1. in_ernet_dli_2015_169508_2015_169508_The-English-In-Western-India

THE

ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

THE

ENGLISH

IN

WESTERN

INDIA;

BEING

THE

HISTORY

OF

THE

FACTORY

AT

SURAT,

OF

BOMBAY,

AND

THE

SUBORDINATE

FACTORIES

ON

THE

WESTERN

COAST.

FROM

THE

EARLIEST

PERIOD

UNTIL

THE

COMMENCEMENT

OF

THE

EIGHTEENTH

CENTURY.

DRAWN

FROM

AUTHENTIC

WORKS

AND

ORIGINAL

DOCUMENTS.

BY

PHILIP

ANDERSON,

A.M.,

ONE

OF

THE

HONOURABLE

COMPANY'S

CHAPLINS

IN

THE

DIOCESE

OF

BOMBAY,

AND

A

VICE-PRESIDENT

OF

THE

BOMBAY

BRANCH

OF

THE

ROYAL

ASIATIC

SOCIETY.

SECOND

EDITION,

REVISED.

LONDON:

SMITH,

ELDER

AND

CO.,

65,

CORNHILL.

BOMBAY:

SMITH,

TAYLOR

AND

CO.

[The

Author

of

this

Work

reserves

the

right

of

authorizing

a

Translation

of

it.]

PREFACE.

The following pages will not, it is hoped, be thought

uncalled for, as they fill an hiatus in Indian History.

They contain facts which have been hitherto buried

in old Manuscripts or in such printed works as are

not accessible to many persons. It has been thought

that when such are given for the first time to the

world, they should be clothed, as far as possible, in

simple and unadorned language. They may thus

form a groundwork for those whose object is philoso-

phical inquiry, and to trace the progress of Anglo-

Indian civilization.

The various authorities have been carefully examined,

accurately quoted, and a diligent attempt has been

made to estimate their true value. First in importance

are the Records of Government, permission to consult

which was conceded with liberality, and accepted with

gratitude. Next in importance comes Bruce's Work,

which is simply an analysis of those Records. The

third place must be assigned to writers who have

vi

PREFACE.

consulted those Records, and made use of them to a

limited extent;—such are Orme, Macpherson, Mil-

burn, Grant Duff, and Kaye. In the fourth class are

personal narratives, such as those of Herbert, Roe,

Fryer, Terry, Ovington, and Alexander Hamilton.

These have different degrees of authenticity, which

we must determine in various ways. There is no

reason to question the truth of their accounts, when

they declare that they were eye-witnesses of the facts

which they record; but when their information was

gained at second hand, we know that they were liable

to be imposed upon. Hamilton especially had a

particular bias, and was a prejudiced, although pro-

bably an honest man. The books of least importance

in the compilation of this little work have been

standard histories; for they are not drawn from

original sources, and sometimes their facts are squeezed

into a shape which best suits their writer's purpose, or

is most ornamental to his pages.

In searching original Manuscripts, the object has

not been to note down facts which have already

appeared in the pages of authentic writers. That

would have consumed much time, with no other result

than the correction of a few and unimportant mis-

takes. The aim has simply been to supplement

histories, and to record circumstances which had been

concealed from observation through the neglect of

inquirers, a low estimate of their value, or timidity in

exposing nude and ugly truths. Bacon has broadly stated it as his opinion, that “a

mixture of a lie doth ever add pleasure;

and that although truth may be as much valued as a pearl,

which shews best by day, it will never rise to the price

of a diamond, which shews best in varied lights.

This hint appears to have been taken by some modern

historians, who have converted history into romance,

and not merely set off, but disguised facts with orna-

ments of imagination. Perhaps, however, some sober-

minded readers will be satisfied with knowing, that as

the writer of the following Chapters cannot offer the

attractions of such authors, so neither has he been

led away by their peculiar temptations. He has not

endeavoured to walk on the stilts of fancy; but has

been satisfied with the secure footing of plain dealing

and truth.

One circumstance to which his attention has been

obligingly drawn may be here noticed. The troops

which Sir Abraham Shipman brought with him from

England (see page 111, &c.) formed the Honourable

Company's First European Regiment, and are at this

day represented by the gallant Fusiliers. It appears

that two Regiments had been raised in England. One

was sent to Tangier, and when that place was aban-

doned, having returned to England, obtained infamous

notoriety as "Kirke's Lambs." This body of men is

now represented by the Second or Queen's Regiment.

The other Regiment, which was raised in 1638, after-

wards comprised the European officers and soldiers

who are mentioned in this work. When Bombay was

transferred to the Company, only ninety-three soldiers

viii

PREFACE.

were

living

of

the

five

hundred

which

had

left

England;

but

few

as

they

were,

these

must

be

regarded

as

the

Corps

which

has

since

gained

so

many

laurels

in

various

parts

of

India.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

1612—1616.

PAGE

Object of the writer—Progress of the British Power in India ; its incongruous character ; its moral force—Early European travellers: Sir John Mandeville, Friar Odoricus, the Portuguese, Cæsar Frederick—Early English travellers: Thomas Stephens ; his valuable letters; Leedes, Fitch, Newbury, a painter and others—English prisoners at Goa; their harsh treatment—Mildenhall arrives by the overland route; his crimes and death —Captain Hawkins and his wife—William Finch—Wreck of the Ascension—Sir Henry Middleton—Best—Defeat of the Portuguese —Receipt of a firman —First establishment of English reputation—English Factors: Starkey, Canning, Aldworth, and Withington ; their adventures—Downton—Second defeat of the Portuguese—Sir Robert Shirley and Sir Thomas Powell ; their misfortunes—Edwards' mission to the Great Mogul ; his presents —Sir Thomas Roe ; arrives at Surat; reception at Burhampoor and Ajmeer ; his presents ; revelries ; jealousy of the Factors—Roe's subsequent history—Treaty with the Zamorin—Factory established at Calicut—Sea fight: Portuguese gallantry—Sketch of the Portuguese—Establishment of a Dutch Factory; their economy ; Van den Broeck—English shipping ..................................

X

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER II.

1616—1630.

Arrangements of the Factory—President Kerridge; his character

—Joseph Salbank; his complaint—Presidents Rastell and Wydl

—Business of the Factors; their private trade, and inadequate

salaries; their social position: aims solely mercantile—Domestic

economy of the Factory—Dress of the period adopted in India—

Society; a wedding banquet; no English ladies; history of a

Portuguese damsel; intemperance—Legal powers to restrain

offenders; escape of a Dutch murderer—Religion; the clergy;

the Rev. Henry Lord; his Oriental researches; Lescke and John

Hall; Terry; his history; his sermon before the Company; Copeland;

Dr. John Wood's good opinion of the Company—Conversion

of the natives; Salbank's pious letter—Native opinions of English

Christianity; the Knight of the Golden Rapier's opinion; account

of this personage—Three portraits; Tom Coryat; his travels and

eccentricities; death and burial; the reckless son of an English

baron; a rollicking cook—Della Valle's visit to Surat; his

romantic history—Sir Thomas Herbert's visit; his history—Two

speculators; scheme for navigating the Indus—Piracies by the

Company's Captains—Reflections on English character. ........... 41

CHAPTER III.

1630—1662.

A dark age—Oldest despatch extant in India—Surat becomes the

Company's chief place of trade—Description of Surat; its popula-tion and trade—The use and exportation of tea; orders from

England for tea—Swally; description of the port and roads—

English accounts of the state of the country; the Emperor's

wealth; inventory of his jewels; various opinions; oppression;

unsettled state of the provinces; dangers of travelling; thuggism;

highway robbers; a bloody nách; the markets; awkward position

of foreigners—Presidents Methwold, Fremlen, Breton, Blackman,

Revington, Wyche, and Andrews—Speculation in a diamond—

Weddel and Mountney, agents of a new Company—Pusillanimity

of the President and Factors—Expedients of the new Company ;

piracy—Sufferings of the Factors—Union of the two Companies

--Interlopers—Question of monopoly stated and considered—

Failure and triumph of monopoly—First collision with Sivajee

—Factories at Rajapooj, Carwar, Cochin, and Ponani—Improve-

ment in the social position of the Factors; their mal-practices—

Private trade—Surgeon Boughton’s adventures—Davidge’s

mission—Internal cconomy of the Factory ; regularity of prayers;

religious tone ; Sunday sports ; refreshments—Dutch hostility..... 72

CHAPTER IV.

1662—1685.

Bombay ; origin of the name—Its importance ; at first little appre-

ciated—Description—The Company desire to obtain it; their

plans and proposal—Ceded to England—Arrival of an English

fleet—The Portuguese refuse to evacuate—English fleet sails with

the troops to Swally ; thence to Anjcedeva—Bombay resigned to

the English under Cook; his absurd treaty—Appearance of the

new possession—Sir Gervase Lucas succeeds Cook as Governor ;

his history and death—Captain Gary ; his character ; his claim to

the Governorship disputed—Bombay transferred to the Company

—Commission sent from Surat—Bombay governed by Commis-

sioners—Deputy Governors Gray, Gyffard, and Henry Oxenden

—Court resolves to improve Bombay—Military arrangements ;

the militia; the regular troops; first European regiment—

Fortifications, and other defences—Threatened attack from a

Dutch fleet—Development of the resources of Bombay—Land

tenures—Natives invited to settle—Trade encouraged—A Mint

—Courts of Judicature—The first Judge—Unhealthiness of the

climate ; cholera ; its cure ; causes of unhealthiness ; intemperance

of sick soldiers ; an hospital built—A church proposed ; the rise

of Christianity ; a Bishop at Callian ; martyrs at Tanna ; descrip-

tion of Christian worship ; the Portuguese ; English place of

worship ; general anxiety to build a church—Improved con-

dition of the Island : the reveiues ; increase of trade—New view

of Bombay and its neighbourhood—Expenses of the works on

the Island—Measures to increase the revenue. ...................... 106

xii

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER V.

1662—1685.

PAGE

General and mercantile affairs—Presidents Sir George Oxenden,

Gerald Aungier, and Sir John Child—The Company's invest-

ments and debts—Factory at Amoy—Articles of trade; indigo,

pepper, &c.; the first cotton screw; English horses; slaves

for labour; slaves for the fancy—Hindrances to trade; bankers

driven away; suspension of trade; vexations at the Custom-

house, and meddling propensities of the officials—Troubles of

the Factors—Question of keeping up Factories—Sivajee plunders

Surat; gallant conduct of the English—Second assault of Sivajee;

base conduct of the French—Losses at Carwar and Hooblee

—English interchange civilities with Sivajee; Ustick's mission,

and its results; Nichol's mission—Henry Oxenden and two Factors

at Sivajee's installation; settlement of a treaty; the butchers'

friends—The Company's navy—Sivajee's navy—The Siddee

of Jinjeera—The Siddee enters the harbour of Bombay; awkward

predicament—Frequent visits of the Siddee; cause disturbances—

The contests for the possession of Haneri and Khaneri—The

Court protests against war—Native opinion of English courage—

The Court's crooked policy—Naval fight between the Marathas

and Siddees—Native pirates; their contest with Europeans; cruel

murder of an Englishman; fight at Vingorla; hazards of the

coasting trade—The Portuguese; their futile threats; their priests

expelled from Bombay; they murder an English sergeant; vexa-

tious interference; migrations from Bandora to Bombay—The

Dutch; their war and intrigues—The French; their Factory;

its failure—Capuchins at Surat; Father Ambrose—Prosecution

of interlopers—Proposal for a new Company—James the Second

proclaimed. ....................................................... 149

CHAPTER VI.

SAME PERIOD.

Home and personal affairs—Swally, and the ride to Surat—

The Factory—Rank and pay of the Factors; the rest of the

Establishment; idleness—The President's style—Sepulchral

monuments—The Court remonstrates—Characters—Fryer; his

history ; his travels into the interior, ascent of the Ghauts, and

other adventures—Sir George Oxenden ; his family ; character ;

descendants—Gerald Aungier ; his religion ; death—Religious

phrases in ordinary use—Contrast in the immorality of the times

—Governors Cook and Gary—Deputy Governor Young ; his

outrageous conduct—A Naval Ensign—A drunkard's broadside ;

A military quill-driver—Gentleman Jones the Sergeant—A

Corporal's freak—Official peculation—Bombay punch and its

effects ; duelling and gambling ; Clive's opinion of the military—

The Court's opinion of their servants—A cargo of ladies ; bad

investment ; their cruel treatment—Children of mixed marriages

—Mutinies at Bombay ; causes ; spirit of the times ; retrenchment ;

first mutiny ; Shaxton sent home ; the Court disgusts all classes ;

Keigwin raises the standard of revolt ; statesmanlike conduct—

The President fails to establish order—Officers sent from England

—Sir Thomas Grantham arrives, and gains possession of Bombay

—Treatment of the rebels—Factories at Dhuramgaum, Honawar,

Carwar, Rattera and Brinjan—Anecdotes of the Factors .......... 189

CHAPTER VII.

1685—1697.

Sir Josiah Child; his character and influence with the Company ;

new designs of the Court—Sir John Child ; his early history ;

becomes General; his character discussed—Sir John Wyburn,

Deputy Governor ; his career and death—The Court prepares for

war ; recruit their forces; secresy—Preliminary steps to war—

Child's disinterestedness—The Company's policy discussed—Child

begins to capture native ships—The Court's approval—Aurang-

zeeb's anger—Factors imprisoned—Child insults the Siddee ; his

first misgivings—Desertion of the militia and of Europeans—The

Siddee invades Bombay ; his success—Child negotiates ; his abject

submission—The Siddee withdraws—Review of Child's proceed-

ings—Child prosecutes Petit and Bowcher —His death—Bar-

tholomew Harris, President—Vaux, Deputy Governor ; his

history ; suspension and death—Hard times for interlopers—

Seizure of three interloping vessels—Successful resistance and

escape of others—European pirates ; their settlements at Bab-el-

xiv

CONTENTS.

PAGE

Mandel and Madagascar—Sawbridge's cruel fate—Captain Avory plunders native vessels—Fury of the mob at Surat—The Company's ships, the Mocha and Josiah, engaged in piracy—Native rovers—Fight with a frigate—The Factors placed in irons—Sir John Goldesborough—Cook and Weldon, Deputy Governors—Annesley, President; his conduct and dismissal—Sir John Gayer, General ...............................................................................

232

CHAPTER VIII.

SAME PERIOD.

Ovington; his account of the Factory and Factors—The Company borrow of their servants—New regulations for Bombay—Low state of the revenues and garrison—Burden on trade—Increasing ravages of disease—Everard ; his visit to Bombay ; adventures and sufferings—Manners of the English ; their diet ; dissolute morals ; character given of the ladies—Sir John Gayer's ward ; her first and second marriages ; seduction—The Court attempts to check vice—Taverns ; poisoning ; consumption of spirits—The military ; Captain Carr—Religion ; special form of prayer ; Divine Service—A Chaplain refuses to marry—Conversions to Romanism ; Lieutenant Finch ; persecution of a Priest—Reasons for this intolerance ; treachery of the Jesuits—Punishment of the Portuguese—Newton's apostasy—Unsettled state of the country—Minor Factories ; Amoy, Siam, Anjengo, Broach—Sporting at Carwar—Young Goring and Lembourg—Dutch intrigues—Ships captured by the French—Spirited conduct of the Court—Armenians ...............................................................................

267

CHAPTER IX.

1698—1701.

Necessity of referring to English politics—The House of Commons sanctions a new Company—Both parties bribe—The Old Company exposed ; ordered to be dissolved—A Bill passed in their favour—Consequent state of affairs in India—Additional rules of the New

CONTENTS.

PAGE

Company's Charter--Hope for the Old Company ; their prospects

and spirit--Fresh calamities of the Old Company--European

piracy--Kidd sent to suppress it ; turns pirate ; his adventures ;

taken and executed--Sivers ; his piracies ; taken and brought to

Bombay--Satisfaction demanded from the Factors--Low condi-

tion of the Factors--The two Companies prepare for a struggle

--Lucas appears for the New Company ; receives the Act of

Authorization--Fresh arrivals of New Company's servants--Sir

Nicholas Waite ; his reception ; contest for a flag--Waite's pro-

ceedings--The New Factory--Intrigues--Sir William Norris the

Ambassador ; preparations for his reception ; arrival at Surat ;

his public entry--Mutual injuries--Good times for the Mogul

officers--Sir John Gayer and others imprisoned--The Ambassador

proceeds to Court ; offends the Minister ; his grand procession and

audience ; result of his Embassy ; he is insulted and injured ;

returns to Surat--Reflections on the Ambassador's conduct--His

departure, sickness, last words, and death ...................... 296

CHAPTER X.

SAME PERIOD.

Continued rivalry of the two Companies--The Emperor refers the

question to a Moola--Liberal conduct of the English Company--

Terms of union arranged--Illustrative anecdotes--The New

Company's Chaplain dies ; interred in the Armenian cemetery ;

succeeded by Hackett ; his martial commission--The Reverend

Pratt Physon--Surgeon Maxwell--Disputes between the members

of Council--Lock strikes the President--Mewse breaks Proby's

head--The Old Company's Surgeon--Statistics of crime for six

months--Fight between Charles Peachey, Esq., and the President ;

the President goes in and wins ; Peachey severely punished--

Offences of Walsh, Hartley, and Woodford--Captain Wyatt

murders a sepoy--Provost-Marshal Hall--Sergeant Bazett and

other scabby sheep--Disease in Bombay--State of Bombay ;

frugality--The Moguls--Marathas--Portuguese ; dispute with

them ; their threats ; ridiculous termination of the affair ; they

send an Envoy to Bombay ; his proposals rejected--An Embassy

from Abyssinia--The British squadron--Queen Anne proclaimed 330

xvi

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XI.

1703—1708.

Continued disputes in India—Heavy liabilities of the London Company—Arrangements for the Government of Bombay—Factors still in confinement—Sir Nicholas Waite's malicious and selfish behaviour ; he offends all parties ; is dismissed ; impartial view of his character—Mewse causes disputes between the two Companies' servants—Eustace Needham—State of the two Factories—Fresh acts of piracy, and consequent injuries inflicted upon the old Factory—Wretched state of Bombay ; the revenues and garrison—Disease ; the European population dwindles away —Dr. Alexander Orme—Oppressions of the Mogul officers; Sir John Gayer's allegory—The Marathas threaten fresh assaults—Contest at sea—The Muscat Arabs—The Gennims—The Dutch successfully resist the oppression of the Moguls—Captain Green ; his piratical transactions — Suppression of European piracy—Union of the two Companies completed—New arrangements ; the Government—The state and system of trade ; chartered ships ; import and export trade ; how conducted ; alarm at competition—Infringement of monopoly—Conclusion ; remarks on the East India Company ; on the Company's servants ; on their relations with the people of India.

356

INDEX .................................................................................................... 395

THE

ENGLISH

IN

WESTERN

INDIA.

CHAPTER

I.

1612—1616.

Contents

:-Object

of

the

Writer—Progress

of

the

British

Power

in

India

;

its

incongruous

character

;

its

moral

force—Early

European

travellers

:

Sir

John

Mandeville,

Friar

Odoricus,

The

Portuguese,

Cæsar

Frederick—Early

English

Travellers

:

Thomas

Stephens

;

his

valuable

letters

;

Leedes,

Fitch,

Newberry,

a

painter

and

others—English

Prisoners

at

Goa

;

their

harsh

treatment—Milden-hall

arrives

by

the

overland

route

;

his

crimes

and

death—Captain

Hawkins

and

his

wife—William

Finch—Sir

Henry

Middleton—Best—Defeat

of

the

Portuguese—Receipt

of

a

firman—First

establishment

of

English

reputation—English

factors

:

Starkey,

Canning,

Aldworth,

and

With-ington

;

their

adventures—Downton—Second

defeat

of

the

Portuguese

—Sir

Robert

Shirley

and

Sir

Thomas

Powell

;

their

misfortunes—Edwards'

mission

to

the

Great

Mogul

;

his

presents—Sir

Thomas

Roe

;

arrives

at

Surat

;

reception

at

Burhampoor

and

Ajmeer

;

his

presents

;

revelries

;

jealousy

of

the

factors—Roe's

subsequent

history—Treaty

with

the

Zamorín—Factory

established

at

Calicut—Sea

fight

:

Portu-guese

gallantry—Sketch

of

the

Portuguese—Establishment

of

a

Dutch

Factory

;

their

economy

;

Van

den

Broeck—English

shipping.

THE

history

of

the

English

in

Western

India

may

be

divided

into

Five

Periods.

The

first

period

com-mences

with

the

establishment

of

a

Factory

at

Surat

;

the

second

with

the

formation

of

a

settlement

at

Bombay

;

the

third

with

the

supremacy

which

the

B

2

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

Government of Bombay was authorized by the

Honourable Company to assume over its other fac-

tories and settlements in India; the fourth with the

annexation of territory in the neighbourhood of Bom-

bay, Guzerat, and other places; the fifth, with the

loss of that supremacy which Bombay for long enjoyed,

and its subjection to the Governor-General of India.

The following History is designed to embrace the

three first of these periods.

The narrative of an Empire's rise and progress

usually tells how the brook became a river, and the

river became a sea. But the history of British India

is peculiar and incongruous. It began without a strip

of territory. A warehouse was expanded into a pro-

vince; a province into an Empire. I propose to

collect some tales of the Warehouse, and to record

the early history of the Province; but I do not aspire

to relate the annals of an Empire.

My aim, moreover, is to furnish a few sketches of

men and manners, without devoting an exclusive atten-

tion to the great and illustrious. In most historical

pictures, kings, statesmen, and warriors stand con-

spicuous, whilst the multitude are grouped together,

and their separate features are scarcely perceptible.

But in modern ages a spirit of research has led

students to inquire into the habits and characters of

the many, and their minute discoveries have supplied

defects in History; throwing, as they do, light not only

upon heroes, but on Man.

The following work is not indeed antiquarian, but

yet its design is to exhume from the graves in which

they have been buried, the motives and acts of individuals. As students of antiquity, by finding a bone here, a piece of tesselated pavement there, in another place some pottery or rust-eaten weapons, have caught glimpses of the Roman's domestic life and social condition; so now it is hoped, that by collecting heterogeneous facts from new and old books and from mouldy records, we shall be able to form a museum, in which will be exhibited the social and moral condition not only of the architects by whom the foundations were laid, and the building superintended, but also of those who were work-people in the construction of our Anglo-Indian Empire. And when expatiating "free o'er all this scene of man," it will be our object to show, that although "a mighty maze," it is "not without a plan."

In writing the word "Empire" we are reminded how ill it assorts itself with the facts which are here to be recorded. The word conveys ideas of grandeur, wealth, and power; whereas this and the two following chapters are annals of mediocrity and weakness: sometimes of drivelling baseness. The instruments, which Providence employed to create a British power in India, were often of the basest metal. But such answer the same purposes as the finest, in the hands of Infinite Wisdom. And though we may feel disappointed, we ought not to be surprised, when we see little to admire in the pioneers of our Eastern Empire, and find that some were amongst the meanest of mankind.

Yet, bad as were such agents, it will, I think,

4

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

appear in this work that British power has been

established by the moral force of British character.

A writer of Anglo-Indian History must indeed soil

his paper with narratives, from which virtue and

honesty turn with disgust. But here is a distinction :

truth and sincerity have been, in the main, character-

istics of the British ; and the opposite vices, exceptions.

With the Oriental races amongst whom they have

been located, fraud, chicanery, and intrigue have been

the usual engines of State policy ; truth and sincerity

have been rare as flowers in a sandy soil. When

British merchants or statesmen have formed compacts,

given pledges, or made promises, they have usually—

though not in all instances—observed their compacts,

redeemed their pledges; and fulfilled their promises ;

and the natives have generally acknowledged this, so

that, although their confidence has been sometimes

misplaced, and has received a few severe shocks, they

have continued to rely upon the good faith of English-

men. On the other hand, they have rarely placed

dependence on one another, and whilst some have been

distinguished for their virtues in private life, their

rule has ever been, to regard each other with suspicion

and mistrust.

But let us see the steps which led to the first estab-

lishment of the English in India. So early as the

commencement of the fourteenth century, certain Euro-

peans, who have left accounts of their travels, visited

the Western coast, and mentioned places well known

at the present day—such as Cambay, Bassein, Choul,

and Tanna. In the earliest English book that has

ever appeared in print,* the marvellous history composed A.D. 1235 by Sir John Mandeville of St. Albans, there is a vague description of the country ; but the credulous knight does not state whether he had himself visited it.

There is also a curious and fragmentary narrative, published about 1330, in Latin, which sets forth that it was taken by William de Solanga from the lips of Odoricus, an Italian friar of the order of Minorites or fratres minores, a branch of the Franciscans.

From Ormus, Odoricus passed in twenty-eight days to Tanna, where four of his Christian brethren suffered martyrdom.

He specifically calls the ship in which he sailed a "jaház," the generic name by which vessels of all kinds are known in India, and he was surprised, as many other Europeans have been, to see that such were made of bamboos without any appearance of being fastened by iron bolts.†

He also notices with quaint brevity the flying foxes, and bandicote rats, which were so large that cats could not kill them, the toolasi tree standing before the houses of idolaters, and their superhumane practice of feeding ants and pismires.

Soon after the Portuguese had discovered the passage by the Cape of Good Hope, they formed settlements at Diu, Damaun, Goa, Calicut, Cochin, a

• So styled by Hallam in his "Literature of Europe," part i., chap.

† "In hâc terrâ homines utuntur navigio, quod vocatur Jase, sutu sparto. Ego autem ascendi in unum illorum, in quo nullum ferru potui reperire, et in viginta octo diebus perveni ad civitatem Thana, : quâ pro fide Christi quatuor de fratibus nostris martyrizati sunt." Ha

luyt's Voyages, Vol. II. The same is noticed in "the Voyage and Trav of Sir John Mandevil, Kt."

6

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

other places on the Western coast. The deeds of high

daring which they wrought, and the wealth which

their deeply laden carracks bore to Europe, spread

their reputation far and wide, and inspired the English

in particular with a desire to share the risks and

profits of Eastern adventure.

In 1563 Master Cæsar Frederick, a Venetian mer-

chant, travelled by way of the Persian Gulf to these

parts. He describes Cambay, where the marine

supremacy of the Portuguese was acknowledged, and

Ahmedabad ; both of which places were remarkable

for their extensive trade. When journeying in a

palanquin from Ankola to Goa, he was assailed by

robbers, stripped naked, and would have been plun-

dered of all that he possessed, if he had not, before

starting, taken the precaution to conceal his valuables

in a bamboo.

Thomas Stephens is the first Englishman of whom

we are sure that he visited the Western shores of India.

When there, he was only known as a Jesuit; but he

had been originally educated at New College, Oxford.

On the fourth of April 1579 he sailed from Lisbon,

and the following October reached Goa, where he

lived many years. A letter which he wrote to his

father, a London merchant, soon after his arrival, is

printed in Hakluyt's collection of Voyages. It not

only contains a particular and interesting description

of his perilous navigation round the Cape, but many

sage remarks are made, in quite a mercantile spirit, on

the state of Portuguese trade, of which he evidently

desires that his countrymen should obtain a share.

STEPHENS AND OTHER ENGLISH TRAVELLERS.

7

The reader is surprised to find a Roman ecclesiastic entering with such eagerness and penetration into

commercial affairs. Probably Stephens' advices were the strongest inducements which London merchants

had been offered to embark in Indian speculations; and certainly they began from this period to fit out

expeditions for the East. Pyrard de Laval, who was a prisoner at Goa in 1608, states that Stephens was

then Rector of a College on Salsette; by which he probably means the province of that name in the

Goanese territory. The English Jesuit was a kind-hearted man, and true friend in need to several of his

countrymen, who within the space of a few years found their way to India.*

The advance guard to an army of English adventurers now made their appearance. In 1583 Leedes,

Ralph Fitch, John Newberry, and some others, entered India by the route which Cæsar Frederick had fol-

lowed. A suspicion that they were engaged in trade was sufficient to alarm the jealous Portuguese, who

threw them into prison at Ormus, where they endured much suffering. After a short detention, however,

they were set at liberty and permitted to prosecute their journey; but no sooner did they reach Goa than

they were again arrested and imprisoned. They tell us that first of all they were "examined whether they

were good Christians or no," that is, whether they were Roman Catholics; and as their Protestant

scruples did not boggle at a lie, their Christianity was

• Histoire Generale des Voyages; par C. A. Walckenaer. Hakluyt's Voyages.

8

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

approved. In fact, they passed themselves off as

" real Catholics," although strongly suspected of

English heresy. One of their party had some skill

in painting, and as his art was in great request at Goa

for the decoration of its magnificent churches, he was

induced to regain his liberty by becoming a Jesuit,

and naturalized inhabitant of the place. Indulgence

was also shown to the rest, through the good offices of

Thomas Stephens, and after enjoying partial freedom

they at last contrived to effect their escape, leaving

the painter behind them. When too late, he repented

of having changed his religion, and although he had

no intention of leaving Goa, persuasion was in vain

used to retain him in a cloister. He opened a shop,

carried on a lucrative business, and married the

daughter of an Indo-Portuguese. As for Fitch, he

returned to England after a lengthened peregrination,

and Leedes entered the service of the Great Mogul*.

Pyrard de Laval, who, combining business with

pleasure, left St. Maloes on the 18th May 1601, and

stayed many years at Goa, met there with Spaniards,

Venetians and other Italians, Germans, Flemings,

Armenians, a few English, and only three French-

men.† The English were chiefly prisoners, who had

been surprised at the bar of the Surat river by a

cowardly stratagem of the Portuguese. Probably they

had belonged to the expedition of Captain Hawkins,

• Hakluyt's Voyages. Oriental Commerce : By William Milburn, Esq.

Vol. I.

† Voyage de Francois Pyrard de Laval. Seconde partie, chap. ii.

Historical Fragments of the Mogul Empire. By Robert Orme, Esq.

PORTUGUESE TREATMENT OF THE ENGLISH.

whose long-boat with twenty-seven men and some

valuable goods was seized. Laval merely states that

they had been employed in traffic, and a gentleman

who had come with them had gone on to the Great

Mogul's Court, where he had been well received.

Whilst their ships were at anchor, seventeen persons

had left them in two boats laden with merchandise,

which they intended to exchange for indigo. Their

movements, however, had been watched from some

Portuguese coasting vessels, the commander of which

bore down upon them, cut off their retreat, and car-

ried them all to Goa. Confinement and neglect soon

brought on disease, and in a short time there were but

six or seven survivors.

Six months before he left Goa, Pyrard met another

English prisoner, who seemed a person of some dis-

tinction, and had been surprised in the same way as

the others, when he was taking soundings. He

accused the Portuguese of savage ferocity, declaring

that they had slaughtered his cousin in cold blood,

and placed his head upon a pike as a trophy. His

own life had been in great danger, for his captors,

knowing that he had been surveying the coast, re-

garded him with peculiar suspicion. After a long

imprisonment he was suffered to depart.

Four months after this gentleman had been seized,

the unlucky ship to which he belonged was wrecked

on the coast. The crew, twenty-four in number,

having contrived to reach the shore near Surat with

their money and other property, were well treated by

the native authorities. They then divided themselves

into two parties ; the more adventurous spirits making

an attempt to return home by way of Tartary, the

others remaining at Surat. The former were enabled

by passports, which they procured at the Mogul’s

court, to pass through his dominions, but were not

permitted to enter the country of the Tartars, and

after a fruitless journey they returned to Surat. All

the survivors repaired to Goa, and sailed from thence

to England.* Every Englishman on whom the Por-

tuguese could lay their hands was treated by them as

a prisoner, and when Laval was about to leave India,

several Englishmen were actually brought on board in

irons.† Yet even when in this sad plight they ap-

peared to him a proud set, who took every opportunity

of showing their contempt for Frenchmen.‡

Such was Portuguese hospitality! Shipwrecked

mariners, instead of receiving from them generous fare

and clothing, or at least protection and sympathy,

were condemned to eat the bread and water of afflic-

tion in a dungeon, and if they survived such treat-

ment, were sent to their own country with ignominy.

Exclusiveness and illiberality are the sure forerunners

of degeneracy, and the English are avenged. Being

now the dominant party, they can return good for

evil, by blessing the descendants of these persecutors

with religious toleration and political freedom.

Mildenhall, a London merchant, was sent out from

that capital by a commercial association in 1599; but,

• Pyrard de Laval. Troisième partie, chap. xx.

† Ib. chap. xxi.

‡ Ib. Second partie, chap. vi.

MILDENHALL—HAWKINS.

11

as he travelled overland, and was frequently detained,

he did not reach Agra until 1603 ! His object was

to obtain from the Emperor a firman, authorizing the

English to trade in his dominions. After waiting

three years, and defeating the machinations of Jesuits

and two Italian merchants, he was satisfied with his

success, and returned to England. We hear of him

as being again at Agra in 1614, but have no very

clear account of his history. It is said that he went

in 1610 to Persia, where he was joined in a com-

mission with two young men, whom he poisoned, and

having possessed himself of their property, repaired

to Agra. Religion, of course, sat loosely on such a

character, and as soon as he found it convenient

to be a Roman Catholic, he threw off his Protestant

faith. It was not long before he was himself poisoned,

and dying, left his money to a Frenchman, whose

daughter he had intended to marry.*

Two years after Mildenhall had left Agra to give

an account of himself in England, Captain Hawkins,

of the ship Hector, came to Surat. He tells us that

he was kindly received by the natives, " after their

barbarous manner ;" but was much harassed by the

Portuguese, who, however, permitted him to land his

iron and lead, with some treasure. As soon as pos-

sible, he started with a letter from King James to the

Great Mogul, for Agra, where he arrived at the end

of May 1609, after being in continual fear that he

would be assassinated by his attendants at the insti-

• Historical Fragments of the Mogul Empire. By Robert Orme,

Esq.

12

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

gation of the Portuguese. His reception at court was

flattering, and he was assured that he should have

permission to establish a Factory at Surat. The

Great Mogul, wishing to engage his services and keep

him in the country, offered him a pension and a wife.

Hawkins was not averse to either. Although he

called himself an English ambassador, he did not

scruple to accept a salary, which, however, was very

irregularly paid; and as the imperial harem contained

a large assortment of ladies varying in race, colour,

and religion, he was provided with a bride to his

taste, who was both a Christian and a maiden. He

seems to have really loved his wife, and to have re-

solved not to forsake her. Still, he did not forget the

interests of his English employers; he repeatedly de-

manded the privileges which they required, was fre-

quently promised them, and as frequently disap-

pointed. At last, baffled by the intrigues of the Por-

tuguese, and disgusted with the wavering counsels of

the Emperor, he gave up his efforts in despair, and

requested his dismissal. The Indian potentate did

not condescend to give any answer to King James's

letter, and Hawkins, after a protracted contest with

his wife's brothers, who wished to prevent her from

leaving the country, contrived to take her on board an

English ship at Cambay, from whence he sailed with

her on the 26th of January 1612, to Europe.*

When Hawkins went up the country, he left

William Finch, and three or four English servants,

• History of the European Commerce with India. By David Mac-

pherson. Orme's Fragments.

FINCH—COVERTE'S NARRATIVE.

13

at Surat, that they might dispose of such goods as he

had landed. Finch's stay was brief, for in January

1610, at the summons of his superior, he started for

Agra, and from thence travelled by way of the Pun-

jab and Persia to England. But before leaving Surat,

he had an opportunity of rendering important ser-

vices to many of his distressed countrymen.

The ship Ascension having been on a voyage from

England to the Red Sea, had arrived off the coast of

Guzerat, and was wrecked at Gundavee. Coverte,

the chief officer, who wrote an account of the whole

voyage, published in black letter, quarto, at London,

in 1612, attributes this mishap to the neglect of

Alexander Sharpey, the commander, who refused

to take a pilot on board, and used no proper pre-

cautions for avoiding danger. When there was no

longer any hope of saving his ship, Sharpey permitted

his crew to make free use of the treasure, amounting

to ten thousand pounds, which was on board, and by

this means they were enabled to purchase necessaries

on landing, and to secure respectful treatment.

Seventy-five escaped, and made the best of their way

to Surat, but not being suffered to enter the city, they

were maintained by Finch, at a neighbouring village.

Most of them seem to have been dispersed over the

country; but Thomas Jones, one of their number,

induced a Portuguese priest to befriend him, and by

his help travelled with three comrades to Damaun,

thence to Choul and Goa, from which place they were

taken in the Portuguese fleet to Europe. These,

probably, were the Englishmen whom Pyrard de

14

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

Laval met. Sharpey was employed by the Emperor

to build a ship at Surat, which, when Middleton

arrived, was nearly ready to be launched.

Sir Henry Middleton left England in 1610, with

four ships, one, the Peppercorn, being commanded by

Downton, of whom we shall have occasion to say more

hereafter. The expedition first visited the Red Sea,

and was received favourably at Aden; but at Mocha,

Middleton and some of his officers were treacherously

seized and imprisoned. Only after a tedious and

distressing confinement did they regain their liberty,

when hearing from the crews of native vessels that

the English were welcomed at Surat, and that Captain

Hawkins had been made a great lord at the Mogul's

court, they made for that port, and entered the roads

on the 26th September, 1611. Seven Portuguese

men-of-war were riding there, under the command of

an officer styled Captain-Major of the North, who

declared that he was resolved to prevent Sir Henry

from trading. Nicholas Bangham, a carpenter, was

the only Englishman who happened to be at that time

in Surat, and he brought on board a letter which

William Finch had despatched from Lahore, where

he had arrived on his route to England. The native

Governor, also, sent a polite message, affirming that he

was desirous of opening commercial transactions with

the English, but he was restrained by the power of the

Portuguese. Middleton resolved to do his utmost; fre-

quently landed his men, who were intercepted by the

Portuguese; and the little sand-hills near Surat were

the scene of many conflicts, in which the enemy were

always worsted and put to flight, although their large numbers rendered eventual success hopeless. At this

crisis, Khojah Nassau, the Governor, was by the Emperor's orders, deprived of his office; and as, by

his trickery and prevarication, he had caused great annoyance to the English, Middleton was so ill-advised

as to seize him and confine him on board the Pepper-corn. Although the new Governor had consented to

this act, it gave great offence to Mokrib Khan, the powerful Governor of Cambay, who refused permission

to establish a Factory, and gave the English such positive orders to depart, that they had no choice but

to comply. In revenge for this mercantile failure, Middleton seems to have turned pirate, and to have

pillaged such Indian vessels as fell in his way.*

Expeditions from England to the western coast of India became now more frequent. The object of all

was purely commercial, but it was an ominous fact that Englishmen only obtained respect and influence

amongst the natives by means of hard fighting. Their laurels were first gathered at Swally near Surat. The

managers of a Factory which had a few years previously been established at Bantam in Java, had

recommended that a trade should be opened at Surat and Cambay for the sake of supplying them with cloths

and calicoes, and Sir Henry Middleton's voyage was undertaken in compliance with their suggestion; but

his efforts, as we have seen, were frustrated, partly through his own unfair dealing and insolent treatment

of a native chief, partly by Portuguese intrigue.

• Orme's Fragments. Voyages and Travels. Printed for Thomas Astley, 1747, A.D.

16

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

More successful, however, was one of those daring spirits, who have never been wanting to the British in their hour of need. Captain Best was determined to open a passage to Surat with his two ships, the Dragon and Hosiander. He reached the coast on the 28th October, 1612. Two Portuguese armaments successively threw themselves in his way at the river's mouth; but after severe struggles, the skill and courage of himself and men prevailed against both. The great Mogul then sent down to him a firman authorizing an English Minister to reside at Court, and opening to English subjects the trade of Surat. This imperial ordinance was forwarded to Best as an ordinary letter, but he had by this time become aware of his own power, and of the impression which a little display makes upon native minds. He therefore wisely insisted that the usual ceremonies should be observed, and the firman was formally presented to him by the Governor of Surat, who came in state to Swally for the purpose. Best then sailed away, first leaving at Surat ten persons to dispose of the goods which he had brought, and with a stock of four thousand pounds to purchase the manufactures of India. That was the first rising of the British star, and the Portuguese paled before it. In vain did they afterwards endeavour to undermine by intrigue the influence which was built upon conduct and bravery. Englishmen had left an impression which was never to be effaced.

• Annals of the Honourable East India Company. By John Bruce, Esq., Vol. I. Orme's Fragments. Description of Hindostan. By Walter Hamilton. Appendix to a treatise on the wealth, power, and resources of the British Empire. By P. Colquhoun, LL.D.

ENGLISH FACTORS AT SURAT.

17

The principal Factors left in 1613 by Best at Surat,

were Andrew Starkey, Canning, Aldworth, Withing-

ton, and Kerridge. Starkey had orders to proceed

overland to England with intelligence that a Factory

had been established; but, as is asserted, he was

poisoned on the journey by two friars. Canning, being

sent with a king’s letter to Agra, was attacked on the

road by robbers, who wounded him and another

Englishman, and killed one of his escort. He carried

with him a present for the great Mogul, but it was of

so little value that it was received with contempt, and

the disappointed monarch asked if that was sent by the

King of England. He was in constant dread of being

poisoned, and as he died on the 29th of May, the

Portuguese Jesuits, whom the Factors believed capable

of committing any crime, were suspected of having

caused his death.

Aldworth and Withington travelled in November

from Surat to inspect Broach, Jumbooseer, Baroda,

and Ahmedabad, with a view to ascertain the state of

their markets. At Broach and Ahmedabad they

hired houses on the Company’s account, and left

brokers to transact their business. Aldworth was for

some time the principal merchant at Surat, and died

in 1615 at Ahmedabad.

At this place Withington heard a report that three

English vessels were lying in the Indus, and immedi-

ately started on a most perilous journey overland to

assist them with his counsel. He had better have

remained where he was. He never reached the Indus,

but being plundered by the predatory tribes of all that

18

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

he possessed, and reduced to sustain life by begging

alms, was compelled to retrace his steps. After an

absence of a hundred and eleven days, during which

he had suffered intense misery, he thought himself

lucky in April 1615 to set his foot again in Ahmed-

abad. Soon afterwards he was sent for to Agra, that

he might secure the effects of Mildenhall, who had

lately deceased.*

This season Captain Nicholas Downton sustained

the reputation of which Captain Best had laid the

foundation. He was the chief commander, or, as such

officers were then styled, "the General" of four

English ships. At Surat he found three English

Factors, Aldworth, Biddulph, and Richard Steele; the

last of whom had lately come from Aleppo. His first

step was, to demand redress for extortion in the

customs; his second was to require, like a true Eng-

lishman, that a market for beef should be established

at Swally. The first application was met by evasion;

the second by a declaration that beef could not be had,

as the bunyas, by whom the preservation of animal

life was regarded in the light of a religious duty, had

paid a large sum to prevent bullocks from being

slaughtered.

The Emperor and petty princes of the Deccan were

united in an attempt to drive the Portuguese out of

India, and no sooner had Downton arrived, than the

Governor of Surat invited his co-operation. But as

Portugal and her possessions were then subject to the

Spanish crown, and there was peace between Spain

• Orme's Fragments.

and England, the English Captain declined this invitation; which so annoyed the Governor, that he in turn

refused him all assistance, and on a frivolous pretext threw the English Factors into prison. Downton's

forbearance was but ill-requited by the Portuguese; for they falsely represented to the Governor that he

had consented to join them in an attack upon Surat. Their own acts, however, soon refuted this calumny.

With six galleons of from four to eight hundred tons burden, three other vessels of considerable size, and

sixty smaller ones, mounting in all a hundred and thirty-four pieces of ordnance, the viceroy of Goa

attacked the four English ships, which could only mount eighty guns of inferior calibre. To the astonish-

ment of the natives, the assailants were defeated as signally as in the previous year, so that their glory and

renown were for ever transferred to their conquerors. Downton was no longer treated with roughness and

insolence, but before leaving Surat received from the pliant Governor and principal men of the place dis-

tinguished marks of courtesy and respect. He died at Bantam on the sixth of the following August,

"lamented, admired, and unequalled."*

The report which had induced Withington to attempt his hazardous journey, was an exaggeration; but

one English ship had actually arrived at the Indus. On board were Sir Robert Shirley, who was returning

from England, whither he had been sent as the King of Persia's Ambassador, and Sir Thomas Powell, who had

been sent to that monarch on an embassy by King

• Orme's Fragments. Macpherson's History. Colquhoun's Treatise.

20

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

James. Debarred by the Portuguese from passing

the Straits of Ormus into the Persian Gulf, the two

ambassadors and their wives attempted to land in

Baloochisthan, where they narrowly escaped being mur-

dered. At last they disembarked at Diul on the

Indus, and there again were ill-treated and detained

by the Governor, whom the Portuguese had either

bribed or intimidated. Sir Thomas Powell and one

of his followers died; but Sir Robert Shirley per-

sisted in setting off for Persia. No sooner, however,

had he put off from the shore, and was afloat on the

river Indus, than an armed force brought him back.

A fray ensued, in which his companion, Mr. Ward,

fired his pistol in the face of a trooper, and was in-

stantly shot dead by another trooper. At this juncture

Sir Thomas Powell's widow was confined, and died

with her infant; as did also Michael, the brother of

Sir Thomas. Shirley at length escaped from the

hands of his barbarous tormentors, and reached Agra,

where he was courteously received by Jehangeer, who

sent him forward on his journey with rich presents,

equipages, provisions, and an escort.*

By this time a regular Factory had been established

at Surat. It was usually styled “the English House,”

and was presided over by Kerridge. A Factor named

Edwards had also been left at Ahmedabad, and it was

arranged between the two that he should proceed on a

mission to the Mogul Court. He was provided with

a letter from King James; and Kerridge, having an

eye to business, made him take with him an investment

• Orme's Fragments.

EDWARDS’ MISSION TO THE GREAT MOGUL.

21

of cloths, looking-glasses, and sword blades. Half

Ambassador and half hawker, he thus went to Agra,

where he was presented to the Emperor by Asof

Khan, the Prime Minister and favourite Sultána’s

brother. By a judicious distribution of presents he

obtained all that he asked. To the Emperor himself

he delivered portraits of King James and the Royal

family. But his most acceptable offering was a large

mastiff, of which Kerridge wrote as follows:-

“Mr. Edwardes presented the Kinge a mastife, and

speakinge of the dog’s courage, the Kinge cawsed a

yonge leoparde to be brought to make tryall, which

the dogge soe pincht, thatt fewer howres after the

leoparde dyed. Since, the Kinge of Persia, with a

presentt, sent heather haulfe a dozen dogges—the

Kinge cawsed boares to be brought to fight with them,

puttinge two or three dogges to a boare, yet none of

them seased ; and rememberinge his owne dogge,

sentt for him, who presently fastened on the boare, so

disgraced the Persian doggs, wherewith the Kinge

was exceedingly pleased. Two or three mastiffes,

a couple of Irish greyhowndes, and a couple of

well-taught water spanyells, wold give him greate

contente.”

No needy client ever studied a patrician’s whims

and caprices more attentively than did the English

Factors study the Great Mogul’s. In 1612 they had

specially recommended that toys and bull-dogs should

be sent for presents to him and his courtiers; and

now Edwards desired that landscapes, such pictures as

represented the manners and customs of England,

22

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

portraits of the nobility, and some fine beaver hats, should be forwarded.*

Although Hawkins, Canning, Kerridge, and Edwards had assumed the imposing title of Ambassador, yet they were merely humble agents of the Company.

It was now resolved to try what effect the dignity of a Royal Embassy would have. Sir Thomas Roe was chosen to make the experiment, and there could scarcely have been a better selection.

The object of his embassy was twofold—to arrange the terms of a treaty, and to recover large sums of money due to the Company from persons about the Court.

He brought with him the draft of a treaty comprising nineteen articles, the first seventeen of which related to the protection and encouragement of trade, the last two to an alliance offensive and defensive between the Emperor and the English people.

Having left England on the sixth of March he arrived at Surat on the twenty-fourth of September 1615, and was received in an open tent by the chief officers of the city with distinguished honour.

On this, as well as all other occasions—whether he was admitted to interviews with great chiefs, the Prince Royal, or the Emperor himself—he refused to compromise the dignity of England by making those slavish prostrations which Indian despots expected from the representatives of foreign powers.

From Surat Sir Thomas marched to Burhanpoor, where he was most courteously and honourably received by Parveez, one of the Emperor's younger sons.

• Bruce's Annals, 1614-15.

EMBASSY OF SIR THOMAS ROE.

23

The Prince's court had no pretensions to splendour, but parade was by no means neglected. A hundred native gentlemen on horseback formed a lane in the outer court of the palace, through which the Ambas­sador was conducted. Parveez himself sat under a canopy in the inner court, and his nobles were ranged on either side of him, according to their rank. An interpreter standing upon the steps of the throne was the medium of communication. Many of the usual ceremonies were dispensed with, that the Prince might pay Sir Thomas the compliment of receiving him according to the customs of England.

"An officer told me as I approached," writes Sir Thomas, "I must touch the ground with my head bare, which I refused, and went on to a place right under him railed in, with an ascent of three steps, where I made him reverence, and he bowed his body; so I went within where were all the great men of the town with their hands before them like slaves. The place was covered overhead with a rich canopy, and under foot all with carpets: it was like a great stage, and the Prince at the upper end of it. Having no place assigned, I stood right before him, he refusing to admit me to come up the steps, or to allow me a chair. Having received my presents, he offered to go into another room, where I should be allowed to sit, but by the way he made himself drunk out of a case of bottles I gave him, and so the visit ended."

The Emperor was residing at Ajmeer. The day before the Ambassador arrived there he was met by Edwards and Coryat. He found the Court in the midst

24

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

of joyous festivities, and was well pleased with his recep-

tion; but complained that the meanness of the presents

which he took with him proved a serious drawback. In

spite of the care with which their Factors had drawn

their attention to the subject, the Company did not under-

stand how to gratify the taste of an Oriental potentate.

The presents were ill selected, unworthy of the monarch

by whom Sir Thomas was accredited, and, as he well

knew, were spoken of with contempt by the Emperor.

An English carriage was accepted graciously, but was

not sufficiently gaudy to please a native of India. As

before, so now, some noble mastiffs had an irresistible

charm for the Imperial sportsman, who was, however,

much disappointed when he found there was no "great

English horse," for which he would have given a lakh

of rupees. And then his inquisitive Majesty began to

fumble in the Ambassador's chests, until by ill-luck he

drew out a picture. The subject was "Venus leading

a Satyr by the nose." "What is the meaning of this?"

asked Jehangeer. The Ambassador really did not

know. His Chaplain was then asked for an explana-

tion; but he also pleaded ignorance. So the Emperor

pertinently demanded why they brought to him things

which they did not understand. His suspicions soon

suggested to him an interpretation. He decided that

it was an allegory and caricature of himself and people.

The Satyr was black; so he must represent the

natives of India. Venus leading him by the nose

symbolized the great influence which women were sup-

posed to exercise over men in Hindoostan. His Majesty

was in high dudgeon for some time after the discovery

of this ingenious solution. It was natural that it

should occur to the husband of the beautiful and all-

powerful Noor Jehan, better known to the readers of

English poetry by the name of Nourmahal, “ his

harem's light.”

Sir Thomas Roe's liberality was soon exhausted in

attempting to cram the maw of an Indian monarch

and his greedy courtiers. On New Year's Day he had

so little left that he could only offer the Emperor “ a

couple of fine knives, and six glasses,” to Asof Khan

“ a pair of gloves, and a curious nightcap,” the former

of which was returned as “ of no use in India.” The

neglect with which he was occasionally treated, was

attributed by him to these evidences of poverty ; yet

on the whole he was honoured with marked distinction.

In his case there were few of those barriers which

are now raised between Europeans and natives. He

did not indeed, when invited to great men's houses,

partake with them of the same dishes ; but sat with

his chaplain at a separate table : except in one

memorable instance, when Asof Khan listened to his

remonstrances, and shared a meal with him. But this

restriction upon social intercourse at formal banquets

was amply compensated by the admission which he

freely gained to drinking bouts. Like the symposia

and commissationes of the Greeks and Romans, these

were separate entertainments, conducted with the

utmost freedom and joviality. For although Jehan-

geer and his courtiers were strict observers of the

Koran by day, at night they felt absolved from all

attention to its abstemious principles. On one occasion

26

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

the Ambassador noted a curious scene as follows :-

"I presented the King with a curious picture I had

of a friend of mine, which pleased him highly, and he

showed it to all the company. The King's chief

painter being sent for, pretended he could make as

good ; which I denying, a wager of a horse was laid

about it between me and Asof Khan, in the Mogul's

presence, and to please him ; but Asof Khan after-

wards fell off. This done, the Mogul fell to drinking

of Alicant wine I had presented him, giving tastes of

it to several about him, and then sent for a full bottle,

and drinking a cup, sent it to me saying, it began to

sour so fast it would be spoiled before he could drink

it, and I had none. This done, he turned to sleep;

the candles were popped out, and I groped my way out

in the dark." The wine of Alicant was always in

great request, and accepted without scruple ; but "the

Lord of the world" called also for a more potent

draught. The liquor of which he drank deep was so

strong that the mere fumes made the Ambassador

sneeze. Then his Imperial Majesty passed through

the stages of intoxication known as "laughing" and

"crying drunk." Now in the warmth of his heart he

vowed that he would recognise no distinctions between

Christians, Moors, and Jews, for that all should share

his favour equally ; now "sighs stole out, and tears

began to flow." Next day he had forgotten all about

his debauch, and when it was referred to, called for

the list of persons who had been present, "and fined

some one, some two, and some three thousand rupees ;

and some that were nearer his person he caused to be

whipt before him, they receiving a hundred and thirty

stripes with a terrible instrument, having at the end

of four cords irons like spur-rowels, so that every

stroke made four wounds. When they lay for dead on

the ground, he commanded the standers-by to spurn

them, and after that the porters to break their staves

upon them. Thus most cruelly mangled and bruised

they were carried out; one of them died on the

spot."

The Ambassador having discovered his Majesty's

taste, took the hint as usual, and in writing to the

directors of the East India Company offered them his

advice thus :-"There is nothing more welcome here,

nor did I ever see men so fond of drink, as the King

and Prince are of red wine, whereof the Governor of

Surat sent up some bottles; and the King has ever

since solicited for more. I think four or five casks of

that wine will be more welcome than the richest jewel

in Cheapside."*

• That Roe's narrative is not a libel against Jehangeer is evident from

that monarch's own confessions. He acknowledges in his autobiography

that when on a hunting expedition he had for the first time drank a cup

of wine, at the recommendation of the Commandant of Artillery, who

assured him he would be much refreshed by it, he found it so delicious,

that he afterwards repeated the draught. Increasing his potations gra-

dually, he at last drank wine in large quantities, and it had no effect upon

him. Then he craved a stronger liquor. "Constantly, for nine years, he

drank of double-distilled spirits, fourteen cups in the day, and six cups

at night, which, he says, were altogether equal to six Hindostan seers, or

English quarts." The result was the same as in Falstaff, who had but

"one half-pennyworth of bread to an intolerable deal of sack." Jehan-

geer suffered loss of appetite, and contracted such a nervous affection, that

he was obliged to have the cup lifted to his mouth.—Gladwin's History

of Jehanguire.

28

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

Although Sir Thomas was mortified by many refusals and evasions, yet he obtained more success at last than he could have anticipated.

He so completely brought Asof Khan over to his interests, that even a stout opposition of the heir to the throne was overcome.

The separate articles of his treaty were indeed rejected; "yet by piecemeals," he wrote, "I have got as much as I desired at once.

I have recovered all bribes, extortions, and debts made and contracted before my time till this day, or at least an honourable composition."

He gained also permission to establish a Factory at Broach, which, although its fortunes varied, was so flourishing in 1683, that an investment of fifty-five thousand pieces of cloth was sent from it in that single year to England.

Sir Thomas was much vexed and retarded in his operations by difficulties which the Factors of Surat threw in his way, probably at the suggestion of their English masters.

The East India Company have always been jealous of such servants of the Crown as have been mixed up with their affairs, and the Ambassador was convinced that they were so in his case.

He writes :--

"Your Factors sent me four or five clauses of your commission that concerned Persia, a fort, a plantation in Bengala, all which they knew were not of use; with no other proposition or resolution they will acquaint me.

They cannot abide I should understand or direct them.

If they resolve of anything in their opinion for your profit, I will effect the Court part; but you will find in my letters and journey how they

RESULT OF SIR THOMAS ROE'S EMBASSY. 29

use me, which doubtless at first was sowed by some

jealousy of yours, which will cost you dearly." And

again he writes :-

" Steele, Kerridge, and others, are very fond of

their notions, insomuch that they do not pay me the

respect which they ought, and are every day at

daggers-drawn with my parson. I have told Steele,

his wife cannot live in this country, for she would

draw many inconveniences upon us, and therefore he

must send her back to England." No wonder if poor

Richard Steele was from that time his enemy.

It is creditable to the good sense of both parties

that they understood each other at last, and when Sir

Thomas left the country the Factors parted with him

on good terms.

On the whole, the result of the embassy must be

pronounced a triumph of diplomacy. Its display was

indeed insignificant as compared with the splendour of

the Court to which it was despatched, and at one

time it was on this account threatened with failure.

Yet such as it was, it proved in the end so expensive,

that—as the thrifty King threw the burden upon the

Company—their finances were drained alarmingly.

Happily, Sir Thomas Roe was gifted with judgment

and tact, and he had the good fortune to visit a

communicative and sociable, if not a liberal and

enlightened Emperor. So that, although eighty years

or more afterwards the character of the British nation

was lowered by an embassy entrusted to the vacillating

and misguided Sir William Norris, it was at this time

exalted. The condescension, affability, even friendli-

30

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

ness, with which Sir Thomas was received by the

occupant of the peacock throne, caused the English

to shine in native eyes with lustre reflected from

Imperial glory.*

So highly were the Company pleased with Sir

Thomas Roe's conduct, that when he returned to

England, they paid him the compliment of offering

him an honorary seat in their Court of Committees,

and more substantially rewarded him with a pension

of two hundred pounds per annum.† He afterwards

obtained a seat in Parliament, where he supported the

Company's interests.‡ So late as 1643 his name

appears in English history. He was then sent as

Ambassador Extraordinary by Charles the First to

the Emperor and Princes of Germany; and was the

subject of unjust accusations, which were secretly

submitted by the French Ambassador to the English

Parliament.§

In March 1616 Keeling, "the General"|| of the

four ships with which Sir Thomas Roe arrived at

Surat, made a strenuous effort to establish a Factory

• Journal and Letters of Sir Thomas Roe in Churchill's Collection of

Voyages. The History of Hindostan ; translated from the Persian ; by

Alexander Dow, vol. iii., chap. iii. The view of Hindostan ; by Thomas

Tennant, vol. i.

† Macpherson's History.

‡ Robert Grant's " Sketch of the History of the East India Company,"

chap. i.

§ Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, book vi.

|| Naval officers were at this time distinguished by titles which are now

confined to the Army. So also in Charles the Second's reign Lord Sand-

wich and Sir William Penn were called Generals, and Pepys writes of

Major Holmes, an officer of the Navy.

31

at Cranganor. The Zamorin, as the ruler of the

country was styled, having heard the fame of Down-

ton's exploits, sent his minister to meet Keeling at

Calicut, and invited him to a conference. The Eng-

lish captain took the precaution to secure a hostage

for his safe return, and then went to the neighbour-

hood of Cranganor, which the Zamorin was besieging.

He was received with great politeness, and soon con-

cluded a treaty, which commenced with the heathen

ruler's words, thus :—“As I have been ever an enemy

to the Portuguese, so do I purpose to continue for

ever.” He then promises to give the fort of Cranga-

nor—when captured—the islands, and nine miles of

coast, to the English; also with their aid, to take

Cochin, and then transfer it to them with all its

territory; finally he stipulates to exempt them from

all payment of duties and customs. It is scarcely

necessary to say that these terms were too favourable

for the English to be observed. However, Keeling

left at Cranganor three Factors and a lad, as also

a gunner, who entered the Zamorin's service. It was

not long before the Factors found themselves the

victims of gross extortion, instead of being encouraged.

They seized the first opportunity of escaping with

their goods to Calicut, where they remained in spite

of the many difficulties with which they had to con-

tend. Thus the English Factory of Calicut had its

origin.* The place, we may be sure, was celebrated

for the produce of its looms, from the fact of its name

having been given to our ordinary cotton fabrics.

*Orme's Fragments.

32

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

As these pages contain much that is discreditable to the Portuguese, it is a pleasure now to chronicle an action which redounds to their honour. Four English ships, in one of which was Terry, afterwards Sir Thomas Roe's chaplain, were bringing to India merchandise, and the presents which the embassy was to take charge of for the Emperor. All were under the command of General Joseph. At the head of the channel between Madagascar and the African coast, they descried a Portuguese carrack of enormous size, which proved to be commanded by Don Manuel de Menezes. Although England and Portugual were at peace, yet in the Indian seas there was a smouldering enmity between the sea-men of the two nations, which was always ready to burst into a flame. The Globe, a small but fast sailing vessel of Joseph's squadron, gave chase to the carrack, and on coming up was saluted with opprobrious language, and an order to fall to leeward. As obedience was not promptly paid, the Portuguese fired five large shot at her. By this time Joseph himself had come up in his large ship, the Charles, and called out that the Commander of the carrack must come on board. As the excuse was made that they had no boat, Joseph sent his own, which brought three officers with a message, "that Don Menezes had promised his master, the King of Spain, not to quit his ship, out of which he might be forced, but never commanded." Joseph replied, "that he would sink by his side, or compel him." After these words of defiance had been exchanged, the fight began. Joseph was killed in a few minutes, and his command assumed

by Captain Pepwell. Night came on; but the chivalrous Menezes scorned to skulk away in the darkness, and hung out a light to guide his enemies. The

following day and night passed without any continuance of the struggle, but it was renewed at sunrise on the second morning. Pepwell was wounded in the

jaw and leg, and his eye was struck out. The carrack's main and mizen masts were brought down, and her fore-top shot away. Seeing their foe in this plight,

the English sent a boat to him, with Mr. Cormack, the principal merchant, bearing a flag of truce; and Menezes received him courteously, but declared his

resolution to renew the contest on the morrow. Unhappily for the gallant Don, his ship struck on the rocks during the night. The crew set her on fire,

and made their escape with treasure to a large amount, but being overpowered and plundered by the natives were reduced to great distress. Menezes at last con-

trived to reach Goa, where he was received with great respect on account of his valour and misfortunes. He was also much honoured on his return to his country,

and, as his force had been far inferior to that of his enemies, his defeat was considered equivalent to a victory.*

One of the most peculiar features in this early part of English history is the evidence of a jealousy and hatred with which all who were in the Company's

employ, and their rivals in trade, mutually regarded each other. The French had not yet appeared in India, if we except the three whom Laval met at Goa,

• Orme's Fragments. Terry's Voyage. D

34

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

and a few whom Bernier found employed by the

Emperor as cannoneers. But the Portuguese had been

there so long that they had passed their zenith, and

were in the descendant. They had formed settle-

ments at Calicut, Mangalor, Goa, Bombay, Salsette,

Bassein, and Daman. As they always seemed igno-

rant how to use victory with moderation, their haugh-

tiness and insolence had prepared the natives to look

with favour upon any rival who should contest with

them the privileges of trade and command of the sea.

In 1508 they had taken and plundered Dabhol, and

in 1510, under Albuquerque, surprised and conquered

Goa. As early as 1512 they pillaged Surat, and

nearly destroyed it.* The inhabitants then spoke of

them as "the vile miscreants," and when a Turkish

Admiral arrived, welcomed him as a deliverer from their

odious tyranny. The Admiral himself, who has left us

an account of his voyage, always uses the word "mis-

creant" as a synonym for "Portuguese."† Bombay

was occupied by them in 1532. The same year they

burned the whole of the towns on the coast between

Chicklee Tarapoor and Bassein, and in 1548 all

between the neighbourhood of Goa and Bankot.

Although their chief possessions were at a distance

from Surat, yet we have seen them using all their

power to prevent the English from entering its port.

However, the power of these dreaded plunderers was

• Conquets des Portugais par Lafitou. Maffeei Historiarum Indica-

rum, lib. x. This Jesuit gives detailed accounts of their plundering

expeditions, without expressing any disapprobation.

† Voyegas de Sidi Aly par M. Moris. Grant Duff's History of the

Mahrattas, vol. i., chap. ii.

shown, by a succession of naval defeats, to have been

over-estimated. “On my word they are weak in

India,” wrote Sir Thomas Roe, “and able to do your

fleet no harm, but by supplies from Lisbon.”* At

last, in 1630, they procured a reinforcement from

Europe, and with nine ships endeavoured to destroy a

fleet of five English ships as it approached Swally.

Their efforts were baffled, and then the superiority of

British seamen was for ever established.†

Lest it should be suspected that our opinion of the

Portuguese is dictated by national prejudices, the tes-

timony of their own countrymen and intelligent

Frenchmen is appealed to. Much of the above account

is taken from their historian, De Faria. The bio-

grapher of Francis Xavier dwells upon their moral

degradation, and declares that they “lived more like

idolaters than Christians.” He adds that they had

imitated the depraved habits of the heathen, that

wedded chastity was little esteemed amongst them,

that they were even proud of the number of their

concubines, and nothing could be more corrupt than

their whole lives.‡ Father le Gobien traces the aver-

sion with which they were regarded by the natives to

the violence which they had employed, and Father de

Fontenay makes special mention of their dissolute

behaviour.§

The Abbè Raynal enters into the subject, and his

testimony is very decided. He regarded the Por-

• Sir Thomas Roe's Letters to the Company.

† Mill's History of India, book i., chap. ii.

‡ S. Xaverii Vita, auctore Tursellino, lib. ii., cap. i.

§ Choix des lettres edifiantes, tom. iv.

36

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

tugueese as a decaying race. The religious zeal which

once inspired them with energy and generous courage,

was afterwards manifested only in ferocity, and served

to stifle all scruples about pillaging, cheating, and

enslaving idolaters. As they pretended to have been

endowed with authority over the kingdoms of Asia by

a decree of the Pope, they chose to suppose that a

power to seize the property of individuals was also

conferred upon them. Demanding tribute from the

ships of every country, ravaging the coasts, and in-

sulting native chiefs, they became the scourge and

terror of all the nations bordering upon the ocean.

Nor was their treatment of one another better than of

foreigners. They were divided into factions; and

amongst all, avarice, debauchery, and cruelty pre-

vailed. Many of them had seven or eight concubines,

whom they employed as menial servants. Effeminacy

pervaded their armies, and they lost the courage for

which they had long been celebrated. “No Portuguese

pursued any other object than the advancement of his

own interest; there was no zeal, no union for the

common good. Their possessions in India were divi-

ded into three governments, which gave no assistance

to each other, and even clashed in their projects and

interests. Neither discipline, subordination, nor the

love of glory, animated either the soldiers or the offi-

cers. Men-of-war no longer ventured out of the ports; or

whenever they appeared, were badly equipped. Man-

commanders had power enough to restrain the torrent

of vice; and the majority of these commanders were

themselves corrupted. The Portuguese at length lost

all their former greatness, when a free and enlightened

nation, actuated with a proper spirit of toleration,

appeared in India, and contended with them for the

empire of that country.′*

According to La Croze, ancient and modern ac-

counts show "that there was never in the world a

more infamous and general corruption of manners than

that of the Portuguese in India."†

The first Dutchman who attempted to open a trade

at Surat was Van den Broeck. He was favourably

received on the 2nd of August 1616 by the Gover-

nor, and permitted to dispose of his goods; but when

he craved permission to establish a Factory, as well

as the English, he was told that a reference must be

made to the Great Mogul. His failure at that time

is attributed by him in great measure to the success of

English intrigue. However, when he went away he

promised that he would return, and left behind him

three Factors with a Chief. Accordingly, he did

return in 1620, and declared himself Director of the

Dutch trade in all those parts of the East. From

that year he kept a diary, which has been published.

Della Valle describes him as "a gentleman of good

breeding, and very courteous."‡

Before Van den Broeck's return to Surat, an acci-

dent, turned to account with remarkable adroitness by

• A Philosophical and Political History of the Settlement and Trade

of Europeans in the East and West Indies. By the Abbè Raynal.

† Histoire du Christianisme des Indes, liv. ii.

‡ Voyage de Pierre Van den Broeck; Recueil des Voyages, tome

vii.

38

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

the Dutch, had gained them a secure footing. One

of their ships having been wrecked in July 1617, on

the neighbouring coast, the merchants were allowed to

dispose of its cargo in the city; and, as they quickly

discovered how valuable traffic there would prove,

they left behind them ten persons with instructions to

make arrangements for the establishment of a Fac-

tory.* As they were more powerful, and soon proved

themselves more skilful in trade than the Portuguese,

the English did not fight them, but endeavoured to

supplant them by base and underhand means. Sir

Thomas Roe used every art to prejudice the Mogul

government against them; his object being, as he said,

"to disgrace them," and "turn them out," if he could

do so without risk.† Referring to the arrival of a

Dutch ship at Surat he writes thus: "This I improved

to fill their heads with jealousies of the designs of

the Dutch, and the dangers that might ensue from

them, which was well taken ; and being demanded, I

gave my advice to prevent coming to a rupture with

them, and yet exclude them the trade of India."‡

When the crafty ambassador said that he improved

a fact, he simply meant, that he perverted the truth.

However, his illiberality was neither more nor less

than was shown at that time by the representatives of

other European nations in India.

The Dutch appear to have had the advantage of the

English in the superior management of their Factories,

and sagacity in all commercial transactions. The

• Bruce's Annals, 1617-18. † Letter to the East India Company.

‡ Sir Thomas Roe's Journal.

large capital which their Company possessed, and

their economy in disposing of it, enabled them to

compete successfully at Surat; so that the English

Factors were reduced to utter puerile complaints, that

their rivals bought Indian goods at a higher rate, and

sold European goods at a lower rate than them-

selves.* But after some years this opposition ceased,

and the two nations joined their arms against the

Portuguese.†

At this period the Dutch were distinguished chiefly

for their enterprising spirit, and republican simplicity

of manners. This simplicity was probably accom-

panied by rudeness, and some years later fell under

the lash of Dryden's satire.‡ Their Governor-

General's salary was at the rate of 91l. 13s. 4d. per

annum, with the liberty of private trade; which,

however, was afterwards withheld from all their Com-

pany's servants. Even at Batavia, their chief settle-

ment, the members of Government dressed, we are

assured, like common sailors; and before the year 1650,

not one remarkable fortune had been made. But this

state of affairs did not continue very long. At Surat

they soon affected some style, and finally luxury and

magnificence were introduced.§

• Mill's History. † Van den Broeck.

‡ "With an ill grace the Dutch their mischiefs do :

They 've both ill nature, and ill manners too.

Well may they boast themselves an ancient nation,

For they were bred ere manners were in fashion.

And their new Commonwealth has set them free,

Only from honour and civility."—Satire on the Dutch.

§ Raynal's History.

40

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

As the reader will probably be glad to gain som

idea of the English shipping which visited the coas

of India, I conclude this chapter with an extract fror

a curious pamphlet entitled “Trades Increase” put

lished at that time. “You have built,” writes th

author, apostrophizing the Company, “more ships i

your time, than any other merchants’ ships, beside

what you have bought out of other trades, and al

those wholly belonging to you. There hath bee

entertained by you since you first adventured, one-and

twenty ships, besides the now intended voyage of on

new ship of seven hundred tons, and happily som

two more of increase. The least of all your shipping

is of fourscore ton ; all the rest are goodly ships o

such burthen as never were formerly used in merchan-

dise ; the least and meanest of these last is of som

hundred and twenty ton, and so upward even to eleven

hundred ton. You have set forth some thirteen

voyages ; in which time you have built of these, eight

new ships, and almost as good as built the most of the

residue, as the Dragon, the Hector, &c.” Respecting

a ship called, like the pamphlet, “The Trades In-

crease,” the writer adds :—“It was a ship of eleven

hundred ton, for beauty, burthen, strength, and suf-

ficiency, surpassing all merchants’ ships whatsoever.

But alas ! she was but shown ; out of a cruel destiny,

she was overtaken with an untimely death in her

youth and strength.”*

• This pamphlet was published in 1615. Robert Grant’s “Sketch of

the History of the East India Company.”

41

CHAPTER II.

1616—1630.

Contents :-Arrangements of the Factory—President Kerridge ; his

character—Joseph Salbank; his complaint—Presidents Rastell and

Wyld—Business of the Factors; their private trade, and inadequate

salaries; their social position: aims solely mercantile—Domestic eco-

nomy of the Factory—Dress of the period adopted in India—Society;

a wedding banquet; no English ladies; history of a Portuguese

damsel; intemperance—Legal powers to restrain offenders; escape of

a Dutch murderer—Religion; the clergy; the Rev. Henry Lord; his

Oriental researches; Lescke and John Hall; Terry; his history; his

sermon before the Company; Copeland; Dr. John Wood's good

opinion of the Company—Conversion of the natives; Salbank's pious

letter—Native opinions of English Christianity; the Knight of the

Golden Rapier's opinion; account of this personage—Three portraits;

Tom Coryat; his travels and eccentricities; death and burial; the

reckless son of an English baron; a rollicking cook—Della Valle's

visit to Surat; his romantic history—Sir Thomas Herbert's visit; his

history—Two speculators; scheme for navigating the Indus—Pirates

by the Company's captains—Reflections on English character.

It has been shown in the preceding pages that an

English Factory had been established at Surat, under

encouraging auspices. Through the efforts of Best,

Downton, and Roe, the Factors had attained by proxy

to a high degree of reputation. English courage and

naval skill were feared; and even the inferior pre-

tentions of the embassy to magnificence, patronized as-

it had been by the Great Mogul, were respected. Let us

now enter the Factory's gates, and endeavour to ascertain its internal economy, with the qualities, characters, and employments of its occupants.

The persons who superintended the Company's affairs were, according to the humour of the times, variously styled Presidents, Agents, or Chiefs. In 1616, the title of President was given to Thomas Kerridge, the first superintendent, by his own subordinates, and many of his successors are so addressed in the Company's records.

The little we know of this Kerridge is much to his credit. He came to India in Best's ship, the Hosiander, September, 1612. For some time his residence was at Agra, and then he managed a factory at Ahmedabad, where he suffered much from the oppression of Mogul officers.

His integrity and ability were unquestionable, and—which was scarcely to be expected under the circumstances—he had an inquiring and literary turn of mind. As Europeans, before his time, had been sorely perplexed by the various castes into which the natives are divided, and had in vain attempted to thread the mazes of their idolatry, he urged Henry Lord, "Preacher to the Honorable Company of Merchants," to explore the whole of Hindoo and Parsee mythology, and himself supplied the student with all the information which his position enabled him to obtain.*

Joseph Salbank, a man of observation, though somewhat illiterate, whose testimony we shall have to cite hereafter, was in 1617 a factor at Surat. He wrote to England a grievous complaint of the way in which

• A Discovery of two Forreigne Sects in the East Indies: by Henry Lord. Churchill's Voyages. Bruce's Annals.

he had been treated by “proud Captain Keeling,”

who, as general of the fleet, appears to have had a

controlling power over the Company’s servants on

shore. Poor Joseph maintained that he had carried

himself “very genteelly” towards Keeling, and, indeed,

had shown an excess of humility, but yet suffered the

indignity of being placed under “punies and young-

lings,” for whose grandfather he might have passed, so

much was he their senior.*

Thomas Rastell seems to have succeeded Kerridge

in the presidency, in 1623, and he was succeeded by

Wyld. The narratives of two visitors will presently

introduce us to the acquaintance of these individuals.

To house for exportation the calicoes and produce of

the country was the business in which the community

engaged on their principals’ account. These goods

were paid for in money, or else by the exchange of

spices and the manufactures of England and China.†

With this business of the Company, the Factors com-

bined a profitable trade on their own account, and, as

might be expected, considered their own interests,

without paying too exclusive an attention to those of

their employers. Indeed, unless they had had this

resource, they could scarcely have hoped to obtain a

bare subsistence—so beggarly were the salaries which

they received—much less could they have amassed

fortunes. By the bad policy of the East India Com-

• Letter from Joseph Salbank to the Company, quoted in Kaye’s

“Administration of the East India Company.”

† Mokreb Khan complained to Sir Thomas Roe that the English

brought “too much cloth and bad swords.” He recommended that they

should import rarities from Japan or China, and from England the

richest silks and cloth of gold.—Sir Thomas Roe’s Journal.

44

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

pany, their servants were thus driven to consult more

for themselves than the public good. That judicious

observer, and their true friend, Sir Thomas Roe, fore-

seeing this consequence, strongly urged the Directors

to increase their Factors' salaries, and then to pro-

hibit them, under severe penalties, from engaging in

private trade. He also justly remarked, that if they

complied with his recommendation, they must select

persons of respectability for their service; such as

would only be induced by the offer of liberal payment

to come to India, but when once there would regard

high wages as a compensation for the loss of other

profits, and would honestly devote their time and

ingenuity to fulfil their employers' intentions.*

This advice was not followed; and after a few

years the servants of the Company were obscure indi-

viduals, whose characters were either unknown, or only

known to their disadvantage. Gentlemen they did

not pretend to be; for even their masters did not

aspire to such a title. It was an age when the occu-

pation of a merchant was still looked upon as

decidedly vulgar.† The persons who formed the Com-

pany were known by the name of “adventurers;” and

so far from seeking for men of rank, they regarded

gentle blood and noble race as disqualifications for

their service. When the Crown proposed that they

should employ Sir Edward Michelbourne, they looked

• Letter to the East India Company.

† The word “merchant” is frequently used in Shakspeare as a term of

contempt. Thus, in the First Part of King Henry the Sixth, act ii.,

scene 3, the Countess of Auvergne, when perplexed by Talbot, calls him

“a riddling merchant;” and in Romeo and Juliet, act ii., scene 4, the

nurse calls Mercutio “a saucy merchant.”

PAY AND POSITION OF THE ENGLISH FACTORS.

45

upon the prefix to his name with a suspicion and

low-minded jealousy. It was their resolution, they

declared, "not to employ any gentleman in any place

of charge," and they requested that they might "be

allowed to sort theire business with men of their own

qualitie, lest the suspicion of the employment of gen-

tlemen being taken hold upon by the generalitie, do

dryve a great number of the adventurers to withdraw

their contributions."* So that the first English Fac-

tors were above, or, perhaps, we should say below, all

suspicion of being gentlemen.

But what the Directors most dreaded was, that

their servants might be animated with a martial spirit.

They repeatedly warned them against any appeal to

arms, even for their own defence. They declared

that war and traffic were incompatible, and in this

instance at least attended to Sir Thomas Roe's coun-

sel, who, when recommending the Company to confine

their attention to trade, had referred to the examples

of the Portuguese and Dutch. "The Portugueſes,"

he wrote, "notwithstanding their many rich resi-

dences, are beggared by keeping of soldiers; and yet

their garrisons are but mean. They never made ad-

vantage of the Indies, since they defended them.

Observe this well. It has also been the error of the

Dutch, who seek plantations here by the sword.

They turn a wonderful stock ; they prole in all places ;

they possess some of the best; yet their dead pays

consume all the gain." With even more prudence,

the ambassador points out the uselesness of expen-

• Mill's History, book i., chapter ii.

46

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

sive Embassies. He himself had obtained solid ad-

vantages for the Factory; but he thought that in

future they should be content with employing a native

agent at Court on a low salary.* The wisdom of this

opinion was subsequently proved, when Norris frit-

tered away large sums of money, and only brought

contempt upon himself and his countrymen.

Books and records enable us to catch but few

glimpses of English manners at this early period.

We may represent the Factory as a mercantile house

of agency, in which the President or Chief was head

partner. He and his junior partners, who were called

Factors, lived under the same roof, each having his

own private apartments; but all assembling for meals

at a public table, maintained by the Company, and

being expected to meet at a certain hour every day for

prayers. Such carriages and cattle as they possessed,

were part of the common stock. Horses were ex-

pensive luxuries, used only by the Chief and some of

his friends, and bullock-carts were in ordinary use.

For space and furniture the English and Dutch

houses excelled all others in the city. The President

affected some style, and when he went into the streets,

was followed by a long train of persons, including

some natives, armed with bows, arrows, swords,

and shields; a banner or streamer was borne, and

a saddle-horse led before him. His retainers

were numerous; and as each only received three

rupees per mensem for wages, the whole cost

but little. There were also many slaves, whose

• Roe's Journal and Letters.

STYLE OF DRESS OF THE ENGLISH FACTORS.

45

clothing was white calico, and food, rice with a

little fish.*

The English had not yet properly adapted their

mode of dress to the climate. The costume of the

seventeenth century must have been found peculiarly

cumbersome and oppressive in a tropical climate.

Old prints represent Europeans in India with large

hose, long waisted, “peasecod-bellied” doublets, and

short cloaks or mantles with standing collars. Then

there were ruffs, which Stubbs says were “ of twelve,

yea, sixteen lengths a-piece, set three or four times

double ;” and he adds, that the ladies had a “ liquid

matter, which they call starch, wherein the devil hath

learned them to wash and dive their ruffs, which being

dry will then stand stiff and inflexible about their

necks.” Breeches, too, were worn by gentlemen, ex-

travagantly large; and their conical-crowned hats were

of velvet, taffata, or sarcenet, ornamented with great

bunches of feathers.† Probably, however, this dress

approved itself to native taste better than ours ; at

least, Fryer, when at Junar, flattered himself that

Nizam Beg, the governor of the fort, admired both

the splendour and novelty of his costume.‡ Sir

Thomas Roe and his suite, as we are informed, were

all clothed in English dresses, only made as light and

cool as possible ; his attendants wore liveries of “ red

• The Travels of Signor Pietro della Valle, letter i. Sir Thomas

Herbert's Travels, page 43.

† See the History of British Costume in the Library of Entertaining

Knowledge.

‡ Fryer, letter iii., chap. v.

48

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

taffata cloaks, guarded with green taffata," and the

chaplain always appeared in a long black cassock.*

Society was of the free and jovial kind. There

were no English ladies, after the expulsion of poor

Mrs. Steele; and if the Factors wished to enjoy the

conversation of the gentler sex, they must resort to

the Dutch Factory. We have an account of a wed-

ding party there, in which the bride was an Armenian;

the bridegroom a Dutchman. All the Europeans

of the place were invited, and every lady came; so

there were present, one Portuguese and one Dutch

matron, a young Maronite girl, and a native woman

who was engaged to marry a Dutchman.

The circumstances under which the Portuguese lady

was brought there are so characteristic of the times,

that they should be narrated. The King of Portugal

was in the habit of giving a dowry every year to a few

poor but well-born orphan girls, whom he sent to

assist in colonizing the settlements of India. A ship

which was conveying three of these maidens had been

intercepted and seized by the Dutch, who immediately

carried their prizes to Surat. A supply of ladies was

naturally received with avidity in that time of dearth,

and the most eminent of the merchants became can-

didates for their hands. Two were taken, we know

not where; but Donna Lucia, the third, married a

rich Dutchman, and was a guest at the wedding ban-

quet. She seems to have been contented with her

lot, as the affection of her Protestant husband led

him to tolerate her religion in private, although

• Roe's Journal.

LADIES IN THE DUTCH FACTORY—INTEMPERANCE.

49

she was compelled to observe in public the forms of

the Dutch Reformed Church.

The reason why there were ladies in the Dutch, and

not in the English Factory, was, that the Government

of Holland encouraged the matrimonial desires of

their Company's servants. At Java such as had wives

and families could claim peculiar privileges; and on

that account many came to Surat, merely that they

might marry native women and take them to Batavia.*

Sir Thomas Roe remarked with disgust the preva-

lence of intemperance amongst Europeans at Surat,

and wondered that it was tolerated by the native

Government. Drunkenness, he writes, and “other

exorbitances proceeding from it were so great in that

place, that it was rather wonderful they were suffered

to live.” The manners of the young men in the

Factory were extremely dissolute, and on that account

they were continually involved in quarrels with the

natives. Even the President, after passing the night

on board the ship which brought Della Valle, no

sooner rose in the morning than he began drinking

“burnt wine.” This was a hot mixture flavoured with

cinnamon, cloves, and other spices, and, we are told,

was “drank frequently in the morning to comfort the

stomack, sipping it by little and little for fear of

scalding.Ӡ

Where intemperance prevailed to such an extent,

there must also have been a considerable amount of

crime; but it is difficult to determine what were the

• Della Valle, letter i.

† Roe's Journal. Terry's Voyage. Della Valle, letter i.

E

legal powers with which the Company were invested for the punishment of criminals. In 1616 a formal trial was held, and sentence of death passed against one Gregory Lellington, who was charged with murdering Henry Barton in Surat. The Court assembled on board the ship Charles at Swally. The prisoner having confessed his guilt, was sentenced to be taken ashore the next day, and there shot to death by the musketeers of the guard.* This appears to have been a court-martial ; but in 1622 James the First authorized the Company to chastise and correct all English persons residing in India, who should commit misdemeanours. Yet the Company could not have considered that they had authority to visit with severe punishment any who were convicted of grave offences, as in 1624 they petitioned for the establishment of martial and municipal laws, which at a still later period were sanctioned by Parliament.† It is probable that in some instances the Factors adopted summary measures, without troubling themselves about the slow processes of law. When one of Van den Broeck's seamen had killed an English gunner, the enraged countrymen of the latter insisted upon having the Dutchman executed at once. In vain did Van den Broeck beg that the forms of justice might be employed. Nothing would do but immediate execution, until the crafty Dutchman devised a plan which showed that he relied upon English generosity. He declared that the sailor

• Consultation held on board the ship Charles. Extracted by Mr. Kaye from the Records of Government.

† Morley's Digest of Indian Cases, vol.i. Mill's History, book i. chap. ii.

had been condemned to be drowned. No sooner did

the Factors hear this, than their thirst for blood was

allayed. Believing that there was really an intention

of putting the man to death, they relented, interceded

for his life, and he was pardoned.*

Where the execution of human laws was so vague

and uncertain, the milder influences of religion were

the more required. And indeed the inmates of the

Factory regularly engaged in devotional services, and

forms at least were scrupulously observed. In the

first Charters no ecclesiastical establishments were

provided; but, when possible, the good offices of a

clergyman were always obtained. Every Portuguese,

Dutch, or English vessel of large size had its minister

on board. The French only, Laval remarked, were

without the fear of God, and never cared to have

divine service performed in their ships. On board an

East Indiaman belonging to the English Company, a

clergyman was usually to be met with; and if, when

such an one arrived at Surat, there happened to be a

vacancy in the Factory, he was easily induced to

become a resident pastor. This was the case in 1616

with Henry Lord, who tells us that he had left one of

the English ships for a charge of souls upon shore.

He was both a studious and practical man, and his

researches have been the means of preserving his

name for posterity. Kerridge urged him to redeem

the omissions of his predecessors, and make himself

thoroughly acquainted with the religions of the Bun-

yas and Parsees. Lord's curiosity had been excited

• Voyage de Van den Broeck.

52

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

so soon as he set his foot upon Indian soil; he there-

fore readily undertook the task. The commencement

of his work gives us some idea of the impression made

upon an Englishman at his first arrival.

" According to the busie observance of travailers,

inquiring what noveltie the place might produce, a

people presented themselves to mine eyes, cloathed

in linnen garments, somewhat low descending, of

a gesture and garbe, as I may say, maydenly and

well nigh effeminate ; of a countenance shy and some-

what estranged, yet smiling out a glosed and bashful

familiarity, whose use in the companies affaires occa-

sioned their presence there. Truth to say, mine eyes,

unacquainted with such objects, took up their wonder

and gazed, and this admiration, the badge of a fresh

travailer, bred in mee the importunity of a questioner.

I asked what manner of people those were, so strangely

notable, and notably strange? Reply was made, They

were Banians."

After the worthy preacher had stared sufficiently at

these effeminate and smirking dealers in cloth, he set

to work with his book; and as he remained in the

Factory several years, during which he diligently

inquired into native customs, the book proved to be

very valuable. As was to be expected, he could not

clearly distinguish the difference between the numer-

ous sects of Hindooism; but his knowledge of their

literature, mythology, and cosmogony was extensive.

To him Sir Thomas Herbert was indebted for the

information which his work contains regarding the

Parsees ; and half a century later, Bernier acknow-

ledged with gratitude his obligations to "Monsieur Henri Lor."*

In the same year there was also a Chaplain named Lescke at Surat. The Ambassador, too, brought with him the Reverend John Hall, Fellow of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, who soon fell a victim to the climate. His place was immediately supplied from an English ship then at Swally, and Terry was installed into the Chaplaincy of the Embassy. He also recorded what he saw, and has left us a work which proves the soundness of his principles, and accuracy of his judgment. He was afterwards rector of Great Greenford, in England, and in 1649 preached at the church of St. Andrew Undershaft before the East India Company, after the safe return of seven ships. His discourse, which is still to be met with in print, was earnest and impressive ; after exhorting his hearers to show their gratitude for the Divine mercies which had been vouchsafed to them, the preacher impresses upon the Company that it is their duty to employ only such Presidents, Ministers of the Word, Factors, and other servants, as may "take special care to keep God in their families," and not "play the heathens," when professing themselves Christians.

When Lord and Terry must have both been in the country, a clergyman named Copeland came to Surat in the Royal James East Indiaman. It was the custom, before the Company's ships left England, for some minister of the Church to preach a farewell

• Lord's Discovery of two Forreigne Sects. Bernier's letter to M. Chaplain.

54

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

sermon on board. When Copeland was leaving, in

1618, Dr. John Wood intended to have discharged

this office, as he "had divers times before;" but being

prevented on this occasion, he published his sermon in

the form of a pamphlet, entitled "The true honour of

navigation and navigators; or holy meditations for

seamen." In this he declares that he has been an

eye-witness of the care which the Company had taken

to provide all things necessary for the bodies and souls

of those who sailed in their fleets. In 1622 we find

Copeland preaching at Bow Church, before the Vir-

ginia Council; and we are told that he was constituted

Member of the Council of State in Virginia, and

Rector of a College established for the conversion of

American Indians.*

In these early days, much more than at a later

date, the conversion of the natives was regarded by

some pious Christians with interest and hopefulness.

Amongst the Company's records for the year 1617 is

a curious letter recounting the conversion of "a Mogul

atheist." On this subject, too, Joseph Salbank wrote

to the Directors with an earnestness and urgency which

we are surprised to find in a commercial adventurer.

He implored them to send "preachers and ministers,"

who might "break unto the Factors the blessed manna

of the heavenly gospel." In the first place, he said,

let us have "sufficient and solid divines, that may be

able to encounter with the arch-enemies of our

• A History of the Church of England in the Colonies and Foreign

Dependencies of the British Empire. By the Rev. James S. M. Anderson,

vol. i., chap. x., and vol ii., chap. xv.

CONVERSION OF THE NATIVES—SALBANK'S LETTER. 55

religion, if occasion should so require, those main

supporters of the hierarchy of the Church of Rome;

I mean the Jesuits, or rather (as I may truly term

them) Jebusites, whereof some are mingled here in

several places in the King's dominions amongst us."

In the next place he asked for "godly, zealous, and

devout persons, such as may, by their piety and purity

of life, give good example to those with whom they

live, whereby they will no less instruct and feed their

little flock committed unto them, no less by the

sincerity of the doctrine they teach them."*

But according to Terry, the natives had formed a

mean estimate of Christianity. It was not uncommon

to hear them at Surat giving utterance to such

remarks as :—"Christian religion, devil religion;

Christian much drunk; Christian much do wrong,

much beat, much abuse others." Terry admitted that

the natives themselves were "very square, and exact

to make good all their engagements;" but if a dealer

was offered much less for his articles than the price

which he had named, he would be apt to say :-

"What! Do'st thou think me a Christian, that I

would go about to deceive thee?"

There was at least one European also who had no

higher opinion than natives of Englishmen's religion,

as will appear from the following anecdote. When

Terry was in Surat a certain Spaniard presented him-

self at the Factory, and asked for employment. He

gave out that he was by birth an Hidalgo, which, as

our author explains, "signifies in Spanish, the son of

• Joseph Salbank to the Company. Extracted by Kaye.

56

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

somebody." He had all that national fondness for

exaggeration, and recklessness of assertion, which so

fatally imposed upon the English at the commence-

ment of the last Peninsular war, but in his case were

inoffensively ridiculous. He tried to pass himself off

as a hero and the flower of chivalry. Butler has

given us his portrait, as if it were taken from the

life :

"A wight he was, whose very sight wou'd

Entitle him mirrour of knighthood;

That never bent his stubborn knee

To anything but chivalry;

Nor put up blow, but that which laid

Right worshipful on shoulder blade—

But here our authors make a doubt,

Whether he were more wise or stout;

Some hold the one, and some the other,

But howse'er they make a pother,

The difference was so small, his brain

Outweigh'd his rage but half a grain;

Which made some take him for a tool,

That knaves do work with, call'd a fool,

And offered to lay wages, that

As Montaigne, playing with his cat,

Complains she thought him but an ass,

Much more she would Sir Hudibras."

This strange character gave his name as "the

Knight of the Golden Rapier," and declared that

having come with the Spanish Viceroy to Goa, he

had, in defence of his spotless honour, fought so many

duels there, that he had been placed in confinement,

and required by the priests to atone with penances for

the indulgence of his sanguinary propensities. No

sooner was he set at liberty, than his honour was

again injured, and having slain his adversary, he was

"THE KNIGHT OF THE GOLDEN RAPIER." 57

compelled to fly the country. Such was the story of

this mock hero, who added that he was now resolved

"not to live any longer amongst the Christians, but

that he desired to live amongst the English." "But

the English are Christians," some one replied. "Jesu

Maria !" exclaimed the amazed Spaniard : he had

never before heard that such was the case. Eventually

he was received into the Factory, where he remained

for some time. When about to leave, he assigned a

reason for his departure, which gives us a peep into

the Factors' mode of living. His pride was hurt,

because at meals he was not permitted to occupy

a place of honour ; but he, an Hidalgo of Spain, was

required to sit with menials at the lower end of the

table.*

Writers of the period have painted three portraits

of the English in India, which shall be presented to

the reader ; although it must be admitted, that they

would add but little ornament to a gallery of national

characters.

Tom Coryat, "our English Fakier," as Fryer

styled him, was the most conspicuous. A short sketch

of his life was made by Terry, his companion and

fellow traveller ; it well deserves a page in the history

of his times. This eccentric man was born in 1577

at Odcomb, in Somersetshire, and having early in life

set his heart upon visiting foreign countries, he began

with Europe. On his return he published a laughable

account of his travels, styled "Coryate's Crudities."

Prefixed to the book were about forty copies of verses

• Terry's Voyage.

58

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

written in various languages, by the most witty persons of the day. Amongst other strange matters, the

author declares that he had walked nineteen hundred and seventy-five miles in one pair of shoes, which he

had occasion to mend but once. He is also said to have hung these shoes up in the church of his native village,

as a donarium in token of gratitude for his safe return; a fact recorded by his biographer with sufficient gravity

to shew that he had an admiration both for old shoes and pedantry.

Tom desired to know and to be known, so as to obtain contemporary and posthumous fame. Unre-

strained by poverty, he again started with a determination of traversing Asia; limiting his expenses to two

pence a day, which he expected to procure by begging. His designs were vaster than his actual labours; for

he planned not only a journey through Tartary and China, but also a visit to "the Court of Prester John,

in Ethiopia."

It is not our business to trace minutely his wandering steps; but we will follow him hastily to the scene

of our narrative. In 1612 he sailed from London to Constantinople; thence to Alexandria. After seeing

enough of Cairo and the Pyramids, he explored all the venerated places of the Holy Land, and then

passed with a caravan from Aleppo to the sites of ancient Nineveh and Babylon. Persia, Candahar,

Lahore, and Agra—where he found an English Factory—were all traversed by him. Mixing with the

natives of the countries through which he passed, he acquired with facility a knowledge of many foreign

TOM CORYAT : HIS TRAVELS AND FREAKS.

languages. Some acquaintance he had with Turkish

and Arabic; but in Persian and Hindoostanee his profi-

ciency was considerable. At Agra he appeared before

the Great Mogul, and pronounced an oration in florid

Persian. The Mohammedan potentate was pleased

to hear himself compared by Coryat to Solomon, and

to be told that as the Queen of Sheba had heard of

the Jewish monarch's fame, so the Englishman had

heard of the Emperor's, and like her acknowledged

that what he saw far surpassed all that had been

reported. The flatterer was rewarded with a hundred

rupees, and thus enabled to prosecute his travels.

Less remunerative, but more amusing and credit-

able to him as a linguist, was his next feat. Having

joined Sir Thomas Roe's suite, he found amongst

them a washerwoman, whose native language was

Hindoostanee, and who was celebrated for being

a fluent and pertinacious scold. One day, writes

his companion, Tom "undertook her in her own

language, and by eight of the clock in the morning so

silenced her, that she had not one word more to

speak."

On another occasion he heard a Moola uttering

from the summit of a mosque his usual call to devo-

tion. Suddenly all Coryat's religious fervour was

awakened, and standing on an eminence opposite the

Mussulman devotee, he cried out at the top of his

voice, "La alah, ala, alah, Hazrat Isa Banalah!"—

there is no God but God, and Christ the Son of God;

adding, moreover, that Mohammed was an impostor.

With another Moola he entered into argument, and

60

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

after both the disputants had become very hot and

very angry, Tom closed the controversy by asserting

that he himself was the orthodox Mussulman, or true,

true believer, and the Moola was the pseudo-Mussul-

man, or false true believer. Happily for himself he

was considered a lunatic, and, as before the introduc-

tion of European reforms, such persons belonged in

all Mussulman countries to a privileged class and

were allowed to do almost as they pleased, so Tom's

insults were left unrevenged, and he could indulge

his freaks without paying the penalty of a broken

head.

Inordinate vanity seems to have been the motive

cause of all his eccentric acts. Great men must feel an

interest in him, and the world must regard him as a

distinguished traveller—this was his aim. What then

was his delight to be told by Richard Steele, the mer-

chant, that King James had inquired about him.

The eager fop immediately wished to know all his

Majesty's words; but alas, after hearing that Tom was

well, all that the monarch said was, "Is that fool yet

living?" Equally mortified was he to discover, that

in a letter which Sir Thomas Roe had written on his

account to the Consul at Aleppo, he was styled "an

honest poor wretch."

Tom's vagaries were brought to an abrupt termina-

tion at Surat in December 1617. His health had for

some time been failing when he arrived, and. His death

was hastened by an act of imprudence. Although ordi-

narily a temperate man, he could not resist the seduc-

tions of a little sack, which he heard was to be had in

TOM CORYAT'S DEATH AND BURIAL.

61

the Factory. Forswearing for the time all " thin

potations," he began to soliloquize upon good liquor.

" Sack, sack," exclaimed the thirsty wanderer, "is

there any such thing as sack? I pray you give me

some sack." The unusual draught was too much for

his weak stomach. He was taken ill and died; as

Fryer says, "killed with kindness by the English

merchants, who laid his rambling brains at rest," and

was buried on the shore near Swally, where there is a

small hill at the left side of the road leading to

Broach. As no one was to be found who could and

would engrave an epitaph, his name was unrecorded;

but Sir Thomas Herbert writes of him as one with

whose reputation he supposes his readers to be ac-

quainted, and adds that his grave was known "but

by two poor stones that speak his name there, resting

till the resurrection." A Persian in the Ambassador's

suite, who had accompanied Herbert from England,

and whose conduct having been such that he dreaded

to meet his royal master, destroyed himself at Swally

by eating opium, and was buried about a stone's cast

from Coryat's remains.*

Coryat's follies were harmless ; not so those of

another man who visited Surat about this time. He

was an English baron's son, who had fallen at home

into such reckless habits that his angry father sent

• Terry's Voyage. A New Account of East India and Persia; by John

Fryer. Some Years' Travels into divers Parts of Africa and Asia the

Great; by Sir Thomas Herbert. The View of Hindoostan; by Thomas

Pennant, vol. i. I have tried to reconcile Fryer's and Herbert's accounts

of Coryat's burial-place.

62

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

him to find either reformation or a grave in India; as

that country was considered by many, we are told, an

excellent field for sowing wild oats. During his

passage out he had at first been appointed to wait

upon the commander of the vessel, but as the young

aristocrat was soon found unworthy even of such

menial employment, he was afterwards sent to work as

a common seaman before the mast. At last, Sir

Thomas Roe chanced to meet him in Surat, and

having been acquainted in England with his family,

took him under his protection. But the scapegrace

was continually embroiling himself with those around

him. When travelling in the Ambassador's train, he,

one day, flew into a terrible rage because the servant

of a native prince refused to hold his horse after he

had dismounted. Not only did he ply his horsewhip

over the servant's shoulders, but fired a pistol at him

as he was running away in terror. Happily, the ball

only grazed the man's knuckles, and broke his bow.

"Young Bedlam's" companions instantly disarmed

him, and did their utmost to hush the matter up;

but it gave rise to a serious disturbance. This wild

youth was fortunate in living long enough to be sent

home by the Ambassador.*

We have thus seen a specimen of the English

middle class, and one of their aristocracy in India.

The third and last of those, whose pranks have ap-

peared in print, was an English cook. He had been

brought out by Sir Thomas Roe, and was at least as

anxious to provide good liquor for himself as savoury

*Terry's Voyage.

A RECKLESS ARISTOCRAT AND A DRUNKEN COOK.

63

viands for his master. Surat must have offered few

attractions to such a thirsty soul, for when Fryer

visited it some years later, he saw an Armenian

flogged through the city, simply because detected in

the act of selling liquor. But Akbar, the late Em-

peror, had published a decree permitting intoxicating

spirits to be sold to Europeans, because, he said,

"they are born in the element of wine, as fish are

produced in that of water," "and to prohibit them the

use of it is to deprive them of life." In consequence

of Akbar's consideration for a national failing, the

cook was so lucky as to light upon a shop where they

sold what was called Armenian wine.* "But,"

remarks Terry, "I do believe there was scarce another

in that populous city of that trade; the greater

shame for those, whosoever they be, that suffer so

many unnecessary tipling-houses (in the places where

they have power to restrain them), which are the

Devil's nursery, the very tents wherein Satan dwells,

where Almighty God receives abundance of dis-

honour; drunkenness being a sin which hath hands

and fingers to draw all other sins unto it; for a

drunkard can do anything or be anything but good."

After making these moral reflections by the way,

Terry records that the English cook got very drunk,

and sallied out into the streets. As he staggered

along, he met the Mogul Governor's brother with his

attendants. Balancing himself upon his sheathed

sword, the drunkard cried out, "Now, thou heathen

• That is, wine made by Armenians at Shiraz, according to Hamilton's

"New Account of the East Indies," chapter ix.

64

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

dog!" The native gentleman did not understand him, and civilly inquired what he wanted. The

cook's reply was, a stroke with his sword and scab-

bard; upon which the bystanders interfered, seized

and carried him to prison. When the account of

this awkward occurrence was brought to the Ambas-

sador, he begged the Governor's brother to deal as he

pleased with his insolent retainer. However, the

fellow met with more consideration than he deserved,

being set at liberty without suffering any punish-

ment.*

But passing from buffoons and debauchees, we

next meet with two visitors at Surat, who made some

figure in their day, and whose slight sketches of

English society deserve on that account the more

attention. Pietro della Valle, surnamed Il Pellegrino,

was here about the year 1623. This remarkable

person was born at Rome of a patrician family, in

1586, and had been distinguished early in life for his

literary attainments. In 1614 he set out on his

travels, and hearing, whilst on his route to Bagdad,

that there was at that place a young Maronite lady

of extraordinary beauty, named Maani, he soon found

her out, and offered her his hand, which was accepted.

She accompanied him on his journey, and was cher-

ished by him with the greatest affection.

Della Valle tells us that when he arrived at

Swally, the ship was immediately visited by the

English President "with one of their ministers—so

they call those who exercise the office of priests—and

Terry's Voyage.

DELLA VALLE'S VISIT TO SURAT.

65

two other merchants." Rastell, the President, spoke

Italian with fluency, and was very polite, "showing

himself in all things a person sufficiently accomplished,

and of generous deportment, according as his gentile

and graceful aspect bespoke him. The English and

Dutch Presidents contended for the honour of show-

ing hospitality to the noble stranger. Rastell first

invited him to the English Factory, but Della Valle

objected to take his young and timid bride where

there were only men. Anxious, however, not to give

offence, he begged a friend to engage a private house

for him. His friend, acting in concert with the

Dutch President, contrived to bring him near the

rival Factory, when the President hurried out in his

shirt sleeves, and clutching the bridle of Della Valle's

horse, urged the reluctant stranger to go and live

with him. Further resistance was useless. Della

Valle yielded; but next day went to make his peace

with the English President, who was in such high

dudgeon that he refused to see him, and was with

difficulty induced to read a letter of apology. At

last, on the Dutch President's mediation, Rastell

relented, and not only forgave the deserter, but also

invited him and his friends to supper. He treated

them "very splendidly, and everything ended in

jollity and friendship, as at first."

It was not long before poor Della Valle lost his

young Maani. She died near the Persian Gulf.

Her husband had her remains embalmed, and carried

them about with him until he returned to Rome. He

then had them interred with great pomp in the church

66

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

of Ara Cœli, and pronounced over them a funeral

oration, which was printed. He afterwards married

a Georgian, who had been a friend of his first wife,

and who also travelled with him. He wrote an

account of his travels, which was published at Rome

in 1650, and which shows considerable knowledge

and love of natural history. Pope Urban the Eighth

made him gentleman of the bedchamber, but having

in a fit of anger killed a coachman whilst the Pope

was blessing the people in the Place of St. Peter, he

was banished. He soon returned, and died in 1652

at Rome.*

Mr. Herbert, afterwards Sir Thomas, a cadet of

the house of Pembroke, was at Surat about this time.

He was born in 1606, and educated at Jesus and

Trinity Colleges, Cambridge. In 1626 he left Eng-

land with Sir Dodmore Cotton, Ambassador from

Charles the First to the king of Persia, and travelled

for four years in Asia and Africa. On the 17th of

November he touched at Goa, which, and not Broach,

he supposed to be the Barigaza of antiquity. On the

29th he went to Swally, where he found six English

and seven Dutch ships, most of which were of a thou-

sand tons burden. He travelled, as he says, to Surat,

in “a chariot drawn by two Buffolios,” and attended

by “some pe-unes, or olive-coloured Indian foot-boys,

who can very prettily prattle English.” He was

hospitably received at the Factory by the President,

whom the young aristocrat describes with transparent

• The Travels of Sig. Pietro della Valle. Biographical Dictionary,

by the Rev. Hugh James Rose.

SIR THOMAS HERBERT.

67

condescension as "one master Wyld, an ingenious and

civil merchant, to whose kind respect I owe acknow-

ledgment." Herbert published in 1634 a book of

Travels, which was translated into French. In the

civil war he took the Parliamentary side, and was

appointed one of the Commissioners with the army of

Sir Thomas Fairfax. Being afterwards placed in

attendance on the imprisoned Charles, the fallen

monarch's misfortunes so enlisted his sympathies, that

he treated him with the greatest respect, and after-

wards published his Threnodia Carolina, being an

account of the two last years of Charles the First.

In acknowledgment of these services, Charles the

Second made him a Baronet. He was held in much

repute by the literary men of his time, and assisted in

the composition of many learned works.*

Even at this time a few persons disregarded the

Company's monopoly, and endeavoured to push their

fortunes by carrying on a private trade. Richard

Steele seems to have deserted the Factory, and with a

person named Jackman to have traded in pearls. The

two also projected extensive water works, with a view

of increasing the demand for lead. It is a curious

fact, also, that some adventurers submitted to Sir

Thomas Roe a project for opening a trade on the

Indus. They recommended that the merchants of

Persia and Candahar should be induced to ship their

goods on the Indus, instead of bringing them by

Lahore and Agra to the towns of lower India.

English vessels would then be lying at the mouth

• Herbert's Travels. Rose's Biographical Dictionary.

68

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

of the Indus, and transport the merchandise to the

Persian Gulf. The one serious obstacle to this plan

was, the difficulty of returning against the stream,

and it has been reserved for our days and the force of

steam to show that this is not insuperable.*

As the number of adventurers increased, the repu-

tation of the English was not improved. Too many

committed deeds of violence and dishonesty. We can

shew that even the commanders of vessels belonging

to the Company did not hesitate to perpetrate rob-

beries on the high seas, or on shore, when they stood

in no fear of retaliation. During a visit which some

English ships paid to Dabhol, the officers suddenly

started up from a conference with the native chiefs, and

attacked the town, having first secured some large guns

in such a manner that they could not be turned against

them. Their attempt failed, but after retreating

to their ships they succeeded in making prizes of

two native boats. Della Valle declares that it was

customary for the English to commit such outrages.†

And although this last account may be suspected,

as dictated by the prejudices of an Italian, we can see

no reason to question Sir Thomas Herbert's veracity.

Sailing along the coast with several vessels under the

command of an English Admiral, he descried, when

off Mangalore, a heavily laden craft after which a

Malabar pirate was skulking. The native merchant

in his fright sought refuge with the Admiral; but,

writes our author with confessed grief, his condition

• Sir Thomas Roe's Journal.

† Della Valle's Travels.

PIRACIES BY THE COMPANY'S CAPTAINS.

69

was little better than it would have been if he had

fallen into the pirate's hands. After a short consul-

tation, his ship was adjudged a prize by the English

officers. "For my part," proceeds Herbert, "I could

not reach the offence; but this I could, that she had

a cargo of cotton, opium, onyons, and probably some-

what under the cotton of most value, which was her

crime it seems. But how the prize was distributed

concerns not me to inquire; I was a passenger, but

no merchant; nor informer." The whole account

would be incredible if not given on such good autho-

rity; but as it is, we must regard it as a blot upon

the English character, and some justification of the

Mogul officers when they afterwards brought charges

of piracy against the Company's servants. Sixty of

the native seamen, concluding from the churlish con-

duct of the English that mischief was intended, and

that they would be sold as slaves to the people of Java,

trusted rather to the mercy of the waves than of such

Englishmen, and threw themselves into the sea;

"which seemed sport to some there," writes Herbert,

"but not so to me, who had compassion!" Some

were picked up by canoes from the shore, and some

by English boats; but the latter were so enraged with

the treatment which they had received, that they

again endeavoured to drown themselves. A terrible

storm which followed was regarded by the narrator as

a token of God's severe displeasure.*

Such were the English at their first appearance on

the Western coast of India. It must be confessed

• Sir Thomas Herbert's Travels.

70

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

that the natives had before them a strange variety of

models from which to form in their minds the char-

acter of an Englishman. Roe and Herbert, the acute

diplomatist and the polished gentleman; Best, Down-

ton, and other valiant mariners; the inquiring and

literary Kerridge; hard-headed, ungrammatical and

religious Joseph Salbank; wine-bibbing Rastell; Mil-

denhall, cheat and assassin; preachers or gospellers

half Anglican and half Zuinglian; orthodox chap-

lains; a few scampish reckless travellers; and piratical

merciless captains—such a medley could scarcely leave

any well-defined impressions upon the native mind.

Probably opinions were decided by circumstances.

The jovial Jehangeer found that an Englishman was

a well-trained courtier and good boon-companion; the

bunyas of Surat found that he was a clever trades-

man, and a hard driver of a bargain. But doubtless

at first the popular feeling was one of fear, afterwards

of contempt. Hindoos and Mussulmans considered

the English a set of cow-eaters and fire-drinkers,

vile brutes, fiercer than the mastiffs which they

brought with them,* who would fight like Eblis, cheat

their own fathers, and exchange with the same readi-

ness a broadside of shot and thrusts of boarding-pikes,

or a bale of goods and a bag of rupees.

As time wore on, the estimation in which the

English had been held, declined. After a few years

there were but certain illiberal merchants, struggling

• “Tetre belluae, ac molossis suis ferociores.” So says Salmaslus of

the Regiides; quoted by Carlyle in his “Oliver Cromwell's Letters and

Speeches.”

REFLECTIONS ON ENGLISH CHARACTER.

71

that they might keep the market of Surat to them-

selves, and exclude by fair means or foul the

Portuguese and Dutch. The celebrity which their

naval skill and courage had gained for them soon

passed away; the glory reflected on them from a royal

embassy was soon forgotten. They were only known

as shrewd and vulgar adventurers who had opened

warehouses in India. Their existence was scarcely

heeded by the Mogul despot, whose imperial sway was

one of the most extended, and his throne one of the

most splendid on the face of the earth. Yet that

sway was destined to fall into their grasp, that throne

to depend upon the forbearance and magnanimity of

the successors of those peddling traders. These Eng-

lish were indeed regarded as men of an insignificant

country, dissolute morals, and degraded religion; yet

they were the pioneers of a Company which now pos-

sesses territory more than four times the size of France,

and seven times that of Great Britain and Ireland.

Let the British Empire in the east, then, be com-

pared to Gothic architecture, which began with its

wooden buildings, thatched roofs, and rush-strewn

floors, but was gradually refined into the groined

roofs, elaborate mouldings, stately pillars, and delicate

tracery of our magnificent cathedrals. Joseph Sal-

bank and his contemporaries were of the ruder, not to

say of the baser sort; but now the Empire is a noble

structure, the style and order of which remain to be

further developed by ingenuity and labour; nor have

they, we thank God, yet reached a period of debase-

ment and decline.

72

CHAPTER III.

1630—1662.

Contents :—A dark age—Oldest despatch extant in India—Surat becomes the Company's chief place of trade—Description of Surat; its population and trade—The use and exportation of tea; orders from England for tea—Swally ; description of the port and roads—English accounts of the state of the country; the Emperor's wealth ; inventory of his jewels; various opinions ; oppression; unsettled state of the provinces ; dangers of travelling ; thuggism ; highway robbers ; a bloody nách ; the markets ; awk'ward position of foreigners—Presidents Methwold, Fremlen, Breton, Blackman, Revington, Wychc, and Andrews—Speculation in a diamond—Weddel and Mountney, agents of a new Company—Pusillanimity of the President and Factors—Expedients of the new Company ; piracy—Sufferings of the Factors—Union of the two Companies—Interlopers—Question of monopoly stated and considered—Failure and triumph of monopoly—First collision with Sivají—Factories at RajapoOr, Carwar, Cochin, and Porani—Improvement in the social position of the Factors; their malpractices—Private trade—Surgeon Boughton's adventures—Davidge's mission—Internal economy of the Factory ; regularity of prayers ; religious tone; Sunday sports; refreshments—Dutch hostility.

When writing the two last chapters I was the more anxious to give the reader all the information I could glean respecting the habits, occupations, and characters of Englishmen in India, as I knew that we were approaching a period of which it would be difficult to gain any historical details. The first half century of

OLDEST DESPATCH EXTANT IN INDIA.

73

Anglo-Indian history may remind us of the Hindoos,

who profess to trace with great exactness events

which they throw back into remote antiquity; but are

utterly unable to distinguish facts in the foreground

of comparatively modern ages. The days of Best,

Downton, and Sir Thomas Roe, are the “twilight of

gods.” They are followed by the darkness of Erebus.

The affairs of the East India Company were so unskil-

fully managed, their reverses so severe and frequent,

that at this period they were hidden under a cloud,

and the world saw little of them. Such records as

are preserved at the East India House are meagre,

and wide gaps in them remain unfilled; until at last

for several years after 1642 no account even of the

annual equipments is to be discovered.*

The oldest despatch, of which a copy is extant in

the books of the Surat Factory, was forwarded to

London by Thomas Rastell, and was dated the 26th

July, 1630, on board the ship James in St. Augustine’s

Bay, Madagascar.† It throws no light upon the

history of the time; but we learn from other docu-

ments that the Company’s agents were then engaged

in negotiating with the officers of the Great Mogul

and the King of Golconda an extension of their trade

in Hindoostan.‡ Surat was gradually acquiring impor-

tance in the Company’s estimation; thither their

largest fleets were despatched, and they now styled the

principal person in the Factory “Chief for the Honor-

• Mill’s History, book i., chap. iii.

† Outward Letter Book of the Surat Factory.

‡ Mill’s History.

74

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

able Company of English Merchants trading to the

East."* As Bombay was held by another European

nation, the Directors could find no place so well suited

for the attainment of their objects as Surat; and

intimately connected as it became from this time with

the English nation, it claims from us a particular

description.

Surat had been, from remote antiquity, celebrated

not only for the number of its inhabitants, and the

beauty of its gardens, rich with an alluvial soil, but

also for its commercial wealth, and the concourse of

foreigners who thronged its streets. Situated on the

left bank of the Taptee, its walls extended six miles in

a semicircle, of which that river was the chord. As the

city was about fourteen miles from the sea, it offered

a secure haven, and the navigation of its waters

was sufficiently easy for such barks as were anciently

employed in the Indian Ocean. Seaward, it drew

riches from those ancient ports of Sind, Guzerat, and

the coast of Malabar, which were known even to the

classical writers of Greece and Rome. Its inhabitants

had also opened communications with the coasts of

Africa, Arabia, and the Persian Gulf. From the

land side, the produce of the interior was carried down

the valley of the Taptee, or in a journey of a few

miles was transported from the still more famous

valley of the Nerbudda.

At the period now under consideration, the streets

--as is usual in Oriental countries--were narrow.

The houses, writes Herbert, were "indifferent beau-

• Inscriptions in the English cemetery at Surat.

tiful;

"

and,

if

we

may

form

an

opinion

from

the

state-

ment

of

an

Italian

who

visited

the

place

forty

years

later,

they

were

mere

cottages;

with

the

exception

of

a

few,

belonging

to

European

and

Mussulman

mer-

chants,

which

were

lofty

and

spacious.*

Mosques

were

numerous,

but

displayed

little

of

that

elegance

and

airy

stateliness

for

which

such

buildings

are

often

distinguished

;

and

still

less

worthy

of

admiration

were

the

temples

of

the

Hindoos.

The

principal

objects

of

attraction

were

the

Mussulmans'

houses,

gardens,

and

artificial

lakes

in

and

about

the

suburbs.

Perhaps

no

city

in

the

world

contained

a

more

varied

and

mixed

assemblage

of

people.

In

the

thoroughfares

were

to

be

seen

not

only

natives

of

the

Guzerathee

and

Marathee

provinces,

but

also

Sindians,

Persians,

Arabs,

Armenians,

Parsees,

and

Jews,

together

with

English,

Dutch,

and

Portuguese.

Here

were

Christians,

who

acknowledged

the

authority

of

the

Pope,

the

Patriarchs

of

Constantinople

and

Antioch,

and

the

Catholicus

of

Armenia

;

Christians

also

who

disowned

them

all,

agreeing

only

with

the

thirty-nine

articles

of

the

Anglican

church,

the

confession

of

Westminster

divines,

or

the

Synod

of

Dort.

Mussulmans

also

there

were

of

both

Sooni

and

Sheea

sects,

and

a

large

number

of

industrious,

intelligent

Boras.

The

bazaars

teemed

with

riches,

and

no

better

market

could

be

found

in

India

for

the

sale

or

purchase

of

indigo,

spices,

pepper,

lead,

quicksilver,

tin,

copper,

porcelain,

Cashmere

shawls,

silks,

Chinese

• A

Voyage

round

the

World,

by

Dr.

John

Francis

Gemelli

Careri,

Part

iii.

Herbert's

Travels,

page

76

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

satins, Oriental jewels, mother of pearl cabinets,

ivory, ebony and sandal-wood manufactures.

One article of commerce, which was imported to

Surat from China at the commencement of this

period, although not exported to England for many

years after, deserves more lengthened notice. The

herb, which we now call tea, derives its name from a

word ordinarily used at the present time in India,

through a variety of formations all found in the works

of old authors. According to the dates at which

they wrote, they styled it chah, cha, chia, thea, the,

tee, thee, tey, or tea. So early as 850 A.D., two Arabian

travellers described it under the name of chah. In

1633, Olearius, a German, having been in Persia,

wrote that "they drink a kind of black water, pre-

pared from a decoction of a certain shrub, called cha

or chia, which the Usbeck Tartars import from

China." The introduction of it into Europe was

much opposed by medical practitioners. In 1635,

Simon Pauli published a treatise to show that its

• When the first ships arrived in India from Europe, the merchants

inquired chiefly for anile or indigo, which had been since the earliest

periods exported from Cambái. The names nil, anile, and indigo, all

denote its origin. Rhasés, who lived at the end of the tenth century,

calls it "nil, alias Indicum." Salmasius suggests that the names

nil and nir arise from the Latin word niger; but if he had known

Sanskrit he would not have thought of such a forced etymology (Sans-

krit, nil.) In 1691, large cargoes of indigo were imported to Holland

from Guzerat, and other countries in the East Indies.

Tin was first brought by Europeans to Surat; but it was soon found

that there were mines in countries near India.

Tavernier mentions sal ammoniac as amongst exports from Ahmedábád;

but although it was known in India, it does not seem to have been ex-

ported to England. Beckmann's History of Inventions.

INTRODUCTION OF TEA INTO EUROPE.

77

effects were injurious;* and it became ridiculed in

Holland under the name of hay water. But in 1641,

Tulpius, a celebrated physician of Amsterdam, came

forward to maintain the virtues of Thee. On the

25th September, 1660, Pepys made the following

entry in his journal:—“I did send for a cup of tea,

(a China drink) of which I never had drank before.”

At last we find it in 1664, exported from Surat to

England; but how great a rarity it was considered

will be shown by the following extracts from the

records at the East India House:—

“1664, July 1.—Ordered, that the master attendant

do go on board the ships now arrived, and inquire

what rarities of birds, beasts, or other curiosities

there are on board, fit to present to his Majesty, and

to desire that they may not be disposed of till the

Company are supplied with such as they may wish, on

paying for the same.”

“22nd August.—The Governor acquainting the

Court that the Factors have in every instance failed

the Company of such things as they writ for, to have

presented his Majesty with, and that his Majesty may

not find himself wholly neglected by the Company, he

was of opinion, if the Court think fit, that a silver

case of oil of cinnamon, which is to be had of Mr.

Thomas Winter for 75l., and some good thea, be pro-

• The treatise was styled, “Comment. de Abusu Tabacca et Thea.” I

may here observe that Sir Thomas Roe drank coffe, probably for the

first time, at Sootra. When there, “Mr. Broughton had for his dinner

three hens with rice, and for drink, water and cahu, black liquor, drank

as hot as could be endured.”

vided for that end, which he hopes may be acceptable. The Court approved very well thereof.

Accordingly, in the Secretary's accounts for the 30th September, 1664, there is entered a charge of four

pounds five shillings "for 2 lbs. 2 oz. of thea for his Majesty;" and on the 30th June, 1666, "for 22¼ lbs. of

thea, at 50 shillings per lb., 56l. 17s. 6d." and "for the two chief persons that attended his Majesty, thea 6l. 15s."

The first order received from the Company was in 1667, when the Factors were desired "to send homo

by these ships one hundred pounds weight of the best

tey that they could get." In 1680 a hundred and

forty-three pounds were imported from Surat. In 1686 the Court sent an order to Surat, from which we

conclude that this herb had hitherto been considered

an article of private trade; for they desire that in future it should form part of the Company's imports.

In 1687 they write an order "that very good tea

might be put up in tutinague potts, and well and

closely packed in chests or boxes, as it will always

turn to accompt here, how it is made the Company's

commodity; whereas before there were so many sellers

of that commodity, that it would hardly yield half its

cost; and some trash thea from Bantam was forct to

be thrown away, or sold for 4d. or 6d. per pound."

From this time until the Company opened their trade

with China, the exportation of tea from Surat to

England gradually increased, and in 1690 upwards of

forty-one thousand pounds were forwarded.* But a

• Oriental Commerce, By William Milburn, Esq., vol. ii. Macpher-

son's History.

desire of giving a connected account of this interesting

trade has led us much beyond the period with which

we are concerned in this chapter.

Swally was the seaport of Surat, and was a village

situated about twelve miles west of the city. The

only anchorage for vessels was in a road, seven miles

in length and a mile and a half in breadth, between

the shore and a sand-bank which was dry at low

water. About midway up this channel was a cove

called Swally Hole, where a fleet could lie in tolerable

security. At one time, all large vessels which brought

cargoes for the market at Surat, were permitted to

remain there; but as the situation offered the com-

manders convenient opportunities of defrauding the

revenue, this permission was restricted after the year

1660 to such as were in the service of the English

and Dutch Companies, who had built warehouses there

and laid out pleasant gardens. Fryer tells us, that

the whole place was infested by "two sorts of vermin,

fleas and banyans." When any ships arrived from

Europe, which ordinarily they did between the months

of September and March, bunyas crowded to Swally,

and there pitched tents and booths, or built huts, so

that it resembled a country fair in England. Boys

also, called "pe-unes," were in waiting and ready for

four pice a day to act as interpreters or run errands

for strangers.*

• This account of Surat and Swally is taken from a description of the

coasts of Malabar and Coromandel, by Philip Baldaeus, Thevenot liv. i.,

ch. xvi., &c. Voyage de Gautier Schouten aux Indes Orientales, tome i,

Sir Thomas Herbert's Travels, and Orme's Fragments.

80

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

Leaving the spots at which the English were located,

and following travellers to the interior, we regard

their evidence as particularly valuable, to show the

actual condition of the country under native rule.

On two points all were agreed,—the enormous wealth

of the Great Mogul, and the lawless unsettled state of

his provinces. Hawkins was astonished beyond mea-

sure at his riches, of which he seems to have obtained

a pretty exact account from documents preserved at

Court. According to him the Emperor's inventory

was as follows:—

"Of jewels composed solely of diamonds, one batman

and an half—a batman is five and fifty pounds weight

English—these are rough, and of all sorts and sizes,

but none of less than two carats and a half. Of

balass rubies, two thousand. Of pearls, twelve bat-

mans. Of rubies of all sorts, two batmans. Of

emeralds of all sorts, five batmans. Of eshime, which

stone comes from Cataga, one batman. Of stones

of Emen, a kind of red stone, five thousand. Of

all other sorts, as coral, topazes, &c., the amount is

innumerable.

"Of jewels wrought in gold—two thousand and

two hundred swords, the hilts and scabbards set with

rich stones: two thousand poinards in like manner

ornamented. Of saddle-drums of gold, used in hawk-

ing, set with stones, five hundred. Of rich broaches

for the head, in which their feathers are set, two

thousand. Of saddles of gold and silver set with

stones, one thousand. Of tuikes, five and twenty.

This is a great lance covered with gold, the fluke set

TREASURES OF THE GREAT MOGUL.

81

with precious stones; they are carried before him when the king goeth to the wars. Of gold parasols of

state, richly set with diamonds, one hundred. Of gold chairs of state, one hundred and five. Of large agate

chryystal vases for wine, adorned with gold and jewels,

one hundred; of drinking cups of gold, five hundred, of

which are fifty exceeding rich, all of one stone, as

beryl, sapphire, &c. Of gold chairs strung with pearls,

and rings set with jewels, the number is infinite. Of gold

plate of all kinds exquisitely wrought, as dishes, gob-

lets, basons, three thousand batmans." This account,

we are told, relates only to the palace at Agra; but

the great Mogul had also palaces at Delhi, Cabul, and

Lahore, where also vast treasures were accumulated.*

Although Joseph Salbank did not enter so far into

particulars as Hawkins, yet his sentiments on this

subject seem to have been formed as deliberately, and

expressed as judiciously. He admits that exaggerated

accounts of the great Mogul's wealth had been sent to

England; but yet he was sure that it was vast. He

also explains the two methods by which it had been

raised. The first was the rent of land; the second,

the appropriation of deceased persons' estates, which

in most cases reverted to the Sovereign. The auto-

crat's wealth consisted of ready money, with which

his coffers were filled, and which was continually being

imported into the country, but never was exported;

and also of precious stones, pearls, and jewels, which he

possessed in greater abundance than any other prince.†

• Purchas his Pilgrims, vol. i.

† Letters from Joseph Salbank to the Company; extracted by Kaye.

82

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

To these testimonies we may add that of Gemelli Careri, who, half a century later, derived his information from abundant sources, examined the matter closely, and after discussing the question fully, summed up in these words :— “I am of opinion, that next to the Emperor of China, no monarch in the world is equal to the Great Mogul in strength and riches.”*

With regard to the condition of the country, although there may be some minor differences of opinion, yet the facts and arguments of European writers all show that the people suffered from tyranny and bad government. Lodovico Barthema, otherwise called Lewes Vertomannus, one of the first Europeans that visited Guzerat, thought well of the people, and was sure that they would be saved by their good works, if they were only baptized. But their very virtues and mild dispositions made them the unresisting victims of a cruel monarch, named Machamuth,—as he styles Mahmood Begarra,—whose ferocity was incredible. His appearance was sufficient to justify a spectator's worst apprehensions : a long beard fell down to his waist, and his moustachios were of such prodigious length that he fastened them over his head like a lady's hair. Deadly poisons were his ordinary food. He was continually masticating betel, and when sitting in judgment condemned criminals to death by the simple process of squirting the juice at them—a sentence which was executed within the half hour. The grave author further tells us, that this Bluebeard maintained between three and four thousand women

• Voyage round the†World, book ii., chap. vi.

STATE OF THE COUNTRY UNDER NATIVE RULE. 83

in his seraglio, and the one upon whom he bestowed

his favours, was certain to be found dead in the

morning.* If the reader wishes to know how the

lady's death was caused, I must refer him to the lines

in Hudibras, beginning—

"The prince of Cambay's daily food

Is asp, and basilisk, and toad."

This story may be taken for what it is worth. It

will, probably, be received as evidence to shew that

when Europeans first became acquainted with the

country, they found oppression rampant. The same

is true of the middle of the seventeenth century.

The Mogul empire was mighty and extensive; but it

could only be held together by an able and powerful

ruler. The native chiefs of distant provinces were

always ready to seize opportunities of disowning alle-

giance. As there was no fixed law of succession,

wars were continually breaking out amongst the

members of the reigning family, and the prince who

had the most talent for military tactics or intrigue

grasped the reins of government. In the meanwhile,

and until some successful usurper overcame the other

contending parties, the provinces were involved in the

• Nauigation and Vyages of Lowes Vertomannus; Gentilman of the

citie of Rome; Hakluyt's Voyages. It must be admitted that some of

these Roman Catholics were peculiarly addicted to the marvellous.

When Terry was endeavouring with laudable curiosity to acquaint him-

self with the country, Francisco Corsi, a Jesuit missionary at Agra,

supplied him with marvels to his heart's content. Amongst other stories,

the Jesuit told him, that on the western coast of India there was a race

of men descended from persons who had stumped St. Thomas to death.

The right legs of all were deformed; but the left were like other men's.

Terry's Voyge, sec. xxx.

84

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

worst disorders. Travelling in the interior was most

dangerous, and Thuggism, which has made the

robbers of India infamous above those of all other

countries, was very frequent.* Salbank described the

roads as swarming with robbers, who would at any

time cut a man's throat for "the third part of a penny

sterling." One Englishman had been robbed on the

road between Surat and Agra, and when charitable

persons offered him money, he refused to take it,

knowing that it would only be stolen, and his life

endangered by it. "Howbeit," adds this pious

writer, "I for my part passed through all those hellish

weapons that those cannibal villains used to kill men

withal, securely enough, through the tender mercies

of my gracious God." There can be little doubt that

this description was accurate ; and it must not be

forgotten, that when written, the Mogul empire was

not in its lowest condition, but the power of Jehangeer

was considerable, although not properly consolidated

or vigorously employed.†

The testimony of other English Factors corresponds

with Salbank's. Canning, when on his journey to

Agra, was assaulted and wounded by robbers. Starkey

was poisoned. The caravan which Withington accom-

panied was attacked in the night at the third halting-

place, and the next day they met a Mogul officer

returning with the heads of two hundred and fifty

• Les Voyages de M. de Thevenot aux Indes Orientales. There is a

curious account of the Thugs whom the Thugs employed to entrap

their victims.

† Salbank's Letters. Kaye.

THUGGISM—DANGERS OF TRAVELLING.

85

coolies who had been plunderors. In Rajpootana, the

caravan was attacked twice in one day. Between that

and Tatta, the son of a Rajpoot chief professed to

escort them with fifty troopers, but designedly led

them out of their way into a thick wood. He there

seized all the men, camels, and goods, and strangled

the two Hindoo merchants, to whom the caravan

belonged, with their five servants. Withington and

his servants having been kept for twenty days in close

confinement, were dismissed, to find their way home

as they best could. After this, when Edwards was

travelling to Agra, the escort which he took from

Broach was found to be in league with fifty mounted

freebooters, who hovered about them at night, and

were only deterred from attacking them by seeing

their bold attitude. When Aldworth and his party

were returning from Ahmedabad, their escort was

increased by the orders of Government, because

robberies and murders had been committed two nights

before close to the city. Between Baroda and Broach

they were attacked in a narrow lane, thick set on

either side with hedges, by three hundred Rajpoots,

who, with their lances and arrows, wounded many of

them, and succeeded in rifling two of their heavily

laden carts.* Gautier Schouten, a servant of the

Dutch Company, who was at Surat in 1660, confirms

all these accounts, and declares that when the English

and Dutch went to Agra they always joined them-

selves to native caravans. Even then, they had

frequently to defend themselves against Rajpoots,

• Orme's Fragments.

86

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

who descended from their mountains to plunder travellers.

One anecdote affords us some idea of the local governmont at Ahmedabad. When Mandelslo was there, he was invited, together with the English and Dutch Factors, by the Governor to a native entertainment; as is usual on such occasions, dancing girls exhibited their performances. One troop having become fatigued, another was sent for. The latter, however, having been ill requited on a former occasion, refused to attend. What measure then did the Governor adopt? A very summary one indeed. He had them dragged into his presence, and then, after taunting them for their scruples, ordered them to be beheaded. These reluctant ministers of a despot's pleasure, pleaded for mercy with heartrending cries and shrieks; but their appeal was vain, and eight wretched women were actually executed before the company. The English Factors were horror-struck; the Governor merely laughed, and asked why they were troubled. This account, given by an eye-witness whose veracity has been ordinarily admitted, is in itself a commentary upon the records of native rule.*

Bernier, a Frenchman, arrived at Surat in 1655. He was an observant man, who made notes of all that he saw, and took an especial interest in the bazaars. He leads us to conclude that Europeans had not as yet been able to provide themselves with edibles suited to their tastes and habits. The grandees of the country lived in luxury; but others could scarcely

• Les Voyages du Sieur Albert de Mandelslo.

A BLOODY NÁCH—THE MARKETS. 87

provide themselves with the necessaries of life. "At

Delhi there is no mean," he wrote, "there you must

either be a great lord or live miserably ; for I have

experienced it myself, in a manner dying of hunger

this good while, though I have had considerable pay,

and was resolved to spare nothing that way, because

commonly there is found nothing in the market

but the refuse of the grandees."*

Europeans suffered almost as much as Natives from

the misrule of the age, and that not only when they

left home, but at times also when they remained in

their Factories. Of this we shall see abundant proofs

as we proceed. The distant dependencies of the

Empire were left to the caprices of their Governors

just so long as they could bribe the Court to overlook

their delinquencies. Foreigners at Surat, therefore,

had a difficult and delicate part to play. As they

had no power to awe the Governor, they could only

retain his favour by considering his interests, for

which they often resorted to artifice and corruption.

We have no complete list of the officers who super-

intended the Company's affairs at this period. We

find that in 1636 Methwold was President, and that

having repaired to Goa he there arranged a conven-

tion with the Viceroy on the basis of a treaty which

had been concluded between England and Spain.†

On leaving for Europe in 1638, he was succeeded

by William Fremlen, who, together with his council,

urged the Directors to establish a central management

• Bernier's Letter to M. de la Mothe le Vayer.

† Bruce's Annals, 1635-36.

88

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

of their affairs at Surat. After him comes Francis

Breton, whose unostentatious monument may still be

seen in the cemetery at Surat.* The inscription

states, that after he had "for five years discharged

his duties with the greatest diligence and strictest

integrity, he went unmarried to the celestial nuptials

on the 21st of July, in the year of Christ 1649."

Captain Jeremy Blackman was appointed President

in 1651, and ordered to make a survey of all the

dependencies of Surat. Restrictions were then for

the first time placed upon private trade, and his salary

was fixed at 500l., to be considered due from the date

of his leaving England, and to be continued until his

return. This was thought a handsome allowance and

fair compensation for the loss of private business. †

Revington and Nathanael Wyche also presided over

the Factory during the time of Cromwell's Protec-

torate. The latter was succeeded by Andrews. It

has been stated that Revington was the last who was

styled "Agent," and Wyche was the first "Presi-

dent," but this is not correct. The Principals of the

Factory received from the commencement the titles of

President, Chief, or Agent, according as their friends

or the Directors were pleased to honour them.‡

Tavernier--who was in India at various intervals

between the years 1642 and 1666--gives a curious

account of a speculation into which Fremlen and

Breton entered, and which ended in a mortifying

• Bruce's Annals, 1637-38. † Bruce's Annals, 1060-61.

‡ Epitaphs at Surat. Tavernier's Voyages, chapter ii. Kayc's History.

A NEW COMPANY FORMED IN ENGLAND. 89

failure. In conjunction with a Jew trader named

Edward Ferdinand, they had purchased a stone, sup-

posed to be a diamond of the purest water, of good

shape, and forty-two carats in weight. This was

entrusted to Ferdinand, as he was going to Europe,

in order that he might dispose of it to the best advan-

tage. On arriving at Leghorn he exhibited it to

some of his Israelitish friends, who offered him for it

nearly twenty-five thousand piastres; but as he was

unwilling to take less than thirty thousand, he carried

it with him to Venice. There it was placed on the

wheel previous to being set. Alas for his fond hopes!

The supposed diamond was broken into nine pieces.

During this period a new association, at the head

of which was Sir William Courten, had obtained

from Charles the First a license to engage in the

Indian trade. In 1636 Captain Weddel and Mr.

Mountney being sent out, declared that they were

under the protection of the English Crown. Weddel

addressed a letter to the President and Council at

Surat, and at the same time forwarded the copy of a

letter from King Charles. His Majesty avowed that

he had a particular interest in the new Company,

and requested that if they were in any distress, the

President would afford them assistance. At the same

time Weddel took the opportunity to express his

desire of living on good terms with the old Company.

The President, having received no information from

his superiors in England, either could not or would

not believe that a new Company had been formed.

He told Weddel as much, adding that two Companies

90

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

could not carry on trade in the East Indies, and

desiring to know what privileges had been granted

to the new Company. The following year a letter

from the Secretary of State shewed that there could

be no doubt of the innovation, and the Factors then,

thrown into a state of despondency, wrote thus :-

" Weo could wish that wee could vindicate the repu-

tacon of our nation in these partes, and do ourselves

right, for the loss and damage our estate, in those

partes, have susteyned; but of all these we must

beare the burthen, and with patience sitt still, until

weo may find these frowning tymes more auspicious

to us, and to our affayres." Their hands were

tied, or they would have attempted to ruine the new

Compeny. They then fell into despair; and proposed

to give up the trade; but the Court urged them to

continue, and even allowed them to grant bills on

England for any money which Weddel might lodge

in their hands, and to purchase from him goods at

reasonable rates. They could, however, scarcely re-

strain their indignation when they heard that the

innovators were trading at Rajapoore, which they re-

garded as their domain, and that they had established

Factories at Batticolo and Carwar. The new associa-

tion was afterwards styled "The Assada Merchants,"

and in 1645 formed the plan of a colony at St.

Augustine's Bay, Madagascar, which was soon

reduced to great distress. Their agent then offered

to sell the Factory at Carwar to the President of

Surat; but his offer was declined. To relieve their

embarrassments the colonists tried the desporato

PUSILLANIMITY AND SUFFERINGS OF THE FACTORS. 91

expedient of coining native monoy, but they only

brought themselves into disgrace with the people

of India, and indeed left a stain on the English

character.

It was charged against some of the servants of

this new Company, that, by committing acts of piracy,

thoy caused those misfortunes which at this time foll

upon the Factory of Surat; but the case against

them has not been properly established. It was said

that one of their commanders, instead of waiting for

the fair profits of commercial enterprise, had plun-

dered two native vessels bolonging to Surat and Din,

and even tortured their crews. Probably this was

partly, if not wholly, untrue; but the native Governor

of Surat chose to believe it, and pretended to be, or

really was, so incensed, that he ordered the Chief of

the Factory and his Council to be thrown into prison,

where he detained them two months, decreed the

confiscation of all the old Company's property, and

only suffered it to be redeemed by a payment of

seventy thousand rupees.*

It may be imagined that this misfortune raised the

old Company's spirit of hatred and opposition against

Sir William Courten and his associates to the highest

pitch. Trading operations were completely suspended

in the Factory, and it was feared that they would

never be renewed. Happily, harmony was in some

• Bruce's Annals 1623-1650. Pietro della Valle (letter viii.) says,

that in 1624, the Mogul caused all the English at his court to be put

to death, and the Factors at Surat to be imprisoned, because they had

made reprisals on native vessels for alleged injuries. However, we have

no account of this in Bruce's Authentic Annals, or other works.

92

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

measure restored when in 1650 terms of agreement were settled by the two Companies. Still some adventurers, who had belonged to Courten's association, continued to prowl about the Indian seas.*

But if the Factors had not suffered at all, or had not pretended to trace their sufferings to the acts of the now comers, they would have regarded them with the same jealousy. Competition was always dreaded by those who traded with the Company's license ; and from this time, Englishmen who ventured to approach the shores of India were stigmatised as "interlopers"—a name, which they who are acquainted with the history of England, remember was invented there by the monopolists of that age. All such intruders were persecuted with virulent hostility, and under the Charter of Charles the Second could be seized and sent in custody to England.

And, as in the course of our inquiries we shall meet with repeated instances of determined resistance to all free trade, and indeed of a jealousy on that point which in these days must astonish us by its sensitiveness, we may inquire, once for all, how far such narrow policy could under the circumstances be justified. The arguments by which the original establishment and protection of a monopoly were defended, may now be easily refuted. It was asserted that it was necessary, in order that the Company might be

• The union was not completed until 1657. The old Company could not have been possessed of much property, for their fort, privileges and immunities in Persia and India were valued at only twenty thousand pounds.

QUESTION OF MONOPOLY CONSIDERED.

93

enabled to support the expenses of a Factory. But

the reply is, that in most places Factories were not

required, and were mere loads upon trade; where

they were required, their charges might have been

defrayed just as well by the contributions of several

mercantile houses, as by an exclusive company. An

equally satisfactory reply may be made to the argu-

ment, that the concentric powers of a company were

necessary to protect its commerce from the rivalries

and assaults of European enemies, as well as from

piratical surprises. There is no doubt that such

protection could have been more efficiently rendered by

a small naval force, which, for a consideration, the

British Government would have gladly placed at their

merchants' disposal. These arguments, then, which

were urged in favour of an exclusive trade, may be

pronounced weak and untenable.

Yet it must be admitted, that when once a monopoly

was legally established, an invasion of its privileges

became an insult upon the majesty of law. The

agents of the Company in India, therefore, were

fully justified in resenting the intrusions of “inter-

lopers.” Their masters had entrusted to them the

defence of a monopoly, which, however objectionable

to those who had no share in its advantages, was a

species of property which had been obtained with all

the forms of law and justice. Moreover, their estab-

lishment was maintained at a great expense, and they

often disbursed large sums of money to procure and

retain the favour of a corrupt Court in England, and a

still corrupter Court in India. The Factors were, as

it were, keepers of a manor, for which the tonants, their masters, paid a high rent, and which thoy farmed at a heavy cost. Interlopers, then, were to them as poachers, who must be warned off, and if they persisted in their depredations, strenuously attacked with fire and sword, or prosecuted in courts of law as enemies not only of the East India Company, but also of the British nation.

For a considerable part of the time embraced in this chapter, all exclusive privileges met with such rude treatment in England, that the Factors must have been disheartened in their attempts to support them, and private adventure was proportionately encouraged. There was no strong Government to enforce restrictions upon trade. Politicians dared to argue upon liberal principles, and to maintain that the Company's Charter was an encroachment upon public liberty. Speculators took advantage of these political innovations, and, without asking leave of the Company, sent their ships with rich cargoes to India.

So well did their enterprises succeed, that the imports from the Eastern seas were doubled, and the English contrived to sell Oriental goods so cheaply, that the Dutch were supplanted in all European markets. At length Cromwell was induced to sanction the East India Company, and finally, after the Restoration, an exclusive Charter given by authority of the King and Parliament, was feebly opposed by the defenders of popular rights, and the Court of Common Pleas arrived at the strange decision, that the Prince had authority to prevent his subjects from holding

THE FACTORY PLUNDERED BY SIVAJEE.

95

commerce with infidels, lest tho purity of their

faith should be contaminated.*

A few years after the Factors had emerged from the

troubles in which they maintained that the inter-

lopers had plunged them, and when their exclusive

privileges of trade had been again recognised, they

were threatened with new perils by the aggressions

of the celebrated Maratha usurper, Sivajee. The

English came for the first time in contact with him in

1661. Having assassinated the King of Beejapoors

general, defeated his army, and escaped from a second

and more considerable force which that monarch had

sent against him, this chief of plunderers appeared

before the town of Rajapoore, where the English had

established a small Factory. Suspecting—and with

some reason—that the Factors had assisted his

enemies with mortars and shells in laying siege to

Panala, from which he had just escaped, he was

resolved to have his revenge. After taking, therefore,

and plundering the town of Rajapoore, he plundered

also the English Factory, seized the Factors, and

confined them for two years in a hill fort. They were

not released until a ransom had been paid for them,

and the losses sustained by the English were estimated

at ten thousand pagodas. Their Factory of Rajapoore

was in consequence closed.†

Of subordinate Factories, Carwar was the most

important. It was pleasantly situated on an arm of

the river, in the midst of a piece of ground which

• Raynal, book iii.

† Grant Duff, chapters v. and viii.

96

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

had been originally granted by the King of Beejapoortoa Cornish gentleman, named Cutteen. By its

means the Company carried on an extensive trade in

cloth; for the manufacture of which they employed

about fifty thousand people of the country, and no

place in India was more celebrated for fine muslins.

But, about the year 1660, the whole territory was

overrun by Aurungzeeb's army, whose rude soldiers

pillaged the houses of the industrious inhabitants,

and scared the weavers from their looms. Their

subtle general expressed a desire to arrange with the

Factors terms on which their commerce should for the

future be conducted, and, as if with that view, invited

them to an entertainment in his tent. Secretly,

however, he sent a party of troops, who plundered

and burnt the Factory. The English afterwards

mounted some small cannon on two bastions; but

these fortifications were of little use, as they were

built a league from the sea, the communications with

which could easily be intercepted by an enemy.

A Factory which had been established by the

English at Cochin was closed about the year 1660,

when that town was taken from the Portuguese by

the Dutch, who immediately ordered the Factors to

remove with their effects. They accordingly retired

to a small Factory at Ponani.*

Although the Company had not been for many

years so successful as at the commencement of its

operations, and its affairs were sadly depressed, yet

• Hamilton's "New Account of the East Indies," chapters xxii, and

xxvl. Fryer, letter iv., chap. i,

POSITION AND MAL-PRACTICES OF THE FACTORS. 97

the members were becoming men of mark and consideration in society. They no longer shrank with

plebeian modesty from the name of gentlemen. In 1637, the adventurers included both noblemen and

gentlemen, and in 1647 it was thought good policy to enrol as many members of parliament as possible

amongst the subscribers to the stock.* The Company's servants in India also, in spite of their mis-

fortunes, were gradually rising to a higher position. By the Charter of 1661, they were authorized to

make peace and war with any prince or people not being Christians, and to administer justice for them-

selves and their dependents.† These privileges transformed a body of warehousemen into a political

corporation, which might almost be called a govern-

ment.

However, the Factors were by no means so exalted as to be above betraying the confidence reposed in

them by their English masters. For long they had concealed their mal-practices by mutual agreement,

and this did very well whilst they were united in friendship ; but as soon as a misunderstanding arose,

they became the accusers of one another, and showed that they had grossly neglected the Company's affairs

to care exclusively for their own. Gibson, who had been sent from Surat as agent for Persia, was found

after his death to have defrauded the Company by employing twelve thousand pounds of their money in

the Dutch trade. The Persian Government professed to be so offended at his dishonesty, that the President

• Mill's History, book i., chap. iii. † Ibid., chap. iv.

98

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

and Council of Surat became alarmed, and declared

that the trade would be ruined unless a person of

good character was appointed to the agency. These

scandalous proceedings of their servants led the Court

to require from them all an oath that they would not

engage in private trade, and this, in spite of their

Anabaptist members, who pressed hard for the substi-

tution of a mere declaration.*

Still, the practice was only checked for a time, and

not suppressed. Honour was at such a low ebb, and

profits were so large, that oaths were ineffectual.

When we consider that both the Company and their

servants frequently traded on borrowed capital, for

which they paid a very high rate of interest, we

conclude that their business must have been stopped

unless their gains had been immense. Eight or nine

per cent. were paid even for loans taken up on account

of the Company, and so unsettled was the state of the

country, that many capitalists preferred burying their

money to advancing it on the best investments. In

spite of this, the factors contrived to raise capital,

and to trade with it on their own account, for

we find in 1659, an order again issued on the

• Brace's Annals, 1637-38. Anderson's Colonial Church, vol. ii.,

chap. xv. The following is a curious extract from Evelyn's Diary :

" 1667, Nov. 26.—I went to London to a Court of ye East India Com-

pany on its new union, in Merchant-Taylors' Hall, where was much

disorder by reason of the Anabaptists, who would have the adventurers

oblig'd onely by an engagement, without swearing, that they might

still pursue their private trade; but it was carried against them.

Wednesday was fixed on for a General Court for election of officers,

after a sermon and prayers for good success. The stock resolved on was

800,000l."

SURGEON BOUGHTON'S ADVENTURES.

99

subject, and these sort of engagemonts strictly pro-

hibited.*

In the midst of storms which threatened to tear up

the Company's trade, root and branch, tho scod of

their sovereignty was silently sown. From a small

source in Surat sprang that Anglo-Indian power

which rapidly became a torrent, and bore away all that

checked its progress. To Gabriel Boughton, surgeon

of the Company's ship Hopewell, more than to any

other individual, must the British admit that the

origin of their valuable privileges, and, consequently,

of their territorial possessions, is to be traced. On

the application of a nobleman at tho court of tho

Emperor Shah Jehan, the Chief and Factors of Surat

gladly seized the opportunity of sending Boughton to

Delhi in 1636, that he might confirm the reputation

which medical practitioners from England had already

gained. He had the good fortune to attend the

Emperor's daughter, and so much wore his skill and

attention appreciated, that imperial favours were

liberally bestowed upon him, and in particular, he

obtained a patent permitting him to trade, without

paying any duties, throughout the Mogul's dominions.

The benefit of this would, probably, have been

doubtful, if his good fortune had not followed him to

Bengal, where he cured a favourite mistress of the

Nawab, who, in gratitude, confirmed all his privileges.

The generous surgeon did not in prosperity forget

his former employers, but advanced the Company's

• Letter of Nathanael Wyche to the Company; dated 14th February

1658-59. Mill's History, book i., chapters iii. and iv.

100

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

interests by contriving that his privileges should be

extended to them. Having done so, he wrote an

account of his success to the Factory of Surat, and

the next year a profitable trade was opened in the

rich province of Bengal.*

The mission of Mr. Davidge, who went from Surat

to the Court of Delhi, was also eminently successful,

and did much towards repairing the Company's

shattered condition. He obtained the protection of

Sultan Dara, the Emperor's eldest son, and after a

prolonged negotiation, received five separate firmans

granting the Company license to trade, exemption

from duties, protection for their servants, and safe

conduct for their merchandise.†

Let us now again take a walk into the Factory, and

observe its internal economy. A learned traveller

who visited it at this time was highly pleased with

the good order which prevailed. He was also struck

with the deference shown to the Chief and Chaplain.‡

He admired the regularity of attendance at prayers,

which were offered twice every day—at six in the

• Orme's History of Indostan, vol. ii., sect. i. Bruce's Annals, 1644-45.

† Bruce's Annals, 1660-61.

‡ The reader will pardon my digression if I remind him that this and

the three following chapters include the period to which Macaulay refers,

when he describes with such exaggerations the degradation of the Clergy.

He writes:—“The Clergy were regarded as, on the whole, a plebeian

class. And indeed, for one who made the figure of a gentleman, ten

were mere menial servants.” And again :—“A young Levite might be

had for his board, a small garret, and ten pounds a year,” for which he

was expected to live as a servant. These statements are taken from a

satire of Oldham's and given as grave history. Yet at the same time

a German traveller noticed the great respect shewn at Surat to the

morning and eight in the evening. On Sundays divine service was celebrated three times, and once a sermon was preached.

And, indeed, few as are the records still extant of this period, all who read them at the present time must be struck by their religious tone.

They prove that it was an age of religious profession, if not of moral practice. Puritanism was dominant, or at least had not given way to that open profligacy, that ridicule of sacred things, and contempt of religion, which disgraced the reign of Charles the Second.

In India religious men did not blush to own their fear of God, and it suited the purposes of irreligious men to imitate them.

Official correspondence even was devout. Thus when Rastell had arrived in St. Augustine’s Bay on his passage to Surat, he commenced his homeward despatch with these words :-

"It hath pleased Almighty God in His great goodness to protect us hither in safety, and in blessed union and concord together, the 14th day of this present month; our people generally then in reasonable good plight, and without the loss of any more than five men in our whole fleet, for which His mercies may His Blessed Name be magnified for ever."

And he concludes by declaring, that he humbly commends his masters in his prayers, entreating God to bless them, and direct their counsels and affairs.

Clergy, and it is a fact, that when Oxenden, Aungier, Streynsham Master —all men of good families—were there, the Chaplain received higher pay than all the senior Factors, and took precedence after the Members of Council. Is there any reason to suppose that the East India Company delighted more than others to honour the Clergy?

102

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

When announcing the death of a subordinate in 1630 the Chief of the Factory writes thus:—“The death

of Mr. Duke was very unwelcome unto us, as being sensible of the want you will find by the missing of so

able an assistant in that place where he hath been long acquainted. God of His mercy so direct our

hearts, who must follow him, that we may be always ready for the like sudden summons.” The same style

is observable in all official letters, and the usual formula with which they conclude is, “Commending

you to the Almighty's protection,” or, “Commending you to God's merciful guidance.”*

Yet those pious adventurers had notions of their own about the observance of the Lord's Day. Al-

though they were scrupulous in attending divine service, in the disposal of the rest of their time they

preferred “The Book of Sports” to the “Lesser Catechism.” After sermon on Sundays they used to

repair to the suburbs, where they amused themselves in a garden by shooting at the butt. And—which

was still less to be defended—they indulged to some extent in gambling. Their visitor, who has told us

these little facts, was so skilful in shooting that he contrived to win a hundred mamoudis or five pistoles

almost every week.†

• Outward Letter Books of the Surat Factory for the years 1630-

† Mamoudis were only current in Surat and the neighbourhood;

each was worth rather less than an English shilling; but their value

varied. In 1663 two hundred and twenty mamoudis were exchanged

for a hundred rupees. See Fryor's account of coins, weights, &c., in

India.

SUNDAY SPORTS—REFRESHMENTS.

103

Each inmate of the Factory had his allotted hours

for work and recreation. On Fridays, after prayers,

the President and a few friends met for the purpose

of drinking to the health of their wives, whom they

had left in England.

The liquor in which they ordinarily indulged was

arrack, of which Bernier said that it was “a drink

very hot and penetrant, like the brandy made of corn

in Poland. It so falls upon the nerves, that it often

causeth shaking hands in those that drink a little too

much of it, and casts them into incurable maladies.”

“The soul of a feast, which is good wine,” was to

be found nowhere but in the English and Dutch

Factories. At Ahmedabad and Golconda they had

wine of fair quality, which had been made in the

country, but it was usually imported from Shiraz or

the Canaries at so great expense, that six or seven

crowns were charged for a bottle. What they called

“pale punch”—a compound of brandy, rose water,

lime-juice, and sugar—was also in great favour.

So early as 1638, when tea was unknown in England,

it was much drunk in the Factory at Surat. “It

acts as a drug,” writes the traveller, who highly

approved of the decoction, “for it cleanses the

stomach, and dissipates the superfluous humours by

a temperate heat peculiar to it.”*

The Dutch were still successful rivals of the

• Les Voyages du Sieur Albert de Mandelslo, liv. 1. Bernier’s Letter

to M. le Vayer. The common belief has been that tea was first intro-

duced into England from Holland by the Lords Arlington and Ossory in

1666. What is stated above in the account of the tea trade will be found

correct.

104

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

English, and the Portuguese were endeavouring to regain their lost ascendancy. The chief reason why

the English Company had directed their main efforts to Surat was, that they could find no more suitable

place, after they had repeatedly failed in attempts to divide with the Dutch the profits of their trade

in the Spice Islands. For the same reason they concluded a treaty in 1634 with the Portuguese, who

then opened to them ports, where their enterprises could not be foiled by the greedy and active republicans.

During the war with Holland, which in Europe terminated so gloriously for the British Navy,

the English Factories suffered considerable injury. In 1653 the Factors of Surat were thrown into the

utmost consternation by the appearance of a Dutch fleet; they found it impossible to carry on the coasting

trade except at a risk, which they were unwilling to run, and all their commerce was suspended. In 1656

they were equally alarmed by hearing that the Dutch meditated an attack upon the island of Diu, which,

if successful, would have enabled them to demand the payment of such heavy duties from all ships

entering the river of Surat, that the English trade must inevitably have been ruined.

The Dutch Company was at this time very powerful, and their Factors ventured to dictate terms of peace

and war even to the Great Mogul. In consequence of some injuries inflicted upon them by the Governor

of Surat, they equipped four ships in 1649 to make reprisals, until the Governor or Shah Jehan should

give them satisfaction. Two native vessels, the

DUTCH HOSTILITY.

105

Ganjwar and Sahibee, were seized by them, and all

the ready money found on board was held in pledge.

The result was a firman from the Emperor, conceding

a portion of the Hollanders' demands.*

• Baldæus.

CHAPTER IV.

1662—1685.

Contents :—Bombay; origin of the name—Its importance; at first little appreciated—Description—The Company desire to obtain it; their plans and proposal—Ceded to England—Arrival of an English fleet—The Portuguese refuse to evacuate—English fleet sails with the troops to Swally; thence to Anjeediva—Bombay resigned to the English under Cook; his absurd treaty—Appearance of the new possession—Sir Gervase Lucas succeeds Cook as Governor; his history and denth—Captain Gary; his character; his claim to the Governorship disputed—Bombay transferred to the Company—Commission sent from Surat—Bombay governed by Commissioners—Deputy Governors Gray, Gyfford, and Henry Oxenden—Court resolves to improve Bombay—Military arrangements; the militia; the regular troops; first European regiment—Fortifications, and other defences—Threatened attack from a Dutch fleet—Development of the resources of Bombay—Land tenures—Natives invited to settle—Trade encouraged—A mint—Courts of Judicature—The first Judge—Unhealthiness of the climate; cholera; its cure; causes of unhealthiness; intemperance of sick soldiers; an hospital built—A church proposed; the rise of Christianity; a Bishop at Callian; martyrs at Tanna; description of Christian worship; the Portuguese; English place of worship; general anxiety to build a church—Improved condition of the Island: the revenues; increase of trade—New view of Bombay and its neighbourhood—Expenses of the works on the Island—Measures to increase the revenue.

Amongst the foreign dependencies of the British Crown none are of greater and more increasing importance than Bombay. The growth of the Australian

BOMBAY—ORIGIN OF THE NAME.

107

colonies has been indeed far more rapid, and their sudden acquisition of wealth more astonishing, than any which has been made in India. But the possession of Australia and other colonies is not essential to the maintenance of England's power and glory; if their independence were to be at once proclaimed, no serious consequences need be apprehended on her account.

It is, however, essential to her prosperity that she should preserve her Indian Empire, and every year strengthens the conviction of thinking men, that whether that Empire be regarded from a political or commercial point of view, its most important possession is the island of Bombay.

Bombay—or Bombaim, as it is called by old writers—has been naturally supposed by Europeans to derive its name from the Portuguese, and to have denoted an advantage of its geographical position. But Briggs declares—without, however, giving his authority—that in ancient days part of the island was called Mahim, and part “Mumbaye” from an idol.* And, certainly, an old temple, dedicated to Moomba Devee, or the goddess Moomba, formerly stood on the plot now called the Esplanade. About a century ago it was taken down and rebuilt at some distance from its former site. The place where it now stands is well known.†

For many years the English had been anxious to lay their hands upon this treasure; yet, strange to say, when they had obtained it, its value remained for a

• Briggs' Ferishta, vol. iv., chap. iv.

† Paper by R. X. Murphy, Esq. in the "Transactions of the Bombay Geographical Society," vol. i.

108

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

while hidden from the penetration of their statesmen,

the practised eyes of their naval and military com-

manders, and the keen avidity of their enterprising

merchants. Its retention was considered scarcely

worth a struggle, and the question whether it should

be resigned was actually debated. Even the Dutch

historian of the age, a shrewd and accurate man, con-

sidered that this possession was worthless.*

Yet where is there a site more calculated not only

to strike the eye of a casual observer, but to grow

in the estimation of a well-informed and scientific

resident, than Bombay? Two centuries ago its dis-

tinguishing features must have been the same as they

are at present; for they could only be altered by the

disturbances and revolutions of a geological era. The

deep capacious harbour, with its channel so narrow,

but safe for careful and well-trained pilots; the false

harbour of Back Bay, offering to inexperienced mari-

ners or threatening invaders a tempting and dangerous

lure; the eastern hills which rise in rugged and

fantastical shapes one behind another, until at noonday

they are lost in misty heat; their feet fringed with

palm trees, their summits crowned with primeval

forests, or here and there with the ruins of ancient

fortresses--all form a scene which promises strength

and security to the inhabitants; and if it had but the

exquisite associations of classic antiquity, or the deco-

rations of Italian taste, might be thought, by a lover

of the picturesque to rival even the place where Virgil

sleeps and the Siren sang—beautiful Parthenope.

• Baldaus, chap. xii.

DESCRIPTION OF BOMBAY.

109

But although the outlines of the distant scenery are

bold, the appearance of the island when approached

from the sea is somewhat insignificant. Flat plains,

in some places below the level of high-water mark,

are slightly relieved by low ridges of trappean rock,

the highest point of which is called Malabar Hill, and

that does not exceed a hundred and eighty feet. The

whole area of the island is about sixteen square miles.

Its shape approaches a trapezoid, with its shorter side,

six miles in length, towards the sea, and its longer

side extending eleven miles parallel to the main-land.

Between the two hilly ridges, which form these sides,

there is a level plain, about two miles in width, now

called the Flats. The greatest breadth of the island

is little more than three miles. Malabar Point is the

name of that extremity which, to the south, faces the

open sea, and at the northern extremity are the hill

and fort of Worlee. The line which is parallel to the

harbour and main-land has for its southern extremity

the light-house and burial-ground of Colaba, and for

its northern the tower called Riva Fort.

Colaba was a separate island, until joined a few

years ago by a causeway to Bombay. Between it

and Malabar Hill is the Back Bay, to which we

have already alluded. On the Colaba side the bay is

shallow and filled with dangerous rocks; but under

the opposite cliff is a channel, sufficiently deep for ships

of considerable tonnage. To the north of Bombay is

another bay, with a beach called Mahim Sands, and

on that side the island is separated from the moun-

tainous island of Salsette by a small arm of the sea,

110

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

which at one part is only a hundred and twenty-five

yards wide, Salsette itself being separated from the

main-land by another channel. To the south and

east is the harbour, which contains several lofty,

interesting islands, and is in one place six miles

broad.* It extends a considerable distance inland,

and, as it narrows, the shores on either side present

various scenes of extraordinary beauty.

Observing the natural advantages of Bombay, the

Company had hoped to gain possession of it so early

as 1627. In that year a joint expedition of Dutch

and English ships, under the command of a Dutch

General, Harman Van Speult, had sailed from Surat

with the object of forming an establishment here, as

well as attacking the Portuguese in the Red Sea.

This plan was defeated by the death of Van Speult ;

but in 1653 the President and Council of Surat again

brought the subject under the consideration of the

Directors, pointing out how convenient it would be

to have some insular and fortified station, which might

be defended in times of lawless violence, and giving it

as their opinion that for a consideration the Portu-

guese would allow them to take possession of Bombay

and Bassein. The following year the Directors drew

the attention of Cromwell, the Protector, to this

suggestion,†

It was the gratification, then, of a wish which had

long been felt, when in 1661 Bombay formed part

• Geology of the Island of Bombay ; with a map and plates. By H.

J. Carter, Esq., Assistant-Surgeon, Bombay Establishment.

† Bruce's Annals, 1020-27 and 1662-63.

BOMBAY CEDED TO ENGLAND. 111

of the Infanta Catherina's dower, and was ceded to

England on her marriage with Charles the Second.

On the eighteenth of the following September a fleet

of five ships, under the Earl of Marlborough, arrived

in the harbour, and brought with them a Portuguese

Viceroy to see that the articles of cession were strictly

observed. But the Portuguese on the island had by

that time discovered the value of the place, and were

indisposed to resign their claims to such a favoured

spot. They found an excuse in the demands which

the English made. Lord Marlborough asserted, and

they denied, that Salsette had been included in the

cession. They also pretended that the patent or letter

authorizing them to give up the place was informal,

and finally they refused to arrange any terms or listen

to any proposals.

Those were not days when the fortifications of

refractory enemies could be ruined in a few hours by

the fire of an English fleet, and the Commander was

compelled to sail away. As the military part of his

force were suffering from long confinement on ship-

board, he landed them at Swally. There were four

companies of a hundred men each, exclusive of officers;

and Sir Abraham Shipman, their commanding officer,

immediately began to drill and prepare them for mili-

tary operations. However, he was soon interrupted

by the President of the English Factory, who entreated

him to depart, as the jealousy and fears of the Govern-

ment were excited by such a display of force. Marl-

borough, therefore, having re-embarked Sir Abraham

and his men, landed them on the small island of

112

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

Anjeedova, twelve leagues to the south of Goa, where he left them. On this unhealthy spot they remained during the rains without sufficient protection from the weather. The consequence was, that Sir Abraham Shipman and three hundred of his men perished. The Earl of Marlborough had sailed with his fleet to England.*

Previous to his departure, the Earl had offered to make over Bombay to the President and Council of Surat; but as their title would not be good without the sanction of royal authority, and even if it were good, they had not the means of enforcing it, this offer was declined. After Shipman's death, Cook had succeeded to the command of tho wreck of an army, as the few English troops still surviving on Anjeedova might be called. Too glad to find an asylum at Bombay on any terms, he accepted such as the Portuguese were pleased to dictate, and the island was resigned to him on the following conditions, some of which were reasonable, others simply absurd :-He renounced all claim to the neighbouring islands, promised that the Portuguese should be exempted from

James Ley, third Earl Marlborough, an eminent mathematician and navigator, was afterwards Lord Admiral at Dartmouth. Commanding in 1665 "that huge ship, called the Old James, in that great fight at sea with the Dutch upon the 3rd June, he was there slain by a cannon bullet." His honours reverted to his uncle, the fourth Earl, with whom the peerage became extinct. Burke's "Extinct Peerage." "He was a man of wonderful parts in all kinds of learning, which he took more delight in than his title; and having no great estate descended to him, he brought down his mind to his fortune, and lived very retired, but with more reputation than any fortune could have given him." Life of Clarendon by himself. He was buried in Westminster Abbey.

COOK'S TREATY WITH THE PORTUGUESE.

113

all payment of customs; that private estates should

be secured to their owners; that all deserters, run-

away slaves, Hindoo's in charge of property, Kunabees

or agriculturists, Bhandaris or toddy-drawers, and

artificers who might escape from the Portuguese ter-

ritories and place themselves under the protection of

the British flag, should be immediately sent back to

the Portuguese territory; that there should be no

interference with the rites of the Roman Catholic

religion, and not only that, but if any Portuguese

should offer to embrace the Protestant faith, the

English should not consent to receive him.* As these

conditions were afterwards appealed to by the Por-

tuguese, it is important to observe that the King of

England refused to ratify them, and they were never

ratified by the Crown of Portugal. The English

Government, indeed, were so dissatisfied with Cook's

measures, that they deposed him, and demanded of

the Portuguese Government satisfaction for damages

sustained in consequence of the island not having

been delivered over according to the original agree-

ment.†

The English were by no means charmed with their

new possession. Pepys, indeed, using a newly-invented

word, plainly said, that "the Portugalls had choused

• Translation from the ancient record in the archives of Goa, by Major

T. B. Jervis, F.R.S., in the Transactions of the Bombay Geographical

Society, vol. iii.

† So it is stated in a letter from the Court, dated 1723. They appeal

to the authority of the Records in the custody of the Lords Commis-

sioners of Trade and Plantations, the Report of the Lords of Council,

and the letter of King Charles the Second.

114

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

them;* and it did not appear worth the precious

lives and treasure which it had cost. Indeed, the

place must have looked desolate enough. Large tracts

of land which have since been recovered from the

sea, were then overflowed. At high tides the waves

flowed to the part called Umerkhadi, and covered the

present Bhendi Bazaar. Near where the temple of

Moombadevee stands, a place still called Paydhunee,

or “ foot-washing,” marks where a small stream of

salt water was formerly left by the receding tide, and

where persons might wash their feet before entering

Bombay. Where Kamatapoor is now, there was then

sufficient depth of water for the passage of boats ; in

fact, during one part of every day, only a group of

islets was to be seen ; and according to Fryer, forty

thousand acres of good land were thus submerged.†

• Pepys' Diary, 15th May 1663. In a note there is a curious account

of the Eastern origin of the word. Another passage of the diary is

curious, and confirms the text. 5th September 1663.—“ I did inform

myself well in things relating to the East Indys; both of the country

and the disappointment the King met with the last voyage, by the

knavery of the Portugall Viceroy, and the inconsiderableness of the place

of Bombaim, if we had had it. But above all things it seems strange to

me, that matters should not be understood before they went out; and

also that such a thing as this, which was expected to be one of the best

parts of the Queen's portion, should not be better understood ; it being

if we had it, but a poor place, and not really so as was described to our

King in the draught of it, but a poor little island ; whereas they made

the King and Lord Chancellor, and other learned men about the King

believe that that and other islands which are near it were all one piece.

and so the draught was drawn and presented to the King, and believed

by the King, and expected to prove so when our men come thither; but

it is quite otherwise.” However the readers of Pepys' book know well

that his foreign intelligence is not to be depended upon.

† Mr. Murphy's paper as above. Fryer's account.

APPEARANCE OF BOMBAY IN 1661.

115

The rest of the island seemed for the most part a barren rock, not being extensively wooded, as at

present; but producing only some cocoa-palms, which covered the esplanade. The principal town was

Mahim. On Dongaree Hill, adjoining the harbour, there was a small collection of fishermen's huts, and

a few houses were seen interspersed amongst palm trees, where the Fort now stands. On various spots

were built towers with small pieces of ordnance, as a protection against Malabar pirates, who had become

peculiarly insolent, plundering villages, and either murdering the inhabitants, or carrying them into

slavery.* The English also found, but soon removed, a Government House, which was slightly fortified,

defended by four brass guns, and surrounded by one of the most delightful gardens. Portugese society

was depraved and corrupt. The population did not exceed ten thousand.

Besides his political failure, Cook was charged with fraud and embezzlement. The seat of Government,

from which he was ejected, was then occupied by Sir Gervase Lucas, who had been well known in the civil

wars of England. A staunch Royalist, he adhered to Charles the First's cause amidst its reverses, and when

Governor of Belvoir Castle had, with a body of troops, escorted the King in his escape from the fatal field of

Naseby.† He arrived in Bombay on the fifth of

• Hamilton's East India Gazetteer.

† Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, chapter ix. Sir Richard Browne, in a letter to Sir Edward Hyde, afterwards Earl of Clarendon,

dated "Nantes, 20th December 1653" writes about "noble Sir G. L. and

116

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

November 1666. Unhappily a misunderstanding sprang up between him and Sir George Oxendon, the

President of Surat, and caused considerable irritation; but a reconciliation took place before the death of Sir

Gervase, which occurred on the twenty-first of the May following his arrival. Oxenden announced the

melancholy event to Lord Arlington, and expressed his regret for the loss of an officer whose exertions

and probity had been highly honourable.

Captain Gary was then appointed Deputy Governor. Hamilton calls him “an old Greek;” but he had been

born in Venice of English parents. He was more merchant than soldier, and had gained some learning,

being well acquainted with Latin, Greek, and Portuguese. He is even said to have been engaged

in writing a treatise in Arabic, which he dedicated to the viceroy of Goa.* Yet he described as a

proud, wasteful, and extravagant officer. His power was not undisputed. The Portuguese had in the

time of his predecessor threatened a resort to arms, because a claim which the Jesuits’ College of Banda made

for a considerable tract of land had not been allowed. This threat Sir Gervase Lucas had considered

an act of treason, and declared all the Jesuits’ lands forfeited to the Crown. Cook, therefore, who

had yielded the reins of government with reluctance, and retired in discontent to Goa, took this opportunity

his lady,” adding ;—“ I desire your Hon'r to give credit to him in many

thinges with which hee will acquaint you, for hee is much a man of honour

and integrity.”—Evelyn's Diary and Correspondence, vol. iv.

• Fryer, letter iv., chapter ii.

BOMBAY TRANSFERRED TO THE COMPANY. 117

of asserting his right to succeed Lucas. Coming to

Bandora he threatened to join the Portuguese in

attacking Bombay ; but his countrymen only treated

him with contempt, and denounced him as a rebel

and traitor.*

Such were the Governors of Bombay under the

Crown ; either they were wanting in will or ability

to discharge their trust efficiently. The King of

England soon ceased to attach any value to this

portion of his consort's dowry, and was only anxious

to get rid of his new and expensive acquisition.

On the first of September, 1668, the ship Con-

stantinople arrived at Surat, bringing a copy of a

royal charter, according to which his Majesty agreed

to bestow Bombay upon the Honorable Company, as

the adventurers had for some time been styled. As

the island had been found so burdensome, there was

little difficulty in arranging the terms of transfer. It

was held by the Company of the King "in free and

common soccage, as of the manor of East Green-

wich, on payment of the annual rent of 10l. in gold,

on the 30th September in each year." At the same

time were conveyed to the Company, all the stores,

arms, and ammunition which were upon the island,

together with such political powers as were necessary

for its defence and government.†

• 'The following have been the authorities consulted in addition to

those before specified: Bruce's Annals; Fryer's Account; Hamilton's

"New Account ;" Hamilton's Hindustan; Mill's History, book i., chap.

iv.; Letter from the Deputy Governor and Council in the Surat Records,

dated 2nd May 1677.

† Record of a Consultation held in the Surat Factory on the 3rd

118

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

On the receipt of this authority, the Right Honourable Sir George Oxenden, Kt., President of Surat, and his Council, held a consultation, at which they agreed to assume at once the Government of Bombay. But they felt that this would be an affair of some delicacy, as the royal officers might not be disposed to acknowledge the supremacy of a few mercantile agents, who were two hundred miles distant from them. They, therefore, resolved to proceed with caution, and before despatching anyone to receive charge of the place, considered which of their number possessed the requisite tact, and other qualifications. Their choice fell upon Mr. Goodyer, because he had lived on terms of intimacy with Gary, and whilst on a visit in Bombay had gained the affections of the officers; which, they remarked, "will very much conduce to their peaceable surrender, and our quiet possession of the place." With Goodyer were associated Streynham Master, and Cotes, members of Council at Surat, and Captain Young, who was to be Deputy Governor.

Goodyer fulfilled his mission with judgment. On the twenty-third of the month, Gary drew up his troops in line, read to them the royal letters, and formally transferred the island, its live and dead stock, and cash, amounting to 4,879l. 7s. 6d., to the Company's Commissioner. In reporting his proceedings to the Secretary of State, this last of Royal

September, 1668. Treaties, Agreements and Engagements between the Honorable East India Company, and the Native Princes, Chiefs, and States in Western India, by R. Hughes Thomas. Bruce's Anuals.

BOMBAY DELIVERED TO COMMISSIONERS.

119

Governors declared, that “the unexpected change had much troubled him,” and that he had performed his

task with a heavy heart. His soldiers also manifested symptoms of resistance, but soon perceiving that they

had only the alternative of being disbanded, they eventually submitted. Gary obtained a seat in

Council, and afterwards was Judge of the island. Young, the Deputy Governor, was soon dismissed

for gross misconduct, which will be explained below.*

The next year the President himself visited Bombay, and, during a short stay, framed a set of

regulations for its administration ; but as he died soon afterwards, the island was left in a state of anarchy.

Five commissioners were appointed for the management of affairs. One was Sterling, a Scotch minister ;

the others were Cotes, Captain Burgess, Lieutenant Houghton, and James Adams, Chairman. The

rest so little approved of this last functionary, that after two days, they removed him from his

situation.

Gerald Aungier having been appointed President of Surat, nominated Matthew Gray to the Deputy

Governorship of Bombay. He was succeeded by Philip Gyfford, who had formerly been sent to open a

trade at Tonquin. After his death in 1676, Henry Oxenden, Chief of the Factory at Carwar, became

Doputy Governor. He enjoyed his honours but a short time, and dying was succeeded by Ward, whose

• Consultation Book of the Surat Factory. Fryor's Account. Bruce's Annals.

120

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

term of power, as we shall see, was clouded by trouble and sedition.*

After the Company had obtained Bombay, a few years elapsed before they thought of turning it to their advantage.

Gradually, however, they perceived that the place was appointed by nature to be an emporium of trade.

Unlike the roads of Swally, which were exposed and dangerous, its harbour was safe and commodious,† whilst easy and direct communications could be opened with the English Factories in Persia, on the Malabar Coast, and the Spice Islands.

They felt, moreover, that in case of a war with the Dutch, or if the Mogul officers continued to heap upon them affronts, which they had endured patiently but which might soon be beyond endurance, they could only maintain their servants in India by holding Bombay with a firm grasp.

There they had the great advantage, which was denied to the Factory at Surat, of a small territory, where the British were sole masters, where native officials could not meddle, nor native tyrants domineer.

They therefore said :—"We are now much set upon the improvement of that our island, and do esteem it a place of more consequence than we have formerly done." They thought that the best way of securing their little torritory was to increase its military strength, to encourage the growth of its population,

• Fryer, Bruce, and other authorities differ a little as to the order of succession of these Deputy Governors. The above account I trust is quite correct.

† Letter from the Deputy Governor and Council of Bombay, dated 24th January, 1670-7.

MEASURES FOR SECURING BOMBAY.

121

and to develope its internal resources. The mensures by which they hoped to attain these ends were enlightened, and well deserving of success.

Their military arrangements included the establishment of a militia, and a re-organization of their regular force. Their plans for the former were in the main good, although some of the details appear ridiculous, and drawn up in ignorance of the native character. In 1677 the militia was composed of six hundred men, all owners of land. A hundred Brah- mans and Bunyas, who refused to bear arms, contributed money instead of service. The following instructions sent out by this trading Company to their agents in Bombay may induce a military reader to smile :-

"We would have the inhabitants modelled into trained bands under English or other officors as thor- o shall be cause, and make of them one or two regi- ments, or more, as your number will hold out, exer- cising them in arms one day in every two months, or as often as you shall think may be convenient, but you need not always waste powder at such exercise, but teach them to handle their arms, their facings, wheeling, marching, and counter-marching, the first ranks to present, draw their triggers together at the beat of the drum, and fall into the rear for the second ranks to advance, as is often used with learners in our artillery ground, but sometimes they must be used to firing, lest in time of action they should start at the noise or the recoil of their arms."

The regular troops varied in number as the pecuniary

122

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circumstances of the Company led to augmentation at one time, or reduction at another. Sometimes their ranks were thinned to an alarming degree by the fatal inroads of disease. When the island was transferred to the Company, the garrison numbered two hundred and eighty-five men, ninety-three of whom were English, and the rest French, Portuguese, or Natives. These formed two companies, each commanded by a captain. The first company comprehended two commissioned officers, sixty-six non-commissioned officers and privates, and twenty-eight topasses;* the second, three commissioned officers, seventy-three non-commissioned officers and privates, and twenty-six topasses. This is said to have been the Honourable Company's first European regiment, although many not Europeans found admission into its ranks.

Many of the recruits sent out were Germans, and more were applied for, as they behaved with so much sobriety and regularity. When the Court directed that a militia should be raised, they also wished to have three companies of English and two of 'Rashpouts' (Rajpoots). Each company was to number a hundred men, and the Rajpoots were to have a

• I suppose that these were Indo Portuguese, but what was the meaning of the name? Nieuhoff in his account of Batavia gives the following explanation :-" The Mardickers or Topassers are a mixture of divers Indian nations called Topassers, accomnodators, because they will accommodate themselves easily to the manners, customs, and religion of such as they live among; though some will have them derive their name from a precious stone called a 'Topaz.' Nieuhoff's Voyages and Travels to the East Indies.

FIRST EUROPEAN REGIMENT. 123

commandant, with other officors of their own caste. In 1676 there were four hundred European soldiers,

but, as these were supposed to be more than were required, it was ordered that the force should be

reduced to three hundred, some of whom were to be sent to Surat, for a storm was gathering in that

quarter. There were also forty troopers, mounted on such inferior horses as were reared in the country,*

and able on an emergency to take up forty foot soldiers behind them. Their first commandant was Keigwin,

and he drew a salary of a hundred and twenty pounds. In 1683 there were only a hundred and fifty English

soldiers, but a few extra files were usually kept to supply casualties, which were mournfully frequent.

Keigwin afterwards commanded the first of the three companies of infantry; the other two were commanded

by Lieutenants Fletcher and Thornburn.

There was much difficulty in determining the exact position which the officers were to hold. When

Shaxton was sent out in 1671 with the command of a company, he was, in consideration of his high character,

appointed a Factor, that so he might combine civil and military duties. He was also told, that if he

continued to deserve well of the Company he might become Deputy Governor. Captain Langford, the

Chief Military Officer in 1676, was admitted to a seat in Council; but a caution was given that his case

was not to form a precedent. The chief authority

• From the price which was fixed we learn, that then the value of a native horse was from sixty to a hundred rupees. But Fryer says,

"300l. is an easy rate for a good Persian or Arab," Letter iii., chap. iii.

124

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

was to be held by civilians, but they were also to

study military tactics, that when required they might

hold commissions in the army.

Making an unwise and odious distinction, the Court

ordered that non-commissioned officers and privates

should be punished with death for neglect or breach

of duty, but that commissioned officers should only

be reduced and deprived of rank. The regulations

which they then made were for many years the martial

law of India; but when royal troops were sent out,

they disputed the authority of the Company's officers

to administer martial law at all.

Fortifications with strong bastions were built at

what was then thought a heavy expense. The

ordnance consisted of twenty-one pieces of cannon,

with the requisite stores; but there were only two

gunners, and the other soldiers served the guns as

occasion required. At Mazagon, Sion, Sewree,

Mahim, and Warelce, were small forts, also mounted

with cannon. The Court were afraid to employ pro-

fessional engineers, as they would require large salaries,

and they knew "the speculations into which men of

this description usually lead their employers." So

they at first directed that Captains Smith and Tol-

deroy, two military officers, should act as engineers;

but as in 1671 Herman Bake happened to be in

Bombay, and made them an offer of his services, they

appointed him their Engineer and Surveyor-General.

Warwick Pett, a naval architect, one of a family

whose ancestors had for many generations been

eminent ship-builders at Deptford, was sent out to

THREATENED ATTACK FROM A DUTCH FLEET. 125

build ships for the Indian seas; but only British-built ships were at that time allowed to import Asiatic produce into England. Pax quaesita bello, wrote the Court, now suddenly blazing with martial ardour, is an old maxim which must be observed in Bombay. They insisted that a strict guard should be kept, and that sentinels should watch day and night, as if an enemy were actually preparing to make an assault.*

Scarcely had the first measures been adopted for the defence of the island, when an event showed their wisdom. A Dutch fleet arrived on the 20th of February, 1673, with the intention of taking it by surprise. Orme tells us that Aungier, who happened to be at the time in Bombay, exerted himself on the occasion "with the calmness of a philosopher, and the courage of a centurion;" so that Rickloffo Van Goen, the Dutch Commodore, found, to his mortification, that he was likely to meet with a warmer reception than he had anticipated. Heavy ordnance were seen mounted on the fortifications, and sixty light field-pieces were ready at hand. According to Fryer, the fort was guarded by three hundred English troops, "four hundred topazes or Portugal firemen," "a militia out of Portugal," comprising five hundred men with English leaders, and three hundred Bhum-

• Bruce's Annals, 1668-1676. Letters from the Deputy Governor and Council, dated 24th January, 1676-7; from the Honorable Court, dated May, 1682; 6th November, 1683; 16th November, 1683; February, 1684, and 2nd July, 1684; Letters from the President and Council of Surat to Bombay, dated 4th July and 14th August, 1676. Hamilton's "New Account," chap. xvii. Hamilton's Hindustan. Fryer's Account, letter iii., chap. iv., and letter iv., chap. iii.

126

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

daris, armed with clubs.* There were also in the

harbour three men-of-war, the largest carrying thirty

guns, and five French ships which were ready to

assist the English. Under these circumstances,

Rickloffe stood up to the western side of the island,

and threatened a descent in the Mahim Channel; but

Aungier rapidly marched to that quarter, and ranged

his troops in defiance along the shore. Doubtless,

the Bhundaris and their clubs appeared very for-

midable in the distance, otherwise the Hollanders,

with six thousand men on board their fleet, would not

have sheered off. They soon disappeared, and as in

a short time peace was concluded between England

and Holland, the people of Bombay were relieved from

further apprehensions.†

Under Portuguese management, the inhabitants

had been compelled to pay one-fourth part of the

profits of their lands to Government as a quit rent;

but, in 1674, President Aungier commuted this for a

fixed payment of twenty thousand xeraphims; still,

however, reserving the Company's claim for military

service upon all who had held lands under the Crown

of Portugal.‡

By way of increasing the population, and developing

the resources of the island, attempts were made to

establish manufactures. Directions were given for

• The Governor's body guard was composed of Bhundaris. To this

day, men of this caste carry a union flag, and blow a large trumpet before

the high sheriff at the opening of the quarter sessions. Mr. Murphy's

paper, as above.

† Fryer's account. Orme's Fragments, sec. i.

‡ Report on the Land Tenure of Bombay, by F. Warden, Esq.

DEVELOPMENT OF THE RESOURCES OF BOMBAY. 127

inviting spinners and weavers to settle; every legitimate influence was to be employed so as to attract

them from the interior; and cotton was to be served out to them from the Company's stores, that they

might convert it into cloth without any outlay of money. The Court, having heard that the manufacture of cotton stockings by knitting was successfully

carried on at Goa, required that the same should be attempted in Bombay, and that four or five hundred

pairs should be at once forwarded to England. Not only the poorer sort of artizans, but opulent tradesmen

were also induced to settle by promises of liberal treatment and religious toleration. As a first step, a

regular engagement was entered into with Neema Paruk, an eminent Bunya, residing in the city of Diu,

and formal articles were agreed to on both sides. On the part of the Company, it was promised, that all of

the Bunya caste who might remove to the island should enjoy the free exercise of their religion within their

own houses, and be secured from all molestation. It was stipulated that no Englishman, Portuguese, or

other Christian, nor any Mussulman, should be permitted to live within the private grounds of Bunyas,

to enter them for the purpose of slaughtering animals, or to offer their persons the slightest injury or

indignity. If any should, in opposition to these regulations, offend them by intruding upon their privacy,

the Governor or his deputy should, on receiving a complaint to that effect, cause the offenders to be

severely punished. The settlers were to be allowed to burn their dead, and observe all such ceremonies

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THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

as were customary at their weddings. Lastly, it was

engaged, that none who professed their religion, of

whatever age, sex, or condition he might be, should

be compelled to embrace Christianity, nor that any

should be forced against their wills to carry burdens.

These stipulations were in striking contrast, and,

probably, it was intended that they should be so, with

the harsh treatment which the natives had suffered

from the fanaticism and injustice of the Portuguese.*

Other steps for the encouragement of trade were

taken in accordance with the spirit of the age. Docks

were to be constructed, and an armed vessel of a

hundred and eighty tons was to be stationed off the

island for the protection of shipping. The manu-

factures of the place were protected at first by

exemption from duties, which were not demanded for

calicoes made in Bombay, raw, wrought, and thrown

silks, cotton yarn, gold and silver jewellery, bezoar

stones, musk, amber, and ambergris.† But afterwards,

all exports were to pay a duty of three and a half

per cent. Articles of food, such as cocoa-nuts, fish,

salt, with other produce of the island or its waters,

were subjected to the almost prohibitory duty of nine

per cent., including one per cent. for the expenses of

the fortifications. Grain, timber, and all goods except

Indian iron and tobacco, which were imported, paid two

and a half per cent., and one per cent. towards the for-

tifications; Indian iron and tobacco paid nine per cent.‡

• Letter from the President and Council of Surat to Bombay, dated

22nd March, 1677.

† Bruce's Annals, 1668-69.

‡ Bruce's Annals, 1674-75.

A MINT AND COURTS OF JUDICATURE ESTABLISHED.

129

In 1670, the Court gave directions for the establishment of a Mint; and that it might have the countenance of royal authority, letters patent, dated 5th October, 1676, and 28th of Charles the Second, were issued. In 1681, Mr. Smith was sent from England to be Assay Master and Mint Master, on a salary of sixty pounds per annum.*

A Court House was erected in the most frequented part of the bazaar, not only that access to it might be convenient for all who were drawn into litigation, but also that prisoners might be confined there, and, according to a custom still remembered in England, have opportunity to beg relief of passers by.† Two Courts of Judicature were established in 1670. The higher was a Court of Appeal, presided over by the Deputy Governor and members of Council; its decisions were to be final, and without appeal, except in most urgent cases. The lower Court was presided over by one of the Factors, assisted by native officers, and took cognizance of all disputes regarding property under the value of two hundred xeraphins.

The Deputy Governor and three Military Officers were also constituted a Court for the administration of martial law. Each Court was to meet once in the

• In 1697 the value of money coined at Surat and Bombay was fixed at 2s. 6d. the rupee; the xeraphin of Bombay at twenty pence; the Persian Shahee for Carwar at four shillings, and the pagoda for Calicut at nine shillings. Persian characters were stamped on these coins, which offended the Emperor; so, for a time, the practice was discontinued. Bruce's Annals, 1697-98.

† Letter from the Deputy Governor and Council to the Court, dated 24th January, 1670-77.

K

130

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week. Allusion was made to trial by jury ; but it

was not considered practicable. About the same time,

also, the Court of Directors recommended that a

regular force of police should be established.*

In 1671 application was made to the Court for a

Judge versed in civil law ; but they declined com-

pliance, fearing that he might be disposed to promote

litigation, and probably would not obey the orders

which the President and Council might find it for the

Company's interest to give him. It is difficult to say

what contingency the Court had in view ; but it seems

very probable that they supposed no Judge who came

out with the education and spirit of an English

gentleman would prosecute interlopers to the death ;

and the result shewed, that their fears were not

groundless. As an experiment they resolved to

send out some writers who had received a legal

education, and who, if they conducted themselves

well, might be called in as Assessors to the Courts

of Justice.

At last, by letters patent dated 9th August 1683, a

Judge was authorized to preside over a Court of

Admiralty for the trial of such interlopers as he could

lay hands upon. Two merchants were to be joined

with him, and it was particularly specified that the

processes were to be in English, not in Latin. The

first who thus wielded the terrors of the law was

John St. John, D.C.L. It was arranged that he

should hold a commission both from His Majesty and

the Company, the former bearing date 6th February

• Bruce's Annals, 1667-71. Kaye's Administration.

THE FIRST JUDGE—UNHEALTHY CLIMATE. 131

1684, the latter 7th April 1684. His salary was

fixed at two hundred pounds per annum, with an

allowance for two servants, and free commons at the

Deputy Governor's table. Up to this time Englishmen

accused of grave offences had been sent to their own

country for trial; but when Robert Johnson, a

troublesome fellow, had thus been consigned to the

Court, they desired that the practice should be

discontinued, and that all criminals should be tried

and punished in Bombay.*

But when earnestly engaged in military and eco-

nomical measures, the Company did not forget the

care of their servants' bodies and souls. A cry of

wailing for the dead seemed to cross the seas which

divide England from Bombay, and reach their ears.

The many advantages of Bombay were counteracted

by its pestilential climate. Of what use sending

trusty Factors and hardy soldiers there ? They

breathed the poisonous air but a few short months,

after which their services and lives were lost to their

employers for ever. Three years was the average

duration of European life. The catalogue of diseases

and the records of deaths are, when read even at this

distant day, truly saddening. In the months which

intervened between October 1675, and February 1676,

a hundred English soldiers perished; and in the latter

year Mr. Gyffard, the Deputy Governor, and Bake,

Surveyor-General. So strong was the dread of the

climate, that when Child, who at other times was far

• Letters from the Court, dated February 1684 and 6th May 1685,

Fryer's Account. Morley's Digest of Indian Law, vol. i.

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THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

too bold and blustering, had been appointed Accountant

of Bombay, and second in Council, by the President

and Council of Surat, he pleaded his apprehensions

of disease, and positively refused to accept the

office.*

The natives indeed, and naturalized Portuguese,

considered the island healthy; but, wrote Fryer,

fluxes, dropsy, scurvy, barbiers or loss of the use of

hands and feet, gout, stone, malignant and putrid

fevers, all combined to make it a charnel-house of

Europeans. Of every five hundred Europeans who

came to live upon the island, not one hundred, in his

opinion, ever left it.

The disease which was prevalent in the country,

and especially fatal in Bombay, was called by the

Portuguese practitioners of medicine "the Chinese

death," or cholic. It was divided, according to their

system, into four kinds; the first kind was simple

cholic, and its only symptom was severe griping; the

second was attended with diarrhœa as well as pain;

the third with pain and vomiting; purging, vomiting,

and intense pain were symptoms of the last kind,

which was supposed by Thevenot to be cholera

morbus, and generally brought its victims' sufferings

to a fatal termination within twenty-four hours. The

remedy, upon which even Europeans relied, was of a

painful and barbarous character: a hot iron was

applied to the ball of the sufferer's foot; if he

winced; it was expected that he would recover; but

• Letter from the President and Council of Surat to the Factors of

Rajapoori dated 16th November 1676.

if he shewed no signs of pain he was given over by

his medical attendant.*

Various causes were assigned for the alarming

mortality amongst Europeans in Bombay. The

atmosphere was at first supposed to be polluted by

the putrid fish, with which the trees were manured.

A more reasonable conjecture was, that malaria arose

from the low plains which were overflowed at high

tides, and left in a swampy state when the sea receded.

In 1675 a proposition for draining the swamps was

submitted to the Court by the Government of Bombay.

Several surveys were in consequence made, and in 1684

authority to commence the work was received.†

But without doubt many diseases were caused, and

most were aggravated, by the intemperance which was

so common. As long as the sick soldiers were attended

• Fryer's Account. Voyages de Thevenot. Choix des lettres edifiantes

et curieuses, tome iv. Father Martin in these letters gives instances in

which this treatment was completely successful. He adds that Signor

Mancuchl, a Venetian physician, had discovered another cure, by which

he gained "vast reputation" at the Mugal Court, where he resided forty

years. His infallible remedy was this :—"Take an iron ring about an

inch and a half in diameter, and thick in proportion. Then heating it

red hot in the fire, extend the patient on his back, and apply the ring to

his navel, in such a manner that the navel may be as centro to the ring.

As soon as the patient feels the heat (which must necessarily be in an

instant) take away the ring as quick as possible, when so sudden a revo-

lution will be wrought in his intestines, that his pains immediately cease."

I have gone further into this subject than I otherwise should, because

some have supposed that cholera is a new disease in India, and that it

was not known two centuries ago.

† Letters from the President and Council of Surat, dated 11th January

1675-6; to the Court dated 17th January 1675-6; and from the Court

dated February 1684. Description of Hindostan, by Walter Hamilton,

Esq.

134

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

by medical men at their own houses, there was no

possibility of restraining them from the indulgence of

their favourite vice. When death was staring them

in the face they became more reckless. They cannot

be kept from debauchery, wrote the Deputy Governor,

"though never so sick, to the destruction of their

bodies and souls." And again he remarks, that to

persons labouring under the diseases of the country

"strong drink and flesh is mortall, which to make an

English soldier leave off is almost as difficult as to

make him divest his nature, nay though present death

be laid before him, as the reward of the ill-gratifying

his palate. This is the true cause our Bombay bills of

mortality have swelled so high."

In order, then, that the sick might be provided with

constant attendance and a regular diet, the plan of an

hospital was forwarded to Bombay by the President

and Council of Surat. The proposed building was

to be capable of receiving seventy persons; the cost

was not to exceed four thousand rupees, and* it was

estimated that about a thousand rupees would cover

the annual expenses of the establishment, which was

to be under the superintendence of a resident sur-

geon. The President concluded by remarking:-

"The lamentable loss of your men doth call on us for

a speedy erecting the fabric, and doubt not but you

will approve thereof." As a temporary measure the

old Court of Judicature was prepared for the recep-

tion of sick; and the hospital itself was completed

with an expedition which in India has been rarely

equalled. A remarkable decrease of mortality in the

HOSPITAL AND CHURCH--BISHOP AT CALLIAN.

135

following year was attributed to the success of the

new arrangement.*

When so many works were in progress, it occurred

to the Government that a church also was required.

The project failed in execution; but as it was a

first attempt to establish openly a Protestant form of

worship, it deserves consideration.

It would be interesting to ascertain whether during

those first centuries when missionary zeal was so ear-

nest and successful, the religion of Christ was ever

preached in Bombay. There is one passage in history

-and probably but one—which throws any light upon

this part of the subject, and encourages us to amuse

ourselves with guesses after truth. Bombay is said to

have been anciently incorporated in the same province

as the once famous port of Callian. Now there is no

doubt that at this place a Christian bishop resided so

early as the beginning of the sixth century.† When

Cosmas Indicopleustes sailed down the Western coast

of India, he found at 'Male where the pepper grows,'

or Malabar, a regularly ordained clergy; and at 'Cal-

liana' a Persian bishop.‡ Do we not feel confident

that the Bishop made some effort to propagate his

• Letters from the President and Council of Surat, dated 18th Dec.

1675, and 17th Jan. 1675-6: from the Deputy Governor and Council of

Bombay, dated 24th Jan. 1676-7.

† General History of the Christian Religion and Church. By Dr.

Augustus Neander, vol. iii., sec. 1. Neander was ignorant that there was

such a place as Callian, and supposed that Calcutta was meant.

‡ In the reign of the Emperor Constantine, Theophilus, a native of

Diu (Δίους) having been consecrated Bishop at Byzantium, returned

to Diu by way of Arabia, and then travelling in India, found Christi-

anity existing.

136

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

religion, and may we not therefore suppose that the

Gospel was then heard even at Bombay ?

Sir John Mandeville declares, that when he wrote

there were many Christians in parts of Western India,

and Brother Odoricus gives us such a circumstantial

narrative that I must crave the reader's indulgence

whilst I set before him the substance.

At the beginning of the fourteenth century, four

Minorites, named Tolentinus of Marchia, James of

Padua, Demetrius Laicus, and Peter of Senis, came

to Tanna, where they found fifteen Christian families.

Although these were all Nestorians and schismatics,

they received the Italian monks with cordial hospi-

tality. Unfortunately the brethren took up their

abode at the house of one who had a violent quarrel

with his wife, and was summoned by her before the

Kazi. The monks also had to appear as witnesses,

and were drawn by the Mussulman magistrate into a

religious discussion. They maintained that Christ

was very God, and being repeatedly asked for their

opinion of Mahomed, at last plainly avowed, that he

was the son of perdition, and all that followed him

would infallibly be damned. This was too much for

the other's patience, and the fathers were condemned

to death. They were made to stand in the sun from

nine in the morning until three in the afternoon, and

as this had not the expected effect of destroying them,

they were then beheaded.*

Sir Thomas Herbert found also Christians of St.

Thomas at Tanna amongst other places. As many

• Itinerium fratris Odorici; Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. ii.

MARTYRS AND CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AT TANNA. 137

doubts have been cast upon the character of this interesting people, and it has been inferred from their present degeneracy that, such as they are, they have been for centuries, we are glad to ascertain how they appeared to an intelligent Englishman of the seventeenth century. He describes their forms and ceremonies as differing both from the Church of Rome and the reformed churches of Europe. Their churches were low and badly furnished; but neat, carefully kept, matted, and without paintings or images. They came to them cheerfully, closed their eyes for contemplation after entering, and knelt towards the altar. They saluted their priest with humble reverence; upon which he lifted up his hands and blessed them. Their service seldom occupied more than two hours. It commenced with a brief confession, not unlike that of the English liturgy, at the end of which all gave their assent with a unanimous Amen. Then followed an exposition of Scripture, which was listened to with attention and commendable decorum. Having sung a hymn they departed, first saluting again the priest, who kept his hands elevated until all were gone.

Herbert also states that they were in the habit of reading at home a chapter from the Old and New Testament. They had few schools and little learning. On the first Sunday of every month the priest read a homily, written, as they supposed, by one of the Apostles. Baptism was administered on the fortieth day after birth, unless the parent desired it sooner; the infant being wholly immersed, and the sign of the cross made on its forehead. 'Before Holy Communion

138

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

two days were set apart for preparation. Both bread

and wine were imparted, and received kneeling. The

clergy were allowed to marry but once. In sickness a

priest was sent for, both to pray and administer the

Eucharist. At burials the corpse was placed with its

head to the West. The writer adds that they observed

Lent, and "Feast and Fast, as we accustomc." "Laicks

pay their decimae, affect justice, profess truth, practise

humility, and believe in Purgatory." *

But the first people who had numerous congrega-

tions for whom they raised solid structures in Bombay

and its neighbourhood, were the Portuguese. Those

zealous Roman Catholics induced a large number of

natives to embrace their religion, and they built many

churches; a few of great magnificence. But the

Portuguese attained their end by unlawful means, and

the carved stones of Bombay, Salsette, and Bassein,

which they professedly raised to God's glory, are after

all but records of fraud, rapine, and violence done

to heathens' consciences.

The only place which the English had for the

celebration of divine service was a hall in the Fort.

The suggestion that a building should be raised and

set apart for the purpose was first made by the Court

of Directors. Sir George Oxenden, the President,

eagerly took the hint, and was anxious that it should

lead to some result. He declared that such an edifice

was much to be desired, not only for the use of the

English, but also that natives and foreigners who

were unacquainted with our holy reformed religion

• Sir Thomas Herbert's Travels, pages 356 and 358.

PROPOSED ENGLISH CHURCH AT BOMBAY.

139

might be so impressed with feelings of reverence for

it that haply they might wish to embrace it. Such

persons could not witness the celebration of divine

service in the hall, as there would be no accommoda-

tion for them, and in any case it would not be safe to

admit them into the Fort. The President therefore

submitted for the Court's approval the plan of a

building which would contain about a thousand

people, and be of a "form proportionable to the

small churches in England," but plain and free from

superfluous ornament. He had already proposed to

the Company's servants that the expense should be

defrayed by voluntary contributions, and they had

come forward "freely and conscientiously," "some

offering one year's wages, some half a year's, and the

least a quarter." It was hoped that the Company

would make good the balance. In order that no time

might be lost, a certain sum had been raised already,

which had been entrusted to the three Chaplains of

Surat and Bombay, that they might purchase bricks,

facing stones, lime and timber, so as to be ready for

a commencement when the Court should send the

requisite authority. There was a difference of opinion

regarding the site: some proposed the burying ground

at Mendaïm's Point; but although that would be

convenient for the Factors, it was removed from all

places of native concourse, and therefore would not

fulfil "the main design," which was, that the natives

should repair to church, "and observe the purity and

gravity of our devotions." Others, therefore, suggested

that the edifice should be raised near the native town,

140

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

or between the town and the plot of ground set apart

for European residences. It would then adjoin the

high road leading to the Bazaar, and as it would be

open and all mightfreely enter, some natives perchance

might come from motives of curiosity to see the

English way of devotion, and remain to pray. The

President and Council stated these reasons, and con-

fessed that on account of them they were disposed to

adopt the latter opinion. All were agreed that the

church must for security be near the Fort, and that

it should stand upon an open space, where it would

be at a distance from other buildings. That the

work might be performed with sufficient skill, the

Court were requested to send out an experienced

builder or surveyor, whose salary should be paid out

of the sum collected by subscription.*

Such were the remarks of the President and

Council. They display good feeling, and a degree

of religious enthusiasm which is not supposed to

have ordinarily prevailed amongst the merchants and

politicians of that age. It was certainly an error to

think that the natives would be enticed, or their

curiosity even excited, by the cold and decorously dull

worship which was then offered by the English in

India; but it was remarkable that their conversion

should be mentioned in official despatches as an object

the attainment of which was not only to be desired,

but attempted, and, as they said, devoutly prayed for.

However, all these pious intentions were frustrated.

• Letter from the President and Council of Surat to the Court, dated

17th January, 1675-6.

REVENUE OF BOMBAY.

141

Five thousand pounds were collected, and they began to build, but the walls were never raised more than five yards. Further progress was interrupted by the Siddee's invasion, and it is said that Sir John Child, when Governor, appropriated the funds to his own use; but this must be accepted as the evidence of one who, being an interloper, was a victim of the Governor's monopolist zeal.*

The result of the Company's economical measures was soon visible in the growth of the revenues and population, and the improved appearance of the island. The revenues had been slightly increased under the administration of Sir Gervase Lucas. They had been estimated at only 2,823l. per annum, when the English got possession; but Gary shewed that in his day they had risen to 6,490l., and in 1675 President Aungier calculated that the annual amount was 9,254l.†

• Hamilton's "New Account," chap. xvii.

† Statement of the Revenues transmitted by Gary to the Secretary of State ;—

Rent of Mazagon............................... Xeraphins, 9,300 0 40

" Mahim ....................................... " 4,797 2 45

" Parella ...................................... " 2,377 1 56

" Vadela ....................................... " 1,738 0 40

" Sion ......................................... " 790 0 60

" Veroly ....................................... " 671 1 34

" Bombaim ..................................... " 6,344 2 61

" the Tobacco stank or farme...................... " 9,650 0 00

" the Taverns ................................... " 2,400 0 00

The account of Customs .............................. " 18,000 0 00

The account of Coconuts .............................. " 18,000 0 00

Xeraphins 73,870 1 18

More may be advanced ............................... " 1,129 1 62

Total......................................... Xeraphins 75,000 0 00

Which at thirteen Xeraphins for 22s. 0d. sterling amount to 6,490l. 17s. 9d.

Bruce's Annals, 1667-78 and 1675-76.

In 1678 the Court were informed by Henry Oxenden that the Customs

142

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

Within a few years the population had increased from ten to sixty thousand. The trade was rapidly becoming superior to that of the Factory at Surat, and the Court resolved that one-half of all their shipping which left the port of London should load for Bombay direct, and not drop anchor first, as before, in Swally roads. Of course they were aware that the Governor of Surat would be annoyed by the diminution of trade at that place, and consequent loss of his dues. But they were beginning to have a sense of their own importance; so they merely instructed their servants to say—in case the Governor should raise objections—that if he would return some of the money which he had extorted from them, and discontinue pestilent interlopers, they might consider the question whether they should again resort only to Surat. In fact they were prematurely becoming a little arrogant. The experience of a few years only was required to teach them at a heavy cost that they were not sufficiently strong to stand in such an attitude.

We will now endeavour to take a dioramic view of Bombay in its improved condition. The population was composed of English, Portuguese, Hindoos, Mussulmans, and native Roman Catholics, called Xeraphins. About the same time also the Customs were firmed at 2,284l. annually. (Letter from the Deputy Governor, dated 24th January, 1676-7). With these figures the present values may be compared. Customs yield upwards of 275,000l.; Land Revenue, 8,000l.; Akbari, or tax on such palm trees as yield toddy, 9,000l.; Tax on Tobacco consumed on the Island, 8,000l. Besides these the Municipal Fund receives from fees for liquor shops, 2,800l.; Assessment on House and Grounds, 20,000l.; Wheel Tax, 8,000l.; Shop and Stall Tax, 7,000l. There are also some miscellaneous duties, such as stamps, &c.

VIEW OF BOMBAY.

143

" Cooly Christians," who were chiefly engaged in

fishing. The dwellings of these different classes were

not fixed in separate quarters of the town, but placed

indiscriminately. The town was a mile in length.

The houses were low, and for the most part thatched;

a few only, which had been built by Portuguese or

English, being of substantial construction. None of

the windows were glazed; but in many, oyster-shells

were used as a substitute for glass. There was a

burial-ground at a place called Mendaim's Point,

from the name of the individual whose corpse was

the first that was interr'd there.* Within six

hundred yards of the Fort the land was being

gradually cleared of trees and cottages.† There

was one church, a pretty object, belonging to the

Portuguese. On Malabar Hill stood a Parsee tomb

recently erected, and the ruins of a large Hindoo

temple. At Mahim was a Portuguese church, with

a house and other handsome buildings attached;

there were also an English Guard-house and Custom-

house. The Jesuits possessed a church and extensive

demesnes at Parell, and Sion was also their property.

On the low ground to the south-east of Sion were

salt-pans, the Court having sent out directions that

they should be constructed on the model of those

• Doubtless this was where the cooperage now stands, and where, not

many years ago, tombs were still to be seen; yet Hamilton, who was on

the spot, describes it as a rocky point near the shipping, about five hun-

dred paces southward of the old Fort, from which it was separated by a

small bay.—New Account of the East Indies, chap. xvii.

† But all the cadjan huts were not removed from the Esplanade until

144

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

at Rochelle in France, and Santavalli in Por-

tugal.*

Colaba, or Old Woman's Island, as it was called

for long, had been taken possession of peaceably in

1674, after an arrangement made between Gerald

Aungier and the Portuguese. For many years it was

only used "to keep the Company's antelopes, and

other beasts of delight." None of its land was

appropriated to individuals, as from the first it was

reserved to be a military cantonment.†

In the Harbour, Butcher's Island—as it was then

and still is called.—was only used as a run for a few

cattle, and a place where small vessels were hauled

ashore and cleaned. Elephanta was also used only for

cattle, and remained in the hands of the Portuguese.

The figure of an elephant carved out of a black stone

—from which the island received its name—was

standing unmutilated, and so also was the figure

of a horse.‡ The tract on the main-land extending

from the south point of the Harbour to the river

Penn was called "The Corlahs," and Bombay was

dependent upon it for its supply of provisions, par-

ticularly at such times as the Portuguese prohibited

all exportations from Salsette.§

The small Strait which separates Salsette from

Bombay was claimed by the English, as part of their

domains; at the other side, were the Aquada Block-

• Letter dated February 1684.

† Fryer. Hamilton's Hindustan, and East India Gazetteer.

‡ Hamilton's "New Account," chapter xx.

§ Orme's Fragments.

house, and on the hill a mile beyond Bandora the

Portuguese Church, which so gracefully overlooks

the sea. The Roman Catholic services were well

performed. A new landing-place led to a college of

Paulitines, as the Jesuits were then called. Before

the College stood a large cross, and before that was

a space, which, when the traveller from whose work

this account is chiefly taken visited it, was “ thwack'd

full of young blacks singing vespers.” The collegiate

establishment was defended, like a fortress, with

seven cannon, besides small arms. Great hospitality

prevailed, and distinguished guests were, on their

arrival and departure, saluted with a roar of artillery.

The Superior possessed such extensive influence that

his mandates were respectfully attended to in the

surrounding country, and the traveller who had the

good fortune to be provided with his letters com-

mendatory, was met by the people, wherever he

halted, with presents of fruit and wine. The town

of Bandora was large, with tiled houses. A view

from mid-channel, embracing the town, college, and

Church of St. Andrew, was extremely picturesque.

At a distance of four miles was another church,

described as magnificent; and the whole neigh-

bourhood was studded with the villas of Portuguese

gentlemen, many of whom lived in considerable

state.

To the east of Salsette, the sail by way of Tanna to

Bassein, which is now so justly admired, must in those

days have been of unrivalled beauty. Trombay was

L

146

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

adorned with a neat church and country-seat. Whon

Tanna had been passed, the traveller's eye rested at

every half mile on elegant mansions. Two of these

deserve special mention. One, the property of John

de Melos, was three miles from Tanna; it stood on a

sloping eminence, decorated with terraced walks and

gardens, and terminating at the water side with a

banqueting-house, which was approached by a flight

of stone steps. A mile further was Grebondel, the

property of Martin Alphonso, said to be "the richest

don on this side Goa." Above rose his fortified

mansion, and a church of stately architecture.

Within Bassein were six churches, four convents, a

college of Jesuits, another of Franciscans, and a

library of historical, moral, and expository works.

The Hidalgos' dwellings, with their balconies and

lofty windows, presented an imposing appearance.

Christians only were permitted to sleep within the

walls of the town, and native tradesmen were com-

pelled to leave at nightfall.

But whilst attempting to acquaint ourselves with

the scenes amidst which the English lived, we have

wandered from Bombay, and must retrace our steps.

When we left it, several works of great importance

had been completed, or were in progress. The

expense of these was so great that at last the Com-

pany began to find themselves involved in difficulties.

In 1684, they stated :—"The island has stood us, in

first and last, three hundred thousand pounds,"# and

• Letter from the Court to the President in Council.

EXPENSES OF NEW WORKS AT BOMBAY.

147

the debt upon their dead stock exactly amounted to

that sum.* And when we remember the value of

money at that period, and the Company's limited

resources, we are not surprised at finding them

exhausted by their efforts. They were compelled to

recruit their finances by expedients, some of which

were wise, some paltry, and others dangerous. In

1680, they sent out positive injunctions that all the

expenses of the military and civil services in Bombay

should be defrayed from the revenues. A house-tax

was to be imposed, the land surveyed, and portions to

be let out on lease. It was hoped that by draining

the flats, considerable tracts might be reclaimed from

inundation, and made profitable by cultivation. Other

measures, which disgusted all classes, and sowed the

seeds of revolt, will be noticed when an account is

given of home and personal affairs.

Yet the faults which the Court of Directors and

their servants committed were chiefly the results of

inexperience, and such as belong to a state of political

infancy. But when we consider that they had

sufficient penetration to discover the advantages of

Bombay, which the royal Government seem never to

have comprehended; when we reflect upon the vigour,

decision, prudence, and administrative skill which

they displayed in constructing great works, fostering

manufactures, adding to their military strength, and

• Mill's History. However, the value of the Company's funded stock

in England had increased enormously during this period. In 1683,

Evelyn sold for 780l. stock which in 1657 had only cost him 250l.

Diary, vol. i.

148

THE

ENGLISH

IN

WESTERN

INDIA.

devising

plans

of

economy,

we

must

admit

that

the

measures

which

they

adopted

for

the

improvement

of

this

island

illuminate

their

records,

and

that

these

first

are

almost

the

brightest

pages

of

the

East

India

Company's

history.

CHAPTER V.

1662—1685.

Contents :— General and mercantile affairs—Presidents Sir George Oxenden, Gerald Aungier, and Sir John Child—The Company's investments and debts—Factory at Amoy—Articles of trade ; indigo, pepper, &c.; Cotton ; the first cotton screw ; English horses ; slaves for labour ; slaves for the fancy—Hindrances to trade ; bankers driven away ; suspension of trade; vexations at the Custom-house, and meddling propensities of the officials—Troubles of the Factors—Question of keeping up Factories—Sivajee plunders Surat; gallant conduct of the English—Second assault of Sivajee; base conduct of the French—Losses at Carwar and Hooblee—English interchange civilities with Sivajee ; Ustiek's mission, and its results ; Nichol's mission—Henry Oxenden and two Factors at Sivajee's installation; settlement of a treaty; the butchers' friends—The Company's navy—Sivajee's navy—Tho Siddee of Jinjeera—The Siddee enters the harbour of Bombay ; awkward predicament—Frequent visits of the Siddee; cause disturbances—Contests for the possession of Haneri and Khaneri—The Court protests against war—Native opinion of English courage—The Court's crooked policy.—Naval fight between the Marathas and Siddees—Native pirates ; their contest with Europeans; cruel murder of an Englishman; fight at Vingorla; hazards of the coasting trade—The Portuguese ; their futile threats ; their priests expelled from Bombay ; they murder an English serjeant; vexatious interference; migrations from Bandora to Bombay—The Dutch ; their war and intrigues—The French ; their Factory ; its failure—Capuchins at Surat ; Father Ambrose—Prosecution of interlopers—Proposal for a new Company—James the Second proclaimed.

The Company were fortunate in finding men of distinguished abilities to superintend their affairs at this period. On the nineteenth of March, 1662, Sir

150

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

George Oxenden, Knight, was appointed to be President and Chief Director of all the Company's affairs

"at Surat and all other their Factories from Zoilon

to the Red Sea." His name is conspicuous above all

others in the first pages of Anglo-Indian annals, and

in addition to his other titles, he was honoured in 1669

with that of Governor and Commander-in-Chief of

Bombay, being at the same time empowered to select

one of his Council for the office of Deputy Governor.

He died on the fourteenth of July, 1669. Gerald

Aungier, a zealous, bold, and highly honourable man,

was his worthy successor, and died, after a tedious

illness, in June, 1677. Rolt, who had been appointed

by the Company in 1669 Agent for Persia, then acted

provisionally as President, and when he left India in

January, 1682, John Child, who was created a

baronet that same year, succeeded to the highest

authority.* The characters of Oxenden, Aungier,

and Child, will appear in the sequel.

Not only in Bombay, but at all their Factories,

great efforts were made by the Company to extend

their trade. We gain an idea of the business which

was carried on by the Factors of Surat at this time,

when we learn that in 1668 six ships arrived from

England with goods and bullion to the value of a

hundred and thirty thousand pounds. The next year

twelve hundred tons of shipping arrived with stock

valued at seventy-five thousand pounds. In 1670

came fifteen hundred tons of shipping ; in 1672 four

• Fryer, letter viii., chapter i., Bruce's Annals. Letter from the

Council of Surat to Bombay ; dated 30th June, 1677.

THE COMPANY'S INVESTMENTS AND TRADE. 151

ships, with cargo and bullion valued at eighty-five

thousand pounds, and in 1673 stock and bullion were

brought to the amount of a hundred thousand pounds.

These sums appear trifling, when compared with the

British capital of eighty millions, now supposed to be

employed in India; but at that time they were considered large. The debt, for which the Factory was

responsible in 1674, amounted to a hundred and

thirty-five thousand pounds.

For the sake of forging a small link with the con-

temporary history of another country, it may be

mentioned here, that in 1681 there was an intention

of despatching from Surat six small vessels to Ton-

quin and Amoy ; but the plan was abandoned when

information was received that the Tartars had driven

the Chinese from Amoy, and the Company's Factory

there had been destroyed.

With regard to particular articles of trade, it may

be remarked, that indigo or anile was more in demand

than ever. Pepper, saltpetre, raw and wrought silks,

to the value of thirty thousand pounds in a year,

calicoes to the value of a hundred and sixty thousand

pounds, and various drugs, were exported to England.

A trade in diamonds was chiefly confined to private

dealers, who frequently made large profits.*

Considerable attention was already paid to the

exportation of raw Cotton, and so early as 1684

attempts were made to save freight by compressing it

into bales with the aid of machinery. For this pur-

pose the Company sent out "a screw or engine," and

• Bruce's Annals. Fryer, letter ii., chap. v.

152

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

at the same time wrote thus:—“We would the more

encourage the affair of Cotton, and press you to pursue

the method we have proposed of contracting a con-

siderable weight into a little room, because, if we can

bring it home to save the freight, we shall do a con-

siderable service to our country by the noble addition

it will cause to our English, and so remote naviga-

tion.” Here is a strange jumble of cotton, screws, and

patriotism, and the probability is, that the Court were

not so disinterested as they pretended.

It is a fact

worthy of notice, that the introduction of screws into

India must be assigned to this early date, and not to

a much later one, as Dr. Royle has done in his valu-

able work upon Cotton. In 1697 there must have

been more than one such machine in Bombay, as we

have the Governor, on the 23rd of March in that year,

writing a letter to the President and Council of Surat,

of which the following is an extract :—“One of the

nutts of our cotton screws being broken, wee have in

vain endeavoured to get a piece of timber in y° coun-

try hereabout to make a new one, therefore doe you

send us as soon as possible one or two pieces of

Cossimba timber, in length ten foot three inches;

broad two foot four inches, and one foot two inches

thick.”

Several attempts were made to introduce a breed of

English horses, but it was found very difficult to

preserve them alive during the long voyages which

were then usually made.*

• Letters from the Court to the President and Council of Surat;

dated July 1683, and February 1684. Colquhoun's Treatise; Appendix.

COTTON SCRREWS—ENGLISH HORSES—SLAVES. 153

Slaves were amongst the exports of the English

Factory at this time, for the island of Saint Helena

having been bestowed by the Crown upon the Com-

pany, they wanted labourers for their plantations. So

they desired their President at Surat to send them

cargoes of negroes, with as little concern as if they

had been any other kind of live or dead stock, and

mentioned twenty pounds per head as the purchase-

money. At first only males were exported, and these

desolate beings remained at Saint Helena without any

of those domestic enjoyments by which even the life of

a slave may be solaced; but as there is a point at which

oppression defeats its own projects, and, like many

other animals when deprived of their mates, the slaves

became troublesome, wives were demanded for them.

The Honourable Company do not indeed hint that their

commercial minds were susceptible of pity, but

their interests were in this case promoted by shewing

kindness to their human cattle. “It may be con-

venient,” they wrote, “you should send near as many

female slaves as male to Saint Helena, because the

male will not live so contented, except they have

wives.” *

The market at Surat was supposed to be stocked

with such a large assortment of live goods, that all

fancies might be suited there, and the next order

which the Court sent, shewed that they relied upon it

for a supply of their minutest wants. They were on

the look-out for a leash of slaves, and such slaves as

only the most whimsical of men could have thought

• Letters as above.

154

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

of; but as the contents of their singular despatch will

be imagined scarcely credible, it will be advisable to

quote the exact words, which form a postscript, but

are evidently the most important part of the letter :-

"His Majesty hath required of us to send to India

to provide for him there one male and two female

blacks, but they must be dwarfs of the least size that

you can procure, the male to be about seventeen years

of age, and the females about fourteen. We would

have you, next to their littleness, to chuse such as may

have the best features, and to send them home upon

any of our ships, giving the commander great charge

to take care of their accommodation, and in particular

of the females, that they be in no way abused in the

voyage by any of the seamen; for their provision and

clothes you must take care to lay it in, and let them

be set out with such ear and nose rings, and shackles

for ornaments about their legs (of false stones, and

brass, but not with gold) as is usual to wear in the

country, but let them not be used by them in the

voyage, but sent to us apart."*

Whether three unhappy creatures of precisely

such ages, sizes, and features as were required, or

whether indeed any were ever procured and forwarded,

we are not informed. As for the Court, they seemed

as if they did not feel that they were seeking to traffic

in human beings; they write not of men and women,

boys and girls, but only use the words male and

female, as they might in reference to any strange

• Letter from the Court to the President and Council of Surat; dated

May 1683.

FANCY SLAVES—HINDRANCES TO TRADE. 155

animals. Their reason for sending the order is obvious, as it was the year 1683, when the Company were

seriously alarmed lest their exclusive privileges should

be lost ; when a rival Company, favoured by the public,

were strenuously endeavouring to obtain a Royal

Charter, and even the King and Council had taken

the matter into consideration. The old Company,

therefore, straining every nerve to conciliate the monarch, were anxious to indulge all the caprices of the

royal and effete debauchee, and not only listened to

his puerile request for toys with souls in them,* but

also would have them ornamented in such a manner

as they supposed would satisfy the most fastidious

taste.

The English trade at Surat was so hampered by

native interference that we cannot wonder at the

Company's desire to remove it to Bombay. One year

the Shroffs and Bunyas, with whom the Factors

transacted business, were banished from Surat, on

account of a religious dispute; and the consequence

was that these important auxiliaries of trade called in

their money that they might bury it, or conceal it,

till the return of better times, refusing to advance

any for the Company's investments, or to take such

goods as were imported, off the Factors' hands.

At another time not only was the trade, but the

lives of Europeans were in danger. Some Dutch

seamen had, in a drunken frolic, insulted a native

officer, and, fearing chastisement, they took refuge in

the English Factory. The Governor, having had

• Aristotle calls a slave ἔμψυχov ὄργανον—a tool with a soul.

156 THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

this represented to him by designing persons as a hostile combination against him of French, Dutch, and English, issued a proclamation ordering all natives to withdraw from the service of Europeans, and declaring that any European wearing arms might be put to death with impunity. The Chiefs of the three nations were this time so wise as to act in unison, and as all made a feint of abandoning their Factories and quitting Surat, the Governor was brought to reason. They were invited to return, and, after a negotiation of six weeks' duration, their privileges were restored.*

Obstructions at the Custom House were particularly vexatious, especially to those who had incurred the Governor's displeasure, or had not gained his favour by an unsparing use of bribes. Thevenot has given us a minute account of the way in which travellers, and merchants in particular, were tormented. When he arrived at the bar of the river, he was taken in a small boat up the stream to the Custom House; but, although he reached that place at eight o'clock in the evening, he was not permitted to land until the next morning at ten. His person was then so strictly searched, and the conduct of the officers was so offensive, that his patience was put to a sore trial. And he was treated less severely than many others. As soon as a ship cast anchor at the bar, her commander was rowed up to the Custom House, where he was obliged to give notice of his arrival, and a guard was then placed over his vessel to prevent the

• Brucc's Annals, 1660–1672.

removal of any article. From each passenger a fee of

half a rupee was demanded, and he was charged

another half rupee for his passage in the boat. As

the Custom House was only open from ten o'clock

until noon, the traveller was compelled to wait until

the next day, if he did not happen to arrive in the

intervening time. A body of peons armed with thick

bamboos were drawn up at the landing place, and it

was their business to prevent all who came on shore

from holding any communication with the bystanders.

After passing through a large court, the travellers

were ushered one at a time into an apartment where

the chief officer sat in state. Their names were first

registered, and often they were then required to strip

themselves. If gold or silver were found upon their

persons, two and a half per cent. of the value were

claimed. Native ingenuity was taxed to discover

articles on which duty might be levied, so that even

gilt buttons were included, and the Purser of the

Company's marine had to pay for these appendages to

his coat as often as he crossed the river. After this

scrutiny they were dismissed, but were obliged to

return another day for their baggage, which was

completely rummaged. Clothes were unfolded, pistol

barrels sounded, the smallest articles examined, and it

was sometimes a month before those who had merchan-

dise could get it passed. Christians paid a duty offour,*

and native tradesmen of five per cent. on their goods.

• But according to a firman issued by Aurangzeeb, and dated 25th June,

1667, the English and Dutch Companies only paid an ad valorem duty of

two per cent. on all merchandise. Treaties, Agreements, &c.

158

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

European tourists often complain of the petty annoyances inflicted upon them by the preventivo

officers of Austria and Italy; native merchants sometimes grumble at the treatment to which they are

subjected in the Custom House of Bombay; but if they could only have visited Surat in theolden time,

they mightindeed have been indignant at the meddling propensities of native rulers. The Governor himself

searched the baggage of Sir Thomas Roe, and appropriated to himself such articles as pleased him.* On

another occasion the Governor was found seated in the Custom House, when his sharp eye fell upon a

bracelet and a diamond in the midst of a traveller's baggage, and immediately he signified to the owner

that it was his pleasure to purchase the ornaments. The poor fellow did not wish to sell; but what

matter? His Highness wished to buy. The other protested earnestly that they were presents from dear

friends. His remonstrances saved the diamond, but the Governor detained the bracelet, until, as he said,

the stranger should honour him with a visit. It is almost needless to add that the bracelet was never

recovered.

It is not to be concluded that the English were always subjected to the vexations here described, but

they were ever liable to them, and if they happened to offend the Governor of the city, they were oppressed

whenever occasion offered. Sometimes they were indulged to a great degree, and permitted to introduce

contraband articles without being questioned; at

• Sir Thomas Roe's Journal.

TROUBLES

OF

THE

FACTORS.

159

other

times

their

property

was

seized,

and

taken

at

any

valuation

which

the

native

officers

chose

to

determine.*

The

President

and

all

European

women

were

suffered

to

pass

without

examination.

The

history

of

the

English

Factors

at

Surat

throughout

this

whole

period

is

a

record

of

troublous

years

with

a

few

bright

days

of

joy

and

hope.

Interlopers

were

as

wasps

to

them;

the

Dutch

could

outbid

them

in

the

markets;

the

Portuguese

intrigued

against

them;

the

Marathas

tried

to

plunder

them;

and

the

Moguls

to

crush

them.

In

1662

and

following

years

the

Factors,

in

compliance

with

directions

which

they

received

from

home,

sought

to

ruin

interlopers

by

selling

their

own

goods

at

low

rates;

but

here

the

Dutch

stepped

in,

and

by

means

of

their

superior

capital,

competed

with

them

successfully.

The

English

'had

reduced

their

prices

so

low

that

the

strain

upon

their

commercial

strength

was

too

great,

and

they

were

compelled

to

contract

their

operations,

suppressing

some

of

their

small

Factories.†

On

account

of

these

difficulties

it

was

for

long

an

open

question

whether

Factories,

when

established

on

an

adequate

scale,

were

not

a

useless

expense,

and

whether

it

would

not

be

prudent

to

give

them

up

altogether.

In

many

places

the

Dutch

carried

on

trade

without

them,

and

entered

into

contracts

with

native

merchants;

why

then

should

the

English

*Voyages

de

Thevenot;

liv.

i.,

chap.

i.

and

xx.

A

Voyage

to

Surat

by

Oleef

Forcen,

Chaplain

of

the

Gothic

Lion.

A

Voyage

to

Surat

by

J.

Ovington,

M.A.

Baldaeus.

Fryer,

letter

ii.

chap.

v.

†

Mill's

History.

160

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

Company lavish such large sums upon houses, lands,

fortifications, and equipments? So late as 1666 a

native merchant was employed at Surat to obtain the

investment of the season, and for some time this

expedient succeeded. Probably the Factory would

have been given up, if the Directors had not clung to

the patronage which they enjoyed by its means, and

which was wholly theirs, whilst their share in the

profits of the trade was insignificant.* A Factory

which had been established at Ahmedabad was closed,

but another one opened at Nundrabad.

Sivajee was for long a cause of anxiety to the

English Factors, who closely watched all his move-

ments, dreading lest they themselves might be the

objects of his next expedition, and declaring that

"he seemed to be everywhere and prepared for every

emergency." At length, on the fifth of January 1664,

he entered Surat. Such of the inhabitants as were

able made their escape; the helpless Governor shutting

himself in the castle, which was protected by English

cannon,† and leaving the Maratha robber to plunder

the city at his convenience. An Englishman named

Smith having been seized by Sivajee's troops, and

carried into his presence, afterwards described him as

seated in a tent, and ordering his executioners to chop

off the heads or hands of such unfortunate inhabitants

as he suspected of concealing their wealth. Both the

Dutch and English Factors stood upon the defensive;

the conduct of the latter was so gallant that they not

• Mill's History, book i. chap. 4. Bruce's Annals, 1670-71.

† Obtained from the wreck of the ship Middleburgh. Baldæus.

SIVAJEE PLUNDERS SURAT.

161

only held their own but saved the property of many

natives. So highly did the Emperor Aurangzoob

appreciate their courage and resolution that he sent

to the President, Sir George Oxenden, a robe of

honour, and granted the Factory exemption from a

portion of customs duties. The Company also

showed their approval of the President's conduct by

presenting him with a gold medal,* together with a

gratuity of two hundred pounds for himself, and four

hundred pounds to be distributed amongst the Council

and subordinate servants. They also expressed a

wish that he would continue in the administration for

three years longer.

Again, on the third of October, 1670, Surat

suffered under this scourge, when at the head of

fifteen thousand men Sivajee pillaged the city: This

time several lives and some property were lost in

detached warehouses belonging to the English; but, as

before, their Factory was gallantly defended,

Streynsham Master having in the President's absence

come with a party of seamen from Swally and taken

the command. The Dutch Factory being in a retired

quarter of the city was unmolested; but the French,

who had lately established themselves here, saved

themselves by ignominiously agreeing that the plun-

derer should pass through their Factory to attack

and rob an unfortunate Tartar, styled by our Factors,

"The King of Kaskar," who, having been deposed

by his son, had made a pilgrimage to Mecca, and was

Bearing the motto—"Non minor est virtus, quam quærere, parta

tuari."

M

162

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

returning with his suite in fancied security. By this base and cruel robbery Sivajee obtained "a vast treasure in gold, silver and plate, a gold bed, and other rich furniture."* Laden with booty he soon withdrew his army from the city; but roving bands of his followers for long infested the neighbourhood and terrified the inhabitants; in some instances actually presenting themselves before the Governor, and boldly demanding a contribution.†

In February, 1665, Sivajee had attacked Carwar, a town in the province of Canara, where, as we have seen, the English had established a small Factory; but the place being well defended, he contented himself with levying a contribution, of which the Factors' share amounted to a hundred and twelve pounds. In 1673 he attacked and plundered Hooblee, where also was a Factory. The English lost on this occasion property to the value of 7,894 pagodas, for which they afterwards demanded of Sivajee an indemnity; but he steadily refused any, maintaining that his troops had not molested the Factory. A little furniture, he said, and a few trifles might have been taken, but he would not admit that their value exceeded two hundred rupees.‡

Although the English had thus suffered much from the hostility of the Maratha usurper, they were

• History of the Marathas. By James Grant Duff, Esq., vol. i., chap. vi. and vii. Fryer's Account. Bruce's Annals.

† Letter from the President and Council of Surat to the Court; dated 26th May, 1677.

‡ Grant Duff's History, chap. vi. and viii. Hamilton's East India Gazetteer. Orme's Fragments.

constrained to treat him with consideration and respect. Even when he was actually engaged in assailing Surat, the Factors of Bombay felt so dependent upon his country for their grain and fire-wood, that they addressed him in conciliatory language, and interchanged civilities with him. During the monsoon of 1672 they were so terrified by an inoffec-tual attempt which he made to take the Portuguese settlement of Gorabundar, that they endeavoured to secure themselves by a treaty, and for that purpose sent Mr. Ustick to wait upon him. Happily Sivajee's interests corresponded with their wishes. So long as they were his friends the value of his conquests was increased by their trade; if they had been his enemies they might have permitted the Moguls to pass through the harbour of Bombay, and make a descent upon his defenceless coast. He therefore agreed to an alliance. Mr. Ustick was also instructed to demand thirty-two thousand pagodas for damages sustained; but of course the hope of obtaining such a sum was visionary. How-ever Sivajee readily consented to respect for the future all possessions of the English, and to indemnify them for such injuries as he admitted that he had inflicted upon them; if only they would join him in an expe-dition against Jinjeera, and re-establish their Factory at Rajapoor. The reply of the English was to the effect, that being mere merchants they never took up arms except in self defence, and that they could not venture upon a return to Rajapoor, unless provided with some security for their safety.*

• Bruce's Annals, 1671-72. Grant Duff's History, vol. i., chap. viiil.

164

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

The Factors still indulged the hope of obtaining compensation from Sivajee, and in May 1673 Mr.

Nichols went to him as their Envoy. He was first introduced to Sambhajee, the son, and afterwards to

the Raja himself; but he had no more success than his predecessor.

When Sivajee's victories had justified his actions in the minds of his followers; when successful rebellion,

treachery, robberies, and assassinations, combined with a love of enterprise, and singular daring, had exalted

him to the position of a hero in the estimation of Marathas, they cheerfully gratified his ambition by

permitting him to occupy a throne. The ceremonial of his installation was in part witnessed by Henry

Oxenden, afterwards Deputy Governor of Bombay. With a view of concluding a treaty on the Company's

behalf, he and two other English Factors travelled to meet Sivajee at Reree or Raigarh. After some diffi-

culties had been removed, twenty preliminary articles —most of them favourable to the Company—were

signed on the sixth of April 1674. Sivajee engaged to allow ten thousand pagodas as an indemnity for the

losses sustained at Rajapoor. He did not indeed con-sent to pay this sum in cash; but it was obtained in

the native manner by a little intricate arrangement. According to this the English were permitted to pur-

chase annually for three years goods to the value of five thousand pagodas, for which they were only to

pay two thousand five hundred pagodas. They would thus recover seven thousand five hundred pagodas,

TREATY MADE WITH SIVAJEE.

165

and the remaining two thousand five hundred were to

be made up by a temporary exemption of the Rajapoor

Factory from the usual customs. It was further

agreed that the English should establish Factories at

Rajapoor, Dabhol, Chaul, and Callian; that they

should trade wherever they pleased in the Maratha

territories, and fix their own prices without being

subjected to any arbitrary rules. For all goods which

they should import, a duty of not more than two and

a half per cent. ad valorem was to be paid; the

current coins of the Company and Marathas were

to be exchanged according to their specific values;

and lastly, it was engaged that all the Company's

property which might be wrecked on the Maratha

coasts, should be restored to its owners. Sivajee

manifested great reluctance in consenting to this last

article. He was at once ready to promise that protec-

tion should be secured to the crews of shipwrecked

vessels; but he considered it a privilego pertaining to

his royalties, that he should claim for himself the

vessels and their cargoes. Finally, all difficulties were

overcome, and the unlucky Factory of Rajapoor was

re-established. But Fortune never favoured it with

her smiles.*

A contemporary writer has left a graphic account of

this Embassy, in which, with the spirit of a true

Briton, he incorporates some curious tales of the

larder. With a sneer at the unchristian appetite of a

Maratha, he says that "the diet of this sort of people

admits not of great variety,or cost, their delightfullest

• Grant Duff's History.

166

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

food being only cutcherry, a sort of pulse and rice mixed together and boiled in butter, with which they grow fat." On the other hand the English Factors, being in danger of growing lean, hankered after the flesh-pots of Bombay; but at length, on their application to the Raja, a Mussulman butcher " was ordered to supply them with what goat they should expend." He only provided them with half a goat each day; but this was more flesh meat than he had sold for some years before; and the old man was so well pleased with his customers, that with great labour he dragged his tottering limbs up the hill to catch a glimpse of the butcher's friends. For the information of those who study " the art of dining " in India, our author concludes thus :-

" So rare a thing is it to eat flesh among them; for the Gentiles eat none, and the Moors and Portugals eat it well stew'd, bak'd, or made into pottage; no nation eating it roasted so commonly as we do. And in this point I doubt we err in these hot countries, where our spirits being always upon the flight, are not so intent on the business of concoction; so that those things that are easiest digested, and that create the least trouble to the stomach, we find by experience to agree best here."*

Although on shore the military preparations of the English at that time were strictly defensive, and in that respect similar to those which in ancient days a feudal baron of Europe found it necessary to adopt for his protection, yet they were not always unwilling to

• Fryer's Account.

THE BUTCHER'S FRIENDS—THE COMPANY'S NAVY. 167

take an offensive position at sea. They had three

men-of-war—the Revenge, mounting twenty-two guns,

the Mayboon, of two hundred and twenty tons, which

had been taken from the Dutch, and the Hunter of

fourteen guns; besides smaller vessels, confusedly

styled by English writers manchuas, gallivats, grabs,

shybars, balloons, prows, hoys and ketches.* With

this fleet the Factors were becoming sensible of their

power, and although their masters insisted upon

abstaining from all hostile aggressions, they them-

selves were disposed to venture, with timid and uncor-

tain steps, into the dangerous field of war. There

were two Native powers, whose ships they always

watched with suspicion. Sivajee's fleet, if estimated

by numbers, would appear formidable indeed. The

Factors of Carwar, giving an account of it in 1665,

state that it consisted of eighty-five frigates and three

great ships. Such a force, when only seen upon

paper, might have been viewed even by the great

powers of Europe with apprehension; but probably

• Manchua for Machava, a small vessel of ten or twelve candies;

gallivat for galabat, is described by Hamilton as a large row boat with

two masts, rarely exceeding seventy tons; by Vanpell it is said to be of

from a hundred to a hundred and fifty candies, to carry two latteen

sails, and to have been ordinarily used for piratical purposes; Grab,

Arabicè ghurab, Marathas gurab, had rarely more than two masts, and

was then of a hundred and fifty tons; some with three masts were of

three hundred tons. Shybar or Shebar for s'ibad, a large vessel. Balloon

for balyana, a stata barge. Prow for Paruv, a small botella, seldom

exceeding thirty candies. Hoy is an English name. Ketch or dlorioh,

meaning one and a half, from having a main and mizen masts.—

Hamilton's History of Hindostan, vol. 1. Paper by J. Vaupell, Esq.,

in the seventh volume of the Bombay Geographical Society's Transac-

tions.

168

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

its actual strength was trifling. The "great ships" may indeed have carried three masts; but by the

term "frigate" was signified, we may suppose, the small coasting vessels, which vary in burthen from

thirty to a hundred and fifty tons.*

The other marine power upon the coast was commanded by Siddees.† This people were originally

natives of Abyssinia, but having been for generations in the Mogul Emperor's pay, their families had

received grants of forts and lands on condition of equipping vessels and rendering naval service. One,

whose descendant still holds the town and port of Jaffrabad on the coast of Katiwar, possessed at that

time the Fort of Jinjeera, and when attacked in 1668 by a powerful force of Sivajee, applied to the English

for assistance. The authorities of Bombay were anxious that the President should comply with his

request, and the reason which they gave is worthy of notice, as showing that they had not yet learnt to

estimate their insular possession at its true value. Those cunning intriguers and short-sighted politicians

hoped that, if they were permitted to interpose, Jinjeera might eventually fall into their hands; and

they suggested that its advantages as a settlement would be superior to those of Bombay.‡ Jinjeera!

Where and what is Jinjeera? You may still find its

• Grant Duff's History, vol. i., chap. vi.

† What is the origin of this word? A friend suggests "Saiyid." It was certainly used as a title or complimentary name; not, as we now use

the word "Seedy," for an African seaman.

‡ Grant Duff's History, vol. i., chap. vii.

place on a map; but it is no port nor resort of trade;

it has fallen into merited obscurity.

These Siddees were troublesome, dangerous neigh-

bours, and it is difficult to say whether their enmity

or friendship was most to be dreaded. In 1672 they

anchored with a fleet off Bombay, and requested the

President's permission to enter the harbour, and

ravage the districts which belonged to Sivajee. Their

application was refused; but having afterwards

relieved Jinjeera, which was besieged by Sivajee, and

routed the Maratha troops, they returned to Bombay

so inflated by success that they entered the harbour

without thinking it necessary to ask any one's consent.

The President received them with constrained civility,

for he was in an awkward predicament; on the one

side the Siddee urged him to form a league against

Sivajee, on the other side Sivajee vowed, that if this

were done he would instantly invade Bombay. It

was lucky that the Siddee was reasonable enough to

take this dilemma into consideration. He promised

to abstain from hostilities against the Maratha dis-

tricts which lay along the harbour, and prepared to

take his departure. His followers, however, gave

proofs of their savage intentions by burning several

houses at Mazagon.

The next year the Siddee again came and craved

permission to “ winter” in the harbour. By “ winter,”

we may observe in passing, the English denoted that

wet and boisterous, but not a stormy season,

between June and October. President Aungier,

being afraid that the Great Mogul might resent

170

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

upon the Factors at Surat any inhospitable treatment

of his admiral, permitted the unwelcome visitors to

haul four of their vessels ashore, on condition that

their crews should withdraw and leave them under

the garrison's protection. In October these ships

put to sea, and having joined a considerable fleet,

ravaged Sivajee's district, shed much blood, and

carried away men, women, and children to be sold

into slavery.

In 1674 a fleet of the Siddees again made its

appearance. Several of the men landing at the

village of Sion scared away the inhabitants, and

would have occupied their houses during the monsoon,

if they had not been expelled by the English troops.

It was then agreed that no more than three hundred

of the Siddee's men should remain on shore at one

time,* and that those should bring no other weapon

but their swords.*

In 1677 the English were nearly involved in a

quarrel with these people, because a certain Ensign

Thorpe chose to insult and injure the crew of one of

their small vessels.† This incident will be mentioned

in another place; it is enough to remark now that a

wound was left which time alone could heal. Yet

Siddee Sambhol again applied for leave "to winter on

the island," thus giving a proof of confidence which

the Deputy-Governor, being by no means hospitably

disposed, received like a bear's hug; but, as the crafty

• Orme's Fragments.

† Letter to the Court from the Deputy Governor and Council of

Bombay, dated 24th January, 1676-7.

DISTURBANCES CAUSED BY THE SIDDEES.

171

African contrived to prolong the negotiation until the

monsoon had fairly set in, it was not then possible for

his fleet to leave the harbour. He and his people

resided for a month or two at Mazagon without

creating any disturbance; although their intrigues

were unfailing sources of anxiety to the British

Government. A threatening message from Sivajee

was the first intimation which the English received

of an injury which the Siddeo had inflicted on the

inhabitants of the opposite shore; a Brahman, with

money procured from Sambhol, having hired a boat

and party of men, who kidnapped four other Brah-

mans and transported them to the Siddees' ships,

where they were kept in close confinement. Sivajee's

menace aroused the President to discover and punish

the men-stealers. Eleven were apprehended, three of

whom were executed, and the remainder sent as slaves

to St. Helena.*

In October the restless propensities of these people

gave rise to fresh alarms. Ali Kossim had been

appointed by the Emperor to supersede Sambhol, and

that month he arrived to take command of the fleet.

Whether the old commander was willing to obey the

august mandate for his degradation, we know not;

but certainly his officers and sailors were determined

that he should not. The followers of the two

Siddees were divided into factions, and commenced

a regular fight. The Deputy-Governor immediately

commanded his little army to interfere, and only when

all the followers of Ali Kossim had been disarmed,

• Orme's Fragments.

172

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

and four horses of English troopers killed, was the

broken peace restored.*

The next year, at the earnest intercession of the

Native Governor of Surat, the Siddee was again per-

mitted to reside at Bombay. His small vessels being

hauled ashore, and the large ones moored near Maza-

gon, many of his men took up their abode in the

town, where they daily committed acts of violence

against the Hindoos. Brahmans, as the objects of

their especial aversion, were sometimes seized by them

and subjected to impurities which no penances could

expinte.

The sufferers urged Sivajee to avenge them

by entering the harbour, and burning the Siddee's

fleet. Some Maratha troops actually threatened to

invade Bombay, but as the Portuguese were alarmed

for the safety of Bassein and resolved to oppose their

march, the expedition was recalled.

Once more, on the twenty-eighth of April, 1680,

we find the Deputy Governor and Council subjected

to annoyance by these people, who, with the greatest

effrontery, brought some prisoners which had been

seized in Sivajee's districts, and offered them for sale

in Bombay. The English Government discovered

twenty-one such unfortunate beings and immediatly

released them. A few days afterwards the Siddees

attempted to introduce contraband goods, and attacked

the guards at the Custom House. Their leader,

Kossim, sailed with his fleet into the harbour, and

anchored off the fort. The discharge of a few guns

• Letters from the Deputy Goƿernor and Council of Bombay, in

October, 1677.

CONTEST FOR HANERI AND KHANERI. 178

brought him to reason; but Sambhajee, who had

succeeded his father Sivajee,—the death of the latter

having occurred at the beginning of this month—

was so annoyed at the protection which the English

had unwillingly afforded the Siddees, that he also

threatened an assault and invasion.

Sambhajee's fleet actually did attack the Siddees at

the little island of Haneri, and this led to a fresh

annoyance. Having defeated Sambhajee's men with

great slaughter, the triumphant Siddees brought

eighty heads in baskets to Mazagon, and were pro-

ceeding, as a matter of course, to range them on poles

along the shore; but the English Government, feeling

what the others thought a silly squeamishness, posi-

tively prohibited the ghastly exhibition.*

This little island Haneri, and its twin sister Kha-

neri, commanding to a certain extent the entrance of

the harbour, were eagerly coveted by the English

Government, who saw in them a strong temptation

to commence an aggressive war. As Khaneri was

supposed to have no fresh water, it was neglected by

all parties until 1679; but in October of that year

Sivajee, enraged at the Siddee's predatory excursions,

and being prevented from retaliating with attacking

Bombay, took possession of Khaneri. This measure

placed him in such a position that he could not only

pounce upon his African foes, but also, when they

were protected by the English, made reprisals on the

latter's shipping.

Under these circumstances the English, in con-

• Orme's Fragments.

174

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

junction with their new allies the Siddees, attempted

to eject the Marathas. Their first step was to send

an aged Captain, or—as another writer states, with

more probability—a drunken Lieutenant * in a small

vessel, with instructions to demand why the intruders

had come to Khaneri. This officer being induced to

land, he and his crew were treacherously cut off. The

Revenge, a pink, and seven native craft were then

ordered to lie at anchor so as to block up all the

avenues to the rock. Upon this challenge the Mara-

thas, with forty vessels, attacked the English fleet,

took one grab, and put to flight all except the

Revenge. The little man-of-war was commanded by

Captain Minchin ; and the gallant Captain Keigwin,

who was Commodore for the occasion, was with him.

These officers coolly permitted the Marathas to board,

and then sweeping the deck fore and aft with their

great guns, destroyed some hundreds, sunk four of the

enemy's vessels, and compelled the rest to seek refuge

in flight. Yet, signal as was this success, they did

not recover Khaneri.

As a counter movement against Sivajee, Siddce

Kossim proceeded to entrench himself at Haneri, and

in 1680 Sambhajee in vain attempted to drive him

out. Although guns planted on these rocks could

never have such a long range as to prevent ingress to,

and egress from, the harbour, yet when they were in

possession of uncertain friends, like the Siddees and

Marathas, the annoyance must have been almost

• Bruce says "an aged Captain" Orme "a Lieutenant in a fit of

drunkenness."

CAUTION OF THE COURT—TAUNTS OF THE NATIVES. 175

insupportable. The Deputy Governor in Council

therefore earnestly asked the Court's permission to

expel these occupants. But prudence was the order

of the day. The Court in reply declared that they

were quite opposed to any such undertaking, and then

expounding a policy which they soon found reason to

change in reality, although not in profession, added:—

"Although we have formerly wrote you that we will

have no war for Hendry Kendry, yet all war is so con-

trary to our constitution, as well as our interest, that

we cannot too often inculcate to you our aversion there-

unto." The same injunction is repeated, only in still

stronger terms, the following year, although the incon-

venience of allowing these islands to be occupied by the

sailors of another nation is fully acknowledged.*

This excessive caution of the English was, as may

be supposed, called timidity by the Natives, who rather

mortified the Factors by taunting them in some such

languago as the following:—"Why vaunts your nation?

What victories have you achieved? What has your

sword done? Who ever felt your power? What do

you possess? We see the Dutch outdo you; the

Portugals have behaved themselves like men; every

one runs you down; you can scarce keep Bombaim,

which you got (as we know) not by your valour but

compact; and will you pretend to be men of war, or

cope with our princes? It's fitter for you to live on

merchandise and submit to us."† Reading those

• Letters from the Court; dated 22nd April 1681, and May 1682.

Grant Duff's History, vol. i., chap. x. Hamilton's Hindustan.

† Fryer, letter vii., chap. i.

176

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

taunts in the nineteenth century, we almost look at

them as prophecy under the garb of satire. At that

time, however, a prophet could only have said; “ O

thou sword of the English, how long wilt thou be

quiet? Put up thyself into the scabbard, rest and be

still. Thou hast not yet received thy charge against

the nations of India. For the English, submission

and patience are now appointed.”*

Although the pacific instructions of the Court seem

plain and decisive, their policy was in truth mean and

crooked. They recommended their servants to temporise

with the great and semi-barbarous powers by which

they were surrounded; but yet encouraged them to

enforce an observance of treaties by the employment

of armed vessls. They thus hoped that if their

military enterprises should fail, and they should be

blamed in England, they might shift all responsibility

from their own shoulders to those of their servants in

India. So much, be it remarked, is admitted even by

their apologists.†

The Siddees continued to visit Mazagon frequently,

to annoy the English, and plunder the opposite dis-

tricts of the Marathas. They even purchased houses,

and established their families in Bombay. One

Maratha vessel, which they seized in 1681, was

rescued by the guard-boats of the English. In 1682

continual skirmishes took place between their fleet

and Sambhajee's, both sides being guilty of gross

outrages. At last Sambhajee prohibited the exporta-

• See Jeremiah, chp. xlvii., § and 7.

† Bruce's Annals, 1677-8. Mill's History, book i., chap. iv.

NAVAL FIGHT—NATIVE PIRATES.

177

tion of grain from his territories to Bombay, and as

the Portuguese, glad of an opportunity to distress the

English, did the same, the price of provisions was

tripled. A sanguinary conflict ensued between the

fleet of Sambhajee, commanded by Siddee Misree, a

relation of that Sambhol who had been dismissed the

Emperor's service, and the regular fleet of the Siddee,

commanded by Yakoot Khan. Victory declared for

the latter, and Misree being mortally wounded was

brought to die at Mazagon.*

Another evil, which in time grew to enormous

magnitude, had always been a serious hindrance to

English trade. The Western Coasts of India had

been notorious for pirates even when visited by the

Romans in the days of their power, and their fleets

which came annually from the Red Sea carried a

number of archers for protection against these rovers.†

Ptolemy wrote of them as if he respected their

heroism.‡ Marco Polo in 1269 said, that with their

wives and children they passed all the months of fair

weather at sea, that each of their fleets comprised

twenty ships, which being ranged at a distance of

five miles from each other, made a line of a hundred

miles, and that as soon as one descried a merchant

ship she made a signal to the rest, so that it was

scarcely possible for their victim to escape.§

These pirates of Malabar were at first considered

• Orme's Fragments. Grant Duff's History, vol. 1., chap. x.

† Plin. Hist. Nat., lib. vi., c. xxiii.

‡ Writing of them as ἀνδρῶν πειρατῶν.

§ Pennant, vol. i.

178

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

formidable to English vessels even when well armed.

Sir Thomas Herbert fell in with a piratical craft, to

which chase was given by two of the ship's boats,

each containing fifty musqueteers. A hand-to-hand

engagement followed. The pirates used their weapons

with such desperate courage, and plied so well what

Herbert calls "a sort of hand-granado with a volley

of invenomous shafts," but which, probably, was

nothing more than a "stink-pot," that the English

were constrained to retreat, with half of their men

either killed or scalded. The same English ship

came upon forty boats of pirates at Mangalore; but

all made good their escape.

During the whole period which this narrative

embraces, the coast was infested with those marine

thieves and others called Sanganians or Sindanians.*

The latter yielded in courage but not in cruelty to

the pirates of Malabar.

In 1677 some of these wretches seized an English-

man near Cotarſa, whilst he was sailing in a Portuguese

vessel from Daman. They demanded a ransom; but

in conformity with a principle which has been gene-

rally adopted by the British Government in India,

Mr. Bowcher, who was acting for the Deputy Gover-

nor of Bombay, refused to give any. He well knew

that such a payment would only lead to more seizures,

• Sangadians are mentioned by Arrian. Todd says that the proper

name would be Sangam-dharians, from Sangam, an embouchure, because

they frequented such places. Travels in Western India, by Lieut. Colonel

James Todd, chap. xx. But Alexander Hamilton says that their country

was Sangania, a province of Cutch, the port of which was Bnot. Hamil-

ton's "New Account," chap. xii.

SEIZURES AND ATTACKS BY PIRATES.

179

and believed that his determination was prudent and humane, although apparently cruel. The disappointed pirates bound their unhappy prisoner to a tree, and lanced him to death.*

Fryer, when passing up the river to Vingorla, met a Malabar pirate, which had made prize of a grab in open day. The English vessel in which he sailed immediately attacked her; although she had sixty fighting men, who defended themselves with small guns, stones, and stink-pots. As the gunner of the English vessel had been left in the slums of Goa, one of the Factors was obliged to serve the single gun;

but he performed this duty so clumsily that he set his own clothes on fire with a cartridge, and leaped overboard to quench the flames. Taking advantage of the confusion caused by this mishap, the pirates attempted to board, but were repelled by a discharge of blunderbusses. They then sheered off. The English were warmly congratulated and complimented for their gallantry by the Chief of the Dutch Factory at Vingorla, and others who had been spectators of the combat. They afterwards heard that the captain of the pirate vessel and several men had been killed, and that numerous other vessels of the same class were lying in wait for them with a view of taking their revenge.†

As for the native vessels engaged in the coasting trade they were as mice, for which the Malabareso

• Letter from the Deputy Governor and Council; dated 3rd April, 1677.

† Fryer, letter iv., chap. ii.

180

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

and Sanganians contended like dogs and cats; the

superior courage and strength of the former generally

obtaining the prey. Or, perhaps, the native traders

might be better compared to rabbits, skipping from

one burrow to another. During the day they lay

concealed in some hiding place, and towards evening

a sailor would ascend an eminence to make a survey.

Not until they were satisfied that no pirates were in

the neighbourhood, and their movements were screened

by the darkness, did they venture forth. In short,

the paths of the ocean were fully as dangerous for

defenceless travellers as those of the land.*

Secure as the present position of the English in

India appears, it is difficult to imagine the constant

alarms and anxieties amidst which they must have

formerly lived. We cannot say whether they had most

cause to fear the hostility of native powers, freebooters

by sea and land, or their European rivals. The

Portuguese continued to insult and injure them, nor

was it at once discovered how much more audacious

were the words than the acts of that decaying race.

They had lately exposed themselves to contempt, by

suffering a force of six hundred Arabs from Muscat

to invade the territory and plunder the churches and

houses of Bassein, although the garrison outnumbered

their assailants.† Yet recreant as was this behaviour

of their troops, President Aungier wrote soon after

that they had "grown very prodigiously bold." They

chased a Malabar vessel into the harbour of Bombay,

• Thevenot, liv. l., chap. vi. Fryer, letter v., chap. i.

† Orme's Fragments. This was in 1674.

FUTILE THREATS OF THE PORTUGUESE.

181

and then insisted that the Deputy Governor should

give her up as their lawful prize. The reply was a

peremptory refusal. So Manoel de Saldanha, their

General, arose in his fury, levied an army of twelve

hundred men, and vowed that if the vessel were not

surrendered peaceably, he would invade Bombay, and

take it by force. He actually began to march, but

then found that the English chief was not to be

frightened into submission by threats. His opponent's

calm resolution induced the General to alter his

plans and beat a retreat, whilst the English chuckled

and laughed. He was also, they said, “very much

reproached by the Hidolgoos and Padrees for his

rash folly.” *

The high tone with which the English addressed

their neighbours in this affair was now, and in remark-

able contrast with their style at other times. The

Deputy's firmness met with the full approbation of

his superior, who was only afraid that there were spies

within the camp. Some Roman Catholic priests had

been more busy than became them in this matter.

The President therefore directed that a strict account

should be taken of such persons, “and particularly of

Jesuit Padre at Parell, and the Padrees in

Mahim.” † The refuse of the Goanese clergy were

continually resorting to Bombay, and remaining there

without having a cure of souls, or any regular appoint-

• Letter from the President and Council of Surat to Fort St. George;

dated 28th March 1676.

† Letter from the President and Council of Surat to Bombay; dated

28th March 1676.

182

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

ment, and it was difficult to ascertain whether they

were engaged in political intrigues, or merely escaping

from the irksome discipline of a monastic life. In

the one case they were likely to prove dangerous; in

the other only troublesome; but that their object was

either to make the Portuguese on the island ill affected

towards the Government, or else to free themselves

from all restraint and lead licentious lives, appears to

have been undoubted. An order was therefore issued,

requiring "all such vagabond Padrees" to repair to

Chaul, or wherever else they pleased. It bore a sem-

blance of intolerance, but was in reality a protective

ordinance*

When menaces had failed to obtain any satis-

faction, some Portuguese of Salsette resorted to

baser means of indulging an impotent revenge, and

foully murdered a Sergeant Southerland, who had

strayed beyond the English boundary. The Presi-

dent declared "such bloody violences cannot be put

up without satisfaction," and ordered that the Superior

of the College at Bandora should be called to account

for this assassination, as it was perpetrated within the

limits of his jurisdiction. We are not told whether

this reasonable demand met with due attention.†

Envy was the mainspring of Portuguese hostility.

"They are ever exquisite

seekers of all ways imaginable to do us mischief,

envying us, we suppose, the sudden prosperity this

• Letter from the President and Council of Surat to Bombay; dated

17th October 1676.

† Letter as above.

VINDICTIVE HOSTILITY OF THE PORTUGUESE. 183

place is rose to." Holding, as they did, Karinja and

Salsette, they had it in their power to fetter English

trade with the interior, and they were far from back-

ward in making use of their opportunities. For all

goods passing inland they exacted a duty of ten per

cent., but their heaviest impost was upon timber

brought to Bombay from Callian and Brimsley.* For

this they demanded a duty of thirty-three per cent.,

in addition to a charge of twenty per cent. made by

their officer who commanded at Bassein, as a premium

for permission to let it pass through his district. At

one time they forbade all transportation of rice from

Bandora to Bombay, and, although their own supplies

were abundant, placed a duty, which was so heavy as

to be almost prohibitory, on the exportation of fruits,

vegetables, and fowls, from all parts of their terri-

tory. However, the English steadily resisted the

demand for custom-duties at Tanna and Karinja, and

threatened an appeal to arms in case an attempt was

made to enforce payment.

From one part of their illiberal system the Govern-

ment of Bombay reaped considerable benefit. That

intolerance by which the Portuguese have earned an

unenviable celebrity, was as ruinous to their settle-

ments as it was advantageous to their neighbours.

Brahmans, whose services were of much value, lived

at Bandora in constant fear that when they died their

children would be seized by the priests and baptized.

Many of them, therefore, escaped to Bombay, and of

those who remained, some built on that island houses,

• So written in the Records.

184

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

where they left their wives and children as in places

of security.*

The Dutch Factory at Surat was now on a grand

scale,† yet the affairs of that nation were conducted

with such economy and skill that they were held up

by the Court of Directors as models to which they

expected their Factors to conform themselves.‡ Ill

feelings, which afterwards broke out in a rupture

between England and Holland, were smouldering in

the Factors' breasts. The Hollanders shewed their

contempt for the English by beating several of their

servants, hoisting the flag of St. George under the

flag of the United Provinces, proclaiming themselves

sovereigns of the seas, and declaring that whatever

their masters at home might say, they would do what

they pleased at Surat.§ As the Portuguese were the

most troublesome rivals of the English on land, so

these Dutch were their most formidable enemies at

sea. After the war had broken out between the two

nations in 1664, the cupidity of each was instigated

by the desire of excluding the other from the Indian

trade. In England avarice hoped to profit by national

indignation, and even poetry condescended to swell the

stream of popular fury, taking for its themes "delenda

est Carthago," and the tempting prizes of the Low-

• Letters from the Deputy Governor and Council of Bombay to the

Court, dated 24th January 1676-7; and from the Court to the Deputy

Governor, &c., dated December. 1683.

† Voyages de Thevenot, liv. i., chap. vii.

‡ Letter from the Court to the President and Council of Surat; dated

16th November 1683. Fryer's Account, page 63.

§ Pepys' Diary, 16th February 1663-4.

THE DUTCH WAR AND INTRIGUES.

185

landers' commerce.* But probably the expectations of

the Dutch had a better foundation, as the armaments

which they sent to the Indian seas were far superior

to those of the English. When the avaricious designs

of both nations were frustrated by the peace, the

Dutch still endeavoured to attain their object by

intriguing with native merchants. The English Com-

pany also was almost ruined by the expenses of a

fleet which they had equipped to revenge upon the

Dutch their expulsion from Bantam, but which was

prevented from sailing by Charles the Second. They

were unable to remit the usual sums of money to

India for the purchase of cargoes, and their Factories

having to supply the deficiency, became involved in

debt.†

At this period the French made their first appear-

ance at Surat as traders. Colbert, their Minister of

Finance, had contrived the establishment of an East

India Company in 1664, and their agents settled at

Surat in 1668, under Caron, a man of French extraction,

but who had grown old in the service of the

Dutch Company at Japan. Having been banished

from that country on account of his intrigues, and

not well received by the Dutch at Java, he placed

himself at the disposal of the French, by whom he

was sent to Surat; but he appears to have soon

• Thus Dryden in his "Satire upon the Dutch":-

"As Cats did in Afric fruits display,

Let us before our eyes their Indies lay.

All loyal English will like him conclude,

Let Cæsar live, and Gürthage be subdued."

† Raynal, vol. i., book iii.

186

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

become convinced that his countrymen were incapable

of competing with the English and Dutch.* In

1671-2 a French fleet of twelve ships arrived, bringing

stock which was valued at a hundred and thirty

thousand pounds. Their purchases and sales were

made with such rashness that for a time they reduced

the price of European, and raised the price of Indian

goods; but the English Factors perceived that they

were poor men of business, and not likely to prove

successful rivals in commerce.† As for their Factory,

Fryer dismissed the consideration by merely saying,

that "it is better stored with monsieurs than with

cash; they live well, borrow money, and make a

show." The conclusion of the French speculation

was, that they ran away from Surat without paying

their debts, and when they sought permission to return

were positively refused.‡

Some French Capuchins had also established them-

selves at Surat, and having used the name of an

Aleppo merchant to purchase land, had built a

monastery and elegant church. Important services

which they rendered to the English when in trouble

were many years afterwards acknowledged with

gratitude by the President and Council.§ The

intrepid and disinterested conduct of Father Ambrose,

their superior, deserves to be recorded; for when

Sivajee was approaching the city, the good Father

• Raynal, book iv.

† Mill's History, book i., chap. iv.

‡ Fryer's Account, Raynal, book iv.

§ Letter from the President and Council to the Hon. Thomas Pitt;

dated 13th April, 1700. Voyages de Tavernier, tome iii.

FAILURE OF THE FRENCH FACTORY—INTERLOPERS. 187

appeared before him and implored him to spare all

Christians. Even this Hindoo had sufficient respect

for his character to grant his request. The convent

was left unassailed, and all who took refuge in it

escaped without injury.*

Not the least of the anxieties with which the

English Factors were harassed, arose from a constant

expectation of having their trade shared by inter-

lopers. Strict injunctions were received from home

that such should be seized; if possible, by surprise,

in order to avoid bloodshed; but at any rate they

were to be seized. When taken, their ships with the

cargoes were to be confiscated. One-half of the value

was appropriated to his Britannic Majesty's use, and

the other half, according to their charter, to the

Company.† Against some who had evaded the

Factors' vigilance, successful actions were brought

in the Courts of England.‡ At the same time the

Company declared publicly that Free Trade was per-

mitted—but this was a quibble, or rather an unblush-

ing falsehood.§

To men hedged in and protected by exclusive

privileges, it seemed as unreasonable that any regu-

larly organized body should be authorized by Govern-

ment to enter their field of commerce, as that the

trade should be altogether opened. Several propo-

sitions for establishing a new Company had been

• Raynal as above. Voyages de Thevenot, liv. i., chap. xvi.

† Letter from the Court to the Deputy Governor and Council of

Bombay; dated May, 1682.

‡ Letter as above; dated February, 1684.

§ Fryer's Account.

188

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

made, received favourably by the people of England,

and even listened to by the King. These the old

Company affected to treat with contempt, although

there is no doubt that in secret they were really

alarmed. At last, in 1682, they had so far succeeded

in propitiating the King and his Council, that they

flattered themselves the threatened storm had alto-

gether passed away. "We suppose you may have

heard the noise of the new subscriptions," they wrote,

"or a new East India Stock,—a thing in itself

frivolous, and serving only to amuse idle and ignorant

people, not Princes nor Councils of State, or any

wise man. But, however, to lay that matter for ever

asleep, it had lately a great debate before his Majesty

and Council, to the Company's great honour and

reputation, which is enough for us to say to you upon

this occasion."*

Deluded Court! When they wrote in this trium-

phant and self-gratulatory style, they little knew what

rivalry was in store for them. They leaned upon the

King and Council—a reed which broke and pierced

them. They had confidence in a bad cause, and such

usually leads to shame and discomfiture.

In October 1685 accounts reached Bombay that

Charles the Second was dead. On the twenty-fifth

James the Second was proclaimed at Surat with all

possible solemnity, and a congratulatory address for-

warded to him by the President and Council.†

• Letter from the Court to the President and Council; dated 22nd

May 1682.

† Bruce's Annals; 1685-6.

CHAPTER VI.

1662—1685.

Contents :— Home and Personal Affairs.—Swally, and the ride to

Surat—The Factory—Rank and pay of the Factors; the rest of the

establishment; idleness—The President's style—Sepulchral monu-

ments—The Court remonstrates—Characters—Fryer ; his history ;

his travels into the interior, ascent of the Ghauts and other adventures

—Sir George Oxenden ; his family ; character ; descendants—Gerald

Aungier ; his religion ; death—Religious phrases in ordinary use—

Contrast in the immorality of the times—Governors Cook and Gary—

Deputy Governor Young; his outrageous conduct—A naval consign—

A drunkard's broadside ; a military quill-driver—Gentleman Jones

the Sergeant—A Corporal's freak—Offlcial peculation—Bombay punch

and its effects ; duelling and gambling ; Clive's opinion of the military

—The Court's opinion of their servants—A cargo of ladies ; bad

investment ; their cruel treatment—Children of mixed marriages—

Mutinies at Bombay ; causes ; spirit of the times ; retrenchment ; first

mutiny ; Shaxton sent home ; the Court disgusts all classes ; Keigwin

raises the standard of revolt ; statesmanlike conduct—The President

fails to establish order—Officers sent from England—Sir Thomas

Grantham arrives, and gains possession of Bombay—Treatment of the

rebels—Factories at Dhuramgaum, Honawar, Carwar, Rattera and

Brinjan—Anecdotes of the Factors.

The Factors of Surat were making themselves extremely comfortable, and indeed gradually imitating

that style and grandeur which distinguish the corporate societies of England. Some of them resided at

190

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

Swally, where at first they had been contented to pitch tents, but in the days of President Andrews convenient bungalows were erected.

The scene hero was interesting, particularly after the periodical arrivals of ships from Europe.

A suitable landing-place led to the English dwellings. English, Dutch, and French colours were hoisted on their respective flagstaffs ; and at the sea-side were the tombs of several Europeans.

When the residents of Swally visited Surat, they generally maintained their dignity by travelling in some state.

Horses were not used for draught; but their ordinary conveyances were two-wheeled carts or four-wheeled waggons, drawn by bullocks, and styled by courtesy chariots or coaches.

With few exceptions these were made after the native fashion, and the rider was compelled to sit cross-legged in them.

Fryer says, "they were covered with scarlet and ill hung, being much like those sold at London to please little children with, only larger and lined with velvet."

They were escorted by a company of peons; such a troop, remarks the same graphic author, as may be seen in "old pictures of our Lord's apprehension."

The English Factory was a handsome and solid building of stone.

It supported an upper and lower gallery, was ornamented by some good carving, and contained private apartments, with "a neat oratory," and common dining-room.

Strangers were pleased with the numerous curiosities which were exhibited in it.

There were various specimens of zoology, then considered novelties; amongst them a good collection

THE ENGLISH FACTORY AT SURAT

191

of tumbler, fantail, and other pigeons, fighting-cocks

from Siam, milk-white turtle doves from Bussora,

cockatoos and newries from Bantam, a cassiowary,

which had the power of digesting iron, and diminu-

tive Ahmadavats.

The hours for transacting business with natives

were from ten till twelve, and again from four until

night. At such times the Factory was a scene of

extraordinary noise and bustle.

There were not more than twenty-eight Factors

and Writers.* Their apartments seemed to a visitor

extremely elegant, when compared with others in

India. The higher grades of rank were attained

by a regular system of seniority, and an order of

precedence was strictly observed. First came the

President and eight members of Council, five only of

whom were obliged to reside at Surat. Next to the

President ranked the Accountant, who acted as

Treasurer, and prepared the accounts for audit.

After him came the Warehouse-keeper, who regis-

tered the sales of European, and the purchases of

Oriental goods. Fourth was the Purser Marine, who

was required to give an account of all exports and

imports, to pay seamen's wages, provide stores, and

discharge other duties connected with the shipping.

The fifth was the Secretary, who regulated the general

affairs. These five were members of Council.

When a young man first arrived in India he was

styled an apprentice; but after a time this term seems

• Lists were periodically sent home to the Court. The above is the

average after a comparison of numerous lists.

192

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

to have been thought vulgar, and given up.* When

he had served his apprenticeship, he became a Writer;

his salary was ten pounds per annum, and he was

held under a bond of five hundred pounds to serve

for five years. At the expiration of that time he

became a Factor; his salary was raised to twenty

pounds, and he was bound in the sum of a thousand

pounds. After three years he became a Senior

Factor; and after another three years, a Merchant

with forty pounds per annum. The chiefs of minor

Factories, Bombay, Bantam, Persia, Ahmedabad,

Agra, Hooblee, Rajapoor, Carwar, and Calicut, were

taken from this class of servants; but many preferred

remaining in Council at Surat, as they were enabled

to make such large profits there on consignments.

The Accountant's salary was seventy-two pounds,

fifty-two of which were paid in India, and the rest in

England. The President's salary was five hundred,

a gratuity of two hundred having been added to the

former salary of three hundred pounds, "for the

purpose of removing all temptation to engage in

• The following is the Court's regulation:-" For the advancement of

our Apprentices we direct that, after they have served the first five

years they shall have 10l. per annum for the two last years; and having

served those two years, to be entertained one year longer, as Writers,

and have Writer's salary; and having served that year, to enter into

the degree of Factors, which otherwise would have been ten years.

And knowing that a distinction of titles is in many respects necessary,

we do order, that when the Apprentices have served their times, they be

stiled Writers; and when the Writers have served their times, they be

stiled Factors; and Factors, having served their times, to be stiled

Merchants; and Merchants having served their times, to be stiled Senior

Merchants."-Bruce's Annals, 1775-6.

RANK, PAY, AND CONDUCT OF THE FACTORS. 193

private trade;" and in President Aungier's case this

gratuity was increased to five hundred pounds on

account of special services. The President was

obliged to sign a bond for five thousand pounds.

In 1679 the salary of the Deputy Governor of Bombay

was reduced to a hundred and twenty pounds. Half

of all salaries, with the exception of the Accountants

and Writers, was paid in England, and was considered

a security that, in case of any misdemeanour, the

offending party might be fined by the Court. Writers

received their ten pounds in India. A Chaplain,

who received fifty pounds salary, and—significant

condition—fifty pounds more "during good behaviour,"

a Physician and Surgeon, whose incomes corresponded

with the Senior Factors', completed the European

part of the establishment. A Moonshee was also

attached to the Factory in order that the young men

might be instructed in native languages, but few

made any effort to learn them; the Court complained

that they were an idle set: indeed their betters often

set them but a poor example, for some who ranked next

to members of Council, and others who had been sent

out as Chiefs of subordinate Factories, were severely

reprimanded for indifference, idleness, and gross

neglect of their official duties. Many had quite a

schoolboy's dislike of the pen, and so their masters

directed that a schoolboy's punishment should be

inflicted upon them. For every day their work was

neglected they were to be fined one dollar, which was

to be deducted from the portion of their salaries paid

in India; but lest the Company should be suspected

0

194

THE

ENGLISH

IN

WESTERN

INDIA.

of

any

mercenary

motive

in

taking

these

dollars,

they

were

to

be

added

to

the

fund

which

was

raised

for

defraying

the

expenses

of

public

buildings

and

the

decorations

of

Bombay

!

*That

an

impression

might

be

made

upon

the

natives,

the

President

indulged

to

a

considerable

extent

in

pomp

and

state—even

more

than

the

Dutch

President.

He

had

a

standard-bearer

and

body-guard,

composed

of

a

sergeant

and

double

file

of

English

soldiers.

Forty

natives

also

attended

him.

At

dinner

each

course

was

ushered

in

by

the

sound

of

trumpets,

and

his

ears

were

regaled

by

a

band

of

music.

When-ever

he

left

his

private

rooms

he

was

preceded

by

attendants

with

silver

wands.

On

great

occasions,

when

he

issued

from

the

Factory,

he

appeared

on

horseback,

or

in

a

palanquin,

or

a

coach

drawn

by

milk-white

oxen—doubtless

of

that

large

and

beautiful

breed

for

which

Guzerat

is

celebrated.

†

Led

horses

*Letter

from

the

Court

to

the

President

and

Council

;

dated

16th

November,

Bruce's

Annals.

†Fryer's

sketch

from

nature

of

“a

coach

”

is

so

fresh

and

accurate

that

the

reader

shall

have

a

copy

:—“Two

large

milk-white

oxen

are

put

in

to

draw

it,

with

circling

horns

as

black

as

a

coal,

each

point

tipped

with

brass,

from

whence

come

brass

chains

across

to

the

headstall,

which

is

all

of

scarlet,

and

a

scarlet

collar

to

each,

of

brass

bells,

about

their

necks,

their

flapping

ears

snipped

with

art,

and

from

their

nostrils

bridles

covered

with

scarlet.

The

chariot

itself

is

not

swinging

like

ours,

but

fastened

to

the

main

axle

by

neat

arches,

which

support

a

four-square

seat,

which

is

inlaid

with

ivory,

or

enriched

as

they

please

;

at

every

corner

are

turned

pillars,

which

make

(by

twisted

silk

or

cotton

cords)

the

sides,

and

support

the

roof,

covered

with

English

scarlet

cloth,

and

lined

with

silk,

with

party-coloured

borders;

in

these

they

spread

carpets,

and

lay

bolsters

to

ride

cross-legged,

sometimes

three

or

four

in

one

It

is

borne

on

two

wheels

only,

such

little

ones

as

our

fore-wheels

GRANDEUR OF THE PRESIDENT.

195

with silver bridles followed, and an umbrella of state

was carried before him. The equipages of the other

Merchants and Factors came behind in procession,

and corresponded with the President's.*

These accounts of the President's grandeur are

confirmed by tombs which still remain standing at

Surat. What was the style of the living may be

inferred from the houses of the dead; and, moreover,

Fancy may see in these sepulchral ruins the con-

tinuance of an undying rivalry between the agents of

England and Holland. Van Reede, the old Dutch

Chief, has a brave charnel-house: his mouldering

bones lie beneath a double cupola of great dimensions,

formerly adorned with frescoes, escutcheons, and

elegant wood-work. Its original cost may be supposed

to have been enormous, when we read that to repair

it cost the Dutch Company six thousand rupees. It

is not indeed to be compared with the Mohammedan

tombs of Delhi, Agra, and Bijapoore, but no European

are, and pinned on with a wooden arch, which serves to mount them.

The charioteer rides before, a-straddle on the beam that makes the yoke

for the oxen, which is covered with scarlet, and finely carved underneath.

He carries a goad instead of a whip. In winter (when they rarely stir)

they have a mumjuma, or waxcloth, to throw over it. Those for jour-

neying are something stronger than those for the merchants to ride about

the city, or to take the air on; which with their nimble oxen they will,

when they meet in the fields, run races on, and contend for the garland

as much as for an Olympick prize; which is a diversion, To see a cow

gallop, as we say in scorn; but these not only pluck up their heels

apace, but are taught to amble, they often riding on them." Letter vi.,

chap. i.

• Letter from the President and Council to the Court, dated 28th

January, 1663-4. Fryer's Account. Thevenot, liv. i., chap. vii. Gautier

Schouten, tome i.

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THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

structures of the kind, except the tomb of Adrian at

Rome and a few others, equal it. Doubtless the

intention of its builders was to eclipse the noble

mausoleum which covers the remains of Sir George

and Christopher Oxenden, who died a few years earlier

than Van Reede. Christopher is commemorated by

a cupola within the loftier and more expansive cupola

raised in honour of his more distinguished brother,

the President. The height of this monument is

forty feet, the diameter twenty-five. Massive pillars

support the cupolas, and round their interiors are

galleries reached by a flight of many steps. The

body of an Indian Viceroy might have found here

a worthy resting place; it is far too superb for the

Chief of a Factory, and his brother who was only

a subordinate.*

The fact is, that the President's pomp and extrava-

gance were in advance of the times, and the Court of

Directors strove to check them. A Company of

"adventurers" could ill afford to support a kind of

royal state, and however much they might have desired

that their representatives should present an imposing

appearance to the natives of India, they complained

bitterly of the heavy charge, at a time when they

were expending large sums upon the fortifications of

Bombay. They plainly told their President that they

would be better pleased, if he could suppress his rising

vanity, and mortify his inordinate love of display.†

• Olof Foreen’s Voyage. Thevenot.

† Letter from the President and Council, in reply to the Court; dated

17th January, 1675-76.

REMONSTRANCE OF THE COURT—FRYER.

197

Two years later also they ordered that he should only

be styled Agent; and his salary be reduced to three

hundred pounds a year.*

The reader is now invited to come behind the

scenes at Surat and Bombay, and see what, after all,

was the state of society, when its fine dress and cere-

mony were thrown aside.

At first, he shall be introduced to a gentleman whose

book is, next to official records, the best authority

we have for a knowledge of men and manners at that

time. Fryer had graduated as Doctor of Medicine at

the University of Cambridge, and having given abun-

dant proofs of his learning, penetration, and sagacity,

was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society. On the

ninth of December 1672 he left England in the ship

Unity, accompanied by ten other East Indiamen,

and, after visiting the Coromandel Coast, arrived the

following December at Bombay, where he was received

by President Aungier. There his medical services

were in constant requisition, not only for his country-

men, but also for distinguished Portuguese and natives.

"John de Mendos," of Bassein, sent for him to attend

his only daughter, a handsome girl, on the point of

marriage with the Portuguese Admiral of the North.

He then went to Junar at the request of the Mogul

General, and was attended by a Brahman, who acted

as interpreter, his servants, and numerous peons.

Travelling in a palanquin with eight bearers—the usual

number, we may observe, in those days—he passed

Tanna, and reached Callian, where he gazed with

• Kaye's Administration.

198 THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

astonishment on ruins of stately fabrics, and many traces of departed magnificence. As he progressed, he noticed with the eye of a close observer, the habits of the natives and condition of the country. Governors and other officers were not a little troublesome. "A hungry look hung upon them all ;" and Fryer, who was never satisfied with any one so well as himself, thought that he escaped their exactions only by his singular courtesy, good humour, and adroitness.

Leaving behind him Moorbar and Desseer, he ascended the Ghauts to Appagam. This seemed to him—if we may judge from his statement—an enterprise little inferior to Hannibal's passage over the Alps. There was no road, but stones formed broken steps, and the breathless porters threaded their way amidst hanging trees, the roots of which had been left bare by the falling earth. Wearied as they were, even the promise of "nectar in the skies" was but a faint encouragement to them. Hands and feet were all called into requisition. "To look down made my brains turn round," writes the traveller; "over my head pendulous rocks threatened to entomb me." Intense labour extorted tears of anguish from his servants' eyes ; but when at last, by a narrow cavern cut though the rock, they reached the summit, a little arak distributed amongst them, according to promise, made them hasten cheerfully to the nearest village.

On reaching his destination, Fryer attended the durbar, respectfully presented a letter from the English President, and met with a courteous reception ; but

after being told who his patients were, was desired to wait for the occurrence of a fortunate day.

At length being summoned to the harem, he found a bed hung with silk curtains, and was desired to place his hand under the curtains, in order that he might feel an invalid's pulse.

At first his conductors played him a trick, and let him touch the wrist of a healthy slave;

but when he declared that the owner was in robust health, there was extended to him an arm which gave signs of a weak constitution, and left him no doubt as to what should be his prescription.

The following day the Khan sent for him to bleed another of his wives.

Across the apartment into which he was ushered a large curtain extended, through a hole of which an arm was stretched.

As good luck would have it, there was behind this screen a number of inquisitive ladies, who, as they peeped through, so pressed upon it, that suddenly it gave way, and revealed the whole bery fluttering like so many birds over which a net has been spread.

None endeavoured to escape, but there they stood, pretending to be excessively modest, and peering at the Doctor through the open lattices of their fingers.

As for him, he found himself holding by the arm "a plump russet dame," who summoned the blood to her cheeks, and commanded that the curtain should be replaced.

No offence was given or taken.

The Doctor was rewarded with a golden shower of pagodas poured into the basin, over which his patient had been bled, and his servants, to his infinite satisfaction, drew them out of the extravasated gore.

200

THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN INDIA.

But Fryer had the Company's interests in view, as

well as his own. He did his utmost to open a trade

between Junar and Bombay, suggesting that the Mogul

General might in this way provide his army with

horses from Bussora and Mocha, in exchange for

which he could give the ordinary merchandise of his

country. However, the Maratha army, possessing the

intervening districts, were an obstruction in this route,

which probably was not overcome.

As Fryer was returning, the bearers of his palan-

quin must have tried to enjoy a joke at his expense ;

but it was in the end no joking matter for them.

Drawing near a small grove, they saw such a blaze

of light created by fireflies that they really were, or

pretended to be, terrified. The learned doctor, not

being milder and gentler than the rest of his country-

'men, drew his sword, and, as he said, by opening a vein

or two, let out the shaitan, who had crept into their

fancies. Yet the perpetrator of such a wanton and

tyrannical act could listen with the most tender com-

passion to tales of misery, which the natives told, and

which probably were at that time as harrowing themes

as the people of any country have ever dilated on.

Two men amongst the English who resided in

India, and as far as we know, only two, deserve

particular and honourable mention. Sir George

Oxenden and his successor, Gerald Aungier, would

have done credit to any age or nation. When the

detestable licentiousness and political baseness which

degraded Charles the Second's reign, were leavening

Anglo-Indian society, these two men remained

uncorrupt. They were professedly religious characters, and their behaviour was in the main consistent with their profession.

Sir George Oxenden's family is said to have derived its origin from Oxendenden in the parish of Nonington, Kent, and to have resided in that county since the reign of Edward the Third.

Their arms may, I believe, be seen in a window of Denton Church, impaling the heraldic shields of Twitham, Barton, Ratlinga, Yonge, Wonderton and Broadnax. Sir George's elder brother, Sir Henry, was the first baronet.

In the inscription on the monument at Surat, which is designed to commemorate Sir George and his brother Christopher, the former is styled "a great man," and the affection by which the brothers were bound to the last, is simply and touchingly recorded.

Sir George was both good and great. In his official correspondence there is a strikingly religious tone. When after long delay a Chaplain had been sent to Swally, he and his Council "most humbly thanked" the Company for shewing "such spiritual care for their souls."

They added that their minister was a great comfort to them, that his comportment was "sober, and becoming his function and call to holy orders," and that they felt sure of deriving "future comfort and happiness from his piety and sober behaviour."

Even Alexander Hamilton, who had rarely a good word for Indian officials, said that "when Sir George died, piety grew sick, and the building of churches was grown unfashionable."

The zeal which

202

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made him so anxious to have a Church built in

Bombay, extended its liberality to England. In 1660

he gave a velvet cushion and pulpit cloth to the Church

of Wingham, and in 1682 five hundred pounds for

repairs of the same church and Chancel. He also

bequeathed three hundred pounds for the repairs of

Adisham Church. In the accounts of his demise

which the Factors forwarded to the Company, they

express the general regret felt at Surat and Bombay

for his loss, feelingly describe the probity and talents

with which he had guarded the Company's privileges

and managed their commerce, clear his character

from unjust aspersions, and finally declare that he

had gained the respect, not only of the English, but

of the Dutch, French, Native Government, and

merchants of Surat.

Sir George Oxenden had accumulated considerable

wealth. The bulk he left, together with his noble

example, to the line of baronets, who, from that day

to this, have possessed Brome, and other valuable

estates in Kent.*

Gerald Aungier was also a man of high character,

although perhaps inferior in goodness of heart to

Oxenden. He was too fond of religious phrases, and

sometimes used them in excess. Thus when accused

by the Court of vanity, he warmly defended himself,

and endeavoured to strengthen his arguments with

• Letter to the Court from the President and Council at Swally, dated

28th January, 1663-4. Bruce's Annals, 1669-70. Hamilton's "New

Account," chap. xvii. The History and Topographical Survey of the

County of Kent; by Edward Hasted, Esq.