a good family, and had a quicker apprehension than the rest, yet his youthful age offered an obstacle to his appointment. The amirs, on weighing these sentiments of His Majesty, concluded that he was inclined to nominate Hasnak his minister. They, therefore, unanimously represented to the king, that preference should be given to Hasnak Mikdl. The king, in compliance with their recommendation, appointed Hasnak to the office of minister. This post he held during the reigns of

the king and his son Sultdn Muhammad, who did not interrupt his enjoyment of all the powers delegated to him by his father. Hasnak, with the view of ingratiating himself with Sultan Muhammad, frequently made use of disrespectful language, in speaking of Sultan Mas'ud, who was then in 'Irak ; insomuch, that one day in full Court he expressed his apprehensions, that when Sultdn Mas'ud ascended the throne, he would impale him (Hasnak). Accordingly, when Sult4n Mas'ud came to Khurdsdn, and took possession of the dominions of Sultdn Muhammad, he summoned Hasnak, (and inflicted condign punishment on him).

This famous history is also by Khondamir, and was written subsequent to the Klmldsatu-l Akhhdr, and in a much more extended form, though Stewart (Descriptive Catalogue, p. 4) strangely characterizes it as an abridgment of that work.

The Habibu-s Siyar was written at the desire of Muhammad al Husaini, who wished to have the facts of universal history collected into one volume. He died shortly after the work was begun, and the troubles which ensued induced our author for some time to suspend his labours, until an introduction to Karimu-d din Habibu-llah, a native of Ardabil, encouraged him to prosecute them again with ardour. Habibu-llah was a great cultivator of knowledge ; all his leisure hours were devoted to its acquisition, and he was particularly partial to history. It was after the name of this new patron that he entitled his work SaUbu-s Siyar. It may be supposed that, as he travels over nearly the same ground as his father, he has made great use of the Rauzatu-s Safd, of which in many parts he offers a mere abridgment; but he has added the history of many dynasties omitted in that work, and the narrative is generally more lively and interesting. He has added, moreover, the lives of the celebrated men who flourished during each period that he brings under review.

The HaMbu-s Siyar was commenced in a.h. 927 (1521 a.d.), when the author was about forty-eight years of age. It is not known in what year it was completed, but M. Quatremere (Journ. des Savants, 1843, p. 393) has noticed that the year 930 (1523-4) is mentioned in it, and that the occurrences of Persian history

are brought down to that time-, — ^but Khondamir perhaps con- tinued his labours long after that period, even down to 935 h. (1528-9), because, in an interesting passage at the -close of the first Tolume, of which part has already been quoted in a pre- ceding article,^ he says, " Be it known unto the intelligent and enlightened minds of readers that the writing of these histories which form the first volume of HaUhu-s Siyar, has been com- pleted for the third time by the movement of the fingers of the composer, according to the saying that 'a thing attaineth per- fection oa its third revisal.' The compiler, while on his travels in, Hindustan, finished this volume, to the entire satisfaction of all his friends, ' stopping every day and every night at a different place.' The pen, 'whose production is as sweet as a parrot's imitation of human speech, and which, by dipping into the ink like a diver into the sea, brings forth to light different narratives as precious gems from the dark caTes of the deep, and displays them to the world, threads certain remarkable incidents as valuable pearls in the ifoUowing manner.'

" The writer had not been long in Hindustan when he fell sick, and became weaker day by day. The regimen which he underwent for three or four months, with respect to drink and light food as welt as medicines, proved ineffectual, so that he was reduced to so slender a skeleton, that even the morning breeze was capable of wafting him to a different country. Heat consumed his body as easily as flame melts a candle. At length Providence bestowed upon him a potion for the restoration of his health from that dispensary, where ' When thou fallest sick, it is He that cureth thee.' The compiler lifted up his head from his sick bed, as the disposer of all things opened the doors of convalescence towards his life. At this time, under the shadow of the victorious standard of his august Majesty, Babar (may God maintain his kingdom till the day of judgment !), the com- piler had occasion to proceed ,to Bengal, and at every march where there was the least delay, he devoted his time to the

completion of this volume, which was finished at Tirmuhdnd, near the confluence of the Sarju and Granges." ^

This passage is taken from a copy written a.h. 1019, but I cannot trace it in any others, all of which end with the verses which precede this conclusion ; and it was most probably not in the copy consulted by M. Quatremere, or it could scarcely have escaped the penetration of that learned scholar. It seems, there- fore, to have been a postscript written for his Indian friends, and the work which he imposed upon himself may, after all, have been the mere copying, for the third time, of that which he had already composed.

It has been hitherto customary to translate the name of this History as the "Friend of Travelling,"^ under the impression that the name of the original is Mabibu-s Sair; but it has been shown by M. Von Hammer and Baron de Sacy {Not. et Extr. ix., ii. 269), that 8iyar is the word, signifying " biographies, lives." The reason advanced for this is, that the clause, ft akhbdr-i afrddu-l basilar, follows immediately after the title ; and rythmical propriety, so much studied amongst Orientals, demands that the word should therefore be Siyar, rather than Sair. Further confirmation of the correctness of this view will be found in the third line of the conclusion, where HaUbu-s Siyar follows immediately after Arjimandu-l asar, showing that two syllables are necessary to compose the word Siyar. The entire name signifies, " The Friend of Biographies, comprising the history of persons distinguished among men."

The Habibu-s Siyar contains an Introduction {Iftitdh), three Books (Mujallad), each subdivided into four Chapters {Juzv), and a Conclusion {Ikhtitdm).

' TMs, therefore, must have been written about May, 1529, shortly after the dis- persion of the army of Kharid. The position of the tract is correctly given by Mr. Erskine, though with a slight error as to the limits. Mr. Caldecott, Ms epitomizor, makes Kharid a general, and speaks of the army under Kharid. (See Leyden and Erskine's Memoirs of Saber, p. 411, and Caldecott's Zife of Saber, p. 230 ; Erskine's Life of Saber, i., p. 602.)

" D'Herbelot says, "o'est ce que nous appellons dans I'usage du Tulgaire un Veni mecum." — Sibl. Orient,, t. Habib al Seir.

The Introduction contains the history of the Creation of heaven and of earth, as well as of its inhabitants.

Book I. — Contains the history of the Prophets, Philosophers, and Kings who existed before the dawn of Islamism, with some account of Muhammad and the first Khalifs — 860 pages.

Chapter 1. — The history of the Prophets and Philosophers.

Chapter 2. — The history of the kings of Persia and Arabia.

Chapter 4. — The events which occurred in the time of the first four Khalifs.

Book II. — Contains the history of the twelve Imdms, the TJmmayides, 'Abbasides, and those kings who were contemporary with the 'Abbasides — 710 pages.

Chapter 1. — An account of the twelve Imams,

Chapter 2. — The events which occurred in the time of the TJmmayides.

Chapter 3. — An account of the events which occurred in the time of the 'Abbasides.

Chapter 4. — Gives an account of several kings who were con- temporary with the 'Abbasides, as the Ghaznivides, Grhorians, Samdnides, Saljuks, Atabaks, etc.

Book III. — Contains the history of several other dynasties — 784 pages.

Chapter I. — An account of the kings of Turkist^n, and of the reigns of Changiz Khan and his descendants.

Chapter 2. — The history of the Kings contemporary with Changiz Khdn.

Chapter 3. — Gives an account of Timur and his descendants, down to the time of the author.

Chapter 4. — An account of his patron, the reigning monarch.

The Conclusion mentions the wonders of the world, with a brief account of learned and holy men, poets, etc.

' [See Morlfi/s aocount of the Contents, in his Catalogue of the MSS. of the Royal Asiatic Society, which is much more detailed.]

Size. — Small Folio, of 2318 pages, with 20 lines to a page.

The parts relating to India are the sections on the Ghazni- vides, the Ghorians, and the kings of Dehll, down to the death of 'Alau-d din. Timur's invasion is described at great length, but the Tughlik dynasty is not mentioned.

The work is very rarely met with in a perfect state, but single books and chapters abound everywhere.

The Habibu-s Siyar has not met with so many translators as the Rauzaiu-s Safd. Major Price has abstracted a portion of it in his Chronological Retrospect, and the tragic events of Karbala have been translated in the Oriental Quarterly Revieio. The History of the Mongols has been translated by M. Grigorieff. St. Petersburg, 1834, 8vo. The Lifeof Avicenna has been trans- lated by M. Jourdain in the Mines de I' Orient, tome iii., and the text of the code of Ghaz4n Kh4n was published, with a trans- lation by Major Kirkpatrick, in vol. ii. of the New Asiatic Mis- cellany. A. portion relating to the invention of paper-money was printed, with a translation, by M. Langles, in the Memoires de I'Institut, tome iv. M. Charmoy extracted and published, with a translation in French, the passages relating to Timur's ex- pedition against the Khan of Kipchak {Mem. de I'Acad. de St. Petershourg, vi™"' s^rie, tome iii.), and in the same periodical (tome viii.). Dr. Bernhard Dorn has given the text, with a German translation, of the Geschichte Tabaristans und der Serbedare. Lastly, M. Defremery has extracted and translated many pas- sages relating to the Khdns of Kipchak, and the history of Chaghatdi Khan and his successors, in the Journal Asiatique, iv. s^rie, tome xvii., xix.

Amir Subuktigin. The best historians derive the lineage of all the Sultans of

' For these translations from the Sabibu-s Siyar, I am indehted to Mr. Henry LusWngton, jun., of the Bengal Civil Service.

Ghaznin from Ndsiru-d din Subuktigin, who was the slave of Alptigin.

During the period of the prosperity of the princes of the house of Sdmdni, Alptigin raised himself from a low origin to a state of authority, and in the reign of 'Abdu-1, Malik bin Nuh he was appointed Q-overnor of Khurasan, but during the reign of Mansiir bin 'Abdu-1 Malik, owing to some mistrust which he had formed of that prince, Alptigin left Khurdsdn, and exalted the standard of his desire towards Ghaznin, and conquered that country. According to Hamdu-lla, Alptigin passed there full sixteen years in prosperity, and, when he died, he was succeeded by his son Abu. Is'hak, who delivered over all the affairs of the country, both civil and criminal, to Subuktigin, who was dis- tinguished above all the ministers of Alptigin for his bravery and liberality. Abu Is'hak had lived but a short time, when he died.i The chief men of Ghaznin saw the signs of greatness and nobility, and the fires of felicity and prosperity in the fore- head of Subuktigin, who widely spread out the carpet of justice, and rooted out injury and oppression, and who, by conferring different favours on them, had made friends of the nobles, the soldiers, and the leading men of the State. He several times led his army towards the confines of Hindustan, and carried off much plunder from the infidels. In the year 367 h. he took Bust and Kusdar, and, after these events, according to the request of Sultan Nuh S^mani, he turned his attention towards Khurasan.

Amir Subuktigin died at the city of Balkh, in the month of Sha'ban, 387 H. (a.d. 997), and fourteen of his descendants^

^ Firishta says, Alptigiit died iir 365 h., and left a son Is'hak, -whom Subuktigin accompanied to Bokhiri. Is'li&k was then appointed by Manstir S&m&ni to be governor of Ghazni, and Subuktigin his deputy. Is'hak died in 367 h., when Subuktigin was acknowledged as hi& successor. The real date of Alptigin's death is doubtful. Hammer-Purgstall says, according to some authorities it occurred in 352, according to others in 354:. Mr. E. Thomas {Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. viii., page 298) gives good reason for assuming 366 as the correct date.

^ The TabaJedt-i Ndsiri also gives fifteen reigns [mprd, vol. ii., p. 266) ; but the Nizdmatu-t Tawdrikh only twelve (supra, vol. ii., p. 255). The latter also ascribes only 161 years to the dynasty, and makes Mahmiid the first king of the dynasty. The Tdrikh-i Gazida gives fourteen reigns, occupying 150 years.

occupied the throne after him. Historians reckon the sovereignty of the Ghaznivides as beginning with the conquest of Bust, and they calculate that they flourished for 188 years.

Account of the tciking of Bust and Kusddr, and of the arrival of Amir SubuMigin at the summit of power.

In the Rauzatu-s Safd, written by an elegant pen, and over the illustrious author of which the mantle of forgiveness of sins has been thrown, it is written thus. At the commencement of the reign of Amir Subuktigin, an individual named Tughan held sway in the fort of Bust. A certain Baltuz, having put on the girdle of enmity, rebelled and drove him out of Bust. Tughan flew for protection to the Court of Subuktigin, and prayed for help. Having consented to pay a large sum of money, he promised that, if by the aid of the amir, he should again become the possessor of Bust, he would carry the saddle-cloth of service on his shoulder, and pay tribute ; and that during his whole life he would never depart from the path of obedience. Subuktigin consented to his request, led his army to Bust, routed Baituz with blows of the soul- burning sword and flame- kindling spear, and Tughan arrived at the seat of his power ; but he neglected the promises which he had made to Amir Nasiru-d din (Subuktigin), and displayed by^ his proceedings the banner of fraud and treachery.

One day, while riding out in the midst of his suite. Amir Subuktigin harshly required him to fulfil the engagements into which he had entered. Tughdn returned an improper answer, seized his sword, and wounded Subuktigin in the hand. N4siru-d din, with the wounded hand, struck Tughdn with his sword, and was about to despatch him with another blow, when their servants settina; mixed with one another, raised such clouds of dust, that Tugh4n, under cover of it, escaped to Kirman ; and Subuktigin made himself master of Bust. Of the many advantages which accrued to NS,siru-d din from that country having fallen into his

fortune, one was, that Abu-1 Fath was an inhabitant of Bust, a man who had not an equal in different varieties of learning, but more especially in composition and writing. Abu-1 Fath had been the secretary of Baituz, but after that individual had been expelled from Bust, he had lived in retirement. Subuktigin was informed about him, and issued a royal mandate that that learned man, who wore the garment of eloquence, should be brought before him. He adorned the stature of his fitness with robes of different sorts of kindness, and ordered that he should be appointed professor of the " belles lettres." For several days, Abu-1 Fath, considering the exigency of the time, begged to be excused from undertaking this important task, but at last he became the munshi and writer of Amir Subuktigin, and continued to hold that post until the time of Sultan Mahmud of Ghaznln.^ Having received some ill-treatment from Mahmud, he fled to Turkistan, and there died. When Amir Subuktigin had settled the afiairs of Bust, he turned the reins of his desire towards Kusd^r. He suddenly appeared before that place, and its governor became the victim of the powerful decree of fate ; but Amir Subuktigin, of his innate clemency and bounty, showed kindness towards him, and again made him governor of Kusdar, after fixing the sums of money which from the revenue of that country he should pay into the royal treasury.

About that time. Amir Subuktigin formed the desire of fighting with the infidels of Hindustan ; and brought several important parts of that country into the courtyard of obedience. Jaipdl,^ who was then the greatest prince of Hindustan, fearing that he might lose the country which he had inherited from his ancestors, formed a large army, and directed his steps towards the country of the faithful. Amir Nasiru-d din Subuktigin came out to meet him, and a battle was fought most obstinate

1 The Sauzcttu-s Safd quotes from AbtS-1 Fath himself an account of his con- nexion with Sultan Mahmlid.

' Firishta calls him a Brahman, for which there is no authority in 'TJtbi or MIrkhond.

on both sidiBS. In the middle of the heat of the battle, Amir Subuktigin ordered that they should throw a quantity of dirt into a fountain which was near the camp of Jaipdl, the innate quality of the water of which was such that, when it became polluted with impurities, thunder and lightning flashed forth, and an overpowering frigidity followed. When they had done as Nasiru-d din had ordered, the nature of that water became fiiUy apparent ; for the Hindus were unable to resist any longer,^ and sent messengers to Subuttigin, offering ransom and tribute, A mir Nasiru-d din was willing to consent to reconciliation ; but his son Mahmud wished to prevent him from acceding to this measure. At length, after Jaipdl had repeatedly sent messen- gers and letters, Mahmud also consented to peace. It was agreed that Jaip4l should quickly deliver over 1000 dirhanis and fifty elephants, and afterwards that he should surrender to the agents of Subuktigin possession of several forts and cities of his country. These were the conditions of the capitulations which were drawn up between them. Jaipal, after he had sent the money and the elephants, despatched several chiefs of his army, by way of hostages, to Subuktigin ; and Subuktigin also sent several of the chief men of his threshold, which was the nest of felicity, with Jaipal, in order that they might take possession of the country which had been ceded to Ghaznin.

When Jaipal returned to his own country, he placed the book of his engagements on the shelf of forgetfulness, and imprisoned those noblemen, saying, " When Subuktigin sends back those hostages whom he took away with him, I will free these men, but not till then." 2 When Amir Nasiru-d din heard this, he a

' The Tabakdt-i Akbari say^ the Hindus were unable to withstand the cold, in consequence of not bein-;: accustomed to it, and that many horses and uther animals were killed. The Tdrikh-i Badduni, contrary to other authorities, fixes the scene of this action in the Jiid hills.

^ Briggs represents that this wms done at the instigation of the Brahmans, but that the Kshatri nobles strongly dissuadi'd J.iip^l from the violatiim of his eng .geinents. This is not warr:inted by ihe "rigiiiil, which expressly snys that the whole council, both of Brahmans and Kshaln's, exerted their remnnstrances in vain.

second time hastened to Hind, and subdued Atghkn^ and several other places. Jaipal collected a great army from the cities of those parts of Hindustan, and nearly 100,000 men directed their Steps towards the band of the faithful.^

Amir Nasiru-d din went out to meet him, and a dreadful battle was again fought on both sides. This time, Jaipdl, being Shamefiilly defeated, escaped into the furthest extremities of his own country, and the great land of Hind became established in the courtyard of submission to Subuktigin.* After Amir N^siru-d din had returned from this expedition, in accordance with ihe request of Abu-1 Kaslm Nuh bin Mansur Samani, he led ;hi8 army to Khurasan and liberated that province. He then spent his time according to the desire of his heart, until the month of Sha'ban, 387,* when speedy death overpowered him. Amir Subuktigin declared his son Isma'il, who was born of the daughter of Alptigin,^ his successor, and then made his journey to the other world.

When Nasiru-d din Subuktigin tied up his travelling appara- tus for another world, Amir Isma'il, by virtue of the will of his father, ascended the throne at Balkh, the tabernacle of the faithful; he made great endeavours to attract the affections and conciliate the hearts of the people ; he opened the treasury of Amir Subuk- tigin, and distributed much money among the soldiers. The

' [iSVc. I hare not found this passage in the MSS. I have consulted.]

" Firishta says he invited aid frum the liij4s of Dehli, Ajrnir, KS.linjar, and Kanauj, and that Jaipil had under his banners 100,000 cavalry, countless infantry, and many elephants.

3 Firishta says he brought under subjectinn the countries of Lamghin and Peshiwar, including all the territory west of the Nil4b, and appointed one of his officers with 10,000 horse to the government of Peshiwar.

• .I'he Tabakdt-i Ndsiri says 386 h. I'herB are certain other variations in that ■work respecting Amir Subuktigin, which will be found in the Extracts from that ■work. The Nizdmu-t Tnwdrikh says 387 h. [See mpi-d, Vol. II., pp. 26S and 267.i]

5 The original has " the grandson of the dauglEter,' but Subuktigin himself married Alptigin's d.iUghter. I suspect we should read ij^\ tor ij^

report of this came to the ears of his elder brother Saifu-d daula Mahmud, at Naishdpur, who sent Amir Isma'il a letter to this effect: "You are the dearest to me of all men. Whatever you may require of the country or of the revenue is not denied ; but a knowledge of the minute points in the affairs of government, a period of life reaching to an advanced age, experience in the times, and perseverance and durability of wealth, possess great advantages. If you were possessed of these qualities, I would certainly subject myself to you. That which my father in my absence has bequeathed to you was bestowed because I was at a great distance, and because he apprehended calamity. Now rectitude consists in this, that, as is fitting, you should consider well, and divide between us the money and movable effects of my father, according to law and justice, and that you should give up the royal residence of Ghaznin to me. Then will I deliver over to you the country of Balkh, and the command of the array of Khurasan."

Amir Isma'il would not listen to this proposal, so Saifu-d daula Mahmud entered into a league with his uncle Baghrajik and Nasr bin Nasiru-d din Subuktigin, who was his brother, and leaving Naishapur, marched towards Ghaznin. Amir Isma''il also moved in that direction, and when both parties were near one another, Saifu-d daula used his virtuous endeavours to prevent Isma'il from engaging in battle, and tried to make a reconcilia- tion, but he could not succeed ; and after lighting the flame of battle, and the employment of weapons, and inflicting of blows. Amir Isma'il was defeated. He took refuge in the fort of Ghaznin, and Sultdn Mahmud having entered into arrangements with him, took from him the keys of the treasury, and appointed administrators 1 over his affairs. He then marched towards Balkh.2

1 The Rauzatu-s Safd adds, that the illustrious Shahna Kihir was appointed Prefect of Ohazni, aud that this was the origin of the fortune of that family. Hammer-Purgstall {Oemaldesaal, ir., 113) will not allow that Shahna here bears any hut its common meaning, " governor of a province."

' Haidar E^zi adds, that he was accompanied by his brother Isma'il.

It is related that when Amir Isma'il' had been some days in the society of his brother, in the assembly of friendship, Sultan Mahmud took the occasion to ask him : "If the star of your fortune had been such that you had t^en me, what would you have done with me ?" Isma'il answered, " My mind would have dictated this, that if I had obtained the victory over you, I would have shut you up in one of my forts, but I would have allowei you things necessary for repose and the enjoyment of life, as much as you could desire." Sultan Mahmud, after having obtained in that assembly the secret of the heart of his brother, remained silent ; but after some days, on some pretence, he delivered over Isma'il to the governor of Juzjan,^ and told him to put him into a strong fort, but to give him whatever he should ask, conducive to the repose and enjoyment of life. Amir Isma'il, as he himself had designed to act towards his brother, was shut up in that fort, and there passed the rest of his days .2

Those historians who are the best, both externally and in- trinsically, and whose happy pens have written as if they were disciples of Manes, in the books which they have composed, lay it down that Sultan Mahmud Ghaznavi was a king who attained varieties of worldly prosperity, and the fame of his justice and government, and the sound of his fortitude and country-subduing qualities, reached beyond the hall of the planet Saturn. In pro- sperously carrying on war against infidels, he exalted the standards of the religion of the faithful, and in his laudable endeavours for extirpating heretics, he rooted out oppression and impiety. When he entered into battle, his heroism was like a torrent which rushes over even and uneven places without heed, and during

' Juzj&n must not be mistaken, as it too frequently is, for Jurjin. The former is the province of which Inderib is the capital. J-urjin, the ancient Hyrcania, was not then in possession of Mahmtid. See Notices et Extraits, tome iv., p. 378, and Gemdldesaal, vol. iy., p. 132. [See supra. Vol. II., p. 676.]

• The Tabakdt-i Ndsiri assigns no reign to Isma'fl,

the time that he sat upon the throne, and was successful in his undertakings, the light of his juatiee, like the rays; of the sun, shone upon every one. His wisdom during the nights of mis- fortune, like a star, pointed out the way, and his sword pierced the joints of his enemies like the hand of fate.

" He had both wisdom of heart and strength of hand, With these two qualities he was fit to sit upon the throne."

But that mighty king, notwithstanding the possession of these laudable attributes, was excessively greedy in accumulating wealth, and evinced his parsimony and narrowness in no very praiseworthy manner.

" From generosity he derived no honour, Like as the shell guards the pearl, so he guarded his wealth. He had treasuries full of jewels, But not a single poor man derived benefit therefrom."

The father of Sultan Mahmud was Amir Nasiru-d din, a slight description of whom my pen has already given. His mother was a daughter of one of the grandees of Zdbulistan, and for this reason he was called Zabuli. During his early years. Amir Nuh Samani gave him the title of Saifu-d daula, but when he had mounted the ladders of sovereign authority, Al Kadir bi-Uah 'Abbasi called him Yaminu-d daula and Aminu-1 millat.

In the beginning of the reign of Yaminu-d daula, Khalaf bin Ahmad had the presumption to offer opposition to him, upon which Sult4n Mahmud led his army to Sistan, and having seized Khalaf, reduced that country under his sway. He several times waged war against the infidels in Hindustan, and he brought under his subjection a large portion of their country, until, having made himself master of Somnat, he destroyed all the idol-temples of that country.

It was about the same time that Sultdn Mahmud contracted not only a friendship with Ilak Khan, but also a matrimonial alliance with his family ; but in the end, quarrels and dissensions

arose, and the Sultan triumphed over flak Khdn, when the rays of his justice shone on the confines of Mawardu-n nahr.

In the same manner he led his army to Khw^rizm, and after some fighting, the signs of his universal henevolence were dis- played to the inhabitants of that country. Towards the close of his life, he marched towards 'Irik 'Ajam. Having wrested these countries fi-om the possession of Majdu-d daula Dilami, he delivered them over to his own son Mas'ud, and then, after the accomplishment of his wishes, he returned to Ghaznin. He died of consumption and liver complaint in the year 421 h. (1030 a.d.) His age was sixty-three years, and he reigned thirty-one. During the early part of his reign, Abu-1 'Abb4s Fazl bin Ahmad Asfarainl held the wazlrship ; but Fazl having been found fault with and punished, Ahmad bin Hasan Maimandi exalted the standard of ministry. Yaminu-d daula, during the latter days of his life, found fault with Ahmad, and issued against him the royal edict of removal from office, and then, according to his wish, he appointed Amir Hasnak Mikal.

Account of the hostility/ shown hy Khalaf bin Ahmad to Sultan Mahmud.

When Yarainu-d daula Mahmud mounted the thrones of Khurasdn and Ghaznin, he delivered over the governorship of Hir4t and Fushanj ^ to his uncle Baghrajik,* and whilst he held this government of the Sultin, Khalaf bin Ahmad sent his son Tdhir to Kohistdn, who, after he had taken possession of that country, hastened towards Fushanj, and made himself master of that city. Baghr4jik received intelligence of this, and having asked permission of Sultdn Mahmud, he moved towards the place where honour required his presence. When he arrived in the vicinity of Fushanj, Tahir hastened out of the city, and the brave men of both armies contended with daggers and spears.

' [A town about ten parasangs from Hirit.]

■' Dow calls him, " Bujer§io." S. de Sacy, " Bagratchek." Hammer-Purgstall, " Baghradschik."

The army of TaHir was first broken. Baghrdjik having drunk several cups of wine, the vapour of pride entered into the hall of his brain, and without any reflection, he pursued the Sistdnian, and was engaged in seizing the spoil when Tdhir, having turned the reins of his horse, approached Baghrijik, and with one blow of his sword threw him from the saddle on to the ground, and then dismounting, cut off his head, and rode off towards Kohistdn.

Yaminu-d daula, having received this intelligence, was over- come with grief for his uncle, and during the year 390 h. (1000 A.D.), he marched towards Sistan. Khalaf retired into the fort of Asfahid, which was stronger than the wall of Alexander. Sultdn Mahmud besieged it, and Khalaf was driven to the extremity of despair by his difficult position in the fort. He sent letters and intercessors, and placed the hand of self- humiliation and supplication on the skirt of the kindness and mercy of Mahmud. He sent also 100,000 dinars, with valuable presents and benedictions without number, to the Sultan, and, having testified his obedience and submission, he promised to pay tribute. On account of this, Taminu-d daula forgave him his misdeeds, and loosened the reins of mercy. He then went to Hind.

In the Tarjuma- Yamini "^ it is written, that when the Sultan led his army from Sistan to Hindustan, and having, as usual, waged war with the infidels, returned triumphant, Khalaf bin Ahmad placed his son Tahir on the throne, and having delivered over the keys of the treasuries to him, and chosen a life of retire- ment, he entered into the courtyard of devotion, and sought relinquishment from affairs both civil and criminal. When, after some little time, Tdhir had become absolute in the affairs of government, Khalaf, repenting of what he had done, feigned sickness. Having placed some of the nobles in the ambush of perfidy, he sent for Tahir, under the pretence of making his last will and testament ; and while Tahir stood at the pillow of his

father, those perfidious men entered and tied firmly both his hands and his neck. They then incarcerated him, and after a few days brought him dead out of prison, saying that " T^hir had killed himself from excess of grief."

T4hir bin Rust, and some of the chief amirs of Sist4n, who had been witnesses of this base conduct on the part of Khalaf, withdrew their attachment, and sent petitions to Yaminu-d daula, praying him to turn his standard, which abounded in victory, towards that quarter. Sultan Mahmud consented to their re- quest, and in the year 394 H. (1003-4 a.d.) marched towards Sistdn.

Khalaf retired into the fort of Tak, which, in strength and inaccessibility, was the envy of the arch of the turquoise-coloured sky. The Sultdn having fixed his standard of victory outside the fort, his troops in one day cut down so many trees that they filled up the ditch of the fort, and made it level with the ground. Picked troops of the Sultdn had tied up their girdles for the demolition of the fort, when Khalaf, reduced to the extremity of despair, craved quarter, and Yaminu-d daula having put back the sword of vengeance into its scabbard, Khalaf ran out of the fort, and threw himself on the ground before the horse of Mahmud, and rubbing his white beard on the horse's hoof, he called him by the title of SultAn. Yaminu-d daula was so exces- sively pleased with this appellation, that he spared Khalaf's life, and insisted always on the word Sultan forming part of his title.^ Yaminu-d daula having brought into the court of confiscation all the treasures and hidden valuables of Khalaf, sent him to one of the forts of Juzjdn, and the life of Khalaf terminated, as has been before delineated, in the prison assigned to him by Mahmud.

' [See sttprd, Vol. II., p. 480.] Elphinstone makes MalmuSd adopt this title on his assumption of the government of Khur&s&n. It is an old Arabic word for king, but does not appear on the Ghaznivide coins till the time of Ibr&hfm. 'Utbi styles MahmrJd " Sult&n," and Baihaki also uses the term. It may be remarked here, that it was not till the year 389 h. that MahmM issued his coins without the acknow- ledgment of fealty to the S^mS.nis. Subuktigiu and Isma'il inscribed on their currency the names of their lords-paramount.

Account of the friendship and enmity between I'lak Khan and Sultan MahmM, and of the victory- which Yammu-d daula gained hy. the favour of God.

In the Bauzaiu-s Safd it is written, that when the cities of M4wardu-n nahr were possessed by I'lak Khan, and when the victorious standard of Sultan Mahmud had obtained the path of superiority in the sovereignty of Khurasan, I'lak Khan sent despatches announcing his victory with congratulations to the Sultan, and manifested aflFection and intimate friendship. The Sultdn also, having reciprocated like messages of friendship, their intimacy and trust in one another became confirmed.

At that time, Sultdn Mahmud sent Abu-t Tib Sahl bin Sulaimdu Sa'luki, who was one of the illustrious men learned in the traditions of the Prophet, with gifts from Hindustan and presents from Khurasan and Zabulistdn to I'lak Khdn, in order that he might ask in marriage for his son a princess from among the virgins of the royal family. Abii-t Tib hastened to Turkistan. riak received him in a most respectful manner at Ifrgand,! and the envoy having executed his commission, returned to the service of the Sultan in company with I'lak Khan's daughter, who was provided with a handsome retinue and equipage. Upon this, for some time, the carpet of friendship and unanimity was spread between those two mighty kings.

In the year 396 a.h. (1015-16 A.D.), Yaminu-d daula led his army into India, and subdued the cities of Bhdtia^ and Multdn, and in that expedition put to flight Jaipal, the king of the kings of India, and Abti-l Fath, the governor of Multdn, and slaughtered many of his infidels.^

^ The Tdrikh-i Alfi and Haidar EM add, " a city near Mult&n." The Sauzatus Safd assigns no year to tliis expedition ; but Wilkeu puts in the margin, "a.h. 393." The Tdrikh-i Alfi gives the capture of Bbktia in the year 385, and of Multin in 386, after the death of the Prophet [i.e. in 396 and 397 of the Hijra.]

' Ibn Kaslr Sh&mi says : " In the year 396 h. the SultS.n took captive one of the most powerful rulers of India, and after cutting off his little finger, restored the con- quered country to him." The passage is quoted in the Tdrikh-i Alfi, and by Haidar

During that time, wlieii the neighhourhood of Multan was the place where the standard of victory of Mahmtid was fixed,. I'lab Ehan rebelled, and sent the leader of his army, Si^shitigin,^ to., govern Khuras&n, and appointed Ja'fartigin^ viceroy of Balkh. When ArsUn Jdzib, who had been exalted by Yaminu-d daula ta the government of the great city of Hirat, obtained intelli- gence of the direction in which the Turks had turned their steps, he left Khureisdn, and hastening to Ghaznin, he despatched a swift messenger with the intelligence to. Multdn.

The Sultan came to Ghaznin like the lightning and wind : ' from that place he turned the reins of his desire towards Balkh, the tabernacle of the faithfiil. Siashitigin and Ja'fartigin fled iike weak flies before a, hurricane, and saved their lives by a precipitate retreat. I'lak Khan then craved help from the king of Khutan, Kadr Khan, who, with 60,000 men capable of breaking the ranks of their enemies, joined him, and those two chiefs, with their countless army, prepared for battle with Yamlnu-d daula.

The Sultdn, with his army, the symbol of victory, and ele- phants like mountains, encamped at a distance of four parasangs from Balkh, and when I'lak Khan and Kadr Kh^n crossed over the river Oxus, the Sultan turned his attention towards distribut- ing the commands of his army. He assigned the centre thereof to his brother Arair Nasr, and to the governor of Juzjdn Abti Nasr Farighiini and Abu 'Abdu-Uah Tai, and placed IQQ elephants in their front ; he sent his chamberlain Altuntdsh to the right wing, and he gave the command of the left wing to

E&.zi. The former also quotes from Ibn Jauzf, as among the events of this year,- that a star, or comet, made its appearance for fifteen nights successively, and was as large as the moon.

1 Hammer-Purgstall says the right reading is Siashitigin, according to three copies of the Taminl. The title signifies " general," according to Mirkhond. Sutoria SeldschuMdarum, p. 3. M. Defr6mery says we should read " Siachf Teguin." He has a long note on the subject in his Sistoire des Seldjoukidet, p. 7.

' So in Mfrkhond, 'Utbi, and most copies of Firishta, but. Briggs reads " Jakuitu- geen."

2 The Tdrikh-i Alfi says, " in forty days."

Arslan Jazib.^ flak Kh4n also having arranged his army, placed himself in the middle, and sent Kadr Khdn to the right wing; he ordered that Ja'fartigin should exalt the standard of glory in the left wing.

Then the troops of both armies, brave men of both countries, hastened into the field of battle, commenced fighting furiously, and with the aid of well-tempered swords, and flarae-exciting spears, they mingled the blood of one another with the dust of the field of battle. When the Sultan saw the excessive bravery of the fearless Turks, he turned his face towards the court of God, and, standing on a mound of earth, rubbed the forehead of humility and submission on the ground, and asked for victory and assistance ; thinking offerings incumbent on him, he ordered alms to be distributed.

After he saw that his prayers had been heard, having mounted an elephant, he himself made an attack on the centre of the army of riak. The elephant seized Alaraddr Khdn, and threw him up in the air, and trampling under his feet many others, slaughtered them also. After this, Mahmud's army, the symbol of victory, at once rushed upon the enemy, and testified their perfect bravery and military ardour. The army of Mawardu-n uahr fled, and I'lak Kh^n and Kadr Khan, with extreme difficulty, escaped safe from that place of slaughter, and crossing over the Jihun, never again entertained the idea of subduing Khurasan. I'lak Khan died in the year 403 h. (1012-13 a.d.), and his brother Tughan Khdn succeeded him. I am able to assert with correctness, that the victory which Sultan Mahmud gained over I'lak Kh4n happened during the year 397 a.h. (1006-7 a.d.).^

During this year also the Sultan turned his attention towards Hindustdn, in order that he might punish Nawasa Shah, who had turned an apostate from the religion of the

1 Wilken reads "Arslau Habel)." S. de Sacy, "Arslan Djadeb." Hamjner- Purgstall, " DschEisib," which, when transformed into J&zib, is correct. See Journal Asiatiqm, 1848, April, p. 422.

faithful, and had rebelled against Yaminu-d daula. Immediately on hearing of the approach of the SultS,n, ISTawdsa Shah was overcome, and Mahmud, turning the reins of his desire towards the dwelling-place of his generosity, returned to Ghaznin,

When Yaminu-d daula Aminu-1 millat Mahmud Ghaznavi had rested for some time from his toil, he again, in order to strengthen the religion of the Prophet, evinced a desire to make war on the infidels of Hind, and accordingly marched in that direction. When his standards, the symbols of victory, cast the shadow of their arrival over capacious Hind, Pal bin Andpdl,^ who, for his excessive wealth and numerous warriors, was more distinguished than the other princes of Hind, opposed Mahmud, and a terrible battle took place. The standards of the faithful be- came exalted, and those of the infidels were depressed. The Sultdn himself having pursued the pagans, killed multitudes of them with the sword, and having arrived at the fort of Bhimnagar,^ he encamped his victorious army in its vicinity. That fort was built on the top of a hill ; the people of Hind believed it to be the repository of one of their great idols, and for ages had trans- ported thither provisions and treasures ; they had filled it with money and jewels, and fancied that by this conduct they ap- proached near to the house of God. When Mahmud besieged that lofty fort, fear seized upon the hearts of the residents. Their cries for quarter reached up to the hall of the planet Saturn, and having opened the gate of the fort, they threw themselves on the ground before the horse of the Sultan. Yamlnu-d daula, with the governor of Juzjin, entered into that fort, and gave orders for taking possession of the spoil. The wealth which he obtained consisted of 70,700 mans of gold

' So say Mirkhond and the Tdrikh-i Alfi, but Firishta says " Anandp&l."

' 'Abdu-1 K&dir adds, " which is now called Thana Bhlm." He, as well as most

authorities, says the treasure was accumulated at that fort from the time of Bhim.

and silver uteBsils ; and the jewels and gold and robes and movable effects were incalculable. Sultan Mahmud, having delivered over the fort to a confidential person, hoisted the standard of his return to Ohaznin.i

In the year 400 h. he again exalted his victorious standards, and hastened to the cities of Hiud: and after punishing the infidels and scattering abroad the impious, he again turned his steps towards the royal residence of Ghaznin.^ In the same year, the king of the kings of Hind, having sent a petition of humiliation to the Sultan, sued for a pacification, and consented to send him fifty elephants, and to pay every year a large sum of money into the Joyal treasury. Ey way of subsidy, he ap- pointed 2000 cavalry to serve in the army, which wore the mantle of victory, and swore that his own posterity should observe the same conduct towards the descendants, of the Sultan. The Sultan was satisfied with this reconciliation, and merchants began to come and ^o between the two countries.

In the year 401 h., Snltdn Mahmud of Grhaznin, through a thirst for worldly glory, led his army to Ghor ; and the governor of that country, Muhammad bin Suri, having come out to oppose him with 10,000 cavalry, became the victim of the powerful decree of fate, and having sucked the poison which was in his ring, departed this life. That country came into the possession of the agents of the Siiltdn.^