1. in_ernet_dli_2015_52209_2015_52209_Reliques-Of-Ancient-English-Poetry

DELHI UNIVERSITY LIBRARY SYSTEM

PLATINUM JUBILEE 1922-1997

DONATED BY

Prof. A.N. KAUL

&

Prof. MYTHILI KAUL

(Department of English, DU)

CENTRAL REFERENCE LIBRARY

FOR CONSULTATION ONLY

Call No. C111.4117,c Acc. No. 1167666

RELIQUES

OF

ANCIENT ENGLISH POETRY

Consisting of Old Heroic Ballads,

Songs, and Other Pieces,

COLLECTED

BY THOMAS PERCY, D. D.,

DEAN OF DUBLIN.

With a Supplement of

MANY CURIOUS HISTORICAL AND NARRATIVE BALLAD

REPRINTED FROM RARE COPIES.

AND A COPIOUS GLOSSARY AND NOTES.

PER DIAS REGIS

CAXTON PRESS OF

BILLMAN & CO., PHILADELPHIA.

PALMAM QUI MERUIT FERAT

GATTON PRESS OF

SHERMAN & CO., PHILADELPHIA.

Preface.

The reader is here presented with select remains of our ancient English Bards and Minstrols, an order of men, who were once greatly respected by our ancestors, and contributed to soften the roughness of a martial and unlettered people by their songs and by their music.

The greater part of them are extracted from an ancient folio manuscript, in the Editor's possession, which contains near two hundred poems, Songs, and Metrical Romances. This MS. was written about the middle of the last century; but contains compositions of all times and dates, from the ages prior to Chaucer, to the conclusion of the reign of Charles I.*

This manuscript was shown to several learned and ingenious friends, who thought the contents too curious to be consigned to oblivion, and importuned the possessor to save some of them and give them to the press, As most of them are not of great simplicity, and seem to have been merely written for the people, he was long in doubt, whether, in the present state of improved literature, they could be deemed worthy the attention of the public. At length the importunity of his friends prevailed, and he could refuse nothing to such judges as the Author of the Rambler and the late Mr. Shenstone.

Accordingly, such specimens of ancient poetry have been selected, as either show the gradation of our language, exhibit the progress of popular opinions, display the peculiar manners and customs of former ages, or throw light on our earlier classical poets.

They are here distributed into volumes, each of which contains an independent series of poems, arranged chiefly according to the order of time, and showing the gradual improvements of the English language and poetry from the earliest ages down to the present. Each volume, or series, is divided into three books, to afford so many pauses, or resting places to the reader, and to assist him in distinguishing between the productions of the earlier, the middle, and the latter times.

In a polished age, like the present, I am sensible that many of these reliques of antiquity will require great allowances to be made for them. Yet have they, for the most part, a pleasing simplicity, and many artless graces, which in the opinion of no mean critics* have been thought to compensate for the want of higher beauties, and if they do not dazzle the imagination, are frequently found to interest the heart.

To atone for the rudeness of the more obsolete poems, each volume concludes with a few modern attempts in the same kind of writing: and, to take off from the tediousness of the longer narratives, they are every where intermingled with little elegant pieces of the lyric kind. Select ballads in the old Scottish dialect, most of them of the first rate merit, are also interspersed among those of our ancient bards.

• Chaucer quotes the old Romancer 'Of Alban Btescencus,' and some others, which are found in this MS. It also contains several Songs relating to the Civil War in the last century, but not one that alludes to the Restoration.

• Mr. Addison, Mr. Dryden, and the witty Lord Dorset, &c. See the Spectator, No. 70. To these might be added many of those now alive.—The learned Selden appears also to have been fond of collecting these old things See below.

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tuitions of these old rhapsodists are occasionally confronted with specimens of a higher

position of contemporary poets of a higher class; of those who had all the advantages

of learning in the times in which they lived, and who wrote for fame and for posterity.

Yet perhaps the palm will be frequently due to the old strolling Minstrels, who composed

their rhymes to be sung to their harps, and who looked no further than for present ap-

plause, and present subsistence.

The reader will find this class of men occasionally described in the following ro-

lumes, and some particulars relating to their history in an Essay subjoined to this preface.

It will be proper here to give a short account of the other collections that were con-

sulted, and to make my acknowledgments to those gentlemen who were so kind as to im-

part extracts from them; for, while this selection was making, a great number of ingenious friends took a share in the work and

explored many large repositories in its favour.

The first of these that deserved notice was the Pepysian library at Magdalene College,

Cambridge. Its founder, Sam. Pepys,* Esq.,

Secretary of the Admiralty in the reigns of Charles II. and James II., had made a large

collection of ancient English ballads, near two thousand in number, which he has left

pasted in five volumes in folio; besides char-

lands and other smaller miscellanies. This collection, he tells us, was begun by Mr.

Selden; improved by the addition of many pieces older thereto in time; and the whole

continued down to the year 1700; when the form peculiar till then thereto, viz. of the

black letter with pictures, seems (for cheapness sake) wholly laid aside for that of the

white letter without pictures.

In the Ashmole Library at Oxford is a small collection of Ballads made by Anthony

Wood in the year 1670, containing somewhat more than two hundred. Many ancient po-

pular poems are also preserved in the Bodle-

yan Library.

The archives of the Antiquarian Society at London contain a multitude of curious

• A Life of our curious collector, Mr. Pepys, may be seen in the "The Continuation of Mr. Collier's Supplement to

his Great Dictionary, 1715, at the end of vol. iii. folio, Art. PEP."

ed under the several reigns of Henry VIII.,

Edward VI., Mary, Elizabeth, James I., &c.

In the British Museum is preserved a large treasure of ancient English poems, in MSS.,

besides one folio volume of printed ballads.

From all these sources the best pieces were selected; and from many private collections,

as well printed as manuscript, particularly from one large folio volume which was lent

by a lady.

And such a fund of materials, the Editor is afraid he has been sometimes led to make

too great a parade of his authorities. This desire of being accurate has perhaps seduced

him into too minute and trifling an exactness; and in pursuit of information he may have

been drawn into many a petty and trivial research. It was however necessary to give

some account of the old copies; though often, for the sake of brevity, one or two of these

only are mentioned, where yet assistance was received from several. Where anything was

altered that deserved particular notice, the passage is generally distinguished by two

inverted 'commas'. And the Editor has endeavoured to be faithful as to the imperfect

state of his materials would admit. For these old popular rhymes being many of them

copied only from illiterate transcribers, or the imperfect recollection of itinerant ballad-sing-

ers, have, as might be expected, been handled down to us with less care than any other

writings in the world. And the old copies, whether MS. or printed, were often so de-

fective or corrupted, that a scrupulous adherence to their written readings would only

have exhibited unintelligible nonsense, or such poor meagre stuff as neither came from

the Bard nor was worthy the press: when, by a few slight corrections or additions, it

most beautiful or interesting sense hath started forth, and this so naturally and easily,

that the Editor could seldom prevail on himself to indulge the vanity of making a formal

claim to the improvement; but must plead guilty to the charge of concealing his own

share in the amendments under some such general title as a "Modern Copy," or the like.

Yet it has been his design to give sufficient intimation where any considerable liberties*

• Such liberties have been taken with all those pieces which have three asterisks subjoined, thus #_*

retained either in the text or margin any word or phrase which was antique, obsolete, unusual, or peculiar, so that those might be safely quoted as of genuine and unadulterated antiquity. His object was to please both the judicious antiquary and the reader of taste; and he hath endeavoured to gratify both without offending either.

The plan of the work was settled in concert with the late elegant Mr. Shenstone, who was to have borne a joint share in it had not death unhappily prevented him.* Most of the modern pieces were of his selection and arrangement, and the Editor hopes to be pardoned if he has retained some things out of partiality to the judgement of his friend.

The old folio MS. above mentioned was a present from Humphrey Pitt, Esq., of Prior's-lee, in Shropshire,† to whom this public acknowledgement is due for that, and many other obliging favours. To Sir David Dalrymple, Bart., of Hales, near Edinburgh, the editor is indebted for most of the beautiful Scottish poems with which this little miscellany is enriched, and for many curious and elegant remarks with which they are illustrated.

Some obliging communications of the same kind were received from John Mac Gowan, Esq., of Edinburgh; and many curious explanations of Scottish words in the glossaries from John Davidson, Esq., of Edinburgh, and from the Rev. Mr. Hutcheson of Kimbolton.

Mr. Warton, who has twice done so much honour to the Poetry Professor's chair at Oxford, and Mr. West of Worcester College, contributed some curious pieces from the Oxford libraries. The ingenious and learned acknowledgments; to Mr. Blakeway, late Fellow of Magdalen College, he owes all the assistance received from the Pepysian library; and Mr. Farmer, Fellow of Emmanuel College, often exerted, in favour of this little work, that extensive knowledge of ancient English literature for which he is so distinguished.*

Many extracts from ancient MSS. in the British Museum, and other repositories, were owing to the kind services of Thomas Astle, Esq., to whom the public is indebted for the curious 'Preface and Index annexed to the Harleian Catalogue.' The worthy Librarian of the Society of Antiquarians, Mr. Norris, deserves acknowledgment for the obliging manner in which he gave the Editor access to the volumes under his care.

In Mr. Garrick's curious collection of old plays are many scarce pieces of ancient poetry, with the free use of which he indulged the Editor in the politest manner. To the Rev. Dr. Birch he is indebted for the use of several ancient and valuable tracts. To the friendship of Dr. Samuel Johnson he owes many

• To the same learned and ingenious friend, whose Master of Emmanuel College, the Editor is obliged for many corrections and improvements to his second and subsequent editions; as also to the Rev. Mr. Howlet, of Himblesdon, near Salisbury, Editor of the curious edition of 'Amuletanus,' in Spanish, in 6 vols. 4to.; to the Rev. Mr. Cole, formerly of Founy-Strafford, near Buckingham; to the Rev. Mr. Latham, of Norham, in Northumberland, author of a 'History of Thesea', 1764, 8vo., and Editor of an 'Account of the Battle of Flodden Field,' with learned Notes, 1774, 8vo.; and to G. Paton, Esq., of Edinburgh, he is particularly indebted to two friends, to whom the public, as well as himself, are under the greatest obligations; to the Honourable Daines Barrington, for his very learned and curious 'Observations on the Statutes', 4to.; and to Thomas Tyrwhitt, Esq., whose most correct and elegant edition of Chaucer's 'Canterbury Tales,' 6 vols. 4to., is a standard book, and shows how an ancient English classic should be published.

The Editor was also favoured with many valuable remarks and corrections from the Rev. Geo. Ashby, late Fellow of St. John's College, in Cambridge, which are not particularly pointed out because they occur so often. He was no less obliged to Thomas Dutler, Esq., F.A.S., agent to the Duke of Northumberland, and Clerk of the Peace for the county of Middlesex; whose extensive knowledge of ancient writings, records, and history, has been of great use to the Editor in his attempts to illustrate the literature or manners of our ancestors.

Some valuable remarks were procured by Samuel Pegge, Esq., author of that curious work 'Curialia', 4to.; but this impression was too far advanced to profit by them all; which hath also been the case with a series of learned and ingenious annotations inserted in the Gentleman's Magazine for August, 1793, April, June, July, and October, 1794, and which, it is hoped, will be continued.

† Since Keeper of the Records in the Tower.

• That the Editor hath not here underrated the assistance he received from his friend, will appear from Mr. Shenstone's own letter to the late Mr. Graves, dated March 1, 1761. See his works, vol. III. letter xcii. It is doubtful if a great loss to this work, that Mr. Shenstone never saw a proof of it.

† Who informed the Editor that this MS. had been purchased in a library of old books, which was thought to have belonged to Thomas Blount, author of the 'Jocular Tenures, 1679,' 4to.; and of many other publications enumerated in Wood's Athence, II. 773; the earliest of which is 'The Art of Making Dorikes, 1609,' 4to., whereunto he is deserted to be 'of the Inner Temple.' If the collection was made by this lawyer (who also published the 'Law Dictionary, 1671,' folio), it should seem, from the errors and defects with which the MS. abounds, that he had employed his clerk in writing the transcripts, who was often weary of his task.

And, if the Glossaries are more exact and

curious than might be expected in so slight

a publication, it is to be ascribed to the perusal

of a friend, who stands at this time

the first in the world for Northern literature,

and whose learning is better known and respected

in foreign nations than in his own

country. It is perhaps needless to name the

Rev. Mr. Iye, Editor of Lye's Etymologicon,

and of the Gothic Gospels.

The names of so many men of learning

and character the Editor hopes will serve as

an amulet, to guard him from every unfavorable

censure for having bestowed any

attention on a parcel of Old Ballads. It

was at the request of many of these gentlemen,

and of others eminent for their genius

and taste, that this little work was undertaken.

To prepare it for the press has been the

amid the leisure and retirement of mental life,

and hath only served as a relaxation from

graver studies. It has been taken up at different

times, and often thrown aside for

many months, during an interval of four or

five years. This has occasioned some irregularities

and repetitions, which the candid

reader will pardon. As present taste has been

taken to admit nothing immatured and indecorous,

the Editor hopes he need not be ashamed of

having bestowed some of his idle hours on

the ancient literature of our own country, or

in rescuing from oblivion some pieces (though

but the amusements of our ancestors) which

tend to place in a striking light their taste,

genius, sentiments, or manners.

Except in one paragraph, and in the Notes

subjoined, this Preface is given with little

variation from the first edition in mdcclxv.

1 Essay on the Ancient Minstrels in England

ix

2 Notes and Illustrations . . . . xxiii

SERIES THE FIRST.

BOOK THE FIRST.

1 The ancient Ballad of Chevy-Chase .

51

2 The Battle of Otterburne

. . 56

Illustration of the Names in the foregoing

Ballads . . . 62

3 The Jew's Daughter. A Scottish Ballad . 63

4 Sir Cauline . . . 64

5 Edward, Edward. A Scottish Ballad

. . 70

6 King Estmere . . . 71

On the word Termagant

. . 75

7 Sir Patrick Spens. A Scottish Ballad

. 76

8 Robin Hood and Guy of Gisborne .

77

9 An Elegy on Henry, Fourth Earl of North-

umberland, by Skelton

. . 82

10 The Tower of Doctrine, by Stephen Hawes

. 86

11 The Child of Elle .

87

12 Edom (Adam) o' Gordon. A Scottish Ballad

90

BOOK THE SECOND.

(Containing Ballads that Illustrate Shakespeare.)

Essay on the Origin of the English Stage

93

1 Adam Bell, Clym o' the Clough, and Wil-

liam of Cloudesly .

104

2 The aged Lover renounceth Love .

113

3 Jephthah, Judge of Israel

. 114

4 A Robyn, Jolly Robyn

115

5 A Song to the Lute in Musicko

. 116

6 King Cuphetua and the Beggar-maid

. 117

7 Take thy old Clown about theo

. 119

8 Willow, Willow, Willow

. 120

9 Sir Lancelot du Lako

. 122

10 Corydon's Farewell to Phillis

. 124

The Ballad of Constant Susannah .

124

11 Gernutus, the Jew of Venice

. 124

12 The Passionate Shepherd to his Love, by

Marlow . . . 128

The Nymph's Reply, by Sir W. Raleigh

. 129

13 Titus Andronicus's Complaint .

129

14 Take those Lips away

. 132

15 King Leir and his Three Daughters

. 132

16 Youth and Age, by Shakespeare

. 135

17 The Frolicksome Duke, or the Tinker's

Good Fortune . . . 135

18 The Friar of Orders Gray .

. . 137

PAGE

BOOK THE THIRD.

PAGE

1 The more modern Ballad of Chevy Chase

139

Illustration of the Northern Names .

145

2 Death's Final Conquest, by James Shirley

. 145

3 The Rising in the North . . . 149

4 Northumberland betrayed by Douglas .

149

5 My Mind to me a Kingdom is .

153

6 The Patient Countess, by W. Warner .

154

7 Dorsabell, by Drayton . . . 157

8 The Farewell to Love, from Beaumont and

Fletcher . . . 159

9 Mysses and the Syren, by S. Daniel .

159

10 Cupid's Pastime, by Davison .

160

11 The Character of a Happy Life, by Sir W.

Wotton . . . 161

12 Gilderoy. A Scottish Ballad . . . 162

13 Winfrede. . . 163

14 The Witch of Wokery . . . 164

15 Brynn and Porcen. A West India Ballad,

by Dr. Grainger

. 165

16 The thirtieth River, thence River. Translated

from the Spanish . . 166

17 Alcumzar and Zayda, a Moorish Tale .

169

SERIES THE SECOND.

BOOK THE FIRST.

1 Richard of Almaigne . . . 171

2 On the Death of King Edward I. .

173

3 An original Ballad, by Chaucer . . 174

4 The Tournament of Tottenham . . 175

5 For the Victory at Agincourt . . . 179

6 The Not-browne Mayd . . . 180

7 A Balot by the Earl Riverz

. 185

8 Cupid's Assault. By Lord Vaux .

. 186

9 Sir Aldingar . . . 188

10 The Gaberlunzie Man. Scottish. By King

James V. . . . 191

11 On Thomas Lord Cromwell . . 192

12 Harpalus. An Ancient English Pastoral

. 194

13 Robin and Makyne. An ancient Scottish

Pastoral . . . 195

14 Gentlo Hordeman, ell to me . . 197

15 King Edward IV. and the Tanner of Tam-

worth . . . 199

16 As ye came from the Holy Land .

202

17 Hardyknute. A Scottish Fragment. By

Sir J. Bruce . . . 203

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valuable hints for the conduct of the work.

And, if the Glossaries are more exact and

curious than might be expected in so slight

a publication, it is to be ascribed to the su-

pervisal of a friend, who stands at this time

the first in the world for Northern literature,

and whose learning is better known and re-

spected in foreign nations than in his own

country. It is perhaps needless to name the

Rev. Mr. Lye, Editor of Junius's Etymologi-

cum, and of the Gothic Gospels.

The names of so many men of learning

and character the Editor hopes will serve as

an amulet, to guard him from every unfa-

vorable censure for having bestowed any

attention on a parcel of Old Barians. It

was at the request of many of those gentle-

men, and of others eminent for their genius

and taste, that this little work was undertaken.

To prepare it for the press has been the

amusement of now and then a vacant hour

amid the leisure and retirement of mental life,

and hath only served as an alleviation to

greater studies. It has been taken up at dif-

ferent times, and laid by for

many months, during and intervals of five

years. This has been attended with incon-

sistencies and repetitions, which the reader

will perhaps pardon. A judicious critic

taken the trouble to intimate and subdue't.

The Editor hopes he need not be detained of

having bestowed more of his idle hours on

the ancient literature of our with a mutry,

in rescuing from oblivion some perithough

but the amusements of our ancestors which

tend to place in a striking light their taste,

genius, sentiments, or manners.

Except in one paragraph, and in the Notes

subjoined, this Preface is given with little

variation from the first edition in mdcclxv.

Contents.

1 Essay on the Ancient Minstrels in England

ix

2 Notes and Illustrations . . . . xxiii

SERIES THE FIRST.

BOOK THE FIRST.

1 The ancient Ballad of Chevy-Chase .

51

2 The Battle of Otterbourne

Illustration of the Names in the foregoing Ballads . . . 56

3 The Jew's Daughter. A Scottish Ballad

63

4 Sir Cawline . . . . 64

5 Edward, Edward. A Scotish Ballad

70

6 King Estmere .

71

On the word Termagant

75

7 Sir Patrick Spens. A Scottish Ballad

76

8 Robin Hood and Guy of Gisborne .

77

9 An Elegy on Henry, Fourth Earl of North-

umberland, by Skelton

82

10 The Power of Doctrine, by Stephen Hawes

84

11 The Child of Elle .

87

12 Elen (Elen) o' Gierdon. A Scottish Ballad

90

BOOK THE SECOND.

(Containing Ballads that Illustrate Shakspeure.)

Essay on the Origin of the English Stage

93

1 Adam Bell, Clym o' the Clough, and Wil-

liam of Cloudesly .

104

2 The aged Lover renounceth Love .

113

3 Jephthah, Judge of Israel .

114

4 A Robyn, Jolly Robyn

115

5 A Song to the Lute in Musicke

116

6 King Cuphetua and the Beggar-maid

117

7 Take thy old Cloak about thee

119

8 Willow, Willow, Willow

120

9 Sir Lancelot du Lake

122

10 Corydon's Farewell to Phillis

124

The Ballad of Constant Susannah

124

11 Gernutus, the Jow of Vleloo

124

12 The Passionate Shepherd to his Love, by

Marlow .

128

The Nymph's Reply, by Sir W. Ralegh

129

13 Titus Andronicus's Complaint .

132

14 Take those Lips away

132

15 King Leir and his Three Daughters

132

16 Youth and Age, by Shakspeare

135

17 The Frolicksome Duke, or the Tinker's

Good Fortune . . . . 135

18 The Friar of Orders Gray . . . 137

BOOK THE THIRD.

PAGE

1 The more modern Ballad of Chevy Chase

139

Illustration of the Northern Naues .

143

2 Death's Final Conquest, by James Shirley

145

3 The Rising in the North . . . 146

4 Northumberland betrayed by Douglas .

149

5 My Mind to me a Kingdom is .

153

6 The Patient Countes, by W. Warner .

154

7 Dowsabel, by Drayton . . . . 157

8 The Farewell to Love, from Beaumont and

Fletcher .

159

9 Ulysses and the Syren, by S. Daniel .

159

10 Cuid's Pastime, by Davison .

160

11 The Character of a Happy Life, by Sir H.

Wotton .

161

12 Gil Morrice. A Scottish Ballad . . . 162

13 Winifreda . . . . 163

14 The Witch of Wokey . . . . 164

15 Bryant and Pereen. A West Indian Ballad,

by Dr. Grainger

165

16 Denths River, the River. Translated

from the Spaniell . . . . 166

17 Alemanzor and Zayda, a Moorish Tale .

169

SERIES THE SECOND.

BOOK THE FIRST.

1 Richard of Almaigne . * . . . 171

2 On the Death of King Edward I. . . 172

3 An original Ballad, by Chaucer . . 174

4 The Turnament of Tottenham . . . 175

5 For the Victory at Agincourt . . . 179

6 The Not-browne Mayd . . . . 180

7 A Balet by the Eald Rivers . . . 185

8 Cupid's Assault. By Lord Vaux . . 186

9 Sir Aldingar . . . . 188

10 The Gaberlunzie Man. Scotlish. By King

James V. . . . . 191

11 On Thomas Lord Cromwell . . . 192

12 Harpalus. An Ancient English Pastoral

194

13 Robin and Makyne. An ancient Scottish

Pastoral . . . . 195

14 Gentle Hordsman, tell to me . . . 197

15 King Edward IV. and the Tanner of Tam-

worth . . . . 199

16 As ye came from the Holy Land . . 202

17 Hardyknute. A Scottish Fragment. By

Sir J. Bruce . . . . 203

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BOOK THE THIRD.

1 A Ballad of Fathers, the Pope, a Cardinal,

and a Husbandman . . . . . . . 201

2 John Anderson my Jo. A Scottish Song . 211

3 Little John Nobby . . . . . . 211

4 Queen Elizabeth's Virgins, while Pucelle

at Wundetork . . . . . . . 211

5 The Lair of Lamm . . . . . . 211

6 Hascuigue's Praise of the fair Bride, afterwards Lady Saunders . 214

7 Fair Rosamond, By Thomas Delone

8 Queen Elinour's Confession . . . 221

9 The Sturdy Boreke . . . . . . 230

10 The Beggar's Daughter of Bednall Green. An Essay on the word Fir, and the Ancient

Ballad Singing . . . . . . 231

11 Fancy and Desire. By the Earl of Oxford 231

12 Sir Andrew Barton . . . . . 231

13 Lady Anne Bothwell's Lament. A Scot-

tish Song . . . . . . . 239

14 The Murder of the King of Scots. . 240

15 A Sonnet by Queen Elizabeth . . 241

16 The King of Scots and And. Browne. By

W. Elderton . . . . . . . 242

17 The Bonny Earl of Murray. A Scottish

Song . . . . . . . . 244

18 Young Waters. A Scottish Song . 245

19 Mary Ambree . . . . . . . 246

20 Brave Lord Willoughby . . . . 249

21 Victorious Men of Earth. By James Shirley

22 The Winning of Cales . . . . 251

23 The Spanish Lady's Love . . . 254

24 Argentile and Curan. By W. Warner

25 Corin's Fate . . . . . . . 260

26 Jane Shore . . . . . . . 260

27 Corydon's Doleful Knoll . . . 261

BOOK THE THIRD.

Essay on the Metro of Pierce Plowman's

Visions . . . . . . . 265

1 The Complaint of Conscience, . . 272

2 Plain Truth and Blind Ignorance . 274

3 The Wandering Jow . . . . . 276

4 The Lye. By Sir W. Raleigh . . 278

5 Verses (viz. two Sonnets) by King James I. 279

6 King John and the Abbot of Canterbury 280

7 You Meaneer Beauties. By Sir H. Wotton 283

8 The Old and Young Courtier . . 283

9 Sir John Suckling's Campaign . . 285

10 To Althea from Prison. By Col. Lovelace 286

11 The Downfall of Charing Cross . . 287

12 Loyalty Confined. By Sir Roger L'Estrange

13 Verses by King Charles I. . . . 289

14 The Sale of Rebellious Household Stuff 290

15 The Ballad Knight, or Lady's Policy . 292

16 Why so Pale? By Sir John Suckling . 294

17 Old Tom of Bedlam. Mad Song the First 294

18 The Distracted Puritan. Mad Song the Second

19 The Lunatic Lover. Mad Song the Third 297

20 The Lady Distracted with Love. Mad Song

the Fourth . . . . . . . 298

1 The Lover and his Lass . . . . 304

2 The Murran . . . . . . . 304

3 King Ryance . . . . . . . 325

4 King Arthur's Knights. A Fragment

5 The Lute, and Lute-Player . . . 329

6 A Hymn to the Graces . . . . 330

7 Little Musgrave . . . . . . 334

8 Old Robin of Portingale . . . 335

9 Child Waters . . . . . . . 336

10 Phillida and Corydon. By Sir R. . . . 340

11 Little Musgrave and Lady Barnard . 341

12 The Two Knights of Murran. A new Scots

Song . . . . . . . . 343

13 The Knight and the Shepherd's Daughter

14 The Shepherd's Address to his Merry

N. Pearson . . . . . . . 343

15 Lord Thomas and Fair Ellinor . . 343

16 Cupid and Campaspe. By John Lyly . 347

17 The Lady Turned Serving Man . . 347

18 Gil (or Child) Morrice. A notable h Ballad

1 The Lover of . . . . . . 352

2 Clay and Adamant. By Adam Haselton

3 The Child that was born A . . . 353

4 Fair Margaret and Sweet William . 358

5 Barbara Allen's Cruelty . . . . 360

6 Sweet William's Ghost. A Scottish Ballad 361

7 Sir John tirdesmond Bastards Alman. Latin 362

8 The Balliff's Daughter of Islington . 362

9 The Willow Tree. A Pastoral Inalogue

10 The Lady's Fall . . . . . . 364

11 Waily, waily, Love be hungry. A Scottish

Song . . . . . . . . 366

12 The Bride's Burial . . . . . 368

13 Juliena . . . . . . . . 369

14 The Lady Isabella's Tragedy . . 369

15 A Fife and Cry after Cupid. By Ben Jon-

son . . . . . . . . 370

16 The King of France's Daughter . . 371

17 The Sweat Neglect. By Ben Jonson

18 The Children in the Wood . . . 374

19 A Lover of late was I . . . . 376

20 The King and the Miller of Mansfield 377

21 The Shepherd's Resolution. By W. Wither

22 Queen Dido, or the Wandering Prince of

Troy . . . . . . . . 382

23 The Witches Song. By Ben Jonson . 384

24 Robin Good-fellow . . . . . 385

25 The Fairy Queen . . . . . . 387

26 The Fairies Farewell. By Dr. Corbet . 388

BOOK THE THIRD.

PAGE

1 The Birth of St. George . . . 390

2 St. George and the Dragon . . . 391

3 Love will find out the Way . . . 397

4 Lord Thomas and Fair Annie. A Scottish Ballad . . . 398

5 Unfading Beauty. By Thomas Carew 399

6 George Barnwell . . . 400

7 The Staidfast Shepherd. By George Wither 401

8 The Spanish Virgin; or the Effects of Jealousy . . . 405

9 Jealousy. Tyrant of the Mind. By Dryden 407

10 Constant Penelope . . . 408

11 To Laura, on going to the Wars. By Col. Lovelace . . . 400

12 Valentine and Orson . . . 409

13 The Dragon of Wantley . . . 414

14 St. George for England. The First Part, 418

15 St. George for England. The Second Part. By J. Crutch . . . 420

16 Margaret's Ghost. By David Mallet . . . 426

17 Lucy and Colin. By The Tickell . . . 427

18 The Boy and the Mantle, Revised, &c. . . . 429

19 The ancient Fragment of the Marriage of Sir Chawaine . . . 432

20 Hermit of Warkworth . . . 435

ADDENDUM

Robin Hood's Death and Burial . . . 416

Lord Soulis . . . 448

The Frere and the Boye . . . 451

Komjion . . . 460

The Demon Lover . . . 462

How a Merchande dyd Wyle betray . . . 464

Fause Foudrage . . . 468

Sir Agilthorn . . . 471

The Life and Death of Tom Thumbeo . . . 475

The Eve of St. John . . . 481

Fremet Hall . . . 485

The Jovial Quarrel; or, Child's Triumpl Katharina Jadarica . . . 487

How the Wise Man taught his Son . . . 495

Barthram's Dirge . . . 497

Northwick's Beereu . . . 499

Sir Giliam of Mydelton . . . 502

The Death of King Malcolm . . . 505

The Slaughter of the Bishop . . . 508

The Outlawdlish Knight. . . . 510

Cockhrane's Bonny Grizzy . . . 512

Young Ratcliffe . . . 514

The Fair Flower of Northumberland . . . 517

Syr John le Sprynge . . . 519

Lady Jean . . . 520

Sir Richard Whittington's Advancement . . . 522

Life and Death of Richard the Third . . . 524

The Baleful Death of Queen Jane . . . 526

The Humour of a London Prentice . . . 527

The Story of III May day . . . 529

Johnnie of Breadislea . . . 531

The Downie Deuk of Yarrow . . . 534

Belted Will . . . 536

GLOSSARY . . . . . . . 543

BOOK THE SECOND.

PAGE

1 A Ballad of Tather, the Pope, a Cardinal, and a Husbandman

209

2 John Anderson my Jo, A Scottish Song

211

3 Little John Noby

212

4 Queen Elizabeth's Verses, while Prisoner at Woodstock

214

5 The Hoire of Jame

214

6 Gascogne's Praise of the fair Bridges, afterwards Lady Sandes

218

7 Fair Rosamond, By Thomas Delone

230

8 Queen Elenor's Confession

231

9 The Sturdy Rock

230

10 The Beggar's Daughter of Bednall Groen

226

An Essay on the word Err, and the Ancient Ballad Singing

231

11 Fancy and Desire. By the Earl of Oxford

233

12 Sir Andrew Barton

234

13 Lady Anne Bothwell's Lament. A Scottish Song

239

14 The Murder of the King of Scots

240

15 A Sonnet by Queen Elizabeth

241

16 The King of Scots and And. Browne. By W. Elderton

242

17 The Bonny Earl of Murray. A Scottish Song

244

18 Young Waters. A Scottish Song

245

19 Mary Ambree

246

20 Bravo Lord Willoughby

249

21 Victorious Men of Earth. By James Shirley

250

22 The Winning of Cales

251

23 The Spanish Lady's Love

252

24 Argentilo and Curan. By W. Warnor

254

25 Corin's Fate

259

26 Jane Shore

259

27 Corydon's Doleful Knell

264

PAGE

21 The Distracted Lover. Mad Song the Fifth

297

22 The Funtin Lady. Mad Song the Sixth

299

23 Lilli burlero. By Lord Wharton

300

24 The Brats of Yarraw, In Imitation of the ancient Scottish Manner. By W. Hamilton.

301

25 Admiral Hosier's Ghost. By Mr. Clower

303

26 Jemmy Dawson. By Mr. Shenstone

304

SERIES THE THIRD.

BOOK THE FIRST.

Essay on the Ancient Metrical Romances

306

1 The Boy and the Mantle

320

2 The Marriage of Sir Gawaino

324

3 King Ryvenus's Challenge

328

4 King Arthur's Death. A Fragment

329

5 The Legend of King Arthur

332

6 A Dytty to Rey Downe

333

7 Glasgerion

334

8 Old Robin of Portingale

335

9 Child Waters

337

10 Phillida and Corydon. By Nic. Breton

340

11 Little Musgrave and Lady Barnard

341

12 The Ew-buighs Marion. A Scottish Song

343

13 The Knight and Shepherd's Daughter

343

14 The Shepherd's Address to his Muse. By N. Breton

345

15 Lord Thomas and Fair Ellinor

345

16 Cupid and Campaspe. By John Lilly

347

17 The Lady turned Serving Man

347

18 Gil (Child) Morrice. A Scottish Ballad

349

BOOK THE SECOND.

1 The Legend of Sir Guy

352

2 Guy and Amarant. By Sam. Rowlands

354

Essay on the Metro of Pierce Plowman's Visions

265

1 The Complaint of Conscience

272

2 Plin Truth and Blind Ignorance

274

3 The Wandering Jew

276

4 The Lye. By Sir W. Raleigh

278

5 Verses (viz. two Sonnets) by King James I.

279

6 King John and the Abbot of Canterbury

280

7 You Meane Beauties, By Sir H. Wotton

283

8 The Old and Young Courtier

9 Sir John Suckling's Campaigne

285

10 To Althea from Prison. By Col. Lovelace

286

11 The Downfall of Charing Cross

287

12 Loyalty Confined. By Sir Roger L'Estrange

288

13 Verses by King Charles I.

289

14 The Sale of Rebellious Household Stuff

290

15 The Baffled Knight, or Lady's Policy

292

16 Why so Pale? By Sir John Suckling

294

17 Old Tom of Bedlam. Mad Song the First

294

18 The Distracted Puritan. Mad Song the Second

296

19 The Lunatic Lover. Mad Song the Third

297

20 The Lady Distracted with Love. Mad Song the Fourth

298

3 The Auld Cloak-man. A Scottish Song

358

4 Fair Margaret and Sweet William

368

5 Barbara Allen's Cruelty

360

6 Sweet William's Ghost. A Scottish Ballad

361

7 Sir John Greham and Barbara Allan. Ditto

362

8 The Bailiff's Daughter of Islington

362

9 The Willow Tree. A Pastoral Dialogue

363

10 The Lady's Fall

364

11 Waly, Waly, Love be bonny. A Scottish Song

366

12 The Bride's Burial

366

13 Dulcina

368

14 The Lady Isabella's Tragedy

369

15 A Hue and Cry after Cupid. By Ben Jonson

370

16 The King of France's Daughter

371

17 The Sweet Neglect. By Ben Jonson

374

18 The Children in the Wood

374

19 A Lover of late I

376

20 The King and the Miller of Mansfield

377

21 The Shepherd's Resolution. By G. Wither

381

22 Queen Dido, or the Wandering Prince of Troy

382

23 The Witches Song. By Ben Jonson

384

24 Robin Good-fellow

385

25 The Fairy Queen

387

26 The Fairies Farewell. By Dr. Corbet

388

BOOK THE THIRD.

1 The Birth of St. George . . . 390

2 St. George and the Dragon . . . 391

3 Love will find out the Way . . . 397

4 Lord Thomas and Fair Annot. A Scottlish Ballad . . . 398

5 Unfading Beauty. By Thomas Carew . 399

6 George Barnwell . . . . 400

7 The Stoicfast Shepherd. By George Wither 404

8 The Spanish Virgin; or the Effects of Jealousy . . . 405

9 Jealousy, Tyrant of the Mind. By Dryden 407

10 Constant Penelope . . . . 408

11 To Luceasta, on going to the Wars. By Col. Lovelace . . . 409

12 Valentina and Orsino . . . 409

13 The Beggar of Wanstley . . . 414

14 St. George for England. The First Part. 418

15 St. George for England. The Second Part. By J. Grubb . . . 420

16 Margaret's Ghost. By David Mallet . 420

17 Lacy and Colin. By Tho. Tickell . . 427

18 The Boy and the Mantle, Revised, &c. 429

19 The ancient Fragment of the Marriage of Sir Cawline . . . 432

20 Hermit of Warkworth . . . . 435

Appendix.

Robin Hood's Death and Burial . . . 446

Lord Soulis . . . . 448

The Fiere and the Boye . . . . 451

Kempion . . . . . 460

The Domon Lover . . . . 462

How a Merchande dyd hys Wyfe betrays . 465

Fause Foodrage . . . . 468

Sir Agilthorn . . . . 471

The Life and Death of Tom Thumbe . 475

The Eve of St. John . . . . 481

Fronnet Hall . . . . 485

The Fovera' Quarrel; or, Cupid's Teianiph 487

Kathrina Jaufrio . . . . 492

How the Wise Man taught his Son . 495

Barthram's Dirge . . . . 497

Northwlek's Deeree . . . . 499

Sir Gillem of Mydeltonm . . . 502

The Death of King Malcolm . . . 505

The Slaughter of the Bishop . . . 508

The Outlandish Knight. . . . 510

Cochrane's Bonny Gizzy . . . . 512

Young Ratcliffe . . . . 514

The Fair Flower of Northumberland . 517

Syr John le Sprynge . . . . 519

Lady Jean . . . . 520

Sir Richard Whittington's Advancement 522

Life and Death of Richard the Third . 524

The Doloful Death of Queen Jano . 526

The Humour of a London Prentice . 527

The Story of Ill May-day . . . 529

Johnie of Breadlies . . . . 531

The Dowrie Dens of Yarrow . . . 534

Betred Will . . . . 536

GLOSSARY . . . . . 543

2

AN ESSAY

ON THE

ANCIENT MINSTRELS IN ENGLAND.

1. The Minstrels (A) were an order of men in the middle ages, who subsisted by the arts of poetry and music, and sang to the harp verses composed by themselves or others.* They also appear to have accompanied their songs with mimicry and action; and to have practised such various means of diverting as were much admired in those rude times, and supplied the want of more refined entertainment. (B) These arts dorad them extremely popular and acceptable in this and all the neighbouring countries; where no high scene of festivity was esteemed complete, that was not set off with the exercize of their talents; and whore, so long as the spirit of chivalry subsisted, they were protected and caressed, becauso their songs tended to do honour to the ruling passion of the times, and to encourage and foment a martial spirit.

The Minstrels seem to have been the genuine successors of the ancient Bards, (C) who under different names were admired and revered, from the earliest ages, among the people of Gaul, Britain, Ireland, and the North; and indeed, by almost all the first inhabitants of Europe, whether of Celtic or Gothie race;* but by none more than by our own Tentonic ancestors,† particularly by all the Danish tribes.‡ Among these, they were distinguished by the name of Scalds, a word which denotes "smoothers and polishers of language."§ The origin of their art was attributed to Odin or Woden, the father of their gods; and the professors of it were held in the highest ostimation. Their skill was considered as something divine; their persons were deemed sacred ; their attendance was solicited by kings; and they were everywhere loaded with honours and rewards. In short, Poets and their art were held among them in that rude admiration which is ever shown by an ignorant people to such as excel them in intellectual accomplishments.

As these honours were paid to Poetry and Song, from the earliest times, in those countries from which our Anglo-Saxon ancestors inhabited before their removal into Britain, we may reasonably conclude, that they would not lay aside all their regard for men of this sort immediately on quitting their German forests. At least so long as they retained their ancient manners and opinions, they would still hold them in high estimation. But as the Saxons, soon after their establish-

(A) The larger Notes and Illustrations referred to by the capital letters (A) (B), &c., are thrown together to the end of this Essay.

• Wedded to no hypothesis, the Author hath readily corrected any mistakes which have been proved to be in this Essay; and, considering the novelty of the subject, and the time, and place, when and where he first took it up, many such had been excusable. That the term Minstrel was not confined, as some contend, to a mere Musician, in this country, any more than on the Continent, will be considered more fully in the last note (G g) at the end of this Essay.

• Vid. Pelloutier Hist. des Celtes, tom. 1, 1. 2, c. 6, 10.

† Tacit. de Mor. Germ. cap. 2.

‡ Vid. Bartholin. de Causis contemptæ a Danis Mortis, lib. 1, cap. 10.—Wormii Literatura Runica. ad finem.—See also "Northern Antiquities, or a Descríption of the Manners, Customs, &c., of the ancient Danes, and other Northern Nations: from the French of M. Mallet," London, printed for T. Carnan, 1770, 2 vols. 8vo.

§ Torfei Proœfat. ad Orcad. Hist.—Pref. to "Five Pieces of Runic Poetry," &c.

(9)

ment in this island, were converted to Chris-

tianity; in proportion as literature prevailed

among them, this rudo admiration would

begin to abate, and poetry would be no longer

a peculiar profession. Thus the Poet and

the Minstrel carly with us became two per-

sons. (D) Poetry was cultivated by men of

letters indiscriminately; and many of the

most popular rhymes were composed amidst

the leisure and retirement of monasteries.

But the Minstrels continued a distinct order

of men for many ages after the Norman con-

quest; and got their livelihood by singing ver-

ses to the harp at the houses of the great. (E)

There they were still hospitably and re-

spectfully received, and retained many of

the honours shown to their predecessors, the

Bards and Scalds. (F) And though, as their

art declined, many of them only recited

compositions of others, some of them still

composed songs themselves, and all of them

could probably invent a few stanzas on occa-

sion. I have no doubt but most of the old

heroic Ballads in this collection were com-

posed by this order of men. For although

some of the larger metrical romances might

come from the pen of the monks or others,

yet the smaller narratives were probably com-

posed by the minstrels who sang them.

From the amazing variations which occur in

different copies of the old pieces, it is evident

they made no scruple to alter each other's

productions; and the recitor added or omitted

whole stanzas, according to his own fancy or

convenience.

In the early ages, as was hinted above, the

profession of oral itinerant Poet was held in

the utmost reverence among all the Danish

tribes; and, therefore, we might have con-

cluded, that it was not unknown or unre-

spected among their Saxon brethren in Bri-

tain, even if history had been altogether silent

on this subject. The original country of our

Anglo-Saxon ancestors is well known to have

lien chiefly in the Cimbric Chersonese, in the

tracts of land since distinguished by the

name of Jutland, Angeln, and Holstein.*

The Jutes and Angles in particular, who com-

posed two-thirds of the conquerors of Britain,

were a Danish people, and their country at

this day belongs to the crown of Denmark;† so

that when the Danes again infested England,

three or four hundred years after, they made

war on the descendants of their own ances-

tors.‡ From this near affinity, we might

expect to discover a strong resemblance be-

tween both nations in their customs, man-

ners, and oral language: and, in fact, we

find them to differ no more than would natu-

rally happen between a parent country and

its own colonies, that had been severed in a

rude uncivilized state, and had dropt all in-

tercourse for three or four centuries: especi-

ally if we reflect that the colony here settled

had adopted a new religion, extremely oppo-

site in all respects to the ancient Paganism

of the mother country; and that even at first,

along with the original Angli, had been in-

corporated a large mixture of Saxons from

the neighbouring parts of Germany; and

afterwards, among the Danish invaders, had

come vast multitudes of adventurers from the

more northern parts of Scandinavia. But all

these were only different tribes of the same

common Teutonic stock, and spoke only dif-

ferent dialects of the same Gothic language.‡

From this sameness of original and simi-

larity of manners, we might justly have won-

dered, if a character, so dignified and dis-

tinguished among the ancient Danes, as the

Scald or Bard, had been totally unknown or

unregarded in this sister nation. And, in-

deed, this argument is so strong, and, at the

same time, the early annals of the Anglo-

Saxons are so scanty and defective, (G) that

no objections from their silence could be suf-

ficient to overthrow it. For if these popular

Bards were confessedly revered and admired

in those very countries which the Anglo-

Saxons inhabited before their removal into

Britain, and if they were afterwards common

and numerous among the other descendants

of the same Teutonic ancestors, can we do

otherwise than conclude, that men of this

order accompanied such tribes as migrated

hither; that they afterwards subsisted here,

though, perhaps, with less splendour than in

the North; and that there never was wanting

• Vid. Chron. Saxon. & Gibson, p. 12, 13, 4to.—Bed.

Hist. Eccles. l. 1. c. 15.—“Fœdesse [Regio antiq.

Saxonum] in orvice Cimbricæ Chersonesi, Holsatiam pro-

priâ dictam Dithmarselam, Stormarlam, et Wagrlam, com-

plectens.” Annot. in Bed. & Smith, p. 52. Et vid. Camdeni

Britan.

• “Anglia Vetus, hodie estam Anglon, olim est Iutor

Saxones et Iotes [Iutes], habens oppidum capitale..

Sleswick.” Ethelwerd. lib. 1.

† See Northern Antiquities, &c., vol. i. pag. 7, 8, 185, 250,

‡ Ibid. Preface, p. 20.

a succession of them to hand down the art, though some particular conjunctures may have rendered it more respectable at one time than another? And this was evidently the case. For though much greater honours seem to have been heaped upon the northern Scalds, in whom the characters of historian, genealogist, poet, and musician, were all united, than appear to have been paid to the Minstrels and Harpers (H) of the Anglo-Saxons, whose talents were chiefly calculated to entertain and divert; while the Scalds professed to inform and instruct, and were at once the moralists and theologians of their Pagan countrymen; yet the Anglo-Saxon Minstrels continued to possess no small portion of public favour; and the arts they professed were so extremely acceptable to our ancestors, that the word Gleé, which peculiarly denoted their art, continues still in our own language to be of all others the most expressive of that popular mirth and jollity, that strong sensation of delight, which is felt by unpolished and simple minds. (I)

II. Having promised those general considerations, I shall now proceed to collect from history such particular incidents as occur on this subject; and, whether the facts themselves are true or not, they are related by authors who lived too near the Saxon times, and had before them too many recent monuments of the Anglo-Saxon nation, not to know what was conformable to the genius and manners of that people; and therefore we may presume, that their relations prove at least the existence of the customs and habits they attribute to our forefathers before the conquest, whatever becomes of the particular incidents and events themselves. If this be admitted, we shall not want sufficient proofs to show that Minstrelsy and Song were not extinct among the Anglo-Saxons; and that the professor of them here, if not quite so respectable a personage as the Danish Scald, was yet highly favoured and protected, and continued still to enjoy considerable privileges.

Even so early as the first invasion of Britain by the Saxons, an incident is recorded to have happened, which, if true, shows that the Minstrel or Bard was not unknown among this people; and that their princes themselves could, upon occasion, assume that character. Colgrin, son of that Ella who was elected king or leader of the Saxons in the room of Hengist,* was shut up in York, and closely besieged by Arthur and his Britons. Baldulph, brother of Colgrin, wanted to gain access to him, and to apprise him of a reinforcement which was coming from Germany. He had no other way to accomplish his design, but to assume the character of a Minstrel. He therefore shaved his head and beard, and, dressing himself in the habit of that profession, took his harp in his hand. In this disguise, he walked up and down the trenches without suspicion, playing all the while upon his instrument as a Harper. By little and little he advanced near to the walls of the city, and, making himself known to the sentinels, was in the night drawn up by a rope.

Although the above fact comes only from the suspicious pen of Geoffrey of Monmouth, (K) the judicious reader will not too hastily reject it; because, if such a fact really happened, it could only be known to us through the medium of the British writers: for the first Saxons, a martial but unlettered people, had no historians of their own; and Geoffrey, with all his fables, is allowed to have recorded many true events, that have escaped other annalists.

We do not, however, want instances of a less fabulous era, and more indubitable authority: for later history affords us two remarkable facts,(L) which I think clearly show that the same arts of poetry and song, which were so much admired among the Danes, were by no means unknown or neglected in this sister nation: and that the privileges and honours which were so lavishly bestowed upon the Northern Scalds, were not wholly withheld from the Anglo-Saxon Minstrels.

Our great King Alfred, who is expressly said to have excelled in music,† being desirous to learn the true situation of the Danish army, which had invaded his realm, assumed the dress and character of a Minstrel; (M) when, taking his harp, and one of the most trusty of his friends disguised as a servant‡ (for in the early times it was not unusual for a minstrel to have a servant to carry his harp), he went with the utmost security into the Danish

• See Rapin's Hist. by Tindal, fol. 1732, vol. i. p. 36, who places the incident here related under the year 496.

† By Bale and Spelman. See note (M). ‡ Ibid.

xii

AN ESSAY ON THE ANCIENT MINSTRELS.

camp; and, though he could not but be known

to be a Saxon by his dialect, the character he

had assumed procured him a hospitable re-

ception. He was admitted to entertain the

king at table, and stayed among them long

enough to contrive that assault which after-

wards destroyed them. This was in the year

About sixty years after,* a Danish king

made use of the same disguise to explore the

camp of our King Athelstan. With his harp

in his hand, and dressed like a minstrel, (N)

Aulaff,† king of the Danes, went among the

Saxon tents; and, taking his stand near the

king's pavilion, began to play, and was im-

mediately admitted. There he entertained

Athelstan and his lords with his singing and

his music, and was at length dismissed with

an honourable reward, though his songs must

have discovered him to have been a Dane. (O)

Athelstan was saved from the consequences of

this stratagem by a soldier, who had observed

Aulaff bury the money which had been given

him, either from some scruple of honour, or

motive of superstition. This occasioned a

discovery.

Now if the Saxons had not been accus-

tomed to have minstrels of their own, Alfred's

assuming so new and unusual a character

would have excited suspicions among the

Danes. On the other hand, if it had not

been customary with the Saxons to show

favour and respect to the Danish Scalds,

Aulaff would not have ventured himself

among them, especially on the eve of a bat-

tle. (P) From the uniform procedure of

both these kings, we may fairly conclude

that the same mode of entertainment pre-

vailed among both people, and that the min-

strel was a privileged character with each.

But, if these facts had never existed, it can

be proved from undoubted records, that the

minstrel was a regular and stated officer in

the court of our Anglo-Saxon kings: for in

Domesday Book, Joculator Regis, the King's

Minstrel, is expressly mentioned in Glouces-

tershire ; in which country it should seem that

• Anno 938. Vid. Rapin, &c.

† So I think the name should be printed, rather than

Aulaff the more usual form (the

express both names in MS.), Aulaff being evidently the

genuine modern name Olaff, or Olafe, Lat. Olaus. In the

old romance of “Ioru-Childe” (fee vol. iii. p xxxiii.), the

name of the king his father is Allof, which is evidently

Ollaf, with the vowels only transposed.

he had lands assigned him for his mainten-

ance. (Q)

III. We have now brought the inquiry

down to the Norman Conquest; and as the

Normans had been a late colony from Norway

and Denmark, where the Scalds had arrived

to the highest pitch of credit before Rollo's

expedition into France, we cannot doubt but

this adventurer, like the other northern

princes, had many of these men in his train,

who settled with him in his new duchy of

Normandy, and left behind them successors

in their art: so that, when his descendant,

William the Bastard, invaded this kingdom

in the following century,* that mode of enter-

tainment could not but be still familiar with

the Normans. And that this is not mere

conjecture will appear from a remarkable

fact, which shows that the arts of poetry and

song were still as reputable among the Nor-

mans in France, as they had been among

their ancestors in the North; and that the

profession of Minstrel, like that of Scald,

was still aspired to by the most gallant sol-

diers. In William's army was a valiant war-

rior, named Taillefer, who was distinguished

no less for the minstrel arts,(R) than for his

courage and intrepidity. This man asked

leave of his commander to begin the onset,

and obtained it. He accordingly advanced

before the army, and with a loud voice ani-

mated his countrymen with songs in praise

of Charlemagne and Roland, and other heroes

of France; then rushing among the thickest

of the English, and valiantly fighting, lost

his life.

Indeed the Normans were so early distin-

guished for their minstrel talents, that an

eminent French writer (S) makes no scruple

to refer to them the origin of all modern

poetry, and shows that they were celebrated

for their songs near a century before the

Troubadours of Provence, who are supposed

to have led the way to the poets of Italy,

France, and Spain.†

We see then that the Norman conquest

was rather likely to favour the establishment

of the minstrel profession in this kingdom,

• Rollo was invested in his new duchy of Normandy,

A.D. 912. William invaded England, A.D. 1066.

† Vid. “Hist. des Troubadours, 3 tom.” passim; et vid,

“Fableaux ou Contes du XII. et du XIII. Siecle, traduits,

&c., avec des Notes historiques et critiques, &c., par M. Le

Grand. Paris, 1781,” 5 tom. 12mo.

than to suppress it; and although the favour

of the Norman conquerors would be probably

confined to such of their own countrymen as

excelled in the minstrel arts; and in the first

ages after the conquest no other songs would

be listened to by the great nobility, but such

as were composed in their own Norman

French : yet as the great mass of the original

inhabitants were not extirpated, those could

only understand their own native gleemen or

minstrels ; who must still be allowed to exist,

unless it can be proved that they were all

proscribed and massacred, as it is said the

Welsh bards were afterwards by the severe

policy of King Edward I. But this we know

was not the case; and even the cruel attempts

of that monarch, as we shall see below, proved

ineffectual. (S 2)

The honours shown to the Norman or

French minstrels, by our princes and great

barons, would naturally have been imitated

by their English vassals and tenants, even

if no favour or distinction had been shown

hown hero to the same order of men in the

Anglo-Saxon and Danish reigns. So that we

cannot doubt but the English harper and

songster would, at least in a subordinate de-

gree, enjoy the same kind of honours, and be

received with similar respect among the in-

ferior English gentry and populace. I must be

allowed therefore to consider them as belong-

ing to the same community, as subordinate

members at least of the same college; and

therefore, in gleaning the scanty materials for

this slight history, I shall collect whatever

incidents I can find relating to minstrels and

their art, and arrange them, as they occur in

our own annals, without distinction; as it

will not always be easy to ascertain, from the

slight mention of them by our regular histo-

rians, whether the artists were Norman or

English. For it need not be remarked that

subjects of this trivial nature are but inci-

dentally mentioned by our ancient annalists,

and were fastidiously rejected by other grave

and serious writers ; so that, unless they were

accidentally connected with such events as

became recorded in history, they would pass

unnoticed through the lapse of ages, and be

as unknown to posterity as other topics re-

lating to the private life and amusements of

the greatest nations.

On this account it can hardly be expected

that we should be able to produce regular and

unbroken annals of the minstrel art and its

professors, or have sufficient information

whether every minstrel or harper composed

himself, or only repeated, the songs he

chanted. Some probably did the one, and

some the other: and it would have been won-

derful indeed if men whose peculiar profes-

sion it was, and who devoted their time and

talents to entertain their hearers with poetical

compositions, were peculiarly deprived of all

poetical genius themselves, and had been

under a physical incapacity of composing

those common popular rhymes which were the

usual subjects of their recitation. Whoever

examines any considerable quantity of those,

finds them in style and colouring as different

from the elaborate production of the seden-

tary composer at his desk or in his cell, as

the rambling harper or minstrel was remote

in his modes of life and habits of thinking

from the retired scholar or the solitary

monk. (T 1)

It is well known that on the Continent,

whence our Norman nobles came, the Bard

who composed, the Harper who played and

sang, and even the Dancer and the Mimic,

were all considered as of one community, and

were even all included under the common

name of Minstrels.* I must therefore be

here, without being expected to prove that

every singor composed, or every composer

chanted, his own song; much less that every

one excelled in all the arts which were occa-

sionally exercised by some or other of this

fraternity.

IV. After the Norman Conquest, the first

occurrence which I have met with relating

to this order of men is the founding of a

Priory and Hospital by one of them: scil. the

Priory and Hospital of St. Bartholomew,

Smithfield, London, by Royer or Raherus the

King's Minstrel, in the third year of King

Henry I., A. D. 1102. He was the first prior

of his own establishment, and presided over

it to the time of his death. (T 2)

In the reign of King Henry II., we have

upon record the name of Galfrid or Jeffrey,

a harper, who in 1180 received a corrody or

annuity from the abbey of Hyde near Win-

chester; and, as in the early times every

• See note (B) and (A a).

xiv

AN ESSAY ON THE ANCIENT MINSTRELS.

harper was expected to sing, we cannot doubt

but this reward was given to him for his

music and his songs; which, if they were for

the solace of the monks there, we may conclude would be in the English language. (V)

Under his romantic son, King Richard I.,

the Minstrel profession seems to have acquired additional splendour. Richard, who

was the great hero of chivalry, was also the distinguished patron of Poets and Minstrels.

He was himself of their number, and some of his poems are still extant* They were

no less patronized by his favourites and chief officers. His Chancellor, William Bishop of

Ely, is expressly mentioned to have invited Singers and Minstrels from France, whom he

loaded with reward; and they in return celebrated him as the most accomplished person

in the world. (U 2) This high distinction and regard, although confined perhaps in the first instance to Poets and Songsters of the French

nation, must have had a tendency to do honour to poetry and song among all his subjects,

and to encourage the cultivation of those arts among the natives; as the indulgent favour shown by the monarch, or his great

courtiers, to the Provengal Troubadour, or Norman Rymour, would naturally be imitated by their inferior vassals to the English Gleeman or Minstrel. At more than a century

after the conquest, the national distinctions must have begun to decline, and both the Norman and English languages would be

heard in the houses of the great; (U 3) so that probably about this æra, or soon after,

we are to date that remarkable intercommunity and exchange of each other's compositions, which we discover to have taken place

at some early period between the French and English Minstrels ; the same set of phrases,

the same species of characters, incidents, and adventures, and often the same identical

stories, being found in the old metrical romances of both nations. (V)

The distinguished service which Richard received from one of his own minstrels, in

rescuing him from his cruel and tedious captivity, is a remarkable fact, which ought to

be recorded for the honour of poets and their art. This fact I shall relate in the following

words of an ancient writer:§

"The Englishmen were more than a whole yeare without hearing any tydings of their

king, or in what place he was kept prisoner.

He had trained up in his court a Rimor or Minstrel,† called Blondel de Nesle; who (so

saith the manuscript of old Poesies,‡ and an ancient manuscript French Chronicle) being

so long without the sight of his lord, his life seemed wearisome to him, and he became

confounded with melancholly. Knowne it was, that he came backe from the Holy Land;

but none could tell in what country he arrived. Whereupon this Blondel, resolving to

make search for him in many countries, but he would heare some newes of him; after

exponce of divers dayes in travaile, he came to a towne§ (by good hap) neere to the castoll

where his maister King Richard was kept.

Of his host he demanded to whom the castoll appertained, and the host told him that it

belonged to the Duke of Austria. Then he enquired whether there were any prisoners

therein detained or no: for alwayes he made such secret questiongs wheresoever he came.

And the hoste gave answer, there was one only prisoner, but he know not what he

was, and yet he hid him detained there more than the space of a yeare. When Blondel

heard this, he wrought such meanes, that he

• See a pathetic song of his in Mr. Walpole's Catalogue of Royal Authors, vol 1 p. 5 The reader will find a translation of it into modern French, in Hist. Litteraire des Troubadours, 1774, 3 tom 12mo. See vol 1. p. 58, where some more of Richard's poetry is translated. In Dr. Burney's

Hist of Music, vol ii. p 238, is a poetical version of it in English.

† Favino's Theatre of Honour and Knighthood,

translated from the French. Lond. 1623, fol. tom. ii p 40.

An elegant relation of the same event (from the Fianch of Fauchet, Recitell, &c.) may be soon in "Miscellanies in prose and verse," by Anna Williams, Lond. 1760,

4to. p. 40.—It will excite the reader's admiration to be informed, that most of the pieces of that collection were composed under the disadvantage of a total deprivation of sight.

‡ Favine's words are, "Jonglour appelle Blondiaux de Nesle." Paris, 1620, 4to, p. 1106. But Fauchet, who has given the same story, thus expresses it, "Or ce roy ayant nourri un Menestrel appelle Blondel," &c., liv. 2, p 92.

"Des andans Poittes François,"—He is however said to have been another Blondel (or Blondiaux) de Nesle; but this no way affects the circumstances of the story.

§ This the Author calls in another place, "An ancient MS. of old Poesies, written about those very times"—From this MS. Favine gives a good account of the taking of Richard by the Duke of Austria, who sold him to the Emperor. As for the MS. chronicle, it is evidently the same that supplied Fauchet with this story. See his "Recuoll de l'Origine de la Langue et Poesie Françoise,

Hymne, et Romans," &c., Par. 1581.

? Triballes.—"Retruddit eum præcopit in Triballis: a quo

careere nullus ante dies status exivit." Lat. Chron. of Otho of Austria: apud Favln.

AN ESSAY ON THE ANCIENT MINSTRELS.

xv

became acquainted with them of the castell,

as Minstrols doe casily win acquaintance any

where:* but see the king he could not, neither

understand that it was he. One day he sat

directly before a window of the castell where

King Richard was kept prisoner, and began

to sing a song in French, which King Richard

and Blondel had some time composd to-

gether. When King Richard heard the song,

he knew it was Blondel that sung it: and

when Blondel paused at halfe of the song,

the king 'began the other halfe and completed

it.'† Thus Blondel won knowledge of the

king his maister, and returning home into

England, made the barons of the countrie

acquainted where the king was." This hap-

pened about the year 1193.

The following old Provençal lines are given

as the very original song;‡ which I shall ac-

company with an imitation offered by Dr.

Burney, ii. 237.

BLONDEL.

Domna vestra beutas

Elas bella fals vos

Elas bels olls amores

Elas gens cors bel tallhats

Don slou emprasumatz

De vostra ano qul mi lla.

RICHART.

Si bel trop affansta

Ju de vos non portral

Que major honorat

Sol on vostra doman

Que sautra dos beteau

Tot can de vos volria

The access which Blondel so readily ob-

tained in the privileg'd character of a min-

strel, is not the only instance upon record of

the same nature.(V 2) In this very reign of

King Richard I. the young heiress of D'Eve-

reux, Earl of Salisbury, had been carried

abroad and secreted by her French relations

in Normandy. To discover the place of her

concealment, a knight of the Talbot family

spent two years in exploring that province,

at first under the disguise of a pilgrim; till

having found where she was confined, in

order to gain admittance he assumed the

dress and character of a harper, and being a

joouse person exceedingly skilled in the

"gests of the ancients;"* so they called the

romances and stories which were the delight

of that age; he was gladly received into the

family. Whence he took an opportunity to

carry off the young lady, whom he presented

to the king; and he bestowed her on his na-

tural brother William Longospee (son of fair

Rosamond), who became in her right Earl of

Salisbury.(V 3)

The next memorable event which I find in

history reflects credit on the English Min-

strels : and this was their contributing to the

rescue of one of the great Earls of Chester

when besioged by the Welsh. This happened

in tho reign of King John, and is related to

this offect.

"Hugh, the first Earl of Chester, in his

charter of foundation of St. Worburg's Abbey

in that city, had granted such a privilego to

those who should come to Chester fair, that

they should not then bo apprehended for theft

or any othor misdcmcanour, oxcept the crimo

were committed during the fair. This special

protootion ocensioning a multitude of loose

people to resort to that fair, was afterwards

of signal benefit to one of his successors. For

Ranulph, the last Earl of Chester, marching

into Wales with a slender attendance, was

constrained to retire to his castle of Rothelan,

(or Rhuydland) to which the Welsh forthwith

laid siege. In this distress he sent ror help

to the Lord de Laoy, constable of Chester;

"Who, making use of the Minstrels of all

sorts, then met at Chester fair : by the allure-

ment of their musick, got together a vast

number of such loose people as, by reason of

the before specified priviledge, were then in

that city; whom he forthwith sent under the

• The words of the original, viz., "Citharizator homc

jocosus In Gestis antiquorum valde peritus," I conceive tc

give the precise idea of the anclent Minstrel. See note

(V 2). That Gesta was appropriated to romantic storiea,

see note (I) Part IV (1).

† See Dugdale, Bar. I. 42, 101, who places it after 13 John,

A. D. 1212. See also Plot's Staffordsh. Camden's Britann.

(Cheshire.)

3

xvi

AN ESSAY ON THE ANCIENT MINSTRELS.

conduct of Dutton (his steward), a gallant of an old Englisch hoke yn ryme,* and is

youth, who was also his son-in-law. The Welsh, alarmed at the approach of this rabble,

supposing them to be a regular body of armed and disciplined veterans, instantly

raised the siege and retired."

For this good service, Ranulph is said to have granted to De Lacy, by charter, the patronage and authority over the Minstrels and

to himself that of the lower artificers, conferred on Dutton the jurisdiction of the Minstrels and Harlots;x and under the descendants of this family the Minstrels enjoyed

certain privileges, and protection for many ages. For even so late as the reign of Elizabeth, when this profession had fallen into

such discredit that it was considered in law as a nuisance, the Minstrels under the jurisdiction of the family of Dutton, are expressly excepted out of all acts of parliament made

for their suppression; and have continued to be so excepted ever since.(W)

The ceremonies attending the exercise of this jurisdiction are thus described by Dugdale,† as handed down to his time, viz.:

"That at midsummer fair there, all the Minstrels of that country resorting to Chester do attend the heir of Dutton, from his lodging

to St. John's Church (he being then accompanied by many gentlemen of the country),

one of 'the Minstrels' walking before him in a surcoat of his arms depicted on taffata; the rest of his fellows proceeding (two and two)

and playing on their several sorts of musical instruments. And after divine service nade,

give the like attendance on him back to his lodging; where a court being kept by his [Mr. Dutton's] steward, and all the Minstrels formally called, certain orders and laws are

usually made for the better government of that society, with penalties to those who transgress."

In the same reign of King John we have a remarkable instance of a Minstrel, who to his other talents superadded the character

of soothsayer, and by his skill in drugs and medicated potions was able to rescue a knight from imprisonment. This occurs in Leland's

Narrative of the Gestes of Guarine (or Warren) and his sons, which he "excerpted owte

• See the ancient record in Blount's Law Dictionary (Art. Minstrel).

Bar. l. p. 101.

Whiting ton Castle in Shropshire, which together with the coheiress of the original proprietor had been won in a solama turna

in the reign of King John been seized by the Prince of Wales, and was afterwards possessed by Morice, a retainer of that prince,

to whom the king, out of hatred to the true heir Fuleo Guarine (with whom he had formerly had a quarrel at chess),† not only confirmed the possession, but also made him

governor of the marches, of which Fuleo himself had the custody in the time of King Richard. The Guarines demanded justice

of the king, but obtaining no gracious answer, renounced their allegiance and fled into Bretagnie. Returning into England after

various conflicts, "Fuleo resorted to one John of Raumpayne, a Soothsayer and Jocular Minstrelle, and made hym his spy to Morice

at Whiting ton." The privileges of this character we have already seen, and John so well availed himself of them, that in consequence of the intlligence which he doubtless

procured, "Fuleo and his brothrene laid waito for Morice, as he went toward Salosbyri, and Fuleo thor woundid hym: and

Bracy," a knight who was their friend and assistant, "cut of Morice['s] hoddlo." This Sir Bracy being in a subsequent rencontre sore wounded, was taken and brought to

King John: from whose vengeance he was however rescued by this notable Minstrel;

for "John Raumpayne found the means to cast them, that kepto Bracy, into a dondely slepe; and so he and Bracy cam to Fuleo to

Whiting ton," which on the death of Morice had been restored to him by the Prince of Wales. As no further mention occurs of the

Minstrel, I might here conclude this narrative; but I shall just add that Fuleo was

• Leland's Collectanea, vol. i. pages 261, 266, 267.

† This old feudal custom of marrying an heiress to the knight who should vanquish all his opponents in solamn

contest, &c., appears to be burlesqued in the Tournament of Tottenham, as is well observed by the learned author of

Remarks, &c., in Gent. Mag. for July, 1794, p. 613.

† "John, sun to King Henry, and Fuleo fulo to Fuleo at variance at Chestor [r Chessa]; and John brake Fuleo ['s] hed with

the chost horde; and then Fuleo gave him such a blow, that he had almost killid hym." (Lol. Coll. l. p. 264.) A curious

picture of courtly manners in that age! Notwithstanding this fray, we read in the next paragraph, that "King Henry

dubb'd Fuleo and 3 of his bretherne Knightes at Winchester." Ibid.

AN ESSAY ON THE ANCIENT MINSTRELS.

xlii

obliged to flee into France, where, assuming

the name of Sir Amiea, he distinguished him-

self in justs and tournamonts; and, after va-

rious romantic adventures by sea and land;

having in the true style of chivalry rescued

"certayne ladies owt of prison;" he finally

obtained the king's pardon, and the quiet

possession of Whitington Castle.

In the reign of King Henry III, we have

mention of Master Ricard the King's Harper,

to whom in his thirty-sixth year (1252) that

monarch gave not only forty shillings and a

pipe of wine, but also a pipe of wine to Bea-

trice, his wife.* The title of Magister, or Mas-

ter, given to this Minstrel deserves notice,

and shows his respectable situation.

V. The Harper, or Minstrel, was so neces-

sary an attendant on a royal personage, that

Prince Edward (afterwards King Edward I.),

in his crusade to the Holy Land, in 1271, was

not without his Harper; who must have

been officially very near his person; as we

are told by a contemporary historian,† that,

in the attempt to assassinate that heroic

prince, when he had wrested the poisoned

knife out of the Sarazen's hand, and killed

him with his own weapon; the attendants,

who had stood apart while he was whisper-

ing to their master, hearing the struggle, ran

to his assistance, and one of them, to wit his

Harper, seizing a tripod or trestle, struck the

assassin on the head and beat out his brains.‡

And though the prince blamed him for strik-

ing the man after he was dead, yet his near

access shows the respectable situation of this

officer; and his affectionate zeal should have

induced Edward to entreathis brethren the

Welsh Bards afterwards with more lenity.

Whatever was the extent of this great

• Burney's Hist. ii. p. 356.—Rot. Pip. An. 36 II. III.

"Et in uno dolio vini empto & dato Magistro Ricardo

Citharistæ Regis, xl. sol. per. b. Reg. £t in uno dollo

sumpto & dato Beatrici uxori ejusdem Ricardi."

† Walter Hemmingford (vixit temp. Edw. I.), in Chronic.

cap. 35, inter V. Ilist. Ang. Scriptores, vol. ii. Oxon. 1687,

fol. pag. 591.

‡ "Accurrentes ad hæc Ministri ejus, quia longo staterunt,

invenorunt eum [scil. Nuntum] in terra mortuum, et

apprehendit unus eorum tripodam, scilicet Citharcdæ suæ.

& percussit eum in capite, et effuditcerebrum ejus. Incre-

pavitque eum Edwardus quod hominem mortuum percus-

sisset." Ibid. These Ministri must have been upon a

very confidential footing, as it appears above in the same

chapter, that they had been made acquainted with the

contents of the letters which the assassin had delivered to

the prince from his master.

monarch's severity towards the professors of

music and of song in Wales; whether the

exccuting by martial law such of them as

fell into his hands was only during the heat

of conflict, or was continued afterwards with

more systematic rigour;* yet in his own

court the Minstrels appear to have been

highly favoured: for when, in 1306, he con-

ferred the order of knighthood on his son and

many others of the young nobility, a multi-

tude of Minstrels were introduced to invite

and induce the new knights to make some

military vow.(X) And

Under the succeeding reign of King Ed-

ward II, such extensive privileges were

claimed by these men, and by dissolute per-

sons assuming their character, that it became

a matter of public grievance, and was obliged

to be reformed by an express regulation in

A. D. 1315.(Y) Notwithstanding which, an

incident is recorded in the ensuing year,

which shews that Minstrels still retained the

liberty of entering at will into the royal re-

sponse, and had something peculiarly splen-

did in their dress. It is thus related by

Stow.(Z)

"In the year 1316, Edward the Second did

solemnize his feast of Pentecost at Westmin-

ster, in the great hall; where sitting royally

at the table with his peers about him, there

entered a woman adorned like a Minstrel,

sitting on a great horse trapped, as Minstrels

then used; who rode round about the table,

shewing pastime; and at length came up to

the king's table, and laid before him a letter,

and forthwith turning her horse saluted

overy one and departed."—The subject of

this letter was a remonstrance to the king on

the favours heaped by him on his minions,

to the neglect of his knights and faithful ser-

vants.

The privileged character of a Minstrel was

employed on this occasion, as sure of gaining

an easy admittance; and a female the rather

deputed to assume it, that, in case of detec-

tion, her sex might disarm the king's resent-

ment. This is offered on a supposition that

she was not a real minstrel; for there should

seem to have been women of this profes-

sion (A n), as well as of the other sex; and no

• See Gray's Odo; and the Hist. of the Gwedir Family in

"Miscellanles by the Hon. Daines Barrington," 1781, 4to.,

p. 390; who in the Laws, &c. of this monarch could find

no instances of severity against the Welsh. See his observa-

tions on the Statutes, 4to. 4th edit. p. 358.

ii

AN ESSAY ON THE ANCIENT MINSTRELS.

somplishment is so constantly attributed to

ales, by our ancient bards, as their sing-

g to, and playing on, the harp.(A a 2)

In the fourth year of King Richard II.,

hn of Gaunt erected at Tutbury in Stafford-

ire, a court of Minstrels, similar to that

nually kept at Chester, and which, like a

urt-feet or court baron, had a legal juris-

ction, with full power to receive suit and

rvice from the men of this profession within

re neighbouring counties, to enact laws, and

etermine their controversies; and to appre-

end and arrest such of them as should refuse

o appear at the said court annually held on

e 16th of August. For this they had a

harter, by which they were empowered to

ppoint a King of the Minstrels with four

fficers to preside over them.(B b) These

vere every year elected with great ceremony;

he whole form of which, as observed in 1680,

s described by Dr. Plot:* in whose time,

rowever, they appear to have lost their sing-

ing talents, and to have confined all their

skill to "wind and string music."†

The Minstrels seem to have been in many

respects upon the same footing as the her-

alds : and the King of the Minstrels, like the

king at arms, was both here and on the Con-

tinent an usual officer in the courts of princes.

Thus we have in the reign of King Edward

I. mention of a King Robert and others. And

in 16 Edward II. is a grant to William de

Morlec, "the King's Minstrel, styled Roy de

North,"‡ of houses which had belonged to

another king, John le Boteler.(B b 2) Ry-

mer hath also printed a licence granted by

King Richard II. in 1387, to John Caumz,

the King of his Minstrels, to pass the seas,

recommending him to the protection and

kind treatment of all his subjects and allies.§

In the subsequent reign of King Henry

IV. we meet with no particulars relating to

the Minstrels in England, but we find in the

Statute Book a severe law passed against

their brethren tho Welsh Bards; whom our

ancestors could not distinguish from their

own Rimours Ministralx; for by these names

they describe them.(B b 3) This act plainly

shows, that far from being extirpated by the

rigorous policy of King Edward I., this or-

der of men were still able to alarm the Eng-

lish government, which attributed to them

"many disenses and mischiefs in Wales," and

prohibited their meetings and contributions.

When his beroic son King Henry V. was

preparing his great voyage for France, in

1415, an express order was given for his Min-

strels, fifteen in number, to attend him;*

and eighteen are afterwards mentioned, to

each of whom he allowed xii. d. a day, when

that sum must have been of more than ten

times the value it is at present.† Yet when

he entered London in triumph after the battle

of Agincourt, he, from a principle of humi-

lity, slighted the pageants and verses which

were prepared to hail his return; and, as we

are told by Holingshed,‡ would not suffer

"any dities to be made and song by Min-

strels, of his glorious victorie; for that he

would whollie have the praise and thankes

altogether given to God." (B b 4) But this

did not proceed from any disregard for the

professors of music or of song; for at the

feast of Pentecost, which he celebrated in

1416, having the Emperor and the Duke of

Holland for his guests, he ordered rich gowns

far sixteen of his Minstrels, of which the par-

ticulars are preserved by Rymer.§ And

having before his death orally granted an

annuity of one hundred shillings to each of his

Minstrels, the grant was confirmed in the first

year of his son King Henry VI., A. D. 1423,

and payment ordered out of the Exchequer.||

• Rymer, ix. 265.

† Ibid. p. 260.

‡ See his Chronicle, sub anno 1415, p. 1170. He also

gives this other instance of the king's great modesty, "that

he would not suffer his helmet to be carried with him, and

shewed to the people, that they might behold the dities

and cutlers whiche appeared in the same. of such blowes and

stripes as hee received the daye of the batell." Ibid. Vid.

T. de Elmham, c. 29, p. 72.

§ The prohibition against vain and secular songs would

probably not include that inserted in Series the Second

Book I. No. V., which would be considered as a hymn.

The original notes engraven on a plata at the end of the

vol. may be seen reduced and set to score in Mr. Stafford

Smith's "Collection of English Songs for three and four

Voices," and in Dr. Burney's Hist. of Music, ii. p. 384.

|| Rymer, tom. x. 287. They are mentioned by name,

being ten in number: one of them was named Thomas

Chatterton.

AN ESSAY ON THE ANCIENT MINSTRELS.

xiii

The unfortunate reign of King Henry VI. affords no occurrences respecting our subject; but in his 34th year, A. D. 1456, we have in Rymer* a commission for impressing boys or youths, to supply vacancics by death among the King's Minstrels : in which it is expressly directed that they shall be elegant in their limbs, as well as instructed in the Minstrel art, wherever they can be found, for the solace of his majesty.

In the following reign, King Edward IV. (in his 9th year, 1469), upon a complaint that certain rude husbandmen and artificers of various trades had assumed the title and livery of the King's Minstrels, and under that colour and pretence had collected money in diverse parts of the kingdom, and committed other disorders, the king grants to Walter Haliday, Marshal, and to seven others his own Minstrels whom he names, a charter,† by which he creates, or rather restores, a fraternity or perpetual gild (such as, he under- stands, the brothers and sisters of the fraternity of Minstrels had in times past), to be governed by a Marshall appointed for life, and by two Wardens to be chosen annually ; who are empowered to admit brothers and sisters into the said gild, and are authorized to examine the pretensions of all such as affected to exercise the Minstrel profession ; and to regulate, govern, and punish them throughout the realm (those of Chester excepted). This seems to have some resemblance to the Earl Marshal's court among the heralds, and is another proof of the great affinity and resemblance which the Minstrels bore to the members of the College of Arms.

It is remarkable that Walter Haliday, whose name occurs as marshal in the foregoing charter, had been retained in the service of the two preceding monarchs, King Henry V.‡ and VI.§ Nor is this the first time he is mentioned as Marshal of the King's Minstrels, for in the third year of this reign 1464, he had a grant from King Edward of 10 marks per annum during life, directed to him with that title.||

But besides their Marshal, we have also in this reign mention of a Sergeant of the Minstrels, who upon a particular occasion was able to do his royal master a singular service, wherein his confidential situation and ready access to the king at all hours is very apparent; for " as he [King Edward IV.] was in the north contray in the monneth of Septem- ber, as he lay in his bedde, one namid Alex- ander Carlile, that was Sarinaunt of the Myn- strellis, cam to him in grete hast, and badde hym aryse for he hadde encmyes cummyng for to take him, the which were within vi. or vii. mylis, of the which tydinges the king gretely marveylid," &c.* This happened in the same year, 1469, wherein the king granted or confirmed the charter for the fraternity or gild above mentioned ; yet this Alexander Carlile is not one of the eight Minstrels to whom that charter is directed.†

The same charter was renewed by King Henry VIII. in 1520, to John Gilman, his then marshal, and to seven others his Min- strels;‡ and on the death of Gilman, he granted in 1529, this office of Marshal of his Minstrels to Hugh Wodehouse,§ whom I take to have borne the office of his serjeant over them.||

VI. In all the establishments of royal and noble households, we find an ample provision made for the Minstrels ; and their situation to have been both honourable and lucrative. In proof of this it is sufficient to refer to the household book of the Earl of Northumberland, A. D. 1512.(C e) And the rewards they received so frequently recur in ancient writers that it is unnecessary to crowd the page with them here.(C e 2)

The name of Minstrel seems however to

• Tom. xi. 375.

† See it in Rymer, tom. xi. 642, and in Sir J. Hawkins, vol. iv. p. 300. Nota. The above Charter is recited in letters patent of King Charles I., 15 July (11 Anno Regni), for a Corporation of Musicians, &c., in Westminster, which may be seen ibid.

‡ Rymer, ix. 255. § Ibid. xi. 375. || Ibid. xi. 512.

• Here unfortunatly ends a curious fragment (an. 9 R. IV.), ad calcem Sprotti Chron. Ed. Hearne. Oxon. 1719, 8vo.

Vid. T. Warton's Hist. ii. p. 134. Nota (c).

† Rymer, xi. 642.

‡ Ibid. xiii. 705.

§ Rymer, tom. xiv. 2, 93.

|| So I am inclined to understand the term Serviens noster Hugo Wodehous, in the original grant. (See Rymer ubi supra.) It is needless to observe that Serviens expressed a serjeant as well as a servant. If this interpretation of Serviens be allowed, it will account for his placing Wode- house at the head of his gild, although he had not been one of the eight minstrels who had had the general direction. The Serjeant of his Minstiels, we may presume, was next in dignity to the Marshal, although he had no share in the government of the gild.

xx

AN ESSAY ON THE ANCIENT MINSTRELS.

have been gradually appropriated to the musician only, ospecially in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, yet we occasionally meet with applications of the term in its more enlarged meaning, as including the Singer, if not the composor, of heroic or popular rhymes.*

In the time of King Henry VIII, we find it to have been a common entertainment to hear verses recited, or moral speeches learned for that purpose by a set of men who got their livelihood by repeating them, and who intruded without ceremony into all companies; not only in taverns, but in the houses of the nobility themselves. This we learn from Erasmus, whose argument led him only to describe a species of these men who did not sing their compositions; but the others that did, enjoyed, without doubt, the same privileges.(D d)

For even long after, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, it was usual "in places of assembly" for the company to be "desirous to hear of old adventures and valiances of noble knights in times past, as those of King Arthur, and his knights of the round table, Sir Bevys of Southampton, Guy of Warwicke, and others like" in "short and long meotres, and by breaches or divisions, [so. Fits†] to be moro commodiously sung to the harpe," as the reader may be informed by a courtly writer, in 1589.‡ Who himself had "written for pleasure a little briefe romance or historicall ditty . . . . . of the Isle of Groat Britaine," in order to contribute to such entertainment. And he subjoins this caution: "Such as have not premonition hereof," (viz. that his poem was written in short metre, &c., to be sung to the harp in such places of assembly,) "and cnsideration of the causes alledged, would peradventure reprove and disgrace every romance, or short historicall ditty, for that they be not written in long meeters or versos Alexandrins," which constituted the prevailing versification among the poets of that age, and which no one now can endure to read.

And that the recital of such romances sung to the harp was at that time the delight of the common people, we are told by the same writer,§ who mentions that "common rimers"

were fond of using rimes at short distunces, "in small and popular musickes sung by these Cantabamqui" [the said common rimers] "upon benches and barrels heads," &c., "or else by blind Harpers or such like 'Taverne Minstrels that give a fit of mirth for a groat; and their matter being for the most part stories of old time, as the tale of Sir Topas, the reportes of Bevis of Southampton, Guy of Warwicke, Adam Boll, and Clymmo of the Clough, and such other old romances, or historcall rimes," &c., "also they be used in carols and rounds, and such light or lascivious pocmes,which are commonly more commodiously uttered by these buffons, or vices in playes, then by any other person. Such were the rimes of Skelton (usurping the name of a Poet Laurent), being in deede but a rude railing rimer, and all his doings ridiculous."*

But although we find here that the Minstrels had lost much of their dignity, and were sinking into contempt and neglect, yet that they still sustained a character far superior to anything we can conceive at present of the singers of old ballads, I think, may be inferred from the following representation.

When Queen Elizabeth was entertained at Killingworth Castle by the Earl of Leicester in 1575, among the many devices and pageants which were contrived for her entertainment, one of the porsonages introduced was to have boen that of an ancient Minstrel; whose apparance and dress areso minutely desoribed by a writer there present,† and gives us so distinct an idea of the character, that I shall quote the passage at large.(E e)

"A person very meot seomed he for the purpose, of a xlv years old, apparellled partly as he would himself. His cap off: his head seemly rounded tonsterwise:‡ fair kembd, that with a sponge daintily dipt in a little capon's greace was finely smoothed, to make it shine like a mallard's wing. His beard smugly shaven: and yet his shirt after the new trink, with ruffs fair starched, sleeked

• Puttenham, &c, p. 09.

† See a very curious "Letter whenr∣tainly unto the Queenz Maiesty, at Killingwoorth Castl, in Warwick Sheer, in this soomerz progress 1575, 4to. sign∣fied," &c., bl. l. 4to. vid. p. 46 & seqq. (Printed in Nichol's Collection of Queen Elizabeth's Progresses, &c., in two vols. 4to.) We have not followed above the peouliar and affected orthography of this writer, who was named Ro. Laneham, or rather Langham; see p. 84.

‡ I suppose "tonsure-wise," after the manner of the Monks.

• See below, and note (G g).

† See vol. ii. page 174.

‡ Puttenham in his "Arte of English Poesie," 1589, 4to. p. 33.

§ Puttenham, &c., p. 69.

and glistering like a pair of new shoes, mar-

shalled in good order with a setting stick, and

strut, that every ruff stood up like a wafer.

A side [i. e. long] gown of Kendal green,

after the freshness of the year now, gathered

at the neck with a narrow gorget, fastoned

afore with a white clasp and a keeper close

up to the chin; but easily, for heat to undo

when he list. Seemly begirt in a red caddis

girdle: from that a pair of capped Sheffield

knives hanging a two sides. Out of his bosom

drawn forth a lappet of his napkin* edged

with a blue lace, and marked with a true

love, a heart, and a D for Damian, for he was

but a bachelor yet.

"His gown had side [i. e. long] sleeves

down to mid-leg, slit from the shoulder to

the hand, and lined with white cotton. His

doublet-sleeves of black worsted: upon them

a pair of poynets† of tawny chamlot laced

along the wrist with blue threaden points, a

wreath towards the hand of fustion-a-napes.

A pair of red neathor stocks. A pair of pumps

on his feet, with a cross cut at the toes for

corne: not now indeed, yet cleanly blackt

with soot, and shining as a shoing horn.

"About his neck a red ribband suitable to

his girdle. His harp in good grace dependant

before him. His wrest‡ tyed to a green lace

and hanging by. Under the gorget of his

gown a fair flaggon chain (powter,§ for) silver,

as a Squire Minstrel of Middlesex, that

travelled the country this summer season,

unto fairs and worshipful mens houses. From

his chain hung a scutcheon, with metal and

colour, resplendant upon his breast, of the

ancient arms of Islington."

This Minstrel is described as belonging to

that village. I suppose such as were retained

by noble familes wore the arms of their pa-

trons hanging down by a silver chain as a

kind of badge.|| From the expression of Squire

Minstrel above, we may conclude there were

other inferior orders, as Yoomen Minstrels,

or the like.

This Minstrel, the author tells us a little

below, "after three lowly courtisies, cleared

his voice with a hem . . . and . . . wiped his

lips with the hollow of his hand for 'filling

his napkin, tempered a string or two with his

wrest, and after a little warbling on his harp

for a prelude, came forth with a solemn song,

warranted for story out of King Arthurs

acts," &c.—This song the reader will find

printed in this work.

Towards the end of the sixteenth century

this class of men had lost all credit, and were

sunk so low in the public opinion, that in the

39th year of Elizabeth,* a statute was passed

by which "Minstrels, wandering abroad,"

were included among "rogues, vagabonds,

and sturdy beggars," and were adjudged to

be punished as such. This act seems to have

put an end to the profession. (F o 2)

VII. I cannot conclude this account of the

ancient English Minstrels, without remarking

that they are most of them represented to

have been of the North of England. There

is scarce an old historical song or ballad (F f)

wherein a Minstrel or Harper appears, but he

is characterized by way of eminence to have

been "of the North Countrye;" and indeed

the prevalence of the northern dialect in such

compositions, shows that this representation

is real.† On the other hand the scene of the

lord, and pay their annual suit and service at Alnwick

Castle; their instrument being the ancient Northumber-

land bagpipe (very different in form and execution from

that of the Scots; being smaller, and blown, not with the

breath, but with a small pair of bellows).

This, with many other venerable customs of the ancient

Lord Percys, was revived by their illustrious representa-

tives, the late Duke and Duchess of Northumberland.

• Anno Dom. 1567. Vid. Fult. Stat. p. 1110, 39o Eliz.

† Giraldua Cambrensis, writing in the reign of King

Henry II., mentions a very extraordinary habit or pro-

pensuty, which then prevailed in the North of England,

beyond the Humber, for "symphonlous harmony" or slug-

ing "in two parts, the one murmuring in the base, and

the other warbling in the acute or treble." (I use Dr.

Burney's Version, vol. ii. p. 108.) This he describes as

practised by their very children from the cradle; and he

derives it from the Danes [so Daci signifies in our old

writers] and Norwegians, who long overran, and in effect

new-peopled, the Northern parts of England, where alone

this manner of singing prevailed. (Vide Cambric Descript.

cap. 13, and in Burney ubi supra).—Giraldus is proba-

bly right as to the origin or derivation of this practice, for

the Danish and Icelandiic Scalds had carried the arts of

Poetry and Singing to great perfection at the time the

Danish settlements were made in the North. And it will

• i. e. handkerchief. So in Shakespeare's Othello, passim.

† Perhaps, points.

‡ The key, or screw, with which he tuned his harp.

§ The reader will remember that this was not a real

Minstrel, but only one personating that character; his

ornaments therefore were only such as outwardly repre-

sented those of a real Minstrel.

|| As the House of Northumberland had anciently three

Minstrels attending on them in their castles in Yorkshire,

so they still retain three in their service in Northumber-

land, who wear the badge of the family (a silver crescent

on the right arm), and are thus distributed, viz. one for

the barony of Prudhoe, and two for the barony of Roth-

bury. These attend the court feasts and fairs held for the

xxii

AN ESSAY ON THE ANCIENT MINSTRELS.

finest Scottish ballads is laid in the south of

Scotland; which should seem to have been

peculiarly the nursery of Scottish Minstrels.

In the old song of Muggie Lawder, a piper is

asked, by way of distinction, "come ze frac

the border?"* The martial spirit constantly

kept up and exercised near the frontier of the

two kingdoms, as it furnished continual subjects for their songs, so it inspired the inhabitants of the adjacent counties on both sides

with the powers of poetry. Besides, as our

southern metropolis must have been ever the

scene of novelty and refinement, the northern

countries, as being most distant, would preserve their ancient manners longest, and of

course the old poetry, in which those manners

are peculiarly described.

The reader will observe in the more ancient

ballads of this collection, a cast of style and

measure very different from that of contemporary poets of a higher class ; many phrases

and idioms, which the Minstrels seem to have

appropriated to themselves, and a very remarkable licence of varying the accent of

words at pleasure, in order to humour the flow

of the verse, particularly in the rhymes ; as

also help to account for the superior skill and fame of our northern Minstrels and Harpers afterwards, who had preserved and transmitted the arts of their Scalldic ancestors. See Northorn Antiquities, vol. i. c. 13. p. 386, and Five

Pleces of Runic Poetry, 1763, 8vo.—Compare the original passage in GiralduS, as given by Sir John Hawkins, i. 408, and by Dr. Burney, ii. 108, who are both at a loss to account for this peculiarity, and therefore doubt the fact. The credit of GiralduS, which hath been attacked by some partial and bigoted antiquaries, the reader will find defended in that learned and curious work, "Antiquities of Ireland, by Edward Ledwich, LL.D., &c., Dublin, 1790," 4to., p. 207 & seq.

• This line being quoted from memory, and given as old Scottish Poetry is now usually printed, would have been readily corrected by the copy published in "Scottish Songs, 1792," 2 vols., 12mo. i. p. 267, thus (though apparently corrupted from the Scottish Idiom),

"Live you upo' the Border?"

had not all confidence been destroyed by its being altered in the "Historical Essay" prefixed to that publication (p. cx.) to

"Ye live upo' the Border."

the better to favour a position, that many of the pipers

"might live upon the border, for the conveniency of attending fairs, &c., in both kingdoms." But whoever is acquainted with that part of England, knows that on the English frontier, rude mountains and barren wastes reach almost across the island, scarcely inhabited by any but solitary shepherds; many of whom dare not venture into the opposite border on account of the ancient feuds and subsequent disputes concerning the Debatable Lands,

which separated the boundaries of the two kingdoms, as well as the estates of the two great families of Percy and Douglas, till these disputes were settled not many years since by arbitration between the present Lord Douglas and the late Duke and Duchess of Northumberland.

Countrie harpèr bittèd mourning

Luthe singèr dunsèd lording,

instead of countrie, laird, harper, singer, &c.—

This liberty is but sparingly assumed by the classical poets of the same age; or even by the latter composers of heroic ballads; I mean, by such as professedly wrote for the press. For it is to be observed, that so long as the Minstrels subsisted, they seem never to have designed their rhymes for literary publication, and probably never committed them to writing themselves: what copies are preserved of them were doubtless taken down from their mouths. But as the old Minstrels gradually wore out, a new race of ballad-writers succeeded, an inferior sort of minor poets, who wrote narrative songs merely for the press. Instances of both may be found in the reign of Elizabeth. The two latest pieces in the genuine strain of the old minstrelsy that I can discover, are No.III. and IV. of Book III., Series the First. Lower than these I cannot trace the old mode of writing.

The old Minstrel ballads are in the northern dialect, abound with antique words and phrases, are extremely incorrect, and run into the utmost licence of metre; they have also a romantic wildness, and are in the true spirit of chivalry. The other sort are written in exact measure, have a low or subordinate correctness, sometimes bordering on the insipid, yet often well adapted to the pathetic: these are generally in the southern dialect, exhibit a more modern phraseology, and are commonly descriptive of more modern manners.—To be sensible of the difference between them, let the reader compare in Series the First, No. III. of Book III., with No. XI. of Book II.

Towards the end of Queen Elizabeth's reign (as is mentioned above), the genuine old minstrelsy seems to have been extinct, and thenceforth the ballads that were produced were wholly of the latter kind, and these came forth in such abundance, that in the reign of James I. they began to be collected into little miscellanies, under the name of garlands, and at length to be written purposely for such collections. (F f 2)

P.S.—By way of Postscript, should follow here the discussion of the question whether the term Minstrels was applied in English to Singers, and Composers of Songs, &c., or confined to Musicians only. But it is reserved for the concluding note. (G g)

NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS

REFERRED TO IN THE

FOREGOING ESSAY.

(A) The Minstrels, &c. The word Min-strel does not appear to have been in use here before the Norman Conquest; whereas, it had long before that time been adopted in France.*—Menestrel, so early as the eighth century, was a title given to the Macstro di Capella of King Pepin, the father of Charlemagne; and afterwards to the Coryphæus, or leader of any band of musicians. [Vid. Bur-ney's Hist. of Music, ii. 268.] This term menestrel, menestrier, was thus expressed in Latin, ministellus, ministrellus, ministerellus, &c. [Vid. Gloss. Du Cange et Supplem.]

Menago derives the French words above mentioned from ministerialis, or ministeria-rius, barbarous Latin terms, used in the middle ages to express a workman or artificer (still called in Languedoc ministral), as if those men were styled Artificers or Per-formers by way of excellence. [Vid. Diction. Etym.] But the origin of the name is given, perhaps more truly, by Du Cange: "Minis-telli . . . quos vulgò menestreux vel menes-triers appellamus, quod minoribus aulæ ministris accensorentur." [Gloss. iv. p. 709.]

Accordingly, we are told, the word "minister" is sometimes used "pro ministellus" [Ibid.] and an instance is produced which I shall insert at large in the next paragraph.

• The Anglo-Saxon and primary English name for this character was Gleeman [see below, note (I) sect. 1], so that, wherever the term Minstrel is in these pages applied to it before the Conquest, it must be understood to be only in anticipation. Another early name for this profession in English was Jogelar, or Jocular. Lat Joculator. [See p. 15, as also note (V 2) and note (Q).] To prevent confusion, we have chiefly used the more general word Minstrel: which (as the author of the Obscrv. on the Statutes bath suggested to the Editor) might have been originally derived from a diminutive of the Lat. Minister, scil. Ministerellus, Ministrellus.

Minstrels sometimes assisted at divine ser-vice, as appears from the record of the 9th of Edw. IV., quoted above in p. xix., by which Haliday and others are erected into a per-petnal gild, &c. See the original in Rymer, xi. 642. By part of this record it is recited to be their duty, "to pray (exorare: which it is presumed they did by assisting in the chant, and musical accompaniment, &c.) in the king's chapel, and particularly for the departed souls of the king and queen when they shall die, &c."—The same also appears from the passage in the Supplem. to Du Cange, alluded to above. "Minister . . . pro ministellus joculator.*—Votus Ceremoniale MS. B.M. deaurate Tolos. Item, etiam congregabuntur piscatores, qui debent intercsse isto die in processione cum ministris seu joculatoribus: quia ipsi piscatores tenentur habere isto die joculatores, seu mimos ob hono-rem Crucis—et vadunt primi ante processio-nem cum ministris seu joculatoribus semper pulsantibus usque ad ecclesium S. Stephani." [Gloss. 773.]—This may, perhaps, account for the clerical apparance of the minstrels, who seem to have been distinguished by the tonsure, which was one of the inferior marks of the clerical character.† Thus Jeffrey of

• Ministers seems to be used for Minstrels in the Account of the Inthronization of Abp. Neville. (An. 6 Edw. IV.) "Thon all the Chaplyns must say grace, and the Ministers do sing." Vid. Leland. Collectanea, by Hearne, vol. vi. p. 13.

† It has however been suggested to the Editor by the learned and ingenious author of "Irish Antiquities," 4to., that the ancient Mimi among the Romans had their heads and beards shaven, as is shown by Salmasius in Notis ad Hist. August. Scriptores VI. Paris, 1620, fol. p. 835. So that this peculiarity had a classical origin, though it afterwards might make the Minstrels sometimes pass for Ecclesiastics, as appears from the instance given below. Dr. Burney tells us that Histriones, and Mimi, abounded in France in (23

xxiv

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY.

Monmouth, speaking of one who acted the part of a minstrel, says, "Rusit capillos suos et barbum" (see note K). Again, a writer in the reign of Elizabeth, describing the habit of an ancient minstrel, speaks of his head as "rounded Tonstcr-wise" (which I venture to read tonsure-wise), "his beard smugly shaven." See above, p. xx.

It must, however, be observed, that notwithstanding such clerical appearance of the minstrels, and though they might be sometimes countenanced by such of the clergy as were of more relaxed morals, their sportive talents rendered them generally obnoxious to the more rigid ecclesiastics, and to such of the religious orders as were of more severe discipline ; whose writings commonly abound with heavy complaints of the great encouragement shown to those men by the princes and nobles, and who can seldom afford them a better name than that of scurrae, jarnelici, nebulo:nes, &c., of which innumerable instances may be seen in Du Cange. It was even an established order in some of the monasteries, that no minstrel should ever be suffered to enter the gates.*

We have, however, innumerable particulars of the good cheer and great rewards given to the Minstrels in many of the Convents, which are collected by T. Warton (i. 91, &c.), and others. But one instance, quoted from Wood's Hist. Antiq. Univ. Ox. i. 67 (sub an. 1224), deserves particular mention. Two itinerant or Minstrels, gained admittance. But the cellarer, sacrist, and others of the brethren, who had hoped to have been entertained with their diverting arts, &c., when they found them to be only two indigent Ecclesiastics, who could only administer spiritual consolation, and were consequently disappointed of their mirth, beat them, and turned them out of the monastery. (Ibid. p. 92.) This passage furnishes an additional proof that a

the time of Charlemagne (ii. 221), so that their profession was handed down in regular succession from the time of the Romans, and thereby with some leading distinctions of their habit or appearances; yet with a change in their arts of pleasing, which latterly were most confined to singing and music.

• Yet in St. Mary's church at Beverley, one of the columns hath this inscription: "Thys Pillar made the Mynstryls" having its capital decorated with figures of five men in short coats; one of whom holds an instrument resembling a lute. See Sir J. Hawkins, Hist. ii. 203.

Minstrel might by his dress or appearance be mistaken for an Ecclesiastic.

(B) ["The Minstrels use mimiery and action, and other means of diverting, &c."] It is observable that our old monkish historians do not use the words Cantator, Citharœdus, Musicus, or the like, to express a Minstrel in Latin, so frequently as Mimus, Histrio, Joculator, or some other word that implies gesture. Hence it might be inferred, that the Minstrels set off their songs with all the arts of gesticulation, &c., or, according to the ingenious hypothesis of Dr. Brown, united the powers of melody, poem, and dance. [See his History of the Rise of Poetry, &c.]

But indeed all the old writers describe them as exercising various arts of this kind. Joinville, in his Life of St. Lewis, speaks of some Armenian Minstrels, who were very dextrous Tumblers and Posture-masters.

"Avoe le Prince virrent ces Menestriers de la Grando lyormonie (Armenie) . . . ot avoient troiz cors--Quand ils commencercoient a corner, vous disiez que ca sont les voix do cygnes, . . . ot fosolont les plus douces melodics.--Ils fesoicnt trois maryeillous sauts, car on leur metoit une tounillo desous les piez, ot tournioit tout debout . . . Les doux tournoient les testes ariores," &c. [See the extract at large, in the Hon. D. Barrington's Observations on the Anc. Statutes, 4to., 2d Edit. p. 273, omitted in the last impression.]

This may also account for that remarkable clause in the press warrant of Henry VI. "De Ministrallia proptor solatium Regis providendis," by which it is required, that the boys, to be provided "in arte Ministrallatus instructor," should also be "membris naturalibus elegantes." See above page xix. (Ob-serv. on the Anc. Stat. 4th Edit. p. 337.)

Although by Minstrel was properly understood, in English, one who sung to the harp, or some other instrument of music, verses composed by himself or others ; yet the term was also applied by our old writers to such as professed either music or singing soparately, and perhaps to such as practised any of the sportive arts connected with these.* Music, however, being the leading idea, was at length peculiarly called Minstrelsy, and

• Vid. infra, Not. (A a).

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY.

XXV

the name of Minstrel at last confined to the Musician only.

In the French language all these Arts were included under the general name of Menest- traudie, Menestrandise, Jonglerie, &c. [Med. Lat. Menestellorum Ars, Ars Joculatoria, &c.]

—“ On peut comprendre sous le nom de Jon- glerie tout ce qui appartient aux anciens chan- sonniers Provençaux, Normands, Picards, &c. Le corps de la Jonglerie etoit formé des Trouveres, ou Troubadours, qui composaient les chansons, et parmi lesquels il y avoit des Im- provisateurs, comme on en trouve en Italie; des Chanteurs ou Chanteres qui exécutoient ou chantoient ces compositions; des Conteurs qui faisoient en vers ou en prose les contes, les recits, les histoires; des Jongleurs ou Menestrels qui accompagnoient de leurs in- struments.—L’art de ces Chastres ou Chan- sonniers, etoit nommé la Science Gnic, Guy Saber.” (Pref. Anthologie Franç. 1765, 8vo. p. 17.)—See also the curious Fauchet (De l’Orig. de la Lang. Fr. p. 72, &c.) “Bien tost apres la division de ce grand empire François on fauit de petits royaumes, duchez, et comtez, au lieu des Poetes commençoient a se faire cognoistre les Trouverres, ot Chanterres, Con- teurs,’ ot Juglëours : qui sont Trouverres, Chastres, Contours, Jongleurs, ou Jugleurs, c’est à dire, Monestriors chantans avec la vi cle.”

We see then that Jongleur, Jugleur (Lat. Joculator, Jugulator), was a peculiar name appropriated to the Minstrels. “Les Jon- gleurs ne faisoient que chanter les poesies sur leurs instrumens. On les apppelloit aussi Menestrels.” says Fouterieff, in his Hist. du Theat. Franç. prefixed to his Life of Corneille.

(C) “Successors of the ancient Bards.”

That the Minstrels in many respects bore a strong resemblance both to the British Bards and to the Danish Scalds, appears from this, that the old Monkish writers express them all without distinction by the same names in Latin. Thus Geoffrey of Monmouth, him- self a Welshman, speaking of an old pagan British king, who excelled in singing and music so far as to be esteemed by his coun- trymen the Patron Deity of the Bards, uses the phrase Deus Joculatorum; which is the peculiar name given to the English and French Minstrels.* In like manner, William

4 * Vid. note (B) (H) (Q).

Malmsbury, speaking of a Danish king's assuming the profession of a Seald, expresses it by Professus Mimvm ; which was another name given to the Minstrels in Middle Latin- ity.* Indeed Du Cange, in his Glossary, quotes a writer, who positively asserts that the Minstrels of the middle ages were the same with the ancient Bards. I shall give a large extract from this learned glossographer, as he relates many curious particulars con- cerning the profession and arts of the Min- strels; whom, after the Monks, he stigmatizes by the name of Scurra; though he acknowledges their songs often tended to inspire virtue.

“Ministelli, dicti præsertim Scurræ, Mimi, Joculatores.” . . . “Ejusmodi Scurrarum munus erat principes non suis duntaxat ludi- cris oblectare, sed et eorum aures variis, avorum, adeoque ipsorum principum laudi- bus, non sine Assontatione, cum cantilenis et musicis instrumentis deventareo . . .

“Intordum etiam virorum insignium et herorum gesta, nut explicata et jocunda nar- ratione commomorabant, aut suavi vocis in- flexione, fidibusque decantabant, quo sic dominorum, cetatorumque qui his intererant ludicris, nobilium animos ad virtutem capes- sendam, ot summorum virorum imitationem accendcrent: quod fuit olim apud Callos Bardorum ministerium, ut auctor est Tacitus Noque onim alios à Ministellis, veterum Gal- lorum Bardos fuisse pluribus probat Henricus Valesius ad 15 Ammiani . . . . Chronicon Bertrandi Guesclini.

“Qui veut avoir renom des bons et des vaillans Il doit aler souvenit a la pluie et au champs Et estre en la bataille, ainsy que fu Rollans, Les Quatre Fils Haimon, et Charlion li plus grans, Li dus Lions de Bourges, et Guions de Connans, Perceval li Galois, Lancelot, et Tristans, Alixandres, Artus, Godfroi li Sachans, De quoy cils Menestriers font les nobles Romans.”

“ Nicolaus de Braia describens solenne con- vivium, quo post inaugurationem suam pro- ceres exepit Lud. VIII. rex Francorum, ait inter ipsius convivii apparatus, in medium prodissse Mimvm, qui regis laudes ad cythar- rum decantavit.”—

• Vid. note (N).

xxvi

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY.

Our author then gives the lines at length, which begin thus,

"Dumque fovent genium geniali munere Bacchi,

Noctare commixto curas removento Lyæo

Principis a fronte, citraque eleberrimus arte

Assurgit Mimnus, ars musica quam decoravit,

Hic ergo chorda resonante subtiluit ista:

Inclite rex regum, probitatis stemmate ver-

nans,

Quem vigor et virtus extollit in æthera fa-

mæ," &c.

The rest may be seen in Du Cange, who thus proceeds, "Mittó reliqua similia, ex

quibus omnino patet ejusmodi Mimorum et

Ministellorum cantilenas ad virtutem princi-

pes excitassé. . . . Id præsertim in pugnæ

præcinctu, dominiis suis occinebant, ut mar-

tim ardorem in eorum animis concitarent;

eujusmodi cantum Cantilenam Rollandi appellat Will. Malmesb. lib. 3.—Aimoinus, lib.

4. de Mirac. S. Benedic. c. 37. 'Tanta vero

illis securitas . . . . . ut Scurram so procedere

facerent, qui musico instrumento ros fortiter

gestas et priorum bella præcinaret, quatenus

his acrius incitarentur,' " &c. As the writer

was a monk, we shall not wonder at his call-

ing the Minstrel, Scurram.

This word Scurra, or some one similar, is

represented in the Glossaries as the proper

meaning of Leccator (Fr. Lecceour) the ancient

term by which the Minstrel appears to be ex-

pressed in the Grant to Dutton, quoted above

in page xxxvii. On this head I shall produce

a very curious passage, which is twice quoted

in Du Cange's Glossary, (sc. ad verb. Men-

estellus et ad verb. Locator.)—"Phillippus

Mouskes in Philip. Aug. fingit Carolum M.

Provincie comitatum Scurris et Mimis suis

olim donasse, indeque postea tantum in hac

regione poetarum numerum excrevisse.

"Quar quant li buens Rois Karlemaigne,

Ot toute mise a son demaina

Provence, qui mult iert plentive

De vins, de bois, d'eiguë, de rive,

As Leccours as Menestreus

Qui sont anquiés lururiens

Le donna toute et departi."

(D) "The Poet and the Minstrel early with

us became two persons." The word Scould

comprehended both characters among the

Danes, nor do I know that they had any po-

culiar name for either of them separate. But it

was not so with the Anglo-Saxons. They called

a poet Scop, and [Leuδ pý lta; the last

of these comes from Leuδ, a song; and the

former answers to our old word Maker (li-

lourns) being derived from Scipian or Scee-

pan, formare, facere, fingere, creare (Ang. to

shape). As for the Minstrel, they distin-

guished him by the peculiar appellation of

Ili:gman, and perhaps by the more simple

title of Heanpene, Harper: [See below

Notas (H), (I).] This last title, at least, is often

given to a Minstrel by our most ancient Eng-

lish rhymists. See in this work series i. p.

89, &c., series iii. p.

(E) "Minstrels . . . . at the houses of the

great," &c.] Du Cange affirms, that in the

middle ages the courts of princes swarmed so

much with this kind of men, and such largo

sums were expended in maintaining and re-

warding them, that they often drained the

royal treasuries; especially, he adds, of such

as were delighted with their flatteries (" pro-

sortim qui ejusmodi Ministellorum assenta-

tionibus delectabantur.") He then confirms

his assertion by several passages out of

monastic writers, who sharply inveigh against

this extravagance. Of these I shall here se-

lect only one or two, which show what kind

of rewards were bestowed on these old Song-

sters.

"Rigordus de Gestis Philippi Aug. ann.

1185. Cum curiis regum seu aliorum prin-

cipum, frequenter turba Histrionum convenire

soleat, ut ab eis Aurum, Argentum, Equos,

seu vestes,* quos persæpe mutare consueve-

runt principes, ab eis extorqueant, verba joc-

ulatoria variis adulationibus plena proferre

nituntur. Et ut magis placeant, quicquid de

ipsis principibus probabiliter fingi potest, vi-

delicit omnes delitias et lepores, et visu dig-

• The Minstrels in France were received with great mag-

nificence in the fourteenth century. Froissart, describing

a Christmas entertainment given by the Comte de Foix,

tells us, that "there many Mynstrels, as well of hys own

as of straungers, and eche of them dyd their devoyre in

their faculties. The same day the Earle of Foix gave to

Hauralds and Minstrelles the som of fyve hundred frankes;

and gave to the Duke of Tourayns Mynstrelus gownes of

clothe of gold furred with ermyne valued at two hundred

frankes." B. iii. c. 31. Eng. Trans. Lond. 1525. (Mr. C.)

nes urbanitatos et caetera ineptias, trutinantibus buccis in medium eruclare non erubescunt. Vidimus quondam quosdam principi-

pes, qui vestes diu excogitatas, et variis florum picturationibus artificiose elaboratas, pro quibus forsan 20 vel. 30 marcas argenti consumpserant, vix revolutis septem diebus, Histrionibus, ministris diabolis, ad primam vocem dedisse, &c."

The curious reader may find a similar, though at the same time a more candid account, in that most excellent writer, Presid. Fauchet: (Recueil de la Lang. Fr. p. 73), who says that, like the ancient Greek Aοιδοι, " Nos Trouverres, ainsi que ceux la, prenans leur subject sur les faits des vaillans (qu'ils appelloyent Geste, venant de Gesta Latin) alloyent . . . par les cours rejouir les Princes

. . . . . Remportans des grandes recompences des seigneurs, qui bien souvent leur donnoyent jusques aux robes qu'ils avoyent vestues: et lesappelles ces Juleours ne failloient de porter aux autres cours, à fin d'inviter les seigneurs a pareille liberalité. Ce qui a duré si longuement, qu'il me souvient avoir veu Marten Baraton (ja viel Menostrier d'Orleans) lequel aux festes et nopces hatoit un tabourin d'argent, semé des places aussi d'argent, gravees des armoirics de ceux a qui il avoit appris a danser."—Hero we see that a Minstrel sometimes performed the function of a dancing-master.

Fontenelle even gives us to understand, that those men were often rewarded with favours of a still higher kind. "Les princesses et les plus grandes dames y joignoient souvent leurs faveurs. Elles etoient fort toibles contre les beaux esprits." (Hist. du Théat.)

We are not to wonder then that this profession should be followed by men of the first quality, particularly the younger sons and brothers of great houses. "Tel qui par les partages de fa famille n'avoit que la moitié ou le quart d'une vieux chateaux bien seigneurial, alloit quelque temps courir le monde en rimant, et revenoit acquerir le reste de Chateau." (Fontenelle Hist. du Théat.) We see, then, that there was no improbable fiction in those ancient songs and romances, which are founded on the story of Minstrels being beloved by kings' daughters, &c., and discovering themselves to be the sons of some liruign prince, &c.

(F) "The honours and rewards lavished upon the Minstrels were not confined to the continent. Our own countryman Johannes Sarisburcensis (in the time of Henry II.) declares no less than the Monks abroad, against the extravagant favour shown to those men.

" Non enim more nugatorum ejus seculi in Histriones et Mimos, et hujusmodi monstra hominum, ob famæ redemptionem et dilatationem nominis effunditis opes vestras," &c. [Epist. 247.*]

The Monks seem to grudge every act of munificence that was not applied to the benefit of themselves and their convents. They therefore great applauses upon the Emperor Henry, who at his marriage with Agnes of Poictou, in 1044, disappointed the poor Minstrels, and sent them away empty. " Initatem Histrionem et Joculatorum multitudinem sine cibo et muneribus vacuam et misericordem permisit." (Chronic Virtzi-burg.) For which I doubt not but he was sufficiently stigmatized in the Songs and Ballads of those times. Vid. Du Cange, Gloss. tom. iv. p. 771, &c.

(G) "The annals of the Anglo-Saxons are scanty and defective."| Of the few histories now remaining that were written before the Norman Conquest, almost all are such short and naked sketches and abridgments, giving only a concise and general relation of the more remarkable events, that scarce any of the minute circumstantial particulars are to be found in them : nor do they hardly ever descend to a description of the customs, manners, or domestic economy of their countrymen. The Saxon Chronicle, for instance, which is the best of them, and upon some accounts extremely valuable, is almost such an epitome as Lucian Florus and Eutropius have left us of the Roman history. As for Ethelward, his book is judged to be an imperfect translation of the Saxon Chronicle;† and the Pseudo-Asser, or Chronicle of St. Neot, is a poor defective performance. How absurd would it be then to argue against the existence of customs or facts, from the silence of such scanty records as these! Whoever would carry his researches deep into that period of history, might safely plead the excuse of a learned writer, who had particularly stu-

• Et vld. Polieraticou, cap. 8, &c.

† Vid. Nicolson's Eng. Hist. Lib, &c.

died the Ante-Norman historians, “Conjec-

turis (licet nusquam verisimili fundamento),

aliquoties indulgemus . . . utpote ub Historis-

cis jejune nimis et indiligenter res nostras

tractantibus coacti . . . Nostri . . . nulla fac-

torum commemoratione plerumque contenti,

relinquâ omnia, sive ob scriptorum, sive

historicorum officii

ignorantiam, fere intacta prætereunt.” Vide

plura in Præfat. ad Elfric. Vitam à Spelman.

Ox. 1678, fol.

(II) “ Minstrels and Harpers.”] That the

Harp (Cithara) was the common musical in-

strument of the Anglo-Saxons, might be in-

ferred from the very word itself, which is not

derived from the British, or any other Celtic

language, but of genuine Gothic original, and

current among every branch of that people:

viz. Ang. Sax. He ap pe, Peanpa, Iceland.

Harpa, Haurpa. Dan. and Belg. Harpe.

Gorm. Harpffe, Harpffa. Gal. Harpe. Span.

Harpa. Ital. Arpa [Vid. Jun. Etym.—Mo-

nago Etym. &c.] As also from this, that the

word He ap pe is constantly used in the

Anglo-Saxon versions, to express the Latin

words Cithara, Lyra, and even Cymbalum:

the word Psalmus itself being sometimes

translated He ap p ran y , harp song. [Gloss.

Jun. R. apud Lye Anglo-Sax. Lexic.]

But the fact itself is positively proved by

the express testimony of Bede, who tells us

that it was usual at festival meetings for this

instrument to be handed round, and each of

the company to sing to it in his turn. See

his Hist. Eccles. Lib 4, c. 24, where,

speaking of their sacred poet Cædmon, who

lived in the times of the Heptarchy (ob. circ.

680), he says:—

“ Nihil unquam frivoli et supervacui poe-

matis facere potuit; sed ea tantummodo, quæ

ad religionem pertinent, religiosæ ejus lin-

guam decebant. Siquidem in habitu sæcul-

lari, usque ad tempora provectioris ætatis

constitutus, nil Carminum aliquando didi-

cerat. Unde nonnunquam in convivio, cùm

esset lætitiæ causa decretum ut omnes per

ordinem cantare deberent, ille ubi appropin-

quare sibi citharam cernebat, surgebat a

mediâ cœnâ, et egressus, ad suam domum

repedabat.”

I shall now suhjoin King Alfred's own

Anglo-Saxon translation of this passage, with

a literal interlineary English version.

“ He . . . ne æppe nolte learunga, ne

“ He . . . . nerer no leasings, nor

iðele r leaðer pyncean ne miltce. ne

idle songs compose ne might; but

e þe ða an ða ðe to are'rneðre

lo! only those things which to religion [piety]

belong, and his then pious tongue

ðe bæfenobe rungan: Wær he re

became to sing: He was the [a

man in peopold hade ðeferteb oð ða

man in worldly [secular] state set to the

ðe he ðe wær oð ðelýtebðre ýlbo.

time in which he was of an advanced age;

ð he neððe aung leop ðeleoðnobe.

and he never any song learned.

ð he ðonðon oðre ðebeopðraipe

And he therefore oft in an entertainment

ðonne ðeðp pað hirðre intinga

when there was for merriment-sake adjidged

ðebemeb ð li eulle ðreolban ðupðh

[or decreed] that they all shouid through

endelpyneðrre be heaðpan r'ingan.

their turns by [the] harp sing;

ðonne he ðeðah ða heaðpan him

when he saw the harp him

nealdceam. ðonne anðr he fon ðrecome

approach, then arose he for shame

fram ðam rymle. ð ham eobe co

from the supper, and home yode [went] to

hir huye.

his horse.—Bed. Hist. Eccl. a Smith. Can-

tab. 1722, fol. p. 597.

In this version of Alfred's it is observa-

ble, (1) that he has expressed the Latin word

cantare, by the Anglo-Saxon words “ he

heaðpan r'ingan,” sing to the harp; as if

they were synonymous, or as if his coun-

trymen had no idea of singing unaccompa-

nied with tho Harp: (2) That when Bede

simply says, surgebat a mediâ cœnâ; he as-

signs a motive, “ anar fon ðrecome,”

arose for shame: that is, either from an aus-

terity of manners, or from his being deficient

in an accomplishment which so generally pre-

vailed among his countrymen.

(1) “ The word Glee, which peculiarly de-

noted their art,” &c. This word Glee is de-

rived from the Anglo-Saxon Gliðð, [Glige]

Musica, Music, .Minstrelsy (Somn). ‘This is

the common radix, whence arises such a va-

riety of terms and phrases relating to the

Minstrel Art, as affords the strongest internal proof, that this profession was extremely common and popular here before the Norman Conquest. Thus we have

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY. xxix

I. (1). Eliþ, [Gliw] Minus a Minstrel. Eliþman, 3li3mon, 3luman [Gleeman,*] Histrio Mimvs, Pantomimus; all common names in middle Latinity for a Minstrel : and Somner accordingly renders the original by a Minstrel; a Player on a Timbral or Taber. He adits, a Fiditer ; but although the Fythell or Fiddle was an ancient instrument, by which the Jogelar or Minstrel sometimes accompanied his song (see Warton, i. 17), it is probable that Somner annexes here only a modern sense to the word, not having at all investigated the subject.

Eliþmen, 3li3men. [Gloe-men]. Histriones Minstrels. Hence Eliþmann y þþe. Orchestra vel Pulpitus. The place where the Minstrels exhibited their performances.

(2). But their most proper and expressive name was Eliþleopþienð. Musicus, a Minstrel; and Eliþleopþienðlic. Musicus, Musical. These two words include the full iden of the Minstrel character, expressing at once their music and singing, being compounded of Eliþ, Musicus, Musis, a Musician, Minstrel, and Leoð, Carmen, a Song.

(3). From the above word Irliz3, the profession itself was called Eli3eþe. [Glig or Glee-craft.] Mu-

• Gleman continued to be the name given to a Minstrel both in England and Scotland almost as long as this order of men continued.

In De Brunne's metrical version of Bishop Grosthead's Manuel de Peche, A. D. 1303 (see Warton, t. ii), we have this, "—— Gode men, ye shall lore When ye any Gleman here." Fabyan (in his Chronicle, 1533, f. 32), translating the passage from Geoffrey of Moumouth, quoted below in page 28, Note (K), renders Deus Joculatorum. by God of Gle-men. (Warton's Illst. Eng. Poet. Diss. I.) Fabyan died in 1592.

Dunbar, who lived in the same century, describing, in one of his poems "The Dance," what passed in the infernal regions "amang the Feyndis," says, "No Mastralls playit to thame, but dowt, For Gle-men thatre wer haldin, out, Be day and eke by nicht." Bea Poems from Bannatyne's MS. Edinb. 1770, 12mo, page 150. Maitland's MS. at Cambridge reads here, Glowe men.

sica, Histrionia, Mimica, Gesticulatio: which Somner rightly gives in English, Minstrelsy, Mimical Gesticulation, Mummery. He also adds, Stage-playing ; but here again I think he substitutes an idea too modern, induced by the word Histrionia, which in Middle Latinity only signifies the Minstrel Art.

However, it should seem that both mimical gesticulation and a kind of rude exhibition of characters were sometimes attempted by the old Minstrels. But

(4). As Musical Performances was the leading idea, so Irþopian, Cantus musicos edere; and Irliþbeam, 3liþbeam. [Glig- or Glee-beam.] Tympanum; a Timbral or Taber. (So Somn.) Hence Irliþpan. Tympanum pulsare ; and Irliþ-beon; Eliþpienbe-mabeu [Glee-Maidem.] Tympanistria: which Somner renders a She-Minstrel; for it should seem that they had Females of this profession ; one name for which was also Irliþ pýðe-neiþa.

(5). Of congonial derivation to the foregoing, is Irliþpo. [Glywe.] Tibia, a Pipe or Flute. Both this and the common radix Irliþ3, are with great appearance of truth derived by Junius from the Icelanndio Cliggur, Flatlus : as supposing the first attempts at music among our Gothic ancestors were from wind-instruments. Vid. Jun. Etym. Ang. V. Glee.

II.

But the Minstrels, as is hinted above, did not confine themselves to the mere exercise of their primary arts of Music and Song, but occasionally used many other modes of diverting. Hence, from the above root was derived, in a secondary sense, (1). Irleo, and þingum glip. Facetice. Irleopian, jociari ; to jest or be merry (Somn.); and Irloopienð, jocans ; jesting, speaking merrily (Somn.). Irliþman also signified Jocista, a Jester. Eliþ-3amen [Glee-games], joci. Which Somner renders Merriments, or merry Jests, or tricks, or Sports; Gamboies.

(2). Hence, again, by a common metonymy of the cause for the effect, Irliþe, gaudium, alacritas, latitia, facetice;

xxx

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY.

Joy, Mirth, Gladness, Cheerfulness, Glee.

[Sumner.] Which last application of the

word still continues, though rather in a low,

debasig sense.

Iilpen. Purusitus, Assentutor; "A

Fawner, a Togger, a Parasite, a Flatterer."

(Somm.)

III.

But however agreeable and delightful the

various arts of the Minstrels might be to the

Anglo-Saxon laity, there is reason to believe

that, before the Norman Conquest at least,

they were not much favoured by the clergy;

particularly by those of monastic profession.

For, not to mention that the sportive talents

of these men would be considered by those

austere ecclesiastics as tending to levity and

licentiousness, the Pagan origin of their art

would excite in the Monks an insuperable

prejudice against it. The Anglo-Saxon Harp-

ers and Gleemen were the immediate suc-

cessors and imitators of the Scandinavian

Scalds; who were the great promoters of

Pagan superstition, and fomented that spirit

of cruelty and outrage in their countrymen,

the Danes, which fell with such peculiar

severity on the religious and their convents.—

Hence arose a third application of words de-

rived from Irligg, Minstrelsy, in a very un-

favourable sense, and this chiefly prevails in

books of religion and ecclesiastical discipline.

Thus,

(1). Irlig is Ludibrium, laughing to scorn.*

So in S. Basil. Regul. 11, Hi hæpbon him

to glize halpene minegunge. Ludri-

brio habebant salutarem ejus admonitionem.

(10).—This sense of the word was perhaps

not ill founded; for as the sport of rude un-

cultivated minds often arises from ridicule,

it is not improbable but the old Minstrels

often indulged a vein of this sort, and that

of no very delicate kind. So again,

Irlig-man was also used to signify Scurra,

a "Saucy Jester. (Somn.)

Irlig-geopn. Dicax, Scurriles jocos supra

quæm par est amans. Officium Episcopale, 3.

Irlipian. Scurrilibus oblectamentis induigere; Scurram agere. Canon. Edgar, 58.

(2). Again, as the various attempts to

please, practised by an order of men who

owed their support to the public favour,

might be considered by those grave censors

as mean and debasing: Hence came from

the same root,

• To gleek. Is used in Shakespeare, for "to make sport,

IV.

To return to the Anglo-Saxon word Irligg;

notwithstanding the various secondary senses

in which this word (as we have seen above)

was so early applied; yet

The derivative Glee (though now chiefly

used to express Merriment and Joy) long

retained its first simple meaning, and is even

applied by Chaucer to signify Music and

Minstrelsy. (Vid. Jun. Etym.) E. g.

"For though that the best harper upon live

Would on the beste sounid jolly harpe

That evir was, with all his fingours fivo

Touch nic o string, or nic o warble harpo,

Wero his nailos poincted nevir so sharpo

It sholdo makyn ovary wight to dull

To heare is gleo, and of his strokes fal."

TroyL lib. ii. 1030.

Junius interprets Glees by Musica Instru-

menta, in the following passages of Chaucer's

Third Boke of Fame:

.. Stodon . tho castoll all aboutin

Of all maner of Mynstrales

And Jostours that tollen talos

Both of wepyng and of game,

And of all that longeth unto fame;

There herde I play on a harpe

That sownded both well and sharpe

Hym Orpheus full craftily;

And on this syde fast by

Sate the harper Orion;

And Eacides Chirion;

And other harpers many one,

And the Briton Glaskyriion.

After mentioning these, the great masters

of the art, he proceeds:

• The preceding list of Anglo-Saxon works, so full and

copious beyond anything that ever yet appeared in print on

this subject, was extracted fiom Mr. Lye's curious Anglo-

Saxon Lexicon, in MS., but the arrangoment here is the

Editor's own. It had however received the sanction of Mr.

Lye's approbation, and would doubtless have been received

into his printed copy had he lived to publish it himself.

It should also be observed, for the sake of future re-

searches, that without the assistance of the old English

Interpretations given by Somner, in his Anglo-Saxon Dic-

tionary, the Editor of this book never could have discovered

that Glea signified "Minstrelsy," or Gligman a "Minstrel."

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY.

xxxi

"And small Harpers with her Glees

Sat under them in divers sees."

---

Again, a little below, the poet, having enumerated the performers on all the different

sorts of instruments, adds:

"There sawe I syt in other sees

Playing upon other sundry Glees,

Which that I cannot neven.*

More than starres ben in heven, &c.

Upon the above lines I shall only make a

few observations:

(1). That by Jestours, I suppose we are to

understand Gestours; scil. the relaters of

Gests (Lat. Gesta), or stories of adventures

both comic and tragical; whether true or

feigned; I am inclined to add, whether in

prose or verse. (Compare the record below,

in marginal note subjoined to (V) 2.) Of the

stories in prose, I conceive we have specimens

in that singular book the Gesta Romanorum,

and this will account for its seemingly im-

proper title. These were evidently what the

French called Conteurs, or Story-tellers, and

to them we are probably indebted for the first

Prose Romances of chivalry: which may be

considered as specimens of their manner.

(2). That the "Briton Glaskeryon," who-

ever he was, is apparently the same person

with our famous Harper Glasgerion, of whom

the reader will find a tragical ballad, at page

206.—In that song may be seen an instance

of what was advanced above in note (E), of

the dignity of the minstrel profession, or at

least of the artifice with which the Minstrels

endeavoured to set off its importance.

Thus, "a king's son is represented as

appearing in the character of a Harper or

Minstrel in the court of another king. He

wears a collar (or gold chain) as a person of

illustrious rank; rides on horseback, and is

admitted to the embraces of a king's daugh-

ter."

The Minstrels lost no opportunity of doing

honour to their art.

(3). As for the word Glees, it is to this day

used in a musical sense, and applied to a

peculiar piece of composition. Who has not

seen the advertisements proposing a reward

to him who should produce the best Catch,

Canon, or Glee?

(K) "Comes from the pen of Geoffrey of

Monmouth."] Geoffrey's own words are,

"Cum ergo alterius modi aditum [Boldolphus]

non haberet, rasit capillos suos et barbam,*

cultumque Joculatoris cum Cythara fecit.

Deinde intra castra deambulans, modulis quos

in Lyra componebat, sese Cytharistam exhi-

bebat." Galf. Monum. Hist., 4to., 1508, lib.

vii. c. 1.—That Joculator signifies precisely a

Minstrel appears not only from this passage,

where it is used as a word of like import to

Citharista or Harper (which was the old

English word for Minstrel), but also from

another passage of the same author, where

it is applied as equivalent to Cantor. See

lib. i. cap. 22, where, speaking of an ancient

(perhaps fabulons) British king, he says,

"Ut ic cantores quos præcedens atatus

habuerat et in modulis et in omnibus musicis

instrumentis excedebat: ita ut Deus Jocular-

torum videretur."—Whatever credit is due

to Geoffrey as a relater of Facts, he is cer-

tainly as good authority as any for the signi-

fication of Words.

(L) "Two remarkable facts."] Both of

these facts are recorded by William of

Malmesbury; and the first of them, relating

to Alfred, by Ingulphus also. Now Ingul-

phus (afterwards Abbot of Croyland) was

near forty years of age at the time of the

Conquest,† and consequently was as proper

judge of the Saxon manners, as if he had

• Geoffrey of Monmouth is probably here describing the

appearance of the Joculatores or Minstrels, as it was in his

own time. For they apparently derived this part of their

dress, &c. from the Mimi of the ancient Romans, who had

their heads and beards shavon : (see above, p. xx. note ‡,)

as they likewrise did the mimiery, and other arts of divert-

ing, which they superadded to the composing and singing to

the harp heroic songs, &c. which they inherited from their

own progenitors the bards and scalds of the ancient Celtic

and Gothic nations. The Longobardi had, like other nor-

thern people, brought three with them into Italy. For in

the year 774, when Charlomagne entered Italy and found

his passage impeded, he was met by a Minstrel of Lombardy,

whose song promised him success and victory. "Contigit

Joculatorem ex Longobardorum gente ad Carolum venire,

et Cantiunculam a se compositam, rotando in conspectu

suorum cantare." Tom. ii. p. 2 Chron. Monest. Noval.

lib. iii. cap. x. p. 717. Warton's Hist. vol. ii. Emend

of vol. i. p. 113.)

† Natus 1030, scripsit 1091, obiit 1109. Tanner.

• Neven, i. e. name.

5

xxxii

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY.

actually written his history before that event; he is therefore to be considered as an Ante-Norman writer: so that whether the fact concerning Alfred be true or not, we are assured from his testimony, that the Joculator or Minstrel was a common character among the Anglo-Saxons. The same also may be inferred from the relation of William of Malmesbury, who outlived Ingulphus but thirty-three years.* Both these writers had doubtless recourse to innumerable records and authentic memorials of the Anglo-Saxon times which never descended down to us; their testimony therefore is too positive and full to be overturned by the mere silence of the two or three slight Anglo-Saxon epitomes that are now remaining. Vid. note (G).

As for Asser Menevensis, who has given a somewhat more particular detail of Alfred's actions, and yet takes no notice of the following story, it will not be difficult to account for his silence, if we consider that he was a rigid Monk, and that the Minstrels, however acceptable to the laity, were never much respected by men of the more strict monastic profession, especially before the Norman Conquest, when they would be considered as brethren of the Pagan Scalds.† Asser therefore might not regard Alfred's skill in Minstrelsy in a very favourable light; and might be induced to drop the circumstance related below, as reflecting, in his opinion, no great honour on his patron.

The learned editor of Alfred's Life, in Latin, after having examined the scene of action in person, and weighed all the circumstances of the event, determines, from the whole collective evidence, that Alfred could never have gained the victory he did if he had not with his own eyes previously seen the disposition of the enemy by such a stratagem as is here described. Vid. Annot. in Ælfir. Mag. Vitam, p. 33, Oxon. 1678, fol.

(M) "Alfred . . . assumed the dress and character of a 'Minstrel.'] "Fingens se Joculatorem, assumpta cithara," &c. Ingulpi Hist. p. 809.—"Sub specie mimi . . . ut Jocutatorie professor artis." Gul. Malmesb.

• Obit anno 1142. Tanner.

† (See above, p. xxx.) Both Ingulph and Will. of Malmesb. had been very conversant among the Normans, who appear not to have had such prejudices against the Minstrels as the Anglo-Saxons had.

l. ii. c. 4, p. 43. That both Joculator and Mimus signify literally, a Minstrel, see proved in notes (B), (K), (N), (Q), &c. See also note (G g).

Malmesbury adds, "Unius tantum fidelis-simi fruebatur conscientia." As this confidant does not appear to have assumed the disguise of a Minstrel himself, I conclude that he only appeared as the Minstrel's attendant. Now that the Minstrel had sometimes his servant or attendant to carry his harp, and even to sing to his music, we have many instances in the old Metrical Romances, and even some in this present collection: See Series the First, Song vi.; Series the Third, Song vii., &c. Among the French and Provençal Bards, the Trouvère, or Inventur, was generally attended with his singer, who sometimes also played on the harp, or other musical instrument. "Quolqne fois durant le repas d'un prince on voyoit arriver un Trouverre ou Menestrels ou Jongleurs, et il leur faisoit chanter sur leurs harpes ou vielles les vers qu'il avoit composés. Ceux qui faisoient les Sons aussi bien que les Mots étoient les plus estimés." Fontenolle Hist. du Theatr.

That Alfred excelled in Music is positively asserted by Bale, who doubtless had it from some ancient MS., many of which subsisted in his time that are now lost: as also by Sir J. Spelman, who, we may conclude, had good authority for this anecdote, as he is known to have compiled his life of Alfred from authentic materials collected by his learned father: this writer informs us that Alfred "provided himself of musicians, not common, or such as knew but the practick part, but men skilful in the art itself, whose skill and service he yet further improved with his own instruction:" p. 199. This proves Alfred at least to have understood the theory of music; and how could this have been acquired without practising on some instrument? which we have seen above, note (H), was so extremely common with the Anglo-Saxons, even in much ruder times, that Alfred himself plainly tells us, it was shameful to be ignorant of it. And this commonness might be one reason why Asser did not think it of consequence enough to be particularly mentioned in his short life of that great monarch. This rigid Monk may also have esteemed it a slight and frivolous accomplishment, savouring only of

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY.

xxxii

worldly vanity. He has however particularly recorded Alfred's fondness for the oral Anglo-

Saxon poems and songs. [Saxonica poemata die nocteque . . . audiens . . . memorita

retinebat:” p. 10. “Carmina Saxonica me-

moriter discere,” &c.: p. 43, et ib.] Now the

poems learnt by rote, among all ancient un-

polished nations, are ever sung by the reciter, and accompanied with instru-

mental melody.*

(N) “With his harp in his hand, and

dressed like a Minstrel.”] “Assumpta manu

citharâ . . . professus Mimam, qui hujus-

modi arte stipem quotidianam merearetur . . .

Jussus abire pretium Cantus accepit:”

Malmesb. 1. ii. c. 6. We see here that

which was rewarded was (not any mimicry

or tricks, but) his singing (Cantus); this

proves, beyond dispute, what was the nature

of the entertainment Aululf afforded them.

Perhaps it is needless by this time to prove

to the reader, that Mimnus in Middle Latinity

signifies a Minstrel, and Mimia, Minstrelsy,

or the Minstrel-art. Should he doubt it, let

him cast his eye o'er the two following

extracts from Du Cange:

“Mimus: Musicus, qui instrumentis mu-

sicis canit. Legos Palatinæ Jacobi II. Reg.

Majoric. In domibus principum, ut tradit

antiquitas, Mimi seu Joculatores licite pos-

sunt esse. Nam illorum officium tribuit

lætitiam . . . Quapropter volumus et ordi-

namus, quod in nostra curia Mimi debeant

esse quique, quorum duo sint tubicinatores,

et tetius sit tubicenjus fi. e a player on the

tabor].† Lit. remiss. ann. 1374. Ad Mimos

cornicitantes, seu bucinantes accesserunt.”

• Thus Leob, the Saxon word for a Poem, is propaly a

song and its derivative Lied stills a ballad to this duy

in the German tongue. and Cantare, we have seen above,

is by Alf red himself rendered Be heappan fingan

† 'The Tabour or Taboulin was a common instrument

with the Flemch Minstrels, as it had also been with the

Anglo-Saxon (vid p lix) 'thus in an anelent French MS

in the Ha.l collection (2253, 75), a Minstrel is described

as riding on horseback and beaing his Tabour.

"Entour son col porta son Tabour,

Dopeynt de Or, e riche Agour."

See also a passage in Menage's Dietion Etym. [v Menes-

treis], where Tabour is used as synonmous to Menestriers

Another fiequent instrument with them was the Vielle

This, I am told, is the name of an instrument at this day,

which differs fom a guitar, in that the player turns round

a handle at the top of the instrument, and with his other

hand plays on some keys that touch the chords and prodnce

the sound.

See Dr. Burney's account of the Vielle, vol. II p. 283,

Mimia, Ludus Mimicus, Instrumentum

[potius, Ars Joculatoria.] Ann. 1482 . . .

"mimia et cantu victum acquiro."

Du Cange, Gloss. tom. iv. 1762. Supp. c.

(O) "To havebeen in Dane."] The northern

historians produce such instances of the great

respect shown to the Danish Scalds in the

courts of our Anglo-Saxon kings, on account

of their musical and poetic talents (notwith-

standing they were of so hateful a nation),

that if a similar order of men had not existed

here before, we cannot doubt but the profes-

sion would have been taken up by such of

the natives as had a genius for poetry and

music.

"Extant Rhythmí hoc ipso [Islandico]

idiomate Angliæ, Hyberniæque Regibus

oblati et liberaliter compensati, &c. Itaque

hinc colligi potest linguam Danicam in aulis

vicinum regum, principumque familiærem

fuisse, non secus ac hodie in aulis principum

peroguiâ idiomata in deliciis haberi cœni-

mus. Imprimis Vata Egilli Skallagrimii id

invidto argumento adstruit. Quippe qui in-

terrogatus ab Adalsteino, Angliæ rego, quo-

modo manus Eirici Blodoxii, Northumbriæ

regis, postquam in ejus potestatom venerat,

evasisset, cujus filium propinquosque occi-

derat . . . rei statim ordinem metio, nunc

satis obscuro, exposuit nequaquam ita narra-

turs non intelligenti." [Vid. plura apud

Torfxii Præfat. ad Oread. Hist. fol.]

This same Egill was no less distinguished

for his valour and skill as a soldier, than for

his poetic and singing talents as a Scald;

and he was such a favourite with our king

Athelstan, that he at one time presented him

with "duobus annulis et scriniis, duobus

bene magnis argento repletis . . . Quinetiam

hoc addidit, ut Egillus quidvis præterea se

petens, obtineret; bona mobilia, sive immo-

bilia, præbendam vel præfecturas. Egillus

porro regiam munificentiam gratus excipiens,

Carmen Encomiasticon, à se linguâ Norve-

gicâ (quæ tum his regnis communis) com-

positum, regi dicat; ac pro eo, duas marcas

auri puri (pondus marces . . . 8 auriis æquun-

who thinks it the same with the Rote, or wheel. See page

270 in the nota.

"Il ot un Jougleor a sens,

Qui navoit pas sovent robe entiere;

Sovent estolt sans sa Vielle."

Fabliaux et Cont li. 184, 5 .

xxxii

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY.

actually written his history before that event; he is therefore to be considered as an Ante-Norman writer: so that whether the fact concerning Alfred be true or not, we are assured from his testimony, that the Joculator or Minstrel was a common character among the Anglo-Saxons. The same also may be inferred from the relation of William of Malmesbury, who outlived Ingulphus but thirty-three years.* Both these writers had doubtless recourse to innumerable records and authentic memorials of the Anglo-Saxon times which never descended down to us; their testimony therefore is too positive and full to be overturned by the mere silence of the two or three slight Anglo-Saxon epitomes that are now remaining. Vid. note (G).

As for Asser Menevensis, who has given a somewhat more particular detail of Alfred's actions, and yet takes no notice of the following story, it will not be difficult to account for his silence, if we consider that he was a rigid Monk, and that the Minstrels, however respected by men of the more strict monastic profession, especially before the Norman Conquest, when they would be considered as brethren of the Pagan Scalds,† Asser therefore might not regard Alfred's skill in Minstrelsy in a very favourable light; and might be induced to drop the circumstance related below, as reflecting, in his opinion, no great honour on his patron.

The learned editor of Alfred's Life, in Latin, after having examined the scene of action in person, and weighed all the circumstances of the event, determines, from the whole collective evidence, that Alfred could never have gained the victory he did if he had not with his own eyes previously seen the disposition of the enemy by such a stratagem as is here described. Vid. Annot. in Ælfr. Mag. Vitam, p. 33, Oxon. 1678, fol.

(M) "Alfred . . . assumed the dress and character of a 'Minstrel.'"] "Fingens se Joculatorem, assumpta cithara," &c. Ingulpi Hist. p. 869.—"Sub specie mrxr . . . ut Joculatoris professor artis." Gul.Malmesb.

• Obït anno 1142. Tanner.

† (See above, p. xxx.) Both Ingulph. and Will. of Malmesb. had been very conversant among the Normans, who appear not to have had such prejudices against the Minstrels as the Anglo-Saxons had.

1. ii. c. 4, p. 43. That both Joculator and Mimns signify literally, a Minstrel, see proved in notes (B), (K), (N), (Q), &c. See also note (G g).

Malmesbury adds, "Unìs tantùm fidelissimè fruebatur conscientiâ." As this eumflaut does not appear to have assumed the disguise of a Minstrel himself, I conclude that he only appeared as the Minstrel's attendant. Now that the Minstrel had sometimes his servant or attendant to carry his harp, and even to sing to his music, we have many instances in the old Metrical Romances, and even some in his present collection : See Series the First, Song vi.; Series the Third, Song vii., &c. Among the French and Provençal Bards, the Trouvère, or Inventor, was generally attended with his singer, who sometimes also played on the harp, or other musical instrument. "Quelque fois durant le repas d'un prince ou voit arriver un Trouverre inconnu avec ses Menestrels ou Jongleurs, et il leur faisoit chanter sur leurs harpes ou vielles les vers qu'il avoit composés. Ceux qui faisoient les Sons ausi bien que les

Mots étoient les plus estimés." Fontenello Hist. du Theatr.

That Alfred excelled in Music is positively asserted by Bale, who doubtless had it from some ancient MS., many of which subsisted in his time that are now lost: as also by Sir J. Spelman, who, we may conclude, had good authority for this anecdote, as he is known to have compiled his life of Alfred from authentic materials collected by his learned father: this writer informs us that Alfred "provided himself of musicians, not common, or such as knew but the practical part, but men skilful in the art itself, whose skill and service he yet further improved with his own instruction :" p. 199. This proves Alfred at least to have understood the theory of music; and how could this have been acquired without practising on some instrument? which we have seen above, note (H), was so extremely common with the Anglo-Saxons, even in much ruder times, that Alfred himself plainly tells us, it was shameful to be ignorant of it. And this commonness might be one reason why Asser did not think of consequence enough to be particularly mentioned in his short life of that great monarch. This rigid Monk may also have esteemed it a slight and frivolous accomplishment, savouring only of

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY.

xxxiii

worldly vanity. He has however particularly

recorded Alfred's fondness for the oral Anglo-

Saxon poems and songs. [Saxonica poemata

die nocteque . . . audiens . . . memoria

retinebat:"] p. 16. "Carmina Saxonica me-

moriter discere," &c.: p.43, et ib.] Now the

poems learnt by rote, among all ancient un-

polished nations, are ever songs chanted by

the reciter, and accompanied with instru-

mental melody.*

(N) "With his harp in his hand, and

dressed like a Minstrel."] "Assumptâ manu

citharâ . . . professus Mimum, qui hujus-

medi arte stipem quotidianam mereatur . . .

Jussus abire pretium Cantus accepit:"

Malmesb. l. ii. c. 6. We see here that

which was rewarded was (not any mimicry

or tricks, but) his singing (Cantus); this

proves, beyond dispate, what was the nature

of the entertainment Aulalf afforded them.

Perhaps it is needless by this time to prove

to the reader, that Mimvs in Middle Latinity

signifes a Minstrel, and Mimia, Minstrelsy,

or the Minstrel-art. Should we doubt it, let

him cast his eye over the two following

extracts from Du Cange:

"Mimus: Musicus, qui instrumentis mu-

sicis canit. Legos Palatinæ Jacobi II. Reg.

Majoric. In domibus principum, ut tradit

antiquitas, Mini seu Joculatores licitè pos-

sunt esse. Nam illorum officium tribuit

lætitixm . . . Quapropter volumns et ordi-

namus, quod in nostra curia Mimi debeant

esse quinque, quorum duo sint tubicinatores,

et tertius sit tubelerius [i. e. a player on the

tabor].† Lit. remiss. ann. 1374. Ad Mimos

cornicitantos, seu bucinnantes nccesserunt."

• Thus Leos, the Saxon word for a Poem, is properly a

song, and its derivative Lied signifies a ballad to this day

in the German tongue; and Carulare, we have seen above,

is by Alfred himself rendered he hæppan rıngan.

† The Tabor or Tabourin was a common instrument

with the French Minstrels, as it had also been with the

Anglo-Saxon (vid. p. lxix:) thus In an ancient French MS.

in the Harl. collection (2253, 75), a Minstrel is described

as riding on horsback and bearing his Tabour.

"Entour son col port son Tabour,

Depeynt de Or, e riche Acour."

See also a passage in Menage's Dietion. Etym. [v. Menes-

triers], where Tabours is used as synonynous to Menestriers.

Another frequent instrument with them was the Vielle.

This, I am told, is the name of an instrument at this day,

which differs from a guitar, in that the player turns round

a handle at the top of the instrument, and with his other

hand plays on some keys that touch the chords and produce

the sound.

See Dr. Burney's account of the Vielle, vol. II. p. 263,

Mimia, Ludus Mimicus, Instrumentum

[potus, Ars Joculatoria.] Ann. 1482 . . .

"mimim et cantu victum acquiro."

Du Cange, Gloss. tom. iv. 1762. Supp. c.

(O) "To havebên a Dane."] The northern

historians produce such instances of the great

respect shown to the Danish Scalds in the

courts of our Anglo-Saxon kings, on account

of their musical and poetic talents (notwith-

standing they were of so hateful a nation),

that if a similar order of men had not existed

here before, we cannot doubt but the profes-

sion would have been taken up by such of

the natives as had a genius for poetry and

music.

"Extant Rhythmí hoc ipso [Islandico]

idiomate Anglicæ, Hyberniæque Regibus

oblati et liberaliter compensati, &c. Itaque

hine colligi potest linguam Dunicam in aulis

vicinorum regum, primæpumque familharem

fuisse, non secus ac hodie in aulis principum

peregrina idiomata in deliciis haberi cœni-

mus. Imprimis Vita Egilli Skallagrimii id

invicto argumento adstruxit. Quippe qui in-

terrogatus ab Adalsteino, Angliæ rego, quo-

modo manvs Eirici Blodoxii, Northumbriæ

regis, postquam in ejus potestatem venerat,

evasisset, cujus filium propinquosque occi-

derat . . . rei statim ordinem metro, nunc

satis obscuro, exposuit nequaquam ita narra-

turs non intelligenti." [Vid. plura apud

Torfæi Præfat. ad Orcad. Hist. fol.]

This same Egil was no less distinguished

for his valour and skill as a soldier, than for

his poetic and singing talents as a Scald;

and he was such a favourite with our king

Athelstan, that he at one time presented him

with "duobus annulis et scriniis, duobus

bene magnis argento repletis . . . Quinetiam

hoc addidit, ut Egillus quidvis præterea a se

potens, obtineret; bona mobilia, sive immo-

bilia, præbendxm vel præfecturas. Egillus

porro regiam munificentiam gratus excipiens,

Carmen Encomiasticon, à se linguâ Norve-

gicâ (quæ tum his regnis communis) com-

positam, regi dicat; ac pro eo, duas marcas

auri puri (pondus marcæ . . . 8 flncins æquun-

who thinks it the same with the Rote, or wheel. See page

270 in the note.

"Il ot un Jougloour a sens,

Qui navoit pas robe entiere;

Sovent estolt sans sa Vicle."

Fabliaux et Cont. ii. 184, 5.

xxxiv

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY

bat) honorarii loco rotulit." [Arngr. Jon

Rer. Islandic. lib. ii. p. 129.]

See more of Egill, in the "Five Pieces of

Runic Poetry," p. 45, whose poem, there

translated, is the most ancient piece all in

rhyme, that is, I conceive, now to be found in

any European language, except Latin. See

Egill's Islandic original, printed at the end

of the English Version in the said Five

Pieces, &c.

(P) "If the Saxons had not been accus-

tomed to have Minstrels of their own . . . .

and to show favour and respect to the Danish

Scalds"]; if this had not been the case, we

may be assured, at least, that the stories

given in the text could never have been

recorded by writers who lived so near the

Anglo-Saxon times as Malmesbury and In-

gulphus, who, though they might be deceived

as to particular facts, could not be so as to

the general manners and customs which pre-

vailed so near their own times among their

ancestors.

(Q) "In Duomesday Book," &c.] Extract

ex Libro Domesday: Et vid. Anstis Ord.

Gart. ii. 304.

Gloweccestescire.

Fol. 162. Col. 1. Berdic Joculator Regis

habet iii. villas. et ibi v. car. nil redd.

That Joculator is properly a Minstrel, might

be inferred from the two foregoing passages

of Geoffrey of Monmouth (v. note K), where

the word is used as equivalent to Citharista

in one place, and to Cantor in the other; this

union forms the precise idea of the character.

But more positive proofs have already

offered, vid. supra, p. xxv., xxxii., xxxiii., note

"Jogulator pro Joculator.—Consilium Masil.

an. 1381. Nullus Ministrey's, Jogulator,

audet pinsare vel sonare instrumentum cu-

juscumque generis," &c. &c.

As the Minstrel was termed in French Jon-

gleur and Jugleur; so he was called in Spanish

Juglar and Juglar. "Tenemos canciones y

versos para recitar muy antiguos y memorias

ciertas de los Juglares, que assistian en los

banquetes, como los que pinta Homero."

Prolog. a las Comed. de Cervantes, 1740, 4to.

"El anno 1328, en las siestas de la Coro-

gon . . . * el Juglar Ramasot cantó una

Villanesca de la Composicion del . . . infante

[Don Pedro] y otro Juglar, Llamado Novellot,

recitó y representó en voz y sin cantar mas

de 600 versos, que hizo el Infante en el metro

que llamaban Rima Vulgar." Ibid.

"Los Trobadores inventaron la Gaya Cien-

cia . . . estos Trobadores eran casi todos de

la primera Nobleza.—Es verdad, que ya

entonces se hurian entrometida entre las

diversones Cortasunos, los Contudores, los

Cantores, los Juglares, los Truanez, y los

Bufones." Ibid.

In England the King's Juglar continued

to have an establishment in the royal house-

hold down to the reign of Henry VIII. [vid.

Note (C c)]. But in what sense the title was

there applied does not appear. In Barklay's

Egloges, written circ. 1514, Juglers and Pipers

are mentioned together. Egl. iv. (vid. T.

Warton's Hist. ii. 254).

(R) "A valiant warrior, named Taillefor,"

&c.] See Du Cange, who produces this as

an instance, "Quod Ministollorum munus

interdum prœstabant milites probatissimi.

Le Roman Do Vacee, MS.

"Quant il virent Normanz venir

Mout veissiez Engleiz fremir . . . .

Taillefor qui nout bien chantoit,

Sur un cheval, qui tost alloit,

Devant euls aloit chantant

De Kallemaigne et de Roullant,

Et d'Olirier de Vassaux,

Qui moururent en Rainschevaux.

"Qui quidem Taillefer a Gulielmo obtinuit ut

primus in hostes irrueret, inter quos fortiter

dimicando occubuit." Gloss. tom. iv. 769,

770, 771.

"Les anciennes chroniques nous appen-

nent, qu'en premier rang de l'Armée Nor-

mande, un éuyer nommé Taillefer, monté

sur un cheval armé, chanta la Chanson de

Roland, qui fut si long temps dans les bouches

des François, sans qu'il soit resté le moindre

fragment. Le Taillefer après avoir entonné

la chanson que les soldats répétoient, se jeta

le premier parmi les Anglois, et fut tué."

[Voltaire Add. Hist. Univ. p. 69.]

The reader will see an attempt to restore

the Chanson de Roland, with musical notes,

in Dr. Burney's Hist. ii. p. 276.—See more

concerning the Song of Roland, Series the

Third. p. 189. Note (m).

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY.

(S) "An eminent French writer," &c.] "M. l'Êvêque de la Ravaliere, qui avoit fait beaucoup de recherches sur nos anciennes Chansons, prétend que c'est à la Normandie de Provenceaus, mais postérieurement au Regne Phillippe I. ou à l'an 1100.] [v. Révolutions de la Langue Françoise, à la suite des Poesies du Roi de Navarre.] "Ce seroit une antériorité de plus d'une demi siecle à l'époque des premiers Troubadours, que leur historien Jean de Nostre-dame fixe à l'an 1162," &c. Prof. à l'Antologie Franç. 8vo. 1765.

This subject hath since been taken up and prosecuted at length in the Prefaces, &c., to M. Le Grand's "Fabliaux ou Contes du xiie et du xiiie Siecle, Paris, 1788," 5 tom. 12mo., who seems pretty clearly to have established the priority and superior excellence of the old Rimeurs of the North of France over the Troubadours of Provence, &c.

(S 2) "Their own native Gleemen or Minstrels must be allowed to exist." Of this we have proof positive in the old metrical Romance of Horn-Child (Series the Third, No. 1, p. 192),* which although from the mention of Sarazens, &c., it must have been written at least after the first crusade in 1096, yet, from its Anglo-Saxon language or idiom, can scarce be dated later than within a century after the Conquest. This, as appears from its very exordium, was intended to be sung to a popular audience, whether it was composed by, or for a Gleeman or Minstrel.

But it carries all the internal marks of being the production of such a composer. It appears of genuine English growth; for, after a careful examination, I cannot discover any allusion to French or Norman customs, manners, composition, or phraseology: no quotation, "As the Romance sayth:" not a name or local reference, which was likely to occur to a French Rimeur. The proper names the son of Allaf (i. e. Olaf or Olave), king of Sudenne (I suppose Sweden), by his Queen Godylde or Godylt. Athulf and Eylkenyld are the names of subjects. Eylmer or Aylmere is king of Westnesse (a part of Ireland), Ryme-nyld is his daughter; as Erminyld is of an-

other king Thurstan; whose sons are Athyld and Beryld. Athelrus is steward of king Aylmer, &c., &c. All these savour only of a Northern origin, and the whole piece is exactly such a performance as one would expect from a Gleeman or Minstrel of the North of England, who had derived his art and his ideas from his Scaldic predecessors there. So that this probably is the original from which was translated the old French fragment of Dan Horn, in the Harleian MS. 527, mentioned by Tyrwhitt (Chaucer iv. 68), and by T. Warton (Hist. i. 38), whose extract from Horn-Child is extremely incorrect.

Compare the style of Child-Horn with the Anglo-Saxon specimens in short verses and rhyme, which are assigned to the century succeeding the Conquest, in Hickes's Thesaurus, tom. i. cap. 24, p. 224 and 231.

(T) "The different production of the sedentary composer and the rumbling Minstrel."] Among the old motrical romances, a very few are addressed to readers, or intention reading; these appear to have been composed by writers at their desk, and exhibit marks of more elaborate structure and invention. Such is Eylamour of Arlas (Series the Third, No. 20, p. 194), of which I find in a MS. copy in the Cotton Library, A 2, folio 3, the II Fitte thus concludes:

"... thus ferr have I red."

Such is Ipomydon (Series the Third, No. 23, p. 195), of which one of the divisions (Sign. E. ii. b. in pr. copy) ends thus,

"Let hym go, God hym spede, Tyll efte-soone we of hym reed" [i. e. read].

So in Amys and Amylion* (Series the Third, No. 31, p. 195), in sta. 3d we have,

"In Geste as we rede ;"

• It ought to have been observed in its proper place in Series the Third, No. 31, p. 165, that Amys and Amylion were no otherwise "Brothers" than as being fastfriends: as was suggested by the learned Dr. Samuel Pegge, who was so obliging as to favour the Essayist formerly with a curious transcript of this poem accompanied with valuable illustrations, &c.; and that it was this opinion that both the fragment of the "Lady Bellesnt," mentioned in the same No. 31, and also the mutilated Tale, No 37 (p. 87), were only imperfect copies of the above romance of "Amys and Amyllon," which contains the two lines quoted in No. 37.

xxxvi

NOTES ON THE FORMER ESSAY.

and similar phrases occur in stanzas 34, 125,

140, 196, &c.

These are all studied compositions, in which

the story is invented with more skill and

ingenuity, and the style and colouring are

of superior cast to such as can with sufficient

probability be attributed to the minstrels

themselves.

Of this class, I conceive the romance of

Horn-Child (mentioned in the last note (S 2

and in Series the Third, No. 192, p. 2), which,

from the naked unadorned simplicity of the

story, I would attribute to such an origin.

But more evidently is such the Squire

of Low Degree (Series the Third, No. 24,

p. ), in which is no reference to any

French original, nothing like the phrase,

which so frequently occurs in others, "As the

romance sayth,"* or like. And it is just

such a rambling performance as one would

expect from an itinerant Bard. And

Such also is A Lytell Geste of Robyn Hode,

&c., in 8 Fyttes, of which are extant two

editions, 4to., in black-letter, described more

fully in page 80 of this work. This is not

only of undoubted English growth, but, from

the constant satire aimed at abbots and their

convents, &c., could not possibly have been

composed by any monk in his cell.

Other instances might be produced; but

especially of the former kind is Syr Launful

(Series the Third, No. 2, p. 315), the 121st

of which has

"In romances as we rede."

This is one of the best invented stories of

that kind, and I believe the only one in which

is inserted the name of the author.

• Wherever the word romance occurs in these metrical

narratives, it hath been thought to afford decisive proof of

a translation from the romance or French language. Ac-

cordingly it is so urged by T. Warton (l. 140, note) from

two passages in the pr. copy of "Sir Eglamour," viz., Sign.

E. 1.

In romaunce as we rede.

Again in fol. ult.

In romaunce this cronycle is.

But in the Cotton MS. of the original the first passage is

As I herde a Clorke rede.

And the other thus,

In Rome this Gest cronycled ys.

So that I believe ireferences to "the Romaunce," or the like,

were often mere expletive phrases inserted by the oral

reciters; one of whom I conceive had altered or corrupted

the old "Syr Eglamour," in the manner that the copy was

printed.

(T 2) "Royer or Raherus the King's Min-

strel."] He is recorded by Leland under

both these names, in his Collectanea, vol. 1, p. 61.

"Hospitale S. Bartholomei in West Smith-

felde in London.

"Royer Mimvs Regis fundator."

"Hosp. Sti. Barthol. Londini.

"Raherus Mimvs Regis H. 1, primus funda-

tor, an. 1102, 3 H. 1, qui fundavit etiam

Priorat. Sti. Barthol." Ibid. page 90.

That Mimvs is properly a Minstrel in the

sense affixed to the word in this essay, one

extract from the accounts [Lat. Computis]

of the Priory of Maxtock, near Coventry, in

1441, will sufficiently show.—Scil. "Dat. Sex.

Mimvs Dni. Clyntion cantantibus, citharisant-

ibus, ludenti bus, &c., iiiiis. (T. Warton, ii.

106, note q.) The same year, the prior gave

to a doctor prædicants, for a sermon preached

to them, only 6d.

In the Monasticon, tom. ii. p. 166, 167, is

a curious history of the founder of this

priory, and the cause of its erection; which

seems exactly such a composition as one of

those which were manufactured by Dr. Stone,

the famous legend-maker, in 1380 (see T.

Warton's curious account of him, in vol. ii.

p. 190, note); who required no materials to

assist him in composing his Narratives, &c.,

for in this legend are no particulars given

of the founder, but a recital of miraculous

visions exciting him to this pious work, of its

having been before revealed to King Edward

the Confessor, and predicted by three Gre-

cians, &c. Even his minstrel profession is

not mentioned, whether from ignorance or

design, as the profession was, perhaps, falling

into discredit when this legend was written.

There is only a general indistinct account

that he frequented royal and noble houses,

where he ingratiated himself suavitate jocu-

lari. (This last is the only word that seems

to have any appropriated meaning.) This

will account for the indistinct incoherent

account given by Stow. "Rahere, a pleasant-

witted gentleman, and therefore, in his time,

called the King's Minstrel."—Survey of Lond.

Ed. 1598, p. 308.

(U) "In the early times, every harper

was expected to sing." See on this subject

King Alfred's version of Cædmon, above in

note (H), page xxviii.

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY.

xxxvii

So in Horn-Child, King Allof orders his steward Athelbru to

"—— teache him of harpe and of song."

In the Squire of Lowe Degree, the king offers to his daughter,

"Ye shall have harpe, sautry,* and song."

And Chaucer, in his description of the Limitour or Mendicant Friar, speakes of harping as inseparable from singing (i. p. 11, ver. 263).

"—— in his harping, whan that he hadde songe."

(U 2) "As the most accomplished," &c.] See Hovedon, p. 103, in tho following passage, which had erroneously been applied to King Richard himself, till Mr. Tyrwhitt (Chaucer, iv. p. 62) showed it to belong to his Chancellor. "Hic ad augmentum et famam sui nominis, emendicata carmina, et rhythmos adularios comparabat; et de regno Franco-rum Cantores et Joculatores muneribus allex erat, ut de illo canerent in plateis et jum dicebatur ubique, quod non erat talis in orbe." For other particulars relating to this Chancallor, see T. Warton's Hist. vol. ii. Addit. to p. 113 of vol. i.

(U 3) "Both the Norman and English languages would be heard at the houses of the great."] A remarkable proof of this is, that the most diligent inquirers after ancient English rhymes find the earliest they can discover in the mouths of the Norman nobles. Such as that of Robert, Earl of Leicester, and his Flemings in 1173, temp. Hen. II. (little more than a century after the Conquest) recorded by Lambarde in his Diction-ary of England, p. 36.

"Hoppe Wyliken, hoppe Wyliken Ingland is thine and myne, &c.

• The Harp (Lat. Cithara) differed from the Sauntry, or Psaltry (Lat. Psalterium) in that the former was a stringed instrument, and the latter was mounted with wire; there was also some difference in the construction of the bellies, &c. See "Bartholomæus de proprietatibus rerum," as Englishod by Trevisa and Eatman, ed. 1582, in Sir J. Hawkins' Hist. ii. p. 285.

And that noted boast of Hugh Bigot, Earl of Norfolik, in the same reign of King Henry II., vid Camdeui Britannia (art. Suffolk), 1607, folio.

"Were I in my castle of Bungay Upon the riuer of Waueney I would ne care for the king of Cokeney.

Indeed, many of our old metrical romances, whether originally English, or translated from the French to be sung to an English audience, are addressed to persons of high rank, as appears from their beginning thus—"Listen, lordings," and the like.——These were prior to the time of Chaucer, as appears from vol. iii. p. 190, et seqq. And yet to his time our Norman nobles are supposed to have adhered to their French language.

(V) "That intercommunity, &c., between the French and English minstrels," &c.] This might perhaps, in a great mensure, be referred owen to the Norman Conquest, when the victors brought with them all their original opinions and fables; which could not fail to be adopted by the English Minstrels and others who solicited their favour. This interchange, &c., between the Minstrels of the two nations would be afterwards promoted by the great intercourse produced among all the nations of Christendom in the general crusades, and by that spirit of chivalry which led knights, and their attendants, the heralds, and minstrels, &c., to ramble about continually from one court to another, in order to be present at solemn tournaments, and other feats of arms.

(V 2) "Is not the only instance," &c.] The constant admission granted to minstrels was so established a privilege, that it became a ready expedient to writers of fiction. Thus, in the old romance of Horn-Child, the Princess Rymenyld being confined in an inaccessible castle, the prince, her lover, and some assistant knights, with concealed arms, assume the minstrel character, and approaching the castle with their "Gleyinge" or Minstrelsy, are heard by the lord of it, who being informed they were "harpairs, jogelers, and fythelers,"* has them admitted, when

• Jogeler (Lat. Joculator) was a very ancient name for a Minstrel. Of what nature the performance of the Jocu-

xxxviii

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY.

Horn sette him abenche [i. e. on a bench;]

Is [i. e. his] harpe he gan elenche

He made Rymenild a lay.

This sets the princess a weeping, and lends

to the catastrophe; for he immediately advances to "the borde," or table, kills the

ravisher, and releases the lady.

(V 3) . . "assumed the dress and character of a harper, &c."] We have this curious

historiette in the records of Lacock Nunnery,

in Wiltshire, which had been founded by

this Countess of Salisbury. See Vincent's Discovery of Errors in Brooke's Catalogue of

Nobility, &c., folio, page 445-6, &c. Take

the following extract (and see Dugdale's Baron, i. p. 175).

"Ela uxor Gulielmi Longespee primi,

nata fuit apud Ambresbiriams, patre et matre

Normannis.

"Pater itaque ejus defunctus sonio migravit

ad Christum, A. D. 1196. Mater ejus ante

bionnium obiit. . . . . Intendens Dominica

rissima clam per cognatos adducta fuit in

Normanniam, et ibidem sub tuthâ et arctâ

custodiâ nutrita. Eodem tempore in Angliam

fuit quidam miles nomine Gnilhelmus Talbot,

qui induit se habitum Peregrini [Anglice, a

pilgrim] in Normanniam transfretavit et moratus per duos annos, huc atque illuc vagans,

ad explorandam dominum Elam Sarum. Et

illâ inventâ exuit habitum Peregrini, et induit

se quasi Cytharisanor et curiam ubi morabatur intravit. Et ut erat homo Jocosis, in

Gestis Antiquorum valde peritus, ibidem gratantur fuit acceptus quasi familiaris. Et

quando tempus aptum invenit, in Angliam

repatriavit, habens secum istam venerabilem

dominam Elam et hæredam comitatu Su-

rum; et eam Regi Ricardo presentavit. Ac

ille lætissime cam suscepit, et Fratri suo

Guillelmo Longespee maritavit. . . .

lutor was, we may learn from the Register of St. Swithins

Priory at Winchester (T. Warton, i. 69). "Et cantabat

Joculator quidam nomine Herebertus Cantleum Colbrondi,

necnon Gestum Emme regine a judicio ignis liberato, in

aula Prioris." His instrument was somtimes the Fydelle,

or Fidule, Lat. Fidicula: which occurs in the Anglo-Saxon

Lexicon. On this subject we have a curious passage from

a MS. of the Lives of the Saints in metre, supposed to be

earlier than the year 1200 (T. Warton's Hist. i. n. 17), viz.,

Christofre him served longe

The kynge loved melodye much of fithele and of songe:

So that his Jogeler on a day beforen him gon to plye faste,

And in a tyme he namped in his song the devil at laste.

"A. D. 1226, Domnius (Cuill. Longe-speo

primus nomas Martii obiit. Eit vero uxor

ejus 7 annis supervixit. . . . . . . . Uina die duo

monasteria lundavit primo mane xvi Kal.

Maii, A. D. 12:9, apud Laveok, in qua sancta

degunt Canonissæ. . . . . Et Henton post mo-

nam, anno vero statis suæ xlv, &c."

(W) For the preceding acrount, Dugdale

refers to Monast. Angl. i. [r. ii.] p. 185, but

gives it as enlarged by D. Powel, in his Hist.

of Cambria, p. 106, who is known to have

followed ancient Welsh MSS. The words in

the Monasticon are—"Qui accersitis Suloribus Cestriæ et Histrionibus, festinanter cum

exercitu suo venit domino suo facere succursum. Walenses vero videntes multitudinem

magnam venientem, relictâ obsidione fuge-

runt . . . Et propter hoc dedit comes antedic-

tus . . . Constabulario dominationem Satorum

et Histrionum. Constabularius vero retinuit

sibi et hæredibus suis dominationem Saturo-

rum; et histrionum dedit vero Seneschallo."

(So the passage shuald apparently be pointed;

but aither ot or vero seems redunlant.)

We shall see helow in noto (Z) tho proper

import of the word Histriones: but it is

very remarkable that this is not the word

used in the grant of the Constable to lacoy

to Dutton, but "Magisterium omnium Læc-

catorum et Meretriciæ totius Cestrshire,

sicnt liberins illum [sic] Magisterium tenco

de Comite." (Vid. Blount's Ancient Tenures,

p. 156.) Now, as under this grant tho heirs

of Dutton confessedly held for many ages a

magisterial jurisdiction over all the Minstrels

and Musicians of that County, and as it could

not be conveyed by the word Merctricis, tho

natural inference is that the Minstrels wore

exprossed by the term Lecctores. It is true,

Du Cange, viz, compiling his Glossary, could only

find in the writers he consulted this word

used in the abusive sonse, often applied to

every synonyme of tho sportive and dissolute

Minstrel, viz. Scurrra, vaniloqus, parasitus,

epulo, &c. (This I conceive to be the proper

arrangement of these explanations, which

only express the character given to the Min-

strel elsewhere: see Du Cange passim and

notos (C), (E), (F), (I). But he quotes an an-

cient MS. in French metre, wherein the Lec-

cour (Lat. Leccator) and tho Minstrel aro

joined together, as receiving from Charle-

magne a grant of territory of Provence, and

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY.

xxxix

from whom the Provencal Troubadours were

derived, &c. See the passage above in noto

(C) page xxvi.

The exception in favour of the family of

Dutton is thus expressed in the Statute Anno

39 Eliz. chap. iv., entitled, "An Act for pun-

ishment of Rogues, Vagabonds, and Sturdy

Beggars."

"§ II. . . . . All Fencers, Bearwards, Com-

mon Players of Enterludes, and Minstrels,

wandering abroad, (other than Players of

Enterludes belonging to any Baron of this

Realm, or any other honourable Personage

of greater degree) to be authorised to play

under the hand and seal of arms of such Ba-

ron or Personage:) all Juglers, Tinkers, Ped-

lers, &c. . . . shall be adjudged and deemed

Rogues, Vagabonds, and Sturdy Beggars, &c.

"§ X. Provided alwayes that this Act, or

any thing herein contained, or any authority

therby given, shall not in any wise extend

to disinherıt, prejudice, or hinder John Dut-

quire, his heirs or assigns, (for, touching or

concerning any liherty, prelıminence, autho-

rity, jurisdiction, or iııheritauce, which the

said John Dutton now lawfully useth, or hath,

or lawfully may or anight to use within the

County-Palatine of Chester, or the County

of the City of Chester, or either of them, by

reason of any ancient Charters of any Kings

of this Land, or by reason of any prescription,

usage, or title whatsoever."

The same clauses are renewed in the last

Act on this subject, passed in the present

Reign of Geo. III.

(X) "Edward I. . . . . at the knighting of

his son," &c.] See Nic. Triveti Annales,

Oxon. 1719, 8vo. p. 342.

"In festo Pentecostes Rex filium suum ar-

mis militaribus cinxit, et cum eo Comites

Warennix et Arundeliæ, aliosque, quorum

numerus ducentos et quadraginti dicitur ex-

cessisse. Eodem die cum sedisset Rex in

mensa, novis militibus circumdatus, ingressa

Ministrellorum Multitudo, portantiun multi-

plici ornatu amictum, ut milites præcipue

novos invitareut, et inducerent, ad vovendum

factum armorum aliquod coram signo."

(Y) "By an express regulation, &c." See

in Hearne's Append. ad Lelandi Collectan.

vol. vi. p. 36. "A Dietarie, Writtes published

after the Ordinance of Earles and Barons,

Anno Dom. 1315."

"Edward by the grace of God, &c., to She-

riffes, &c., greeting. Forasmuch as . . . .

many idle porsons, under colour of Mynstrel-

sie, and going in messagos, and other faigned

busines, have ben and yet be receaved in

other mens houses to meate and drynke, and

be not therwith contented yf they be not

largely consydered with gyftes of the Lordes

of the houses: &c. . . . We wyllyng to rastrayne

suche outragcous enterprises and idleness, &c.

have ordeyned . . . . that to the houses of

Prelates, Earles, and Barons, none resort to

meate and drynke, unlese he be a Mynstrel,

and of these Minstrels that there come none

except it be three or four Minstrels of honour

at the most in one day, unlese he be desired

of the Lorde of the House. And to the houses

of menuer men that none come unlese he be

desircd, and that such as shall come so, holde

themselves contented with meate and drynke

and with such curtesie as the Maister of the

House wyl shewe unto them of his owne good

wylly, without their askyng of anythyng. And

yf any one do agaynst this Ordinauce, at the

firste tyme he to lose his Minstrolsie, and at

the secound tyme forswear his craft, and

never to be receaved for a Minstrel in any

house. . . . . Yoven at Langley the vi. day

of August in the ix. yere of our reigne."

These abuses arose again to as great a

height as ever in little more than a century

after, in consequence, I suppose, of the licen-

tiousness that crept in during the civil wars

of York and Lancaater. This appears from

the Charter 9 E. IV., referred to in p. xliii.

"Ex querulosâ insinuatione. . . Ministrallo-

rum nostrorum accepimus qualiter nonnulli

rudes agricolæ et artifices diversarum miste-

rarum regni nostri Angliæ, finxerunt se fore

Ministrallos, quorum aliqui Liberatam nos-

tram eis minime datam portarent, seipsos

etiam fingentes esse Minstrallos nostros pro-

prios, cujus quidem Liberatæ ac dictæ artis

sive occupationis Ministrallorum colore, in

diversis partibus regni nostri prædicti grandes

pecuniarum exactiones de ligeis nostris de-

ceptive colligunt, &c."

Abuses of this kind prevailed much later

in Wales, as appears from the famous Com-

mission issued out in 9 Eliz. (1567), for be-

stowing the Silver Harp on the best Minstrel,

Rythmer, or Bard, in the principality of

xl

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY.

North Wales; of which a fuller account will be given below in note (B b 3).

(Z) "It is thus related by Stow." See his Survey of London, &c., fol. 1633, p. 521. [Acc. of Westm. Hall.] Stow had this passage from Walsingham's Hist. Aug . . . "Intravit quædam mulier ornatu Histrionali habitu, equum bonum insidens Histrionaliter phaleratum, quæ mensas more Histrionum circuivit; et tandem ad Regis mensam per gradus ascendit, et quendam literatum coram rege posuit, et retracto firano (salutatis ubique discumbentibus) prout venerat ita recessit," &c. Anglic. Norm. Script. &c., Franc. 1603, fol. p. 169.

It may be observed here that Minstrels and others often rode on horseback up to the royal table, when the Kings were feasting in their great halls. See in this work, page 73.

The answer of the Portors (when they were afterwards blamed for admitting her) also deserves attention. "Non esse moris domus regiæ Histriones sub ingressa quomodo dolibet prohibere," &c. Walsingh.

That Stow rightly translated the Latin word Histrio here by Minstrel, meaning a musician that sung, whose subjects were stories of chivalry, admits of easy proof; for in the Gesta Romanorum, chap. exi., Mercury is represented as coming to Argus in the character of a Minstrel; when he incipit, more Histriōnico, fabulas dicere, et plerumque cantare." (T. Warton, iii. p. li.) And Muratori cites a passage in an old Italian chronicle, wherein mention is made of a stage erected at Milan—"Super quo Histriones cantabant, sicut modo cantatur de Rolando et Olivero." Antiq. Ital. li. p. 6. (Observ. on the Statutes, 4th edit. p. 362.)

See also (E) pag. xxvi. &c. (F) p. xxvii. &c.

(A a) "There should seem to have been women of this profession." This may be inferred from the variety of names appropriated to them in the middle ages, viz.: Anglo-Sax. Erlipmeþen, [Glee-maiden] &c. Eli-þrienþe-maþen, Irlipbyþenercna. (Vid. supra p. xxvii.) Fr. Jengleresse, Med. Lat. Joculatria, Ministrallissa, Fœmina Ministrerialis, &c. (Vid. Du Cange Gloss. and Suppl.)

See what is said in page xix. concerning the "sisters of the fraternity of Minstrels;"

see also a passage quoted by Dr. Burney (ii. 315), from Muratori, of the Chorms of Women singing through the streets accompanied with musical instruments in 1268.

Had the female described by Walsingham been a Tumblestere, or dancing-woman (see Tyrwhitt's Chancer, iv. 307, and v. Gloss.), that historian would probably have used the word Saltatrix. (See T. Warton, i. 240, note m.)

These Saltatrices were prohibited from exhibiting in churches and church-yards along with Joculatores, Histriones, with whom they were sometimes classed, especially by the rigid ecclesiastics, who censured, in the severest terms, all these sportive characters. (Vid. T. Warton, in loco citato, et vide supra not. (E) (F) &c.)

And here I would observe, that although Fauchet and other subsequent writers affect to arrange the several members of the minstrel profession, under the different classes of Troverres (or Trobadours) Chanterres, Conteours, and Jugleurs, &c. (vid. page xlviii.), as if they were distinct and separate orders of men, clearly distinguished from each other by those appropriato terms, we find no sufficient grounds for this in the oldest writers; but the general names in Latin, Histrio, Mimus, Joculator, Ministrallus, &c.; in French, Menestrier, Menestrel, Jongleur, &c.; and in English, Jogleour, Jugler, Minstrel, and the like, seem to be given them indiscriminately. And one or other of these names seems to have been sometimes applied to every species of men whose business it was to entertain or divert (joculari) whether with poesy, singing, music, or gesticulation, singly, or with a mixture of all these. Yet as all men of this sort were considered as belonging to one class, order, or community (many of the above arts being sometimes exercised by the same person), they had all of them doubtless the same privileges, and it equally throws light upon the general history of the profession, to show what favour or encouragement was given, at any particular period of time, to any one branch of it. I have not therefore thought it needful to inquire, whether, in the various passages quoted in these pages, the word Minstrel, &c., is always to be understood in its exact and proper meaning of a singer to the harp, &c.

That men of very different arts and talents were included under the common name of

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY.

xli

Minstrels, &c. appears from a variety of authorities. Thus we have Menestrels de Trompes, and Menestrels de Bouche, in the Suppl. to Du Cange, c. 1227, and it appears still more evident from an old French Rhymer, whom I shall quote at large.

"Le Quens* manda les Menestrels; *Le

Et si a fett crier entre els, Qui la meillor truffe ‡ sauroit † S Sornette,

Dire, ne faire, qu'il auroit [a gibe, a jest, Su robo d'escarlate nouve. [or flouting.]

L'uns Menestrels à l'autre reuve Pere son mestier, tel qu'id sot,

Li uns fet l'yvre, l'autre sot; Li uns chante, li autre note; Et li autres dit la riote; Et li autres la jenglerie § § Janglerie, ba-

Cil qui sevent de jonglerie Violent par devant le Comte; [billage, rail-

Aucuns ja qui fabliaus canto Il i ot dit mainte risée," &c. Fabliaux et Contes, 12mo. tom. ii. p. 161.

And what species of entertainment was afforded by the ancient Jugglears, we learn from the following citation from an old romance, written in 1230.

"Quand les tables ostees furent C'il juggleurs in pies esturent S'ont vjelles, et harpes prisees Chansons, sons, vers, et reprisal Et gestes, chantó nos ont."

Sir J. Hawkins, ii. 44, from Andr. Du Chene. See also Tyrwhitt's Chaucer, iv. p. 290.

All the before-mentioned sports went by the general name of Ministralcia, Ministellorum Ludicra, &c.—"Charta an. 1377, apud Rymer, vii. p. 160. 'Peracto autem prandio, ascendebat D. Rex in cameram suam cum Prælatis, Magnatibus, et Proceribus prædictis: et deinceps Magnates Milites, et Domini, alique Generosi diem illum, usque ad tempus coenæ, in Tripediis coreis et solempnihatis Ministral-ciis, præ gaudio solempnitatis illius continu-arunt.' " (Du Cange, Gloss. 773.) [This was at the Coronation of King Richard II.]

It was common for the minstrels to dance, as well as to harp and sing (see above, note (E), p. xxvi.) Thus, in the old romance of

Tirante el Blanco; Val. 1511, the 14th cap. lib. ii. begins thus, "Despuos que las mesas fueron alçadas vinieron los ministriles; y delante del Rey, y de la Reyna dançaron un rato : y despuos truxeron colacion."

They also probably, among their other feats, played tricks of sleight of hand, hence the word Jugler cameo to signify a performer of legerdemain: and it was sometimes used in this sense (to which it is now appropriated) even so early as the time of Chaucer, who in his Squire's Tale (ii. 108) speaks of the horse of brass, as

———— like

An apparence ymade by som magike, As Jogolours playen at thise festes grete.

See also the Freve's Tale, p. 279, v. 7049. (A a 2) "Females playing on the Harp."] Thus in the old Romance of "Syr Degoro (or Degree," Series the third, No. 22, p. 194), we have |Sign. D. i.]

The lady, that was so faire and bright, Upon hor bed she sato down ryght; She harped notes swete and fine. [Hor mayds filled a piece of winde.] * And Syr Degore salo him downe, For to hear the harpes sownc.

The 4th line being omitted in the pr. copy is supplied from the folio MS.

In the "Squyr of lowe Degree" (Series the Third, No. 24, p. 195), the king says to his daughter [Sign. D. i.]

Ye were wont to harpe and syng, And be the meryest in chamber comyng.

In the "Carle of Carlisle," (Series the Third, No. 193, p. 29) we have the following passage. [Folio MS. p. 451, v. 217.]

Downe came a lady faire and free, And sett her on the Carles knee : One whiles shee harped another whiles song, Both of paramours and louinge amonge.

And in the Romance of "Eger and Grime" (Series the Third, No 12, p. 194), we have [Ibid. p. 127, col. 2] in Part, I. v. 263.

The ladye fayre of hew and hyde Shee sate downe by the bed side

xlii

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY.

Sheo laid a souter [psaltry] upon her kneeo

Theron sheo plaid full lovesomelye.

. . . Aud her 2 maydens sweetlye sange.

A similar passage occurs in Part IV. v. 120,

(page 136.)--But these instances are suffi-

cient.

(B b) "A charter . . . to appoint a king

of the Minstrels." Entitled Carta le Roy de

Ministraulx (in Latin Histriones, vid. Plott,

p. 437). A copy of this charter is printed in

Monast. Anglic. i. 355, and in Blount's Law

Diction. 1717. (art. King.)

That this was a most respectable officer,

both here and on the Contineat, will appear

from the passages quoted below, and there-

fore it could only have been in modern times,

when the proper meaning of the original

tarns Ministraulz, and Histriones, was forgot,

that he was called King of the Fidlers; on

which subject see below, Note (E o 2).

Concerning the King of the Minstrels we

have the following curious passages collected

by Du Cauge, Gloss. iv. 773.

"Rex Ministellorum; supremus jutor Mi-

nistellos de cujus munere, potestato in ceteros

Ministellos agit Charta Henrici IV. Regis

Anglix in Monast. Anglicano, tom. i. pag.

355.----Charta originalis an. 1338. Jo

Robert Caveron Roy des Menestreuls du

Royaume de France. Ibid ann. 1357 et 1362.

Copin de Bequin Roy des Menestres du

Royaume de France. Computum de auxiliis

pro redemptione Regis Johannis, ann. 1367.

Pour une Couroune d'argent qu'il donna le

jour de la Tiphiane au Roy des Menestrels.

"Regestum Magnorum Dierum Treconensium

an. 1206. Super quod Johannes dictus Char-

millons Juglator, cui Dominus Rex par suas

literas tanquam Regem Juglatorum in civi-

tate Trecensi Magisterium Juglatorum, quem-

admodum sum placeret voluntati, concess-

serat." Gloss. c. 1587.

There is a very curious passage in Pas-

quier's "Recherches de la France," Paris,

1633, folio, liv. 7, ch. 5, p. 611, wherein he

appears to be at a loss how to account for the

title of Le Roy assumed by the old composers

of metrical Romances; in one of which the

author expressly declares himself to have

been a Minstrel. The solution of the diffi-

culty, that he had been Le Roy des Menestrels,

will be esteemed more probable than what

Pasquier here advances; for I have never

seen the title of Prince given to a Minstrel,

&c., seil.--"A nos vioux Poetey . . . comme

. . . fust qu'ils anssent certain jous de prix en

leurs Poesies, ils . . . honoroicut du nome,

tantot de luy, tantot de l'Prince, celuy qui

avoit le mieux fait comme nous voyons entre

les Archeirs, Arbalestiers, et Harquebusiers

estre fait le semblable. Ainsi l'Antheur du

Roman d'Ogier le Danois s'appelle Roy.

"Icy endroict est cil Livre fimez

Qui des enfans Ogier est appellez

Or rucille Diex qu'il soit parachovez

En tel maniere k'astre n'en puist blamez

Le Roy Adams [r. Adenes] ki il' est rimez.

"Et en celuy de Cleomades

"Ce Livre de Cleomades

Rimé jo le Roy Adenes

Monestre au bon Duc Henry.

"Mot do Roy, qui seroit très-mal approprié

a un Menestrier, si l'villaurs on ne la rappor-

toit à un jou du prix: Et de fuict il scauhle

que de nostre temps, il y en cust encoures

quelque remarques, en ce que le mot de Jon-

gleur s'ostant pur succession de temps

tourné on hultelage, nous avons veu en nostre

jeunesso les Jouming Jeurs se trouver à certain

jour tons les ans en la ville de Chaumy en Pi-

cardie, pour faire monstre de leur mestrie

devant le monde, à qui mieux. Et ce que j'on

dis icy n'est pas pour vilipender ces anciens

Rimeurs, ainsi pour monstrer qu'il n'y a choso

si belle qui ne s'abastisse avec le temps."

We see here that in the time of Pasquier

the poor Minstrel was sunk into as low esti-

mation in France, as he was then or after-

wards in England: but by his apology for

comparing the Joungleurs, who assembled

to exercise their faculty, in his youth, to the

ancient Rimeurs, it is plain they exerted their

skill in rhyme.

As for King Adenes, or Adenez (whose

name in the first passage above is corruptly

printed Adams), he is recorded in the "Bi-

bliotheques des Romans, Amst. 1735," 12mo.

vol. i. p. 232, to have composed the two Ro-

mances in verse above mentioned, and a third,

entitled Le Roman de Bertin: all three being

preserved in a MS. written about 1270. His

Bon Duc Henry I conceive to have been Henry

Duke of Brabant.

(B b 2) "King of the Minstrels," &c.]

See Antis's Register of the Order of the Gar-

ter, ii. p. 303, who tells us "The President

or Governour of the Minstrels had the like

denomination of Roy in France and Burgundy :

and in England, John of Gaunt con-

stituted such an officer by a patent; and long

before his time payments were made by the

crown to [^1] King of the Minstrels by Edw.

1. Regi Roberto Ministrallo sentitero ad arma

commoranti ad radia Regis anno 5to. [^2]Bill.

Cotton. Vespas. c. 16, f. 3^3]; as likewise [Li-

bro Garderob. 25 E. I.] Ministrallis in die

nuptiarum Comitissæ Holland filiæ Regis,

Regi Pago, Johanni Vidulatori, &c. Morello

Regi, &c. Druetto Montlhant, et Jacketto de

Scot. Regibus, cuilibet eorum xl s. Regi

Pagio de Hollandia, &c. Under Ed. II. we

likewise find other entries, Regi Roberto et

aliis Ministrallis facientibus Menstrallias

[Ministraleias qu.] suas coram Rege. [^2]Bill.

Cotton. Nero. c. 8, p. 84, b. Comp. Garderob.]

That king granted Willielmo de Morlee dicto

Roy de North, Ministrallio Regis, domos quæ

fuerunt Johannis le Botoler dicti Roy Brun-

hnd. [Pat. de terr. forisfact. 16 E. III.]"

He adds below (p. 304) a similar instance of

a Rex Juþlutornm, and that the "King of the

Minstrels," at length was styled in Franco

Roy de Violins, (Furetiere Dietion. Univers.)

as with us "King of the Fidlers;" on which

subject see below, note (F e 2).

(B b 3) The Statute 4 Hen. IV. (1402), c.

27, runs in these torms, "Item, par escheuir

plusieurs diseaces et mischiefs gont advenuz

devaunt ces heures en la terre de Gales par

plusieurs Westours, Rymours, Ministrâlx et

autres Vacabondes, ordengez est et etabliz

qe nul Westour, Rymour, Minstral ne Vaca-

bond soit aucunement sustenuz en la terre de

Gales pur faire kymorthas ou coillage sur la

commune poeple illoeques." This is among

the severe laws against the Welsh, passed

during the resentment occasioned by the out-

rages committed under Owen Glendour ; and

as the Welsh Bards had excited their country-

men to rebellion against the English Govern-

ment, it is not to be wondered, that the Act

is conceived in terms of the utmost indignâ-

tion and contempt against this class of men,

who are described as Rymours, Ministrâlx,

which are apparently here used as only

synonymous terms to express the Welsh

Bards with the usual exuberance of our Acts

of Parliament: for if their Ministrâlx had

been mere musicians, they would not have

required the vigilance of the English leg-

islature to suppress them. It was their

tion which produced "les diseaces et mischiefs

en la Terre de Gales."

It is also submitted to the reader, whether

the same application of the terms does not

still more clearly appear in the Commission

issued in 1567, and printed in Evan Evans's

Specimens of Welsh Poetry, 1764, 4to. p. v..

for bestowing the Silver Harp on "the chief

of that faculty." For after setting forth "that

vagrant and idle persons, naming themselves

Minstrels, Rythmurs, and Bards, had lately

grown into such intolerable multitude within

the Principality in North Wales, that not

only gentlemen and others by their shameless

disorders are oftentimes disquieted in their

habitations, but also expert Minstrels and Mu-

sicians in tonge and cunnyge therby much

discouraged, &c." and "hindred [of] livings

and preferment," &c. it appoints a time and

place, wherein all "persons that intend to

maintain their living by name or colour of

Minstrels, Rythmurs, or Burds," within five

shires of North Wales, "shall appear to show

their learnings accordingly," &c. And the

Commissioners are required to admit such as

shall be found worthy, into and under the de-

grees heretofore in use, so that they may

"use, exercise, and follow the sciences and

faculties of their professions in such decont

order as shall appertain to each of their de-

grees." And the rest are to return to some

honest labour, &c. upon pain to be taken as

sturdly and idle vagabonds, &c.

(B b 4) Holingshed translated this passage

from Tho. de Elmham's "Vita et Gesta Hen-

rici V," scil. "Soli Omnipotenti Deo se volie

victoriam imputari . . . . in tantum, quod

Citharistas vel alios quoscunque cantari penitus

prohibebat." [Edit. Hearnii, 1727, p. 72.]

As in his version Holingshed attributes the

making as well as singing ditties to Minstrels,

it is plain he knew that men of this profes-

sion had been accustomed to do both.

(C c) "The Household Book," &c.] See

Section V.

"Of the Numbre of all my lords Ser-

vants."

xliv

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY.

" Item, Mynstrals in Houshold iii. viz. A Taberet, a Luyte, and a Rebecke." [The Rebeck was a kind of Fiddle with three strings.]

Sect. XLVII. 3.

" Rewardes to his lordship's Servaunts, &c."

" Item, My lord usith ande accustomith to gyf yerly, when his lordschipp is at home, to his Minstrallis that be daily in his houschold, as his Tabret, Lute, and Reboke, upon New Yeresday in the mornynge when they do play at my lordis chamber dour for his Lordschip and my Lady, xx. s. Viz. xiii. s. iiij d. for my Lord; and vi. s. viii. d. for my Lady, as sce be at my lords fyndynge, and not at hir owne; and for playing at my lordis Sone and Heir's chamber dour, the lord Percy, ii. s. And for playinge at the chamber doures of my lords Yonger Sonnes, my yonge masters, after ziii. d. the peco for every of them.—xxiii. iiii. d"

Sect. XLIV. 2.

" Rewards to be geven to strangers, as Players, Mynstralls, or any other, &c."

" Furst, my lorde usith and accustomyth to gif to the Kings Jugler; . . . . when they custome to come unto bim yerly, vi. s. viii. d.

" Item, my lorde usith and accustomyth to gif yerely to the kings or quences Bearwarde, if they have onc, when they custom to come unto him yerly,—vi. s. viii. d.

" Item, my lorde usith and accustomyth to gyfe yerly to every Erlces Mynstrellis, when they custome to come to hym yerely, iii. s. iiii. d. And if they come to my lorde seldome, ones in ii or iii yeres, than vi. s. viii. d.

" Item, my lorde usith and accustomedeth to gife yerely to an Erles Mynstralls, if he be his speciall lorde, friende, or kynsman, if they come yerely to his lordschip . . . . And, if they come to my 'lord' seldome, ones in ii or iii years . . .' * * * * * *

" Item, my lorde usith and accustomyth to gyf yerely a Doukes or Erlis Trumpetts, if they come vi together to his lordschipp, viz. if they come yerly, vi. s. viii. d. And, if they come but in ii or iii yeres, than x. s.

" Item, my lorde usith and accustometh to gife yerly, when his lordschip is at home, to my lorde yorely, x. s." * * * * * *

I cannot conclude this note without observing, that in this enumeration the family Minstrels seem to have been Musicians only, and yet both the Earl's Trumpets and the King's Shawmes are evidently distinguished from the Earl's Minstrels, and the King's Jugler: Now we find Juglers still coupled with Pipers in Barklay's Egloges, circ. 1514. (Warton, ii. 254.)

(C c 2) The honours and rewards conferred on Minstrels, &c., in the middle ages were excessive, as will be seen by many instances in these volumes; v. notes (B), (F), &c. But more particularly with regard to English Minstrels, &c., see T. Warton's Hist. of Engl. Poetry, i. p. 89—92, 116, &c., ii. 105, 106, 254, &c. Dr. Burney's Hist. of Music, ii. p. 316 —319, 397—399, 427, 428.

On this head, it may be sufficient to add the following passage from the Fleta, lib. ii. c. 23. "Officium Elemosinarii est . . . Equos relictos, Robas, Pecuniam, et alia ad Elemosinam largiter recipere et fideliter distribuere; debet etiam Regem super Elemosinam largitione crebris summonitionibus stimulare et pracipue diebus Sanctormm, et rogare no Robas suns quæ magni sunt precij Histrionibus, Blanditoribus, Adulatoribus, Accusatoribus, vel Mimi.stral.ri.s, sed ad Elemosina sua in-cremumtm jubeat largiri." MS. in c. 72, " Ministralli, vel Adulatoris."

(P d) " A species of men who did not sing," &c.] It appears from the passage of Erasmus here referred to, that there still existed in England of that species of Jongleurs or Minstrels, whom the French called by the peculiar name of Conteurs, or Reciters in prose. It is in his Ecclesiastes, where he is speaking of suchpreachers as imitated the tone of Beggars or Mountebanks:—" Apud Anglos est similegenus hominum, quales apud Italos sunt Circulatores [Mountebanks] de quibus modo dictum est; qui irrumpunt in convivia Magnatum, aut in Cœuponas Vinarias; et ar-gumentum aliquod, quod edidicerunt, recitant; puta mortem omnibus dominari, aut laudem matrimonii. Sed quoniam ea lingua mo-nosyllabis fere constat, quemadmodum Ger-manica; atque illi [sc. this peculiar species of Reciters] studio vitant cantum, nobis (sc. Erasmus, who did not understand a word of English) latrare videntur rarius quam loqui." Opera, tom. v. c. 958. (Jortin, vol. ii. p. 193.)

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY.

xlv

As Erasmus was correcting the vice of pronencers, it was more to his point to bring an instance from the Moral Receiters of Prose than from Chanters of Rhyme; though the latter would probably be more popular, and therefore more common.

(E e) This character is supposed to have been suggested by descriptions of Minstrels in the romance of " Morte Arthur"; but none, it seems, have been found, which come nearer to it than the following, which I shall produce, not only that the reader may judge of the resemblance, but to shew how nearly the idea of the Minstrel character given in this Essay corresponds with that of our old writers.

Sir Lancelot, having been affronted by a threatening abusive letter, which Mark King of Cornwal had sent to Queen Guenever, wherein he " spake shame by her, and Sir Lancelot," is comforted by a knight named Sir Dinadan, who tells him "I will make a Lay for him, and when it is made, I shall make an Harper to sing it before him. So anon he went and made it, and taught it an Harper, that hight Eliot; and when hee could it, he taught it to many harpers. And so... the Harpers went straight unto Wales and Cornwailo to sing the Lay.... which was the worst Jay that ever Harper sung with harpe, or with any other instrument. And [at a] great feast that King Marke made for joy of [a] victorio which hee had,..... came Eliot the Harper; ... and because he was a curious Harper, men heard him sing the same Lay that Sir Dinadan had made, which spake the most vilania by King Marke of his treason, that ever man heard. When the Harper had sung his song to the end, King Marke was wonderous wroth with him, and said, 'Thon Harper, how durst thou be so bold to sing this song before me? Sir, said Eliot, wit you well I am a Minstrel, and I must doe as I am commanded of these Lords that I bear the armes of. And, Sir King, wit you well that Sir Dinadan a knight of the Round Table made this song, and he made me to sing it before you. Thou saiest well, said King Marke, I charge thee that thou lie thee fast out of my sight. So the Harper departed, &c." |Part II. c. 113, ed. 1634. See also Part III. c. 5.]

(E e 2) "This Act seems to have put an

end to the profession," &c.] Although I convince that the character ceased to exist, yet the appellation might be continued, and applied to Fidlers, or other common Musicians; which will account for the mistakes of Sir Petor Leicester, or other modern writers. (See his Historical Antiquities of Cheshire, 1673, p. 141.)

In this sense it is used in an Ordinance in the times of Cromwell, (1656,) wherein it is enacted, that if any of the "persons commonly called Fidlers or Minstrels shall at any time be taken playing, fidling, and making music in any Inn, Ale-house, or Tavern, or shall be taken proffiring themselves, or desiring, or intreating any... to hear them play or make music in any of the places aforesaid;" they are to be "adjudged and declared to be rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggars."

This will also account why John of Gaunt's "King of the Minstrels" at length came to be called, like Le Roy des Violons in France, v. noto (B b 2), "King of the Fidlers." See the common ballad ontitled "The Pedigree, Edvention, and Marriage of Robinhood with Clorinda, Queen of Tulbury Feast." which, though prefixed to the modern collection on that subject,* seems of much later date than most of the others; for the writer appears to be totally ignorant of all the old traditions concerning this celebrated outlaw, and has given him a very elegant bride instead of his old noted Lemman "Maid Marian"; who together with his chplain "Frier Tuck" were that account figured in the old Morice Dance, as may be seen by the engraving in Mr. Steevens's and Mr. Malone's Editions of Shak-speare: by whom she is mentioned, I Hen. IV., act iii. sc. 3. (See also Warton, i. 245, ii. 237.) Wheras, from this ballad's concluding with an exhortation to " pray for the King," and "that he may get children," &c.,

• Of the twenty-four songs in what is now called "Robin Hood's Garlind," many are so modern as not to be found in Pepys' collection compiled only in 1700. In the folio MS. (described in p. ii) are ancient fragments of the following, viz; Robin Hood and the Beggar.--Robin Hood and the Butcher--Robin Hood and Feyer Turkao.--Robin Hood and the Pindar.--Robin Hood and Queen Catharine, In two parts.--Little John and the four Beggars, and "Robine Huode his death." This last, which is very curious, has no resemblance to any that have been published; and the others are extremely different from the printed copies: but they unfortunately are in the beginning of the MS., where half of every leaf hath been torn away.

xlvi

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY.

it is evidently posterior to the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and can scarce be older than the reign of King Charles I.; for King James I. had no issue after his accession to the throne of England. It may even have been written since the Restoration, and only express the wishes of the nation for issue on the marriage of their favourite King Charles II., on his marriage with the Infanta of Portugal. I think it is not found in the Pepys collection.

(F f) "Historical Song or Ballad." The English word Ballad is evidently from the French Balade, as the latter is from the Italian Ballata; which the Crusca Dictionary defines, Canzone, che si canta Ballando, "A Song, which is sung during a Dance." So Dr. Burney [ii. 342], who refers to a collection of Ballette published by Gastaldi and printed at Antwerp in 1596. [iii. 226.]

But the word appears to have had an earlier origin: for in the decline of the Roman Empire those trivial songs were called Ballistæa and Salladiunculæ. Ballisteum, Salmasinius says, is properly Ballistæum. Gr. βαλλίστω... Βαλλίστα Saltatio.... Ballistium igitur est quod vulgo vocamus Ballet; nam inde deducta vox nostra." Salmas. Not. in Hist. Ang. Scriptores VI. p. 340.

In the life of the Emperor Aurelian by Fl. Vopiscus may be seen two of these Ballistæa, as sung by the boys skipping and dancing, on account of a great slaughter made by the Emperor with his own hand in the Sarmatic War. The first is,

"Mille, mille, mille decollavimus, Unus homo mille decollavimus, Mille vivat, qui mille occidit. Tantum vini habet nemo Quantum fudit sanguinis."

The other was

"Mille Sarmatas, mille Francos Semel et semel occidimus. Mille Persas quærimus."

Salmasius (in loc.) shows that the trivial Poets of that time were wont to form their metre of Trochaic Tetrametre Catalectics, divided into Distichs. [Ibid. p. 350.] This becoming the metre of the hymns in the Church Service, to which the Monks at length superadded rhyming terminations, was the origin of the common Trochaic Metre in the modern languages. This observation I owe to the learned author of Irish Antiquities, &c.

(F f 2) "Little Miscellanies nam'd Garlands, &c.| In the Pepysian and other libraries are presented a great number of these in black letter, 2mo., under the following quaint and affected titles, viz:

1. A Crowne Garland of Goulden Roses, gathered out of England's Royal Garden, &c., by Richard Johnson, 1612. [In the Bodleian Library.] 2. The Golden Garland of Princedy Delight. 3. The Garland of Good-will, by T. D., 1631. 4. The Royal Garland of Love and Delight, by T. D. 5. The Garland of Delight, &c., by The. Delone. 6. The Garland of Love and Mirth, by Thomas Lanfier. 7. Cupid's Garland set round with Guilded Roses. 8. The Garland of Withered Roses, by Martin Parker, 1656. 9. The Shepherd's Garland of Love, Loyalty, &c. 10. The Country Garland. 11. The Golden Garland of Mirth and Merriment. 12. The Lover's Garland. 13. Neptune's fair Garland. 14. England's fair Garland. 15. Robin Hood's Garland. 16. The Maiden's Garland. 17. A Loyal Garland of Mirth and Pastime. 18. A Royal Garland of New Songs. 19. The Jovial Garland, 8th ed., 1691, &c., &c.

This sort of petty publications had anciently the name of "Penny-Merriments:" as little religious tracts of the same size were called "Peany Godlinesses." In the Pepysian Library are multitudes of both kinds.

(G g) "The term Minstrel was not confined to a mere Musician in this country any more than on the Continent." The discussion of the question, Whether the term Minstrel was applied in England to Singers and Composers of Songs, &c., or confined to the performers on musical instruments, was properly reserved for this place, because much light hath already been thrown upon the subject in the preceding Notes, to which it will be sufficient to refer the reader.

That on the Continent the Minstrel was understood not to be a mere Musician, but a Singer of Verses, hath been shown in Notes (B); (C), (R), (A a), &c.* And that he was

• That the French Minstrel was a singer and composer, &c., appears from many passages translated by M. Le Grand,

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY.

xlvii

Also a maker of them is evident from the

passage in (C), p. xxv., where the most

noted Romances are said to be of the composition of these men. And in (B i), p. xlii.,

we have the titles of some of which a Minstrel was the author, who has himself left his

name upon record.

The old English names for one of this profession were Gleeman,* Jogelor,† and latterly

Minstrel ; not to mention Harper, &c. In

French he was called Jongleur or Jogleur,

Menestrel or Menestrier.‡ The writers of the

middle ages expressed the character in Latin

by the words Joculator, Mimus, Histrio, Minstrellus, &c. These terms, however modern

critics may endeavour to distinguish, and apply them to different classes, and although

they may be sometimes mentioned as if they

were distinct, I cannot find, after a very strict

research, to have had any settled appropriate

difference, but they appear to have been used

indiscriminately by the oldest writers, especially in England; where the most general

and comprehensive name was latterly Minstrel, Lat. Ministrellas, &c.

Thus Joculator (Éng. Jogelor or Juglar) is

used as synonymous to Citharista, Noto, (K),

p. xxxi., and to Cantor (p. xxxi.), and to

Minstrel (vid. infra p. x.). We have also

positive proof that the subjects of his songs

were Gestes and Romantio Tales. (V 2) note.

So Mimus is used as anonymous to Joculator, (M), p. xxxii. He was rewarded for his

singing, (N), p. xxxiii., and he both sang,

harped, and dealt in that sport (T 2) which

is elsewhere called Ars Joculatoria, (M) ubi

supra.

Again, Histrio is also proved to have been

a singer, (Z) p. xl., and to have gained

rewards by his Verba Joculatoria, (E) p. xxvi.

And Histriones is the term by which the

French word Ministraulx is most frequently

rendered into Latin, (W) p. xxxviii., (B b) p.

xlii., &c.

The fact therefore is sufficiently established

in “Fabliaux ou Contes,” &c., see tom. i. p. 37, 47.—II. 306,

313 et seqq.—iii. 205, &c. Yet this writer, like other French

critics, endeavours to reduce to distinct and separate classes

the men of this profession, under the precise names of

Fablier, Conteur, Menetrier, Menestrel, and Jongleur (tom.

i. pref. p. xcviii.), whereas his own Tales confute all these

nice distinctions, or prove at least that the title of Menetrier

or Minstrel was applied to them all.

• See page xxix.

‡ See page xxxvii. Note.

† See page xxxvii.

7

that this order of men were in England, as

well as on the Continent, Singers ; so that it

only becomes a dispute about words, whether

here, under the more general name of Minstrels, they are described as having sung.

But in proof of this we have only to turn

to so common a book as T. Warton's History

of English Poetry; where we shall find extracted from Records the following instances:

Ex Registr. Priorat. S. Swithin Winton.

(sub anno 1374). “In festo Alwyni Epi . . .

Et durant pietancia in Aula Conventus sex

Ministralli, cum quatuor Citharisatoribus,

faciebant Ministralcias suas. Et post cenam,

in magna camera cruenta Dom. Prioris cantabant idem Gestem in qua Camera suspendebatur, ut moris est, magnum dorsuale Prioris

habens picturas trium Regum Colein. Veniebant autem dicti Joculatores a Castello

Domini Regis et ex familia Epi.” (Vol. ii. p.

174.) Here the Minstrels and Harpers are

expressly called Joculatores ; and as the

Harpers had Musical Instruments, the Singing must have been by the Minstrels, or by

both conjointly.

For that Minstrels sang we have undeniable proof in the following entry in the

Accompt Roll of the Priory of Bicester, in

Oxfordshire (under the year 1432). “ Dat

Sex Ministrallis de Bokeyngham cantantibus

in refectorio Martyrium Septem Dormientium

in Fasto Epiphanie, iv s.” (Vol. ii. p. 175.)

In like manner our old English writers

abound with passages wherein the Minstrel

is represented as singing. To mention only

a few :

In the old Romance of Emaré (Series the

Third, No. 15, p. 194), which from the obsoleteness of the style, the nakedness of the

story, the barrenness of incidents, and some

other particulars, I should judge to be next

in point of time to Horn-Child, we have

“I have herd Menestrelle syng yn sawe.”

Stanza 27.

In a poem of Adam Davie (who flourished

about 1312) we have this Distich,

“Merry it is in halle to here the harpe,

The Minstrelle synge, the Jogelours carpe.”

T. Warton, i. p. 225.

So William of Nasssyngton (circ. 1480) as

quoted by Mr. Tyrwhitt (Chaucer, iv. 319).

xlviii

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY.

"I will make no vain carpinge

Of dedes of armys ne of amours

As dus Minstrelles and Jostours [Joustours]

That makys carpinge in many a place

Of Octaviane and Isembraze,

And of many other Jestes [Gestes]

And namely whan they come to festes.*

See also the Description of þe Minstrel in

note (E e) from Morte Arthur, which appears

to have been compiled about the time of this

last writer. (See T. Warton, ii. 235.)

By proving that Minstrels were Singers of

the old Romantic Songs and Gestes, &c., we

have in effect proved them to have been the

makers at least of some of them. For the

names of their Authors being not preserved,

to whom can we so probably ascribe the com-

position of many of these old popular rhymes,

as to the men who devoted all their timo and

talents to the recitation of them, especially

as in the rhymes themselves Minstrels are

often represented as the makers or com-

posers?

Thus, in the oldest of all, Horn-Child, hav-

ing assumed the character of a Harper or Jo-

gelor, is in consequence said (fo. 92) to have

"made Rymenild [his mistress] a lay."

In the old Romance of Emaré, we have

this exhortation to Minstrels, as composers,

otherwise they could not have been at liberty

to choose their subjects. (st. 2.)

"Menstrelles that walken fer and wyde

Her and ther in every a syde

In mony a dyverse londe

Sholde ut her bygynnyng

Speke of that rightwes kyng

That made both see and londe," &c.

And in the old Song or Geste of Guy and

Colbrondo (Series the Third, No. 4, p. 193),

the Minstrel thus speaks of himself in the

first person :

"When meate and drinke is great plenty

Then lordes and ladyes still wil be

And sitt and solace lythe

• The fondness of the English (even the most illiterate) to

hear tales and rhymes, is much dwelt on by Rob. de Brunne,

in 1300. (Warton, i. p. 59, 65, 75.) All rhymes were then

sung to the harp: even Troilus and Cresseida, though

almost as long as the Æneid, was to be "redde . . . . or else

song." l. ult. (Warton, i. 388.)

Then itt is time for men to speake

Of keene knigths and kempes grent

Such carping for to kythe."

We have seen already that the Welsh

Bards, who were undoubtedly composers of

the songs they chanted to the Harp, could not

be distinguished by our legislators from our

own Rimers, Minstrels. (Vid. (B b 3) p. xliii.)

And that the Provencal Troubadour of our

King Richard, who is called by M. Fauriel

Jongleur, and by M. Fauchet Menestrel, is by

the old English translator termed a Rimer or

Minstrel whon he is mentioning the fact of

his composing some verses. (p. xxxii.)

And lastly, that Tolinshod, translating the

prohibition of King Henry V., forbidding any

songs to be composed on his victory, or to be

sung by Harpers or others, roundly gives it,

he would not permit "any ditties to be made

and sung by Minstrels on his glorious Vic-

tory," &c. Vid. p. xviii. and nota (B b 4).

Now that this order of men, at first called

Gleomen, then Juglors, and afterwards more

generally Minstrels, existed here from the

Conquest, who ontortainod their hearers with

chanting to the harp or other instrumonts,

songs and tales of chivalry, or as they were

called Gests* and Romanees in verso in the

English language, is proved by the existonce

of the vary compositions they so chanted,

which are still preserved in great aboundance;

and exhibit a regular series from the timo

our language was almost Saxon, till after its

improvements in the age of Chaucer, who

cnumerates many of them. And as the

Norman French was in the timo of this Bard

still the courtly language, it shows that the

English was not thereby excluded from

affording entertainment to our nobility, who

are so often addressed therein by the title of

Lordings: and sometimes more positively

"Lordes and Ladies."

And though many of these were translated

from the French, others are evidently of

English origin,† which appear in their turns

• Gests at length came to signify adventures or incidents

in general. So in a narrative of the journey into Scotland,

of Queen Margaret and her attendants, on her marriage

with King James IV. In 1503 [In Appendix to Leland.

Collect. iv. p. 205], we are promised an account "of their

Gestys and manners during the said voynge."

† The romance of "Richard Cœur de Lion," (No. 25), I

should judge to be of English origin from the names War-

drew and Eldrede, &c., vol. iii. p. 194, 195. As is also Eger

and Grime (No. 12), wherein a knight is named Sir Gray

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY.

xlix

to have afforded versions into that language; a sufficient proof of that intercommunity between the French and English Minstrels, which hath been mentioned in a preceding page. Even the abundance of such translations into English, being all adapted for popular recitation, sufficiently establishes the fact, that the English Minstrels had a great demand for such compositions, which they were glad to supply, whether from their own native stores, or from other languages.

We have seen above that the Joculator, Mimus, Histrio, whether these characters were the same, or had any real difference, were all called Minstrels; as was also the Harper,* when the term implied a singer, if not a composer, of songs, &c. By degrees the name of Minstrel was extended to vocal and instrumental musicians of every kind: and as in the establishment of royal and noble houses, the latter would necessarily be most numerous, so we are not to wonder that the band of music (entored under the general name of Minstrels) should consist of instrumental performers chiefly, if not altogether: for, as the composer or singer of heroic tales to the harp would necessarily be a solitary performer, we must not expect to find him in the band along with the trumpeters, fluters, &c.

However, as we sometimes find mention of "Minstrels of Music;"† so at other times we hear of "expert Minstrels and Musicians of Tongue and Cunning," (B b 3) p. xliii.,‡

Steel, and a lady who excels in surgery are called Losepaine or Lose-pain : these surely are not derived from France.

• See the romance of "Sir Isembars" (vol. iii. No. 14, p 104), sign. a.

Harpers loved him in Hall With other Minstrels all.

† T. Warton, ii. 258, note (a) from Leland's Collect. (vol. iv. Append. edit. 1774, p. 267.)

‡ The curious author of the "Tour in Wales, 1773," 4to. p. 435, I find to have read these words "in toune and contray;" which I can scarce imagine to have been applicable to Wales at that time. Nor can I agree with him in the representation he has given (p. 367), concerning the Cymmorth or meeting, whereto the Bards exerted their powers to excite their countrymen to war; as if it were by a deduction of the particulers he enumeratos, and as it should seem in the way of harangue, &c. After which, "the band of Minstrels....... struck up; the harp, the crwth, and the pipe filled the measures of enthusiasm, which tho others had begun to inspire." Whereas it is well known, that the Bard chanted his enthusiastic effusions to the harp; and as for the term Minstrel, it was

meaning doubtless by the former, singers, and probably by the latter phrase, composers, of songs. Even "Minstrels Music" seems to be applied to the species of verse used by Minstrels in the passage quoted below.§

But although, from the predominancy of instrumental music, Minstrelsy was at length chiefly to be understood in this sense, yet it was still applied to the Poetry of Minstrels so late as the time of Queen Elizabeth, as appears in the following extract from Puttenham's "Arte of English Poesie," p. 9, who, speaking of the firstcomposers of Latin verses in rhyme, says, "all that they wrote to the favor or prayse of Princes, they did it in such manner of Minstralsie; and thought themselves no small fooles, when they could make their verses go all in ryme."

I shall conclude this subject with the following description of Minstrelsy given by John Lidgate at the beginning of the 15th century, as it shows what a variety of entertainments were then comprehended under this term, together with every kind of instrumental music then in use;

-—" Al maner Mynstraleye, That any man kan specifye. Ffor there were Rotys of Almayne And eke of Arragon, and Spayne: Songes, Stampes, and eke Daunces ; Divers plonte of plesaunces: And many unkouth notys new Of swiche folke as lovid treue.† And instrumentys that did excelle, Many moo than I kan telle. Harpys, Fythales, and eke Rotys Lutys, Ribibles, and Geternes, More for estatys, than tavernes: Orgay[n]s, Cytolis, Monacordys.— There were Trumpes, and Trumpettes, Lowde Shall[m]ys, and Doucettes."

T. Warton, ii. 225, note (*).

not, I conceive, at all used by the Welsh; and in English it comprehended both the bard and the musician.

§ "Your ordinary rymers use very much their measures in the odd, as nine and eleven, and the sharp accent upon the last syllable, whi[ch] therefore makes him go ill favouredly and like a Minstrels musika." (Puttenham's Arte of Eng. Poesie, 1589, p. 59) This must mean his vocal music, otherwise it appears not applicable to the subject.

† By this phrase I understand, New Tales or Narrative Rhymes composed by the Minstrels on the subject of true and faithful Lovers, &c.

THE END OF THE ESSAY.

1

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY.

• • The foregoing Essay on the Ancient Minstrels has been very much enlarged and improved since the first edition, with respect to the Anglo-Saxon Minstrels, in consequence of some objections proposed by the reverend and learned Mr. Pegge, which the reader may find in the second volume of the Archæologia, printed by the Antiquarian Society ; but which that gentleman has since rotracted in the most liberal and candid manner in the third volume of the Archæologial, No. xxxiv. p. 310.

And in consequence of similar objections respecting the English Minstrels after the Conquest, the subsequent part hath been much enlarged, and additional light thrown upon the subject; which, to prevent cavil, hath been extended to Minstrelsy in all its branches, as it was established in England, whether by natives or foreigners.

Reliques

of

ANCIENT POETRY, ETC.

"I never heard the old song of Percie and Douglas, that I found not my heart moved

more than with a trumpet; and yet 'it' is sung but by somo blinde crowder, with no rougher

voice, than rude stylo: which becing so evill apparelled in the dust cobweb of that uncivill

age, what would it work, trimmed in the gorgeous eloquence of Pindare!"

Sir Philip Sydney's Defence of Poetry.

SERIES THE FIRST.

BOOK I.

I.

The Ancient Ballad of Chevy-Chase.

The fine heroie song of Chevy-Chase has

over been admired by competent judges.

Those genuine strokes of nature and artless

passion, which have endeared it to the most

simple readers, have recommended it to the

most refined; and it has equally been the

amusement of our childhood, and the favourite

of our riper years.

Mr. Addison has given an excellent cri-

tique* on this very popular ballad, but is mis-

taken with regard to the antiquity of the com-

mon-received copy ; for this, if one may judge

from the style, cannot be older than the time

of Elizabeth, and was probably written after

the eulogium of Sir Philip Sydney: perhaps

in consequence of it. I flatter myself, I have

here recovered the genuine antique poem; the

true original song, which appeared rude even

in the time of Sir Philip, and caused him to

lament that it was so evil apparelled in the

rugged garb of antiquity,

This curiosity is printed, from an old manu-

script, at the end of Hearne's preface to Gul.

Newbrigiensis Hist. 1719, 8vo. vol. i. To the

• Spectator, No. 70, 74.

MS. copy is suljoined the name of the author,

Ryckard Sheale;* whom Hearne had so little

judgment as to suppose to be the same with a

R. Sheale, who was living in 1588. But who-

ever examines the gradation of language and

idiom in the following volumes, will be con-

vinced that this is the production of an earlier

poet. It is indeed expressly mentioned among

some very ancient songs in an old book enti-

tled, The Complaint of Scotland,† (fol. 42),

under the title of the Huntis of Chevet, where

the two following lines are also quoted:

The Perssee and the Mongumirye mette,‡

That day, that day, that gentil day :§

which, though not quite the same as they

stand in the ballad, yot differ not more than

might be owing to the author's quoting from

• Subscribed, after the usual manner of our old poets,

explicirur [explicit] quorim Ricuardus Sbeale.

† One of the earliest productions of the Scotlish press,

now to be found. The title page was wanting in the copy

here quoted; but it is supposed to have been printed in

1640. See Ames.

‡ See Pt. 2, v. 23.

§ See Pt. 1, v. 104.

(51)

1

NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY.

** The foregoing Essay on the Ancient Minstrels has been very much enlarged and improved since the first edition, with respect to the Anglo-Saxon Minstrels, in consequence of some objections proposed by the reverend and learned Mr. Pegge, which the reader may find in the second volume of the Archæologia, printed by the Antiquarian Society; but which that gentleman has since retracted in the most liberal and candid manner in the third volume of the Archæologia, No. xxxiv. p. 310.

And in consequence of similar objections respecting the English Minstrels after the Conquest, the subsequent part hath been much enlarged, and additional light thrown upon the subject; which, to prevent cavil, hath been extended to Minstrelsy in all its branches, as it was established in England, whether by natives or foreigners.

Reliques

of

ANCIENT POETRY, ETC.

"I never heard the old song of Percie and Douglas, that I found not my heart moved

more than with a trumpet; and yet 'it' is sung but by some blinde crowder, with no rougher

voice, than rude style: which being so evil apparelled in the dust colureb of that uncivill

age, what would it work, trimmed in the gorgeous eloquence of Pindare!"

Sir Philip Sydneys Defence of Poetrie.

SERIES THE FIRST.

BOOK I.

I.

The Ancient Ballad of Chevy-Chase.

The fine heroie song of Chevy-Chase has over been admired by competent judges.

Those genuine strokes of nature and artless passion, which have endeared it to the most

simple readers, have recommended it to the most refined; and it has equally been the

amusement of our childhood, and the favourite of our riper years.

Mr. Addison has given an excellent critique* on this very popular ballad, but is mistaken

with regard to the antiquity of the common-received copy ; for this, if one may judge

from the style, cannot be older than the time of Elizabeth, and was probably written after

the eulogium of Sir Philip Sydney: perhaps in consequence of it. I flatter myself, I have

here recovered the genuine antique poem ; the true original song, which appeared rude even

in the time of Sir Philip, and caused him to lament that it was so evil apparelled in the

rugged garb of antiquity.

This curiosity is printed, from an old manuscript, at the end of Hearne's preface to Gul.

Newbrigensis Hist. 1719, 8vo. vol. i. To the

MS. copy is subjoined the name of the author,

Rychard Sheale;* whom Hearne had so little

judgment as to suppose to be the same with a

R. Sheale, who was living in 1588. But whoever examines the gradation of language and

idiom in the following volumes, will be convinced that this is the production of an earlier

poet. It is indeed expressly mentioned among some very ancient songs in an old book entitled,

The Complaint of Scotland,† (fol. 42),

under the title of the Huntis of Chevet, where

the two following lines are also quoted:

The Perssee and the Mongumrye mette,‡

That day, that day, that gentil day :§

which, though not quite the same as they stand in the ballad, yet differ not more than

might be owing to the author's quoting from

• Subscribed, after the usual manner of our old poets,

explicitè [explicit] quoth Rychard Sheale.

† One of the earliest productions of the Scottish press,

now to be found. The title page was wanting in the copy

here quoted; but it is supposed to have been printed in

1540. See Ames.

‡ See Pt. 2, v. 23.

§ See Pt. 1, v. 104.

(51)

THE ANCIENT BALLAD OF CHEVY CHASE.

ry. Indeed, whoever considers the style

orthography of this old poem will not be

red to place it lower than the time of

'y VI. : as on the other hand the mention

mes the Scottish King,* with one or two

lronisms, forbids us to assign it earlier

King James I. who was prisoner in

kingdom at the death of his father,† did

rear the crown of Scotland till the second

of our Henry VI.,‡ but before the end of

long reign a third James had mounted

hrone.§ A succession of two or three

ses, and the long detention of one of them

ngland, would render the name familiar

to English, and dispose a poet in those

times to give it to any Scottish king he

sened to mention.

much for the date of this old ballad :

regard to its subject, although it has no

tenance from history, there is room to

it had originally some foundation in

It was one of the Laws of the Marches

rently renewed between the two nations,

neither party should hunt in the other's

ers, without leave from the proprietors or

deputies.|| 'There had long been a-rival

between the two martial families of Percy

Douglas, which, heightened by the na-

l quarrel, must have produced frequent

lenges and struggles for superiority, petty

sions of their respective domains, and

p contests for the point of honour ; which

ld not always be recorded in history.

ething of this kind, we may suppose, gave

to the ancient ballad of the Hunting a'

hevait.¶ Percy Earl of Northumberland

rowed to hunt for three days in the Scot-

border, without condescending to ask

s from Earl Douglas, who was either lord

e soil, or lord warden of the marches.

glas would not fail to resent the insult,

endeavour to repel it by force :

this would naturally produce a sharp conflict

between the two parties ; something of which,

it is probable, did really happen, though not

attended with the tragical circumstances re-

corded in the ballad: for these are evidently

borrowed from the Battle of Otterbourn,*

very different event, but which aftertimes

would easily confound with it. That battle

might be owing to some such previous affront

as this of Chevy-Chase, though it has escaped

the notice of historians. Our poet has evident-

ly jumbled the two suljects together: if in-

deed the lines,† in which is made,

are not rather spurious, and the after-insertion

of some person, who did not distinguish be-

tween the two storics.

Hearne has printed this ballad without any

division of stanzas, in long lines, as he found

it in the old written copy: but it is usual to

find the distinction of stanzas neglected in

ancient MSS; where, to save room, two or

three verses are frequently given in one line

undivided. See flagrant instances in the Har-

leian Catalog, No. 2253, s. 20, 34, 61, 70, et

passim.

THE FIRST FIT.‡

The Persè owt of Northomberlande,

And a vowe to God mayd he,

That he wolde hunte in the mountayns

Off Chyriat within dayes thre,

In the mauger of doughtiè Dogles,

And all that ever with him be.

The fattiste hartes in all Cheviat

He sayd he wold kill, and cary them away'

Be my feth, sayd the doughti Douglas agayn,

I wyll let that hontyng yf that I may.

Then the Persè owt of Bamborowe cam,

With him a mygbyo meany;

With fifteene hondrith archares bold;

The wear chosen out of shyars thre.§

† Vid. P. 2, v. 167.

‡ Fit, see ver. 100.

§ By these “shyars thre” is probably meant three dis-

tricts in Northumberland, which still go by the name of

shires, and are all in the neighbourhood of Cheviot. These

are Islandshire, being the district so named from Holy-

THE ANCIENT BALLAD OF CHEVY CHASE.

This began on a Monday at morn

In Cheviat the hillys so he;

The chyld may rue that ys un-born,

It was the mor pittè.

The dryvars thorowe the woodes went

For to reas the dear;

Bomen bickarte uppone the bent

With their browd aras cleare.

Then the wyld thorowe the woodes went

On every syde shear:

Grea-hondes thorowe the greves glent

For to kyll thear dear.

The begane in Chyviat the hyls above

Yerly on a monnyn duy;

Be that it drewe to the oware off none

A hondrith fat hartes ded ther lay.

The b'ewè a mort uppone the bent,

The samblyd on sydis shear;

To the quyrry then the Persè went

To se the bryttlynge of the deare.

He sayd, It was the Duglas promys

This day to meet me hear;

But I wysto he wold fayllè voramont:

A gret oth the Perse swear.

At the laste a squyar of Northombelonde

Lokyde at his hand full ny,

He was war ath the doughgetie Doglas com-

ynge:

With him a myghtè meany.

Both with spear, 'byll,' and brande;

Yt was a myghti sight to se,

Hardyar men both off hart nar hande

Were not in Christiantè.

The wear twenty hondrith spear-men good

Withouten any fayle;

The wear borna a-long be the watèr a Twyde,

Yth bowndes of Tividale.

Leave off the brytlyng of the dear, he sayde,

And to your bowys look ye tayk good heed;

For never sithe ye wear on your mothars borne

Had ye never so mickle need.

The doughèti Dogglas on a stede

He rude att his men beforne;

15

His armor glytteryd as dyd a glede;

A bolder barne was never born.

Tell me 'what' men ye ar, he says,

Or whos men that ye be:

Who gave yone leave to hunte in this

Chyviat chays in the spyt of me?

The first mane thatever him an answear mayd,

Yt was the good lord Persé :

We wyll not tell the 'what' men wo ar, he

says,

Nor whos men that wo be;

But we wyll hount hear in this chays

In the spyte of thyne, and of the.

The fattiste hartes in all Chyviat

We have kyld, and cast to carry them

a-way.

Be my troth, sayd the donghtè Dogglas agayn,

Thor-for the ton of us shall de this day.

Thon sayd the donghtè Doglas

Unto the lord Persé :

To kyll all thes giltiess men,

A-las ! it wear great pittè.

But, Persè, thowe art a lord of lande,

I am a yerle callyd within my contre;

Let all our men uppone a parti stande;

And do the battell off tho and of me.

Now Cristes cors on his crowne, sayd the lord

Persè,

Who-soèver ther-to says nay.

Be my troth, doughtè Doglas, he says,

Thow shalt never se that day;

Netharin Ynglonde, Skottlonde, nar France,

Nor for no man of a woman born,

But and fortunc be my chance,

I dar met him on man for on.

Then bespayke a squyar off Northombarlonde,

Ric. Wytharyntòn* was him nam ;

It shall never be told in Sothe-Ynglonde, he

says,

To kyng Herry the fourth for sham.

V. 59, whos, P. C. V. 65, whoys, P. C. V. 71, agay, P. C.

V. 81, sayd the. P. C. V. 88, on. l. e. mae.

• This is probalby corrupted in the MS. for Reg Widdrington, who was at the head of the familly in the reign of K. Edw. III. There were several successively of the names of Roger and Ralph, but none of the name of Richard, as appears from the genealogies in the Herald's office.

THE ANCIENT BALLAD OF CHEVY CHASE.

youe byn great lordes twawe,

m a poor squyar of lande ;

1 never se my captayne fyght on a

'ylde,

d stande my-selfe, and looke on,

whyll I may my wappone welde,

vyll not 'fayl' both harte and hande.

day, that day, that dredfull day :

e first fit* here I fynde.

'you wyll here any more athe hountyng

athe Chyviat,

at ys ther mor behynde.

THE SECOND FIT.

Yngglishe men hade ther bowys yebent,

her hartes were good yenoughe ;

first of arrows that the shoto off,

even skore spear-men the sloughe.

bydys the yerle Doglas upon the bent,

5

• captayne good yenoughe,

1 that was sene verament,

'or he wrought hom both woo and wouche.

s Dogglas pertyd his ost in thre,

syk a cheffe cheften off pryde,

10

th suar speares off myghtte tre

Che cum in on every syde.

rughe our Yngglishe archery

Jave many a wounde full wyde;

uny a doughte the garde to dy,

15

Which ganyde them no pryde.

te Yngglyshe men let thear bowys be,

And pulde owt brandees that wer bright ;

was a hevy syght to se

Bryght swordes on basnites lyght.

20

torowe ryche male, and myne-ye-ple

Many sterne the stroke downe streight:

any a freyke, that was full free,

That undar foot dyd lyght.

t last the Duglas and the Persè met,

25

Lyk to captayns of myght and mayne ;

te swapte together tyll the both swat

With swordes, that wear off fyn myllàn.

Thes worthe freckys for to fyght

Ther-to the wear full fync,

30

Tyll the bloude owte off their basnetes sprente,

As ever dyd heal or rayne.

Holde tho, Persè, sayd the Doglas,

And i' feth I shall the brynge

Wher thowe shalte have a yerls wagis

35

Of Jamy our Scottish kynge.

Thonee shalte have thy ransom fre,

I hight the hear this thinge,

For the manfullyste man yet art thowe,

That ever I conqueryd in filde fightyng.

40

Nay 'then' sayd the lord Persè,

I tolde it the beforne,

That I wolde never yeldyde be

To no man of a woman born.

With that ther cam an arrowe hastely

45

Forthà off a mightie wane,*

Hit hathe strekené the yerle Duglas

In at the brest banc.

Thorowe lyvar and longs bathe

The sharp arrow ys gane,

50

That never after in all his lyffe days,

He spayke mo wordes but ane,

That was,† Fyghte ye, my merry men, whyllys

ye may,

For my lyff days ben gan.

55

The Persè leanyde on his brande,

And saw the Duglas de ;

He took the dedè man be the hande,

And sayd, Wo ys me for the !

To have sayved thy lyffe I wold have pertyd

with

My landes for years thre,

60

For a better man of hart, nare of hande

Was not in all the north countrè.

Off all that sa a Skottishe knyght,

Was callyd Sir Hewo the Mongon-byrry,

He saw the Duglas to the deth was dyght ;

65

He spendyd a spear a trusti tre :

a. first, i. e. flight. V. 5, byddys, P. C. V. 17, boys, P. C. V. 18, briggt. P. C. V. 21, thorowe, P. C. V. 22, done,

C. V. 26, to, i. e. two. Ibid, and of P. C.

V. 32, ran, P. C. V. 33, helde, P. C. V. 40, thorowe, P. C.

• Wane, i. e. ane, one, sc. man, an arrow came from a mighty one; from a mighty man.

† whle scane to have hawn a filsea anded

THE ANCIENT BALLAD OF CHEVY CHASE.

He rod uppon a corsiare

Throughe a hondrith archery:

He never styntyde, nar never blane,

Tyll he cam to the good lord Persè.

70

He set uppone the lord Persè

A dynt that was full soare;

With a suar spear of a myghtè tre

Clean thorow the body he the Persè bore,

Athe tothar sydo, that a man myght se,

75

A large cloth yard and mare;

Towe bettar captayns wear nat in Christiantè,

Then that day slain wear ther.

An archar off Northomberlondo

Say sleyn was the lord Persè,

80

He bar a bende-bow in his hande,

Was made off trusti tre:

An arow, that a cloth yarde was lang,

To th' hard stele haylde he;

85

A dynt, that was both sad and sorc,

He sat on Sir Hewe the Mongon-byrry.

The dynt yt was both sad and sar,

That he of Mongon-byrry sete;

The swane-fothars, that his arrowè bar,

With his hart blood tho woar weto.*

90

Ther was never a freake wone foot wolde flc,

But still in stour dyd stand,

Heawying on yche othar, whyll the myght dre,

With many a bal-ful brande.

This battell beganè in Chyviat

An ewar befor the none,

95

And when even song bell was rang

The battell was nat half done.

The tookè 'on' on ethar hand

Be the lyght off the mone;

100

Many hade no strenght for to stando,

In Chyviat the hylllys aboun.

Of fifteen hondrith archers of Ynglonde

Went away but fifti and thre;

Of twenty hondrith spear-men of Skot-londe,

105

But even five and fifti :

V. 74, bor. P. C. V. 80, Say, i.e. Sawe. V. 84, haylde,

P. C. V. 87, sar, P. C. V. 102, abou, P. C.

• This incident is taken from the battle of Otterbourn

in which Sir Hugh Montgomery, knt. (son of John Lord

Montgomery) was slain with an arrow. Vid. Crawford's

Peerage.

But all wear slayne Cheviat within;

The hade no strengthe to stand on hrie;

The chylde may rue that ys un-borne,

It was the mor pité.

110

Thear was slayne with the lord Persè

Sir John of Agerstone,

Sir Rogè the linde Hartly,

Sir Wyllyam the bolde Hearone.

Sir Jorg the worthe Lovele

115

A knyght of great renowen,

Sir Raff the rych Rugbè

With dyntes wear beaten dowene.

For Wetharryngton my harto was wo,

That ever he slayne shulde be;

120

For when both his leggìs wear hewyne in to,

Yet he knyled and fought on hys kne.

Ther was slayne with the dougheti Douglas

Sir Hewe the Mongon-byrry,

Sir Davyo Lwdale, that worthè was,

125

His sistars son was he:

Sir Charles a Murrè, in that place,

That never a foot wolde fle;

Sir Howe Maxwell, a lordo he was,

With the Duglas dyd he dey.

130

So on the morrowe the mayde them byears

Off byrch, and hasell so 'gray';

Many wodous with wepyng tearn*

Cam to fach ther makys a-way.

Tivydale may carpe off care,

135

Northombarlond maylk grat mone,

For towe such captayns, as slayne wear thear,

On the march perti shall never be none.

Word ys commen to Edden burrowe,

To Jamy the Skottishe kyng,

140

That dougheti Duglas, lyff-tenant of the Mer-ches,

He lay slean Chyviot with-in.

V. 108, strenge . . . by, P. C. V. 115, Ioule, P. C. V. 121,

in to, i. e. in two. V. 122, kny, P. C. V. 132, gay, P. C.

V. 136, mon, P. C. V. 138, non, P. C.

• A common pleonasm, see the next poem, Fit 2d, v.

166. So Harding, in his Chronicle, chap. 140, fol. 143, de-

scribing the death of Richard I. says,

He shrove him thor unto Abbots thre

With great sobbyng . . . . and wepyng teares.

So likewyse Cavendish in his Life of Cardinal Wolsey,

chap. 12, p. 81, 4to. 'When the duke heard this, he re-

plied with weeping teares,' &c

56 THE ANCIENT BALLAD OF THE BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE.

His handdes did he weal and wryng,

He sayd, Alas, and wo ye me !

Such another captayn Skotland within,

He sayd, y-feth shud never be.

Worde ys commyn to lovely Londone

Till the fourth Harry our kyng,

That lord Persè, leyff-tentante of the Marchis,

He lay slayne Chyviat within.

God have mercè on his soll, sayd kyng Harry,

Good lord, yf thy will it be !

I have a hondrith captayns in Ynglonde, he sayd,

As good as ever was hee :

But Persè, and I brook my lyffe,

Thy deth well quyte shall be.

As our noble kyng made his a-vowe,

Lyke a noble prince of renowen,

For the deth of the lord Parsè,

He dyd the battel of Hombyll-down :

Wher syx and thritte Skottish knyghtes

On a day wear beaten down :

Glandale glytterydè on ther armor bryght,

Over castill, towar, and town.

This was the hontynge off the Cheviat;

That tear begane this spurne :

Old men that knowen the growndè well yenoughe,

Call it the Battell of Otterburn.

At Otterburn began this spurne

Uppòn a monnyn day :

Ther was the donghtè Doglas sloane,

The Persè never went away.

Ther was never a tym on the march partes

Sen the Doglas and the Persè met,

But yt was marvelè, and the redde blude

ronne not,

As the reane doys in the stret.

Jhesue Christ our balys bete,

And to the blys us bryngel

Thus was the hountynge of the Chevyat :

God send us all good ending !

*The style of this and the following ballad is uncommonly rugged and uncouth, owing to their being writ in the very coarsest and broadest northern dialect.

The battle of Hombyll-down or Humbledon, was fought Sept. 14, 1402 (anno 3 Hen. IV.), wherein the English, under the command of the Earl of Northumberland, and his son Hotspur, gained a complete victory over the Scots. The village of Humbledon is one mile north-west from Wooler, in Northumberland. The battle was fought in the field below the village, near the present turnpike road, in a spot called ever since Red-Riggs. -Humbleton is in Glendale Ward, a district so named in this county, and mentioned above in ver. 163.

II.

The Battle of Otterbourne.

The only battle, wherein an Earl of Douglas was slain fighting with a Percy, was that of Otterbourn, which is the subject of this ballad. It is here related with the allowable partiality of an English poet, and much in the same manner as it is recorded in the English Chronicles. The Scottish writers have, with a partiality at least as excusable, related it no less in their own favour. Luckily we have a very circumstantial narrative of the whole affair from Froissart, a French historian, who appears to be unbiassed.

Froissart's relation is prolix ; I shall therefore give it with a few corrections, as abridged by Carte, who has however had recourse to other authorities, and differs from Froissart in some things, which I shall note in the margin.

In the twelfth year of Richard II., 1388, "The Scots taking advantage of the confusions of this nation, and falling with a party into the Westmarches, ravaged the country about Carlisle, and carried off three hundred prisoners. It was with a much greater force

THE ANCIENT BALLAD OF THE BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE.

57

that, in the beginning of August,* they invaded Northumberland; and, having wasted

part of the county of Durham,† advanced to the gates of Newcastle; where, in a skirmish,

they took a ‘penon’ or colourst belonging to Henry Lord Percy, surnamed Hotspur, son

to the Earl of Northumberland. In their retreat home, they attacked a castle near Otter-

bourn; and, in the evening of Aug. 9 (as the English writers say; or rather, according

to Froissart, Aug. 15), after an unsuccessful assault, were surprised in their camp, which

was very strong, by Henry, who at the first onset put them into a good deal of confusion.

But James, Earl of Douglas, rallying his men, there ensued one of the best-fought

actions that happened in that age; both armies showing the utmost bravery;‡ the

Earl Douglas himself being slain on the spot;|| the Earl of Murray mortally wounded; and

Hotspur,§ with his brother Ralph Percy, taken prisoners. These disasters on both

sides have given occasion to the event of the engagement’s being disputed; Froissart (who

derives his relation from a Scotch knight, two gentlemen of the same country, and as

many of Foix)** affirming that the Scots remained masters of the field; and the English

writers insinuating the contrary. These last maintain that the English had the better of

the day: but night coming on, some of the northern lords, coming with the Bishop of

Durham to their assistance, killed many of them by mistake, supposing them to be Scots;

• Froissart speaks of both parties (consisting in all of 40,000 men) as entering England at the same time; but the greater part by way of Carlisle.

† And, according to the ballad, that part of Northumberland called Bamboroughshire; a large tract of land so named from the town and castle of Bamborough, formerly

the residence of the Northumberland Kings.

‡ This circumstance is omitted in the ballad. Hotspur and Douglas were two young warriors much of the same age.

§ Froiseart says the English exceeded the Scots in number three to one, but that these had the advantage of ground, and were also fresh from sleep, while the English

were greatly fatigued*with their previous march.

|| By Henry L. Percy, according to this ballad, and our old English historians, as Stow, Speed, &c. but borne down by numbers, if we may believe Froissart.

¶ Hotspur (after a very sharp conflict) was taken prisoner by John Lord Montgomery, whose eldest son, Sir Hugh, was slain in the same action with an arrow, according

to Crawford’s Peerage (and seems also to be alluded to in the foregoing ballad but taken prisoner and exchanged for Hot-pur, according to this ballad.*

and the Earl of Dunbar, at the same time falling on another side upon Hotspur, took him and his brother prisoners, and carried

them off while both parties were fighting.

It is at least certain, that immediately after this battle the Scots engaged in it made the

best of their way home: and the same party was taken by the other corps about Carlisle.”

Such is the account collected by Carte, in which he seems not to be free from partiality:

for prejudice must own that Froissart’s circumstantial account carries a great appearance of truth, and he gives the victory to the

Scots. He however does justice to the courage of both parties; and represents their mutual generosity in such a light, that the pre-

sent age might edify by the example. “The Englysshmen on the one partye, and the

Scottes on the other party, are good men of warre, for whan they mete, there is a hard

fighte without sparynge. There is no loo* betwene them as long as speares, swerdes,

axes, or dager wyll endure; but lay on eulhe upon other; and whan they be well beaten,

tory, they than glorifye so in their dedes of armes, and are so joyfull, that suche as be

taken, they shall be ransomed or they go out of the feilde;† so that shortly eche of

them is so contente with other, that at their departynge curteously they will saye, God thanke

you. But in lyghtynge one with another there is no playe, nor sparynge.” Froissart’s

Chronycle (as translated by Sir Johan Bourchier Lord Berners), cap. xliij.

The following Ballad is (in this present edition) printed from an old MS. in the Cotton Library‡ (Cleopatra, c. iv.) and contains

many stanzas more than were in the former copy, which was transcribed from a MS. in

the Harleian Collection [No. 293, fol. 52.] In the Cotton MS. this poem has no title, but

in the Harleian copy it is thus inscribed,

“A songe made in R. 2 his tyme of the battele of Otterburne, betweene Lord Henry

Percye, Earle of Northomberlande, and the Earle Douglas of Scotlande, Anno 1388.”

• So in Langham’s letter concerning Q. Elizabeth’s entertainment at Killingworth castle, 1575, 12mo. p. 61

† i. e. They scorn to take the advantage, or to keep them lingering in long captivity.

58

THE ANCIENT BALLAD OF THE BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE.

—But this title is c1ioncous, and added by

some ignoiant transe1ibon of 'nfter-times, for,

1 The battle was not fought by the Eail of

Northumberland, who was absent, but by his

son Sir Henry Percy, Knt suinamed Hot-

gur, (in those times they did not usunlly

give the title of lord to an eail's eldest son.)

2 Although the battle was fought in Richard

II.'s time, the song is evidently of later date,

as appeais from the poet's quoting the chion-

icles in Pt II. ver. 26, and speaking of Per-

cy in the last stanza as dead. It was how-

ever written in all likelihood as eaily as the

fulegoing song, if not ealier This perhaps

may be inferred from the minute ciccum-

st unces with which the stoly is 1elated, many

of which are 1ecoi'ded in no chronicle, and

weie probably pieserved in the memory of

old people It will be observed that the

authols of these two poems have some lines

in common, but which of them was the

original pioiietor must depend upon then

p1iority; and this the sigacity of the ieader

must detei mine.

Yr felle abowght the Lumasse tyde,

When husbands wynn ther haye,

The dowhtye Dowglass bowynd hym to yde,

In Yugland to take a playe;

The yerile of Fyffe,* withowghten styffe,

5 He bowynd hym over Sulway †

The grete wold ever together yde,

That race they may rue for aye.

Over 'Ottercap' hyll they‡ came in,

And so dowyn by Rodelyffe1iagge,

‡ 2 wns thel heare, IIarl MS. This is the North

umberland phrase to this day by which they always

express "getting in their hay"

• Robert Stewart, second son of King Robert II

† I e "over Solway frith" This evidently refers to the

other division of the Scottish army, which came in by

way of Carlisle —— Bowyn'd, or Bownded him I c hied

him. Vid Gloss

‡ 'Ihey sc the Earl of Douglas and his party ——The

several stations here mentioned are well known places in

Northumberland Ottercap hill is in the parish of Kirk-

Whelpington, in Tynedale ward Rodeliff- (or, as it is

more usually proncunced, Rodeley) Cragge is a noted cliff

near Ro laley, a small village in the parish of Hartburn, in

Morpeth ward It lics south-east of Ottercap, and has,

within these few years, been distinguished by a small tower

erected by Sir Walter Blacket, Bart, whuch, in Armstrong's

map of Northumberland, is pompously called Rodeley-

castle Green Leyton is another small village in the same

parish of IIartburn, and is south-east of Rodeley ——Both

the original MSS read here corruptly, Huppertop and

Lyn'on

Upon Giene 'Leyton' they lyghted dowyn,

Styande many a stagge;

And boldely brent Northomberlonde,

And haryed many a towyn;

They dyd owy Ynglyssh men geto wrange,

To battell that were not bowyn.

16

Than spake a berne upon the bent,

Of comforte that was not colde,

And sayd, We have brente Northomberlond,

We have all welth in holde.

20

Now we have hayed all Bamboroweshyre,

All the welth in the woildo have wee;

I rede we rydc to Newe Castell,

So styll and stalwurthlye

Uppou the monowe, when it was daye,

25 The standards shone fulle bryght;

To the Newe Castelle the toke the waye,

And thether they cam fulle yght

Sir Henry Percy laye at the Newe Castellc,

I telle yow withoutten dede,

He had byn a mach-man* all hys dayes,

And kepte Buiwyke upon 'T'wede.

30

To the Newe Castell when they cam,

The Skottes they cryde on hyght,

Syı Harye Percy, and thow byste within,

Com to the fylde, and fyght.

For we have brente Northomberlondc,

Thy ertage good and yght;

And syne my logyng I have take,

With my biande dubbyd many a knyght.

Sir Harry Percy cam to the walles,

41 The Skottyssh oste for to se;

"And thow hast brente Northomberlond,

Full sore it rewyth me.

Yf thou hast haryed all Bambarowe shyre,

45 Thow hast done me grete envye;

For the trespasse thow hast me done,

The tone of us schall dye "

‡ 12, This line is corrupt in both the MSS viz, "Many

a stylande stage" —Stars have been killed within the pre-

sent century on some of the large wastes in Northumber

land V 39, syne seems here to mcan since

• Marche-man, I e a scowier of the marches

THE ANCIENT BALLAD OF THE BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE.

Where schall I byde the? sayd the Dowglas,

Or where wylte thow come to me?

"At Otterborne in the hygh way,"

Ther maist thow well logeed be.

The roo full rekeles ther sche rinnes,

To make the game and glee :

The fawkon and the fesant both,

Among(e) on the holtes on 'hoe.'

Ther maist thow have thy welth at wyll,

Well loged ther maist be.

Yt schall not be long, or I com the tyll,"

Sayd Syr Harry Percy(e).

Ther schall I byde the, sayd the Dowglas,

By the fayth of my bodye.

Thether schall I com, sayd Syr Harry Percy;

My trowth I plyght to the.

A pype of wyne he gave them over the walles,

For soth, as I yow saye :

Ther he mayd the Douglas drynke,

And all hys oste that daye.

The Dowglas turnyd hym homewarde agayne,

For soth withowghten maye,

He took(e) his logeyng at Oterborne

Vpp(on) a Wedyns-day :

And ther(e) he pyght hys standerd dowyn,

Hys gettyng more and lesse,

And syne he warned hys men to goo

To chose ther geldyngs gresse.

A Skottysshe knyght h(ow)ed upon the bent,

A wache I dare well saye :

So was he ware on the noble Percy(e)

In the dawnynge of the daye.

He prycked to his pavyleon dore,

As faste as he myght roune,

Awaken, Dowglas, cryed the knyght,

For hys love, that syttes yn trone.

Awaken, Dowglas, cryed the knyght,

For thow maiste wake wyth wynne;

Yender have I spyed the prowd(e) Percy,

And seven standardes wyth hym.

Nay by my trowth, the Douglas sayd,

It ys but a fayned taylle :

He durst(e) not loke on my bred banner,

For all Ynglonde so haylle.

Was I not yester daye at the Newe Castell,

That stond(s) so fayre on Tyne?

For all the men the Percy hade,

He cowde not garre me oncs to dyne.

He stepped owt at hys pavelyon dore,

To loke and it were lesse;

Araye yow, lordyngs, onc and all,

For here bygynnes no peyss(e)

The yerle of Mentayne,* thow art my eme,

The forwarde I gyve to the :

The yerlle of Hyntlay cawte and kene,

Ho schall wyth the be.

The lorde of Bowghan† in armure bryght

On the oder hand(e) he schall be;

Lord Jhonstone and Lorde Maxwell,

They to schall be wyth me.

Swynton fayre fylde upon your pryde

To batell make yow bowen :

Syr Davy Scotte, Syr Walter Stewarde,

Syr Jhon of Agurstane.

A FYTTE.

The Perssy came byfore hys oste,

Wych was ever a gent(y)ll knyght,

Upon the Dowglas lowde can he crye,

I wyll holde that I have hyght :

For thow haste brente Northumberlond(e),

And done me grete envy(e);

For thys trespasse thou hast me done,

The tone of us schall dye.

The Dowglas answerde hym agayne

With grete wurds up on 'hee,'

And sayd, I have twenty agaynst 'thy' one(e)‡

Byholde and thow maiste see.

Wyth that the Percy(e) was grevyd sore,

For soth(e) as I yow saye :

V. 53. Roe-bucks were to be found upon the wastes not far from Hexham, in the reign of Geo. I. — Whitfield, Esq., of Whitfield, is said to have destroyed thelast of them. V. 56. hye, MSS. V. 77. upon the best bent, MS.

• Otterbourn is near the old Wating-street road, in the parish of Elsdon. The Scots were encamped in a grassy plain near the river Reed. The place where the Scots and English fought is still called Battle Riga.

V. 1, 13. Percy(e), al. MS. V. 4. I will hold to what I have promised. V. 10, hye, MSS. V. 11, the one, MS.

• The Earl of Mentieth. † The Lord Buchan. ‡ He probably magnifies his strength to induce him to surrender.

60 THE ANCIENT BALLAD OF THE BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE.

[* He lyghted dowyn upon his fote,

And schoote his horsse clone away.

Every man sawe that he dyd soo,

That ryall was ever in rowght;

Every man schoote hys horsse him froo,

And lyght hym rowynde abowght.

Thus Syr Hary Pereye toke the fylde,

For soth, as I yow saye:

Jesu Cryste in hevyn on hyght

Dyd helpe hym well that daye.

But nyne thowzand, ther was no moo ;

The cronykle wyll not layne:

Forty thowsande Skottes and fowre

That day fowght them agayne.

But when the batell hyganne to joyne,

In hast ther came a knyght,

' Then' letters fayre furth hath he tayne,

And thus he sayd full ryght:

My lorde, your father he gretes yow well,

Wyth many a noble knyght;

He desyres yow to byde

That he may see thys fyght.

The Baron of Grastoke ys com owt of the west,

With him a noble companye;

All they loge at your fathers thys nyght,

And the battell fayne wold they see.

For Jesu's love, sayd Syr Harye Percy,

That dyed for yow and me,

Wende to my lorde my father agayne,

And saye thou saw me not with yee :

My trowth ys plight to yonre Skottysh knyght,

It nedes me not to layne,

That I schulde byde hym upon thys bent,

And I have hys trowth agayne:

And if that I wende off thys grownd

For soth unfoughten awaye,

He wolde me call but a kowarde knyght

In hys londe another daye.

Yet had I lever to be ryrnde and rente,

By Mary that mykel maye;

Then ever my manhood schulde be reprovyd

Wyth a Skotte another daye.

• All that follows, included in brackets, was not in the first edition.

15 Wherefore schote, archars, for my sake,

And let scharpe arrowes fle ;

Mynstrells, play up for your waryson,

And well quyte it schall be.

Every man thyuke on hys trewe love,

And marke hym to the Trenyte :

For to God I make myne avowe

Thys day wyll I not fle.

The blodye harte in the Dowglas armes,

Ilys standerde stode on hye;

That every man myght full well knowe:

By syde stode Starres thre :

The whyte Lyon on the Ynglysh parte,

Forsoth as I yow sayne ;

The Luccetts and the Cressawnts both:

The Skotts faught them agayne.*]

Uppou sent Andrewo lowde cane they crye,

And thryssse they schowte on hyght,

And syne marked them ono owr Ynglysshe

men,

As I have told yow ryght.

Sent George the bryght owr ladies knyght,

To name they† were full fayne,

Owr Ynglysshe men they cryde on hyght,

And thryssse the schowtte agayne.

Wyth that scharpe arrowes bygan to fle,

I tell yow in sortayne;

Men of armes byganne to joyne;

Many a dowghty man was ther slayne.

The Percy and the Dowglas mette,

That either of other was fayne :

They schapped together, wyll that the swette,

With swords of fyne Col layne;

Tyll the bloode from ther bassonnetts ranne,

As the roke doth in the rayne.

Yelde the to me, sayd the Dowglas,

Or els thow schalt be slayne:

• The ancient Arms of Douglas are pretty accurately emblazoned in the former stanza, and if the readings were, the crowned harte, and Above stode starres thre, it would be minutely exact at this day.--As for the Percy familr, one of their ancient Badges or Cognizances was a white Lyon Statant, and the Silver Cresent continues to be used by them to this day: they also give three Luces Argent for one of their quarters.

† i. e. The Englishe.

THE ANCIENT BALLAD OF THE BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE.

For I see, by thy bryght bassonet,

Thow art sum man of myght,

And so I do by thy burnysshed brande,

Thow art an yarle, or ells a knyght.*

By my good faythe, sayd the noble Percy,

Now haste thou rede full rygt,

Yet wyll I never yelde me to the,

Whyll I may stounde and fyght.

Theyswapped together, whyll that they swette,

Wyth swordes scharpe and long;

Ych on other so faste they beatte,

Tyll ther helmes cam in peyses down.

The Percy was a man of strenghth,

I tell yow in thys stounde,

He smote the Dowglas at the swordes length,

That he felle to the growyndo.

The sworde was scharpe and sore can byte,

I tell yow in sertayne;

To the harto, he cowde hym smyte,

Thus was the Dowglas slayne.

The stonderds stode styll on eko sydo,

With many a grovous grone;

Ther the fowght the day, and all the nyght,

And many a dowghty man was 'slone'.

Ther was no freke, that ther woide flye,

But styfly in stowre can stond,

Ychone hewyng on other whyll they myght drye,

Wyth many a bayllefull bronde.

Ther was slayne upon the Skottes syde,

For soth and sertaynly,

Syr James a Dowglas ther was slayne,

That daye that he cowde dye.

The yerle Mentaye of he was slayne,

Grysely groned uppon the growynd;

Syr Davy Scotte, Syr Walter Steward,

Syr 'John' of Agurstonne.†

Syr Charles Morroy in that place,

That never a fote wold flye;

Sir Hughe Maxwellle, a lord he was,

With the Dowglas dyd he dye.

Ther was slayne upon the Skottes syde,

For soth as I yow saye,

Of fowre and fourty thowsande Scotts

Went but eyightene awaye.

Ther was slayne upon the Ynglysshe syde,

For soth and sertonlye,

A gentoll knyght, Sir John Fitz-hughe,

Yt was the more petye.

Syr James Harebotell thor was slayne,

For hym ther hartes were sore,

The gentyll 'Lovolle' ther was slayne,

That the Perceyes standerd bore.

Thor was slayno uppon the Ynglyssh perte,

For soth as I yow saye:

Of nyne thowsand Ynglyssh men

Fyve hondret cam awaye:

The other were slayne in the fylde,

Crysto kepe their sowles from wo,

Seying thor was so few fryndes

Agaynst so many a foo.

Then one the morne they mayd them bereres

Of byrch, and haysell graye;

Many a wydowe with wepyng teyres

Ther makes they fette awaye.

Thys fraye began at Otterborne,

Bytwene the nyghte and the day:

Ther the Dowglas lost hys lyfe,

And the Percy was lede awaye.*

Then was ther a Scottyshe prisoner tayne,

Syr Hughe Mongomery was hys name,

For soth as I yow saye,

He borowed the Percy home agayne.†

V. 116, slayne, MSS. V. 124, i. e. He died that day.

• Being all in armour he could not know him.

† Our old minstrol repeats those names, as Homer and Virgil do those of their heroes :

"— fortemque Gyan, fortemque Cloanthum, &c, &c.

Both the MSS. read here, "Sir' James," but see above, pt. I. ver. 112.

V. 143, Covelle, MS.—For the names in this page see the Remarks at the end of this ballad. V. 162, one, i. e. on

• so Captive.

† In the Cotton MS. is the following note on ver. 164, in an ancient hand :

"Syr Hewe Mongomory takyn prizonar, was delyvered for the restorynge of Persy."

60

THE ANCIENT' BALLAD OF THE BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE.

[* He lyghted dowyn upon his fote,

And schoote his horsse clone away.

Every man sawg that he dyd soo,

That ryall was ever in rowght;

Every man schoote hys horsse him froo,

And lyght hym rowynde abowght.

Thus Syr Hary Percy toke the fylde,

For soth, as I yow saye :

Jesu Cryste in hevyn on lyght

Dyd helpe hym well that daye.

But nyne thowzand, ther was no moo ;

The cronykle wyll not layne :

Forty thowsande Skottes and fowre

That day fowght them agayne.

But when the batell bygynne to joyne,

In hast ther came a knyght,

' Then' letters fayre furth hath he tayne,

And thus he sayd full bryght :

My lorde, your father he grettys yow well,

Wyth many a noble knyght;

He desyres yow to byde

That he may see thys fyght.

The Baron of Grastoke ys com owt of the west,

With him a noble companye;

All they loge at your fathers thys nyght,

And the batell fayne wold they see.

For Jesu's love, sayd Syr Harye Percy,

That dyed for yow and me,

Wende to my lorde my father agayne,

And saye thou saw me not with yee :

My trowth ys plight to yonre Skottysh knyght,

It nedes me not to layne,

That I schulde byde hym upon thys bent,

And I have hys trowth agayne :

And if that I wende off thys growrde

For soth unfowghten awaye,

He wolde me call but a kowarde knyght

In hys londe another daye.

Yet had I lever to be rynded and rente,

By Mary that mykel maye;

Then ever my manhood schulde be reprovyd

Wyth a Skotte another daye.

• All that follows, includad in brackets, was not in the

first edition.

15 Wherefore schote, archars, for my sake,

And let scharpe arowes fle :

Mynstrolls, play up for your waryson,

And well quyt it schall be.

Every man thynke on hys trewe love,

And marke hym to the Trenyte :

For to God I make myne avowe

Thys day wyll I not fle.

The blodye harte in the Dowglas armes,

Hys standerde stode on hye;

That every man myght full well knowe :

By syde stode Starres thre :

The whyte Lyon on the Ynglysh parte,

Forsoth as I yow sayne;

Tho Lucetts and the Cressawnts both :

The Skotls faught them agayne.*]

Upppon sent Andrewe lowde cane they crye,

And thryssc thoy sclowte on hyglit,

And sync marked them one owr Ynglysshe

men,

As I have told yow ryght.

Sent Georgc the bryght owr ladies knyght,

To name they† were full fayne,

Owr Ynglysshe men they cryde on hyght,

And thryssc the schowtte agayne.

Wyth that scharpe arowes bygan to fle,

I tell yow in sertayne;

Men of armes bygynne to joyne;

Many a dowghty man was ther slayne.

The Percy and the Dowglas mette,

That ether of other was fayne :

They schapned together, whyll that the swette,

With swords of fyne Colayne;

Tyll the bloode from ther bassonnetts ranne,

As the roke doth in the rayne.

Yelde to the me, sayd the Dowglas,

Or els thow schalt be slayne :

• The ancient Arms of Douglas are pretty accurately

emblazoned in the former stanza, and if the readings were,

The crowned harte, and Above stode starres thre, it would

be minutely exact at this day.—As for the Percy familÿ,

one of their ancient Badges or Cognizances was a white Lyon

Statant, and the Silver Crescent continues to be used by

them to this day : they also give three Luces Argent for one

of their quarters.

† i. e. The English.

THE ANCIENT BALLAD OF THE BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE.

61

For I see, by thy bryght bassonet,

Thow art sum man of myght,

And so I do by thy burnysshed brande,

Thow art an yerle, or ells a knyght.*

95

By my good faythe, sayd the noble Percy,

Now haste thou rode full ryght,

Yet wyll I never yelde me to the,

Whyll I may stonde and fyht.

100

Theyswapped together, whyll that they swette,

Wyth swordes scharpe and long;

Yeh on other so faste they bectto,

Tyll thor helmes cam in peyses dowyn.

The Percy was a man of strenghth,

105

I tell yow in thys stounde,

He smote the Dowglas at the swordes length,

That he felle to the growynde.

The sworde was soharpo and sore can byte,

110

I tell yow in sertayne;

To the harte, he cowde hym smyte,

Thus was the Dowglas slayno.

The stonderds stode styll on eke syde,

With many a grovous grone;

Ther the fowght the day, and all the

nyght,

115

And many a dowghty man was 'slone'.

Ther was no freke, that ther wolde flye,

But styfly in stowre can stond,

Yehone hewyng on other whyll they myght drye,

Wyth many a bayllefull bronde.

120

Ther was slayne upon the Skottes syde,

For soth and sertently,

Syr James a Dowglas ther was slayne,

That daye that he cowde dye.

The yerle Montaye of he was slayne,

125

Grysely groned upon the growynd;

Syr Davy Scotte, Syr Walter Steward,

Syr 'John' of Agurstonne†

V. 110, slayne, MSS. V. 124, i. e. He died that dey.

• Being all in armour he could not know him.

† Our old minstrel repeats these names, as Homer and

Virgil do those of their herdes:

" - fortamque Gyam, fortenaque Cloanthum, &c., &c.

Both the MSS. read here, "Sir' James," but see above,

pt. I. ver. 112.

Syr Charlles Morrey in that place,

That never a fote wold flye;

130

Sir Hughe Maxwelle, a lord he was,

With the Dowglas dyd he dye.

Ther was slayne upon the Skottes syde,

For soth as I yow saye,

Of fowre and fourty thowsande Scotts

135

Went but eyghtene awaye.

Ther was slayne upon the Ynglysshe syde,

For soth and sertenlye,

A gentell knyght, Sir John Fitz-hughe,

Yt was the more petye.

140

Syr James Harebotell ther was slayne,

For hym thor hartes were sore,

The gentyll 'Lovell' ther was slayne,

That the Parcoyes standard bore.

Ther was slayne upon the Ynglyssh parte,

145

For soth as I yow saye:

Of nyne thowsand Yinglyssh men

Fyve hondret cam awaye:

The other were slayne in the fylde,

Cryste kepe their sowles from wo,

150

Seying ther was so few fryndes

Agaynst so many a foo.

Then one the morne they mayd them beares

Of byrch, and haysell graye;

Many a wydowe with wepyng teyres

155

Ther makes they fette awaye.

Thys fraye bygan at Otterborne,

Bytwene the nyghte and the day:

Ther the Dowglas lost hys lyfe,

And the Percy was lede awaye.*

160

Then was ther a Scottysshe prisoner tayne,

Syr Hughe Mongomery was hys name,

For soth as I yow saye,

He borowed the Percy home agayne.†

V. 143, Covello, MS.—For the names in this page see the

Remarks at the end of this ballad. V. 153, one, i. e. on.

• se. Captive.

† In the Cotton MS. is the following note on ver. 164, in

an ancient hand :

"Syr Hew Mongomery takyn prizonar, was delyvered

for the restorynge of Persy."

60

THE ANCIENT BALLAD OF THE BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE.

[* He lyghted dowyn upon his fote,

And schoote his horsse clene away.

Every man sawe that he dyd soo,

That ryall was ever in rowght;

Every man schoote hys horsse him fro,

And lyght hym rowynde abowght.

Thus Syr Hary Percy toke the fylde,

For soth, as I yow saye:

Jesu Cryste in hevyn on lyght

Dyd helpe hym well that daye.

But nyne thowzand, thor was no moo;

The cronykle wyll not layne:

Forty thowsande Skottes and fowre

That day fowght them agayne.

But when the batell byganne to joyne,

In hast ther came a knyght,

'Then' letters fayre furth hath he tayne,

And thus he sayd full lyght:

My lorde, your father he gretes yow well,

Wyth many a noble knyght;

He desyres yow to byde

That he may see thys fyght.

The Baron of Grastoke ys com owt of the west,

With him a noble companye;

All they loge at your fathers thys nyght,

And the batell fayne wold they see.

For Jesu's love, sayd Syr Harye Percy,

That dyed for yow and me,

Wende to my lorde my father agayne,

And saya thou saw me not with yee;

My trowth ys plight to yonre Skottysh knyght,

It nedes me not to layne,

That I schulde byde hym upon thys bent,

And I have hys trowth agayne:

And if that I wende off thys growrde

For soth unfoughten awaye,

He wolde me call but a kowarde knyght

In hys londe another daye.

Yet had I lever to be rynde and rente,

By Mary that mykel maye;

Then ever my manhood schulde be reprovyd

Wyth a Skotte another daye.

• All that follows, ineluded in brackets, was not in the

first edition.

15|Wherefore schote, archeys, for my sake,

And let scharpe arrowes fle :

Mynstrells, play up for your waryson,

And well quyt it schall be.

Every man thynke om hys trewe love,

And marke hym to the Trenyte :

For to God I make myne avowe

Thys day wyll I not fle.

The blodye harte in the Dowglas armes,

Hys standerde stode on hye;

That every man myght full well knowe:

By syde stode Starres thre :

The whyte Lyon on the Ynglysh parte,

Forsoth as I yow sayne;

The Lucetts and the Cressawnts both :

The Skotts faught them agayne.*]

Upppon sent Andrewe lowde cane they crye,

And thrysse they schowte on lyght,

And syne marked them one owr Ynglyssho

men,

As I have told yow ryght.

Sent George the bryght owr Ladys knyght,

To name they† were full fayne,

Owr Ynglysshe men they cryde on hyght,

And thrysse the schowtte agayne.

Wyth that scharpe arrowes bygan to fle,

I tell yow in sertayne;

Men of armes bygane to joyne;

Many a dowghty man was ther slayne.

The Percy and the Dowglas mette,

That ether of other was fayne:

They schapped together, whyll that the swette,

With swords of fyne Col layne;

Tyll the bloode from ther bassounetts ranne,

As the roke doth in the rayne.

Yelde the to me, sayd the Dowglàs,

Or els thow schalt be slayne:

• The ancient Arms of Douglas are pretty accurately

emblazoned in the former stanza, and if the readings were,

The crowned harte, and Abone stode starres thre, it would

be minutely exact at this day.—As for the Percy famil'y,

one of their ancient Badges or Cognizances was a white Lyon

Statant, and the Siler Crescent continues to bo used by

them to this day : they also give three Lucos Argent for one

of their quarters.

† i. e. The English.

THE ANCIENT BALLAD OF THE BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE.

61

For I see, by thy bryght bassonet,

'Thow art sum man of myght,

And so I do by thy burnyshed brande,

'Thow art an yerle, or ells a knyght.*

95

By my good faythe, sayd the noble Percy,

Now haste thou rede full ryght,

Yet wyll I never yelde me to the,

Whyll I may stonde and fyght.

100

Theyswapped together, whyllthattheswette,

Wyth swordes scharpe and long;

Yeh on other so faste they beette,

Tyll ther helmes cam in peyses down.

The Percy was a man of strengthe,

105

I tell yow in thys stounde,

He smote the Dowglas at the swordos length,

That he felle to the growynde.

The sworde was soharpo and sore can byte,

110

I tell yow in sertynyo;

To the harte, he cowde hym smyte,

Thus was the Dowglas slayne.

The stonderds stode styll on oka syde,

With many a grovous grone;

Ther the fowght the day, and all the nyght,

115

And many a dowghty man was 'slone'.

Ther was no freke, that ther wolde flye,

But styfly in stowre can stond,

Yehone hewyng on other whyll they myght drye,

Wyth many a bayllefull bronde.

120

Ther was slayne upon the Skottes syde,

For soth and sertently,

Syr James a Dowglas ther was slayne,

That daye that he cowde dye.

The yerle Montaye of he was slayne,

125

Grysely groned uppon the growynd;

Syr Davy Scotte, Syr Walter Steward,

Syr 'John' of Agurstone.†

V. 116, slayne, MSS. V. 124, I. e. He died that day.

• Being all in armour he could not know him.

† Our old minstrel repeats these names, as Homer and Virgil do those of their heroes:

"— fortemque Gyam, fortemque Cloanthum, &c, &c.

Both the MSS. read here, "Sir James," but see above, pt. I. ver. 112.

Syr Charlles Morrey in that place,

That never a fote wold flye;

130

Sir Hughe Maxwelle, a lord he was,

With the Dowglas dyd he dye.

Ther was slayne upon the Skottes syde,

For soth as I yow saye,

Of fowre and fourty thowsande Scotts

135

Went but eyghtene awaye.

Ther was slayne upon the Ynglysshe syde,

For soth and sertentlye,

A gentell knyght, Sir John Fitz-hughe,

Yt was the more petye.

140

Syr James Harebotell ther was slayne,

For lym ther hurts were sore,

The gentyll 'Lovelle' thor was slayne,

That the Percyoyes standerd bore.

Ther wasslayne uppon the Ynglyssh perte,

146

For soth as I yow saye :

Of nyno thowsand Ynglyssh men

Fyvo hondort cam awaye :

The other were slayne in the fylde,

Crysto kepe their sowles from wo,

150

Scying thor was so fow fryndes

Agaynyst so many a foo.

Then one the morne they mayd them beores

Of byroch, and haysell graye;

Many a wydowe with wepyng teyres

155

Ther makes they fette awaye.

Thys fraye bygan at Otterborne,

Bytwene the nyghte and the day :

Ther the Dowglas lost hys lyfe,

And the Percy was lede awaye.*

160

Then was ther a Scotysho prisoner tayne,

Syr Hughe Mongomery was hys name,

For soth as I yow saye,

He borowed the Percy home agayne.†'

V. 143, Covelle, MS.—For the names in this page see tho Remarks at the end of this ballad. V. 153, one, i. e. on.

• so. Captiva.

† In the Cotton MS. is the following note on ver. 164, in an ancient hand :

"Syr Here Montgomery tukyn prizonar, was delyvered for the restorynge of Persy."

62

THE ANCIENT BALLAD OF THE BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE.

Now let us all for the Percy praye

To Jesu most of myght,

To bryng his sowle to the blysse of heven,

For he was a gentyl knight.

** Most of the names in the two preced-

ing ballads, are found to have belonged to

families of distinction in the North, as may

be made appear from authentic records.

Thus in

THE ANCIENT BALLAD OF CHEVY CHASE.

Ver. 112, Agerstone.] The family of HAG-

GERSTON of Haggerston, near Berwick, has

been seated there fur many centuries, and

still remains. Thomas Haggarston was

among the commissioners returned for North-

umberland in 12 Hen. VI., 1433. (Fuller's

Worthies, p. 310.) The head of this family

at present is Sir Thomas Haggerston, Bart.

of Haggerston above mentioned.

N. B. The name is spelt Agerstone, as in

the text, in Leland's Itinerary, vol. vii. p. 54.

Ver. 113, Hartly.] Hartley is a village near

the sea in the barony of Tynemouth, about 7

miles from North Shields. It probably gave

name to a family of note at that time.

Ver. 114, Hearone.] This family, one of

the most ancient, was long of great consider-

ation, in Northumberland. Haddedston,

Caput Baroniæ of Heron, was their ancient

residence. It descended, 25 Edw. I., to the

heir general Emiline Heron, afterwards Bar-

oness Darcy.—Ford, &c. and Bockenfield (in

com. eodum) went at the same time to Roger

Heron, the heir male; whose descendants

were summoned to Parliament : Sir William

Heron, of Ford Castle, being summoned 44

Edw. III. Ford Castle hath descended by

heirs general to the family of Delaval (men-

tioned in the next article.)—Robert Heron,

Esq., who died at Newark, in 1753 (father

of the Right Hon. Sir Richard Heron, Bart.),

was heir male of the Herons of Bockenfield,

a younger branch of this family.—Sir Thom-

as Heron Middleton, Bart., is heir male of the

Herons of Chip-chase, another branch of the

Herons of Ford Castle.

Ver. 115, Lovel.] Joh. de Lavale, miles,

was sheriff of Northumberland, 34 Hen. VII.

Joh. de Lavale, mil., in the 1 Edw. VI. and

165

afterwards. (Fuller, 313.) In Nicholson

this name is spelt Da Lovel, p. 305. This

seems to be the ancient family of Dulavel, of

Seaton Delaval, in Northumberland, whose

ancestor was one of the twenty-five barons

appointed to be guardians of Magna Charta.

Ver. 117, Rugbè.] The ancient family of

Rokeby, in Yorkshire, seems to be here in-

tended. In Thoresby's Ducat. I cod. p. 253.

fol. is a genealogy of this house, by which it

appears that the head of the family, about

the time when this ballad was written, was

Sir Ralph Rokeby, Knt. Ralph being a com-

mon name of the Rokebys.

Ver. 119, Wetharlington.] Rog. de Wid-

rington was sheriff of Northumberland in 36

of Edw. III. (Fuller, p. 311.) Joh. de Wid-

rington in 11 Hen. IV., and many others

of the same name afterwards. See also

Nichulson, p. 331. Of this family was the

late Lord Withrington.

Ver. 124, Mongomery.] Sir Hugh Mont-

gomery was son of John Lord Montgomery,

the lineal ancestor of the present Earl of Egl-

linton.

Ver. 125, Lwdale.] The ancient family of the

Liddells were originally from Scotland, where

they were Lords of Liddell Castle, and of the

barony of Buff. (Vid. Collins's Peerage.) The

head of this family is the present Lord Ra-

vensworth, of Ravensworth Castle, in the

county of Durham.

IN THE BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE.

Ver. 101, Mentaye.] At the time of this

battle, the Earldom of Menteith was possess-

ed by Robert Stewart, Earl of Fife, third son

of King Robert II., who, according to Buch-

anan, commanded the Scots that entered by

Carlisle. But our minstrel had probably an

eye to the family of Graham, who had this

earldom when the ballad was written. See

Douglas's Peerage of Scotland, 1764, fol.

Ver. 103, Huntleye.] This shows this bal-

lad was not composed before 1449 ; for in

that year Alexander Lord of Gordon and

Huntley was created Earl of Huntley by

King James II.

Ver. 105, Bowhan.] The Earl of Buchan

at that time was Alexander Stewart, fourth

son of King Robert II.

Ver. 107. Jhonstone—Maxwell.] These

V. 165, Percy es, Harl. MS.

two familios of Johnstune, Lord of Johnston, and Maxwell, Lord of Maxwell, were always very powerul on tho borders. Of the formar family was Johnston Marquis of Annandale; of the latter was Maxwell Earl of Nithsdale.

I cannot find that any chiof of this family was namod Sir Hugh; but Sir Herbert Maxwell was about this time much distinguished.

(See Doug.) This might have been originally written Sir H. Maxwell, and by transcribers converted into Sir Hugh. So above, in No I. v. 90, Richard is contracted into Ric.

Ver. 109, Swynton,] i. e. The Laird of Swintone ; a small village within the Scottish border, 3 miles from Norham. This family still subsists, and is vory ancient.

Ver. 111, Scotte.] The illustrious family of Scot, ancestors of the Duke of Buccleugh, always made a great figure on the borders.

Sir Walter Scot was at the head of this family when the battle was fought; but his grandson, Sir David Scot, was the hero of that house when the ballad was written.

Ilid. Stowardo.] The person here designed was probably Sir Walter Stowart, Lord of Dalswinton and Gairlies, who was ominent at that time. (See Doug.) From him is descended the present Earl of Galloway.

Ver. 112, Agurstoune.] Tho scant of this family was sometimes subject to the Kings of Scotland. Thus Richardus IIagerstoun, miles, is one of the Scottish knights who signed a treaty with the English in 1249, temp. Hen. III. (Nicholson, p. 2, note.) It was the fate of many parts of Northumberland often to change their masters, according as the Scot- tish or English arms prevailed.

Ver. 129, Morrey.] The person here meant was probably Sir Charles Murray of Cock- poolo, who flourished at that time, and was ancestor of the Murrays some time Earls of Annandale. See Doug. Peerage.

Ver. 139, Fitz-hughe.] Dugdale (in his Baron, vol. i. p. 403) informs us that John, son of Henry Lord Fitzhugh, was killed at the battle of Otterbourne. This was a North- umberland family. Vid. Dugd. p. 403, col. 1, and Nicholson, pp. 33, 60.

Ver. 141, Harebotell.] Harbottle is a village upon the rive Coquet, about 10 miles west of Rothbury. The family of Harbottle was once considerable in Northumberland.

(See Fuller, pp. 312, 313.) A daughter of Guischard Harbottle, Esq., married Sir Thomas Percy, knt., son of Henry, the fifth, and father of Thomas, the seventh, Earls of Northumberland.

III.

The 3ew's 3auglter.

A SCOTTISH BALLAD,

— Is founded upon the supposed practice of the Jews in crucifying or otherwise murdering Christian children, out of hatred to the religion of their parents ; a practice which hath been always alleged in excuse for the cruelties exercised upon that wretched people, but which probably never happened in a single instance.

For, if we consider, on the one hand, the ignorance and superstition of the times when such stories took their rise, the virulent prejudices of the monks who recorded them, and the eagerness with which they would be catched up by the barbarous popula- lace as a pretence for plunder ; on the other hand, the great danger incurred by the per- petrators, and the inadequate motives they could have to excite them to a crime of so much horror ; we may reasonably conclude the whole charge to be groundless and malicious.

The following ballad is probably built upon some Italian Legend, and bears a great resemblance to the Prioresse's Tale in Chaucer: the poet seems also to have had an eye to the known story of Hugh of Lincoln, a child said to have been there murdered by the Jews in the reign of Henry III. The conclusion of this ballad appears to be wanting: what it probably contained may be seen in Chaucer.

As for Mirryland Toun, it is pro- 9

bably a corruption of Milan (called by the Dutch Meylandt) Town : the Pa is evidently the river Po, although the Adige, not the Po, runs through Milan.

Printed from a MS. copy sent from Scotland.

The rain rins doun through Mirry-land toune,

Sae dois it doune the Pa:

Sae dois the lads of Mirry-land toune,

Quhan they play at the ba'.

Than out and cam the Jewis dochter,

Said, Will ye cum in and dine?

" I winnae cum in, I cannae cum in,

Without my play-feres nine."

Seho powd an apple reid and white

To intice the zong thing in :

Seho powd an apple white and reid,

And that the sweit bairne did win.

And scho has taine out a little pen-knife,

And low down by her gair,

Scho has twin'd the zong thing and his life ;

A word he nevir spak mair.

And out and cam the thick thick bluid,

And out and cam the thin ;

And out and cam the bonny herts bluid :

Thair was nae life left in.

Scho laid him on a dressing borde,

And drest him like a swine,

And laughing said, Gae now and pley

With zour sweit play-feres nine.

Scho rowd him in a cake of lead,

Bade him lie stil and sloip.

Scho cast him in a deip draw-well,

Was fifty fadom deip.

Quhan bells wer rung, and mass was sung,

And every lady went hame :

Than ilka lady had her zong sonne,

Bot Lady Helen had nane.

Scho rowd hir mantil hir about,

And sair sair gan she weip :

And she ran into the Jewis castel,

Quhan they wer all asleip.

My bonny Sir Hew, my pretty Sir Hew.

I pray thee to me spik.

" O lady, rinn to the deip draw-well,

Gin ze zour sone wad seik."

Lady Helen ran to the deip draw-well,

And kneit upon her kne :

My bonny Sir Hew, and ze be here,

I pray thee speik to me.

" The lead is wondrous heavy, mither,

The well is wondrous deip,

A keen pen-knife sticks in my hart,

A word I dounae spick."

Gae hame, gae hame, my mither deir,

Fetch me my winding sheet,

And at the back o' Mirry-land toun

Its thair we twa sall meet."

IV.

Sir Cauline.

This old romantic tale was preserved in the Editor's folio MS., but in so very defective and mutilated a condition (not from any chasm in the MS., but from great omission in the transcript, probably copied from the faulty recitation of some illiterate minstrel), and the whole appeared so far short of the perfection it seemed to deserve, that the

Editor was tempted to add several stanzas in the first part, and still more in the second, to connect and complete the story in the manner which appeared to him most interesting and affecting.

There is something peculiar in the metre of this old ballad : it is not unusual to meet with redundant stanzas of six lines; but this

occasional insertion of a double third or fourth line, as ver. 31, &c., is an irregularity I do not reucmber to have seen elsewhere.

It may be proper to inform the reader before he comes to Pt. 2, v. 110, 111, that the Round Table was not peculiar to the reign of King Arthur, but was common in all the ages of Chivalry. The proclaiming a great tournament (probably with some peculiar solemnities) was called "holding a Round Table." Dugdalo tells us that the great baron Roger de Mortimer "having procured the honour of knighthood to be conferred 'on his thre sons' by K. Edw. I., he, at his own costs, caused a tourncament to be held at Kenilworth; where he sumptiously entertained an hundred knights, and as many ladies, for three days; the like whereof was never before in England; and there began the Round Table (so called by reason that the place wherein they practised those feats was environed with a strong wall made in a round form:) And upon the fourth day, the golden lion, in sign of triumph, being yielded to him; he carried it (with all the company) to Warwick."-It may further be udded, that Matthew Paris frequently calls justs and tournamonts Hustiludia Mensæ Rotundæ.

As to what will be observed in this ballad of the art of healing being practised by a young princess; it is no more than what is usual in all the old romances, and was conformable to real manners: it being a practice derived from the earliest times among all the Gothic and Celtic nations, for women even of the highest rank, to exercise the art of surgery. In the Northern Chronicles we always find the young damsels stancking the wounds of their lovers, and the wives those of their husbands.* And even so late as the time of Quecn Elizabeth, it is mentioned among the accomplishments of the ladies of her court, that the "oldest of them are skilful in surgery." See Harrison's Description of England, prefixed to Hollingshed's Chronicle, &c.

THE FIRST PART.

In Ireland, ferr over the sea, There dwelleth a bonnye kinge; And with him a yong and comlye knight, Men call him Syr Cauline.

The kinge had a ladye to his daughter, In fashyon she hath no peere; And princely wightes that ladye wooed To be theyr wedded feore.

Syr Cauline loveth her best of all, But nothing durst he saye; Ne desceave his counsayl to no man, But deerlye he lovde this may.

Till on a daye it so beffell, Great dill to him was dight; The maydens love removde his mynd, To care-bedd went the knighte.

One while he spred his armes him fro, One while he spred them nyo: And ayo! but I winne that ladyes love, For dole now I mun die.

And whan our parish-masse was done, Our kinge was bowne to dyne: He sayes, Where is Syr Cauline, That is wont to serve the wyno?

Then aunswerde him a courteous knighte, And fast his handes gan wringe: Sir Cauline is sicke, and like to dye Without a good leechinge.

Fetehe me downe my daughter deore, She is a leeche fulle fine: Goe take him doughle, and the baken bread, And serve him with the wyne soe red; Lothe I were him to tine.

Fair Christabelle to his chaumber goes, Hier maydens followyng nye: O well, she sayth, how doth my lord? O sicke, thou fayr ladyè.

Now rys up wightlyc, man for shame, Never lye soe cowardlee; For it is told in my fathers halle, You dye for love of mee.

Fayre ladyè, it is for your love That all this dill I drye: For if you wold comfort me with a kisse, Then were I brought from bale to blisse, No lenger wold I lye.

Sir knightè, my father is a kingè, I am his onlye heire;

66

SIR CAULINE.

Alas ! and well you knowre, syr knightc,

I never can be youre fore.

50

O ladye, thou art a linges daughter,

And I am not thy peere,

But let ine doe some dedes of armes

To be vour bachelecre.

Some dedes of armes if thou wilt doe,

55

My bachelecre to bee,

But ever and aye my heart wold rue,

Giff harm shold happe to thee,

Upon Elridge hill there groweth a thorne,

Upon the mores brodlinge;

60

And dare ye, syr knightc, wake there all

nighte

Untill the fayre mornge?

For the Eldridge knighto, so mickle of mightc,

Will examine you beforne :

65

And never man bare life awaye,

But he did him seath and scorne.

That knightc he is a fond paynim,

And large of limb and bone;

And but if heavcn may be thy speede,

70

Thy life it is but gone.

Nowe on the Eldridge hillcs Ile walke,*

For thy sake, faire ladie;

And Ile either bring you a ready token,

Or Ile never more you see.

The lady is gone to her own chambere,

75

Her maydens following brighte:

Syr Cauline lope from care-bed soone,

And to the Eldridge hillc is gone,

For to wake there all night.

Unto midnight, that the moone did rise,

80

He walked up and downe:

Then a lightsome bugle heard he blowe

Over the bents soe browne;

Quoth hee, If cryance come till my heart,

I am ffar from any good towne.

85

And soone he spyde on the mores so broad,

A furyous wight and fell;

A ladye bright his brydcle led,

Clad in a fayre kyrtecll;

And soo fast he called on Syr Caullno,

90

O man, I rede thee flye,

For 'but' if cryancee comcs till my heart,

I weene but thou mun dye.

He sayth, 'No' cryancee comcs till my heart,

Nor in fayth, I wyll not fle ;

95

For, cause thou minged not Christ beforc,

The less me dreadech thee.

The Eldridge knightc, he pricked his stced ;

Syr Cauline bold abode:

Then either shooke his trustye speare,

100

And the timber those two children* bare

Soe soone in sunder slode.

Then toolke they out theyr two good swordes,

And layden on full faste,

Till helme and havberke, mail and shoelde,

105

They all wore well-nye brast.

The Eldridge knight was mickle of might,

And stiffe in stower did stande,

But Syr Cauline with a 'bckward' stroke

He smote off his right hand ;

110

That soone he with paine and lacke of bloud

Fell downe on that lay-land.

Then up Syr Cauline lift his brando

All over his head so hye:

And here I swcire by the holy roode,

115

Nowe caytiffe, thou shalt dye.

Then up and came that ladye brighte,

Fast wringing of her hande:

For the maydens love, that most you love,

Withold that dedlye brande :

120

For the maydens love, that most you love,

Now smyte no more I praye ;

And aye whatcver thou wilt, my lord,

He shall thy hosts obaye.

124

Now swearc to mee, thou Eldridge knightc,

And here on this lay-land,

That thou wilt believe on Christ his laye,

And thereto plight thy hand :

And that thou never on Eldridge come

To sporte, gamon, or playe :

130

And that thou here give up thy armes

Until thy dying daye.

• i. e. Knights. See the Preface to Child Waters.

V. 109, aulkeward, MS.

The Eldridge knighte gave up his armes

With many a sorrowfulle sigho;

And sware to obey Syr Caulines hest,

Till the tyme that he sholde dye.

And he then up and the Eldridge knighte

Sett him in his saddle anone,

And the Eldridge knighte and his ladye

To theyr castle are they gone.

Then he tooke up the bloody hand,

That was so large of bone,

And on it he founde five ringes of gold

Of knightes that had be slone.

Then he tooke up the Eldridge sworde,

As hard as any flint :

And he tooke off those ringès five,

As bright as fyre and brent.

Home then pricked Syr Cauline

As light as leafe on tree:

I-wys he neither stint ne blanne,

Till he his lady see.

Then downe he knelt upon his kne

Beforo that lady guy :

O ladyo, I have hin on the Eldridge hills :

Those tokens I bring away.

Now welcome, welcome, Syr Cauline,

Thrice welcome unto mee,

For now I perceyve thou art a true knighte,

Of valour bolde and free.

O ladye, I am thy own true knighte,

Thy hests for to obaye :

And mought I hope to winne thy love !—

Ne more his tonge colde say.

The ladye blushed scarlette redde,

And fette a gentill sighe :

Alas ! syr knighte, how may this bee,

For my degre's soe highe?

But sith thou hast hight, thou comely youth,

To be my batahilere,

Ile promise if thee I may not wedde

I will have none other fere.

Then shee held forthe her lilly-white hand

Towards that knightete so free;

He gave to it one gentill kisse,

His heart was brought from bale to blisse,

The teares sterte from his ee.

But keep my counsayl, Syr Cauline,

No let no man it knowe ;

For and ever my futher sholde it ken,

I wot we wolde us sloc.

From that day forthe that ladye fayre

Lovde Syr Caulhe, the knighte:

From that day forthe he only joyde

Whan shee was in his sight.

Yea, and oftentimes they mette

Within a fayre arbdure,

Where they in love and sweet daliaunce

Past manye a pleasaunt houre.

†† In this conclusion of the First Part,

and at the begining of the Second, the reader

will observe a resemblaunce to the stury of

Sigismunda and Guiscard, as told by Boccace

and Dryden : see the latter's description of

the lovers meeting in the cave; and those

beautiful lines, which contain a reflection so

like this of our poet, "Livery white," &c. viz.

"But as extremes are short of ill and good,

And tides at highest mark regorge their

flood;

So fate, that could nomoreimprovetheir joy,

Took a malicious pleasure to destroy.

Tamered, who fondly loved, &c."

PART THE SECOND.

Everye white will have its blacke,

And everye sweete its sowre:

This founde the Ladye Christabelle

In an untimely howre.

For so it befelle, as Syr Cauline

Was with that ladye faire,

The kinge, her father, walked forthe

To take the evenyng aire:

And into the arboure as he went

To rest his wearye feet,

He founde his daughter and Syr Caullne

There sette in daliaunce sweet.

The kinge hee sterted forthe, i-wys,

And an angryè man was hee:

Nowe, traytoure, thou shalt hange or drawe,

And rowe shall thy ladle.

Then forthe Syr Cauline he was ledde,

And throwne in dungeon deepe :

68

SIR CAULINE.

And the ladye into a towre so hye

There left to wayle and weepe.

The queene she was Syr Caulines friend,

And to the kinge sayd shee :

I praye you save Syr Caulines life,

And let him banisht bee.

Now, dame, that traitor shall be sent

Across the salt sea forme :

But here I will make thee a band,

If ever he come within this land,

A foule deathe is his doome.

All woe-begone was that gentil knight

To parte from his ladyè ;

And many a time he sighed sore,

And cast a wistfulle eye :

Faire Christabelle, from thoe to parte,

Farre lever had I dye.

Faire Christabelle, that lady bright,

Was had forthe of the towre ;

But ever shoo droopeth in her minde,

As nipt by an ungentle winde

Doth some faire lillye flowre.

And ever shoo doth lament and weepe

To tint her lover soe :

Syr Cauline, thou little think'st on mee,

But I will still be true.

Many a kinge, and manye a duke,

And lorde of high degree,

Did suc to that fayre ladye of love ;

But never shoo wold them nee.

When manye a daye was past and gone,

Ne comforte she colde finde,

The kynge proclaimed a tournement,

To cheere his daughters mind :

And there came lords, and there came knights,

Fro manye a farre countryè,

To break a spere for theyr ladyes love

Before that faire ladyè . .

And many a ladye there was sette

In purple and in pallie :

But faire Christabelle soe woe-begone

Was the fayrest of them all.

Then manye a knight was mickle of might

Before his ladye gaye :

But a strangor wight, whom no man knowe,

He wan the prize oche daye.

His acton it was all of blacke,

His hewberke, and his sheelde,

Ne noe man wist whene he did come,

Ne noe man knew where he did gone,

When they came from the feelde.

And now three days were prestlye past

In feates of chivalrye,

When he upon the fourthe morninge

A sorrowfulle sight they see.

A hugye giaunt stiffe and starke,

All foule of limbo and lere ;

Two goggling eyen like fire farden,

A mouthe from eare to eare.

Before him came a dwarffe full lowe,

That waited on his kne,

And at his backe five heads he bare,

All wan and pale of bloe.

Sir, quoth the dwarffe, and louted lowe,

Behold that hend Soldàin !

Behold these heads I beare with me !

They are kings which he hath slain.

The Eldridge knight is his own cousine,

Whom a knight of thino hath shont :

And hee is come to avenge his wrong,

And to thee, all thy knightes among,

Defiance here hath sent.

But yette he will appease his wrath

Thy daughters love to winne :

And but thou yeelde him that fayre mayd,

Thy halls and towers must brenne .

Thy head, syr kinge, must goe with mee ;

Or èlse thy daughter deere ;

Or else within these lists soe broad

Thou must finde him a peere.

The kinge he turned him round aboute,

And in his heart was woe :

Is there never a knighto of my round tablè,

This matter will undergoe ?

Is there never a knighte amongst yee all

Will fight for my daughter and mee ?

Whoever will fight yon grimme soldàn,

Right fair his neede shall bee.

For hee shall have my broad lay-lands,

And of my crowne be heyre;

And he shall winne fayre Christabella

To be his wo:lded fere.

But every knighto of his round table

Did stand both still and pale:

For wheneuer they lookt on the grim soldan,

It made their hearts to quail.

All woe-begone was that fayre ladyè,

When she sawe no helpe was nye:

She cast her thought on her owne true-love,

And the tcarcs gusht from her eye.

Up then sterte the stranger knighte,

Sayd, ladyè, be not afrayd :

He fight for thee with his grimme soldàn,

Though he be unmacklye made.

And if thou wilt lend me the Eldridge swordo,

That yoth within thy bowre,

I trust in Christe for to slay this fienda

Though he be stiffe in stowre.

Goe fetch him downe the Eldridge sworde,

The king he cryde, with speede:

Nowe heavon assist thou, courtcous knighte;

My daughter is thy meede.

The gyaunt he stopped into the lists,

And sayd, A waye, awaye :

I sweare, as I am the hond soldàn,

Thou lettest me hero all daye.

Then forthe the stranger knight he came

In his blacke armourc dight ;

The ladyè sighed a geantlc sighe,

"That this were my true knighte!"

And nowe the gyaunt and knighte be mett

Within the lists see broad ;

And now with swordes soe sharpe of steele,

They gan to lay on load.

The soldan strucke the knighto a stroke,

That made him reele asyde ;

Then woe-begone was that fayre ladyè

And thrice shee deeplie sighde.

The soldan strucke a second stroke,

And made the bloude to flowe :

All pale and wan was that ladyè fayre,

And thrice she wept for woe.

The soldan struclie a third fell stroke,

Whieh brought the knighte on his knec :

Sad sorow pierced that ladyes heart,

And she shriek't loud shriekings threc.

The knighte he leapt upon his feete,

All ficklesse of the pain :

Quoth hee, But hearen be now my speede,

Or els I shall be slaine.

He grasped his sworde with mayne and

mighte,

And spying a secrete part,

He drave it into the soldan's syde,

And pierced him to the heart.

Then all the people gave a shoute,

When they sawc the soldan falle :

The ladyè wept, and thanked Christ,

That had reskewed her from thrall.

And nowe the kingc with all his barons

Rose uppe from offo his seate,

And downe he stepped into the listes,

That courteous knighte to greete.

But he for payne and lack of bloude

Was fallen into a swounde,

And there all waltering in his gore,

Lay lifelessc on the grounde.

Come downe, come downe, my daughter deare,

Thou art a lcrchc of skille ;

Farre lever had I lose halfe my landes,

Than this good knighte sholde spille.

Downe then steppeth that fayre ladyè

To helpe him if she maye ;

But when she did his beavero raisc,

It is my life, my lord, she sayes,

And shriek'te and swound awaye.

Sir Cauline juste lifte up his eyes

When he heard his ladyè crye,

O ladyè, I am thine owne true love ;

For thee I wisht to dye.

Then giving her one partinge looke,

He closed his eyes in death,

Ere Christabelle, that ladyè milde,

Begane to drawe her breathe.

But when she found her comelye knighte

Indeed was deade and gone,

She layde her pale old checke to his,

And thus she made her moane :

70

EDWARD, EDWARD.

O staye, my deare and onlye lord,

For mee thy faithfull feere;

"Tis meot that I shold followe thee,

Who hast bought my love soe deare.

Then fayntinge in a dendylyo swomme,

And with a deepe-fetle sighe,

That burst her gentlo hearte in twayne

Fayre Christabelle did dye.

V.

A SCOTTISH BALLAD.

From a MS. copy transmltted from Scotland.

Quhy dois zour brand sae drop wi' bluid,

Edward, Edward?

Quhy dois zour brand sae drop wi' bluid?

And quhy sae sad gang zee, O?

O, I hae killed my hauke sae guid,

Mither, mither :

O, I hae killed my hauke sae guid :

And I had nae mair bot hee, O.

Zour haukis bluid was nevir sae reid,

Edward, Edward.

Zour haukis bluid was nevir sae reid,

My deir son I tell thee, O.

O, I hae killed my reid-roan steid,

Mither, mither :

O, I hae killed my reid-roan steid,

That erst was sae fair and free, O.

Zour steid was auld, and ze hae gat mair,

Edward, Edward :

Zour steid was auld, and ze hae gat mair,

Sum other dule ze drie, O.

O, I hae killed my fadir deir,

Mither, mither :

O, I hae killed my fadir deir,

Alas! and wae is mee, O !

And quhatten penance wul ze drie for that,

Edward, Edward ?

And quhatten penance will ze drie for that?

My deir son, now tell me, O.

Ile set my feit in zonder boat,

Mither, mither :

Ile set my feit in zonder boat,

And Ile fare ovir the sea, O.

And quhat wul ze doe,wi' zour towiers and

zour ha',

Edward, Edward?

Aud quhat wul ze doe wi' zour towiers and

zour ha',

That ware sae fair to see, O ?

Ile let thame stand til they down fa',

Mither, mither :

Ile let thame stand til they down fa',

For here novir mair man I hae, O.

And quhat wul ze leive to zour hairns and

zour wife,

Edward, Edward !

And quhat wul ze leive to zour hairns and

zour wife,

Quhatn ze gang ovir the sea, O ?

The warldis room, let thame beg throw

life,

Mither, mither :

The warldis room, let thame beg throw

life,

For thame novir mair wul I see, O.

And quhat wul ze leive to zour ain mither

deir,

Edward, Edward?

And quhat wul ze leive to zour ain mither

deir?

My deir son, now tell me, O.

The curse of hell frae me sall ze beir,

Mither, mither :

The curse of hell frae me sall ze beir,

Sic counsels ze gave to me, O.

This curious Song was transmltted to the

Editor by Sir David Dalrymple, Bart., late

Lord Hailes.

KING ESTMERE.

71

VI.

King Estmere.

This old Romantic Legend (which is given from two copies, one of them in the Editor's folio MS., but which contained very great variations) bears marks of considerable antiquity, and perhaps ought to have taken place of any in this volume. It should seem to have been written while part of Spain was in the hands of the Saracens or Moors; whose empire there was not fully extinguished before the year 1491. The Mahometans are spoken of in ver. 49, &c., just in the same terms as in all other old Romances. The author of the ancient Legend of Sir Bevis represents his hero, upon all occasions, breathing out defiance against

"Mahound and Termagaunte;"*

and so full of zeal for his religion, as to return the following polite message to a Paynim king's fair daughter, who had fallen in love with him, and sent two Saracen knights to invite him to herbower :

"I wyll not ones stirre off this ground,

To speake with an heathen hounde.

Unchristen houndes, I rede you fle,

Or I your harte bloud shall so."†

Indeed they return the compliment by calling him elsewhere "A Christen hounde."‡

This was conformable to the real manners of the barbarous ages : perhaps the same excuse will hardly serve our bard; for that the Adland should be found lolling or leaning at his gate (ver. 35) may be thought perchance a little out of character. And yet the great painter of manners, Homer, did not think it inconsistent with decorum to represent a king of the Taphian leaning at the gate of Ulysses to inquire for that monarch, when he touched at Ithaca as he was taking a voyage with a ship's cargo of iron to dispose in traffic.§ So little ought we to judge of ancient manners by our own.

Before I conclude this article, I cannot help observing that the reader will see, in this ballad, the character of the old Minstrels (those successors of the bards) placed in a very respectable light;* here he will see one of them represented mounted on a fine horse, accompanied with an attendant to bear his harp after him, and to sing the poems of his composing. Here we will see him mixing in the company of kings without ceremony: no mean proof of the great antiquity of this poem. The further we carry our inquiries back, the greater respect we find paid to the professors of poetry and music among all the Celtic and Gothic nations. Their character was deemed so sacred, that under its sanction

our famous King Alfred (as we have already seen†) made no scruple to enter the Danish camp, and was at once admitted to the king's head-quarters.‡ Our poet has suggested the same expedient to the heroes of this ballad.

All the histories of the North are full of the great reverence paid to this order of men. Harold Harfagre, a celebrated king of Norway, was wont to send them at his table above all the officers of his court: and we find another Norwegian king placing five of them by his side in a day of battle, that they might be eye-witnesses of the great exploits they were to celebrate.§ As to Estmere's riding into the hall while the kings were at table, this was usual in the ages of chivalry; and even to this day we see a relic of this custom still kept up, in the champion's riding into Westminster-hall during the coronation dinner.||

Some liberties have been taken with this tale by the Editor, but none without notice to the reader, in that part which relates to the subject of the Harper and his attendant.

• See Note subjoined to 1st Pt. of Beggar of Bednall, &c.

† See the Essay on the ancient Minstrels prefixed to this work.

‡ Even so late as the time of Froissart, we find Minstrels and Heralds mentioned together, as those who might securely go into an enemy's country. Cap. xli.

§ Bartholini Antiq. Dan. p. 173.—Northern Antiquities, &c., vol. i. pp. 388, 389, &c.

|| See also the account of Edward II., in the Essay on the Minstrels, and Note (X.)

• See a short Memoir at the end of this Ballad, Note ††.

† Sign C ii. b.

‡ Slgn. C i. b.

§ Odyss. A. 105.

10

72

KING EST'MERE.

Hearken to me, gentlemen,

Come and you shall heare;

Ile tell you of two of the boldest brethren

That ever borne y-were.

The tone of them was Adler younge,

The tother was Kyng Estmere;

The were as bolde men in their deeds,

As any were farr and neare.

As they were drinking ale and wine

Within Kyng Estmeres halle:

When will ye marry a wyfe, brothèr,

A wyfe to glad us all?

Then bespake him Kyng Estmere,

And answered him hastilie:

I know not that ladye in any land

That's able* to marrye with mee.

Kyng Adland hath a daughter, brother,

Men call her bright and sheene;

If I were kyng here in your stead,

That ladye shold be my queene.

Saies, Reade me, reade me, deare brother,

Throughout merry England,

Where we might find a messenger

Betwixt us towe to sende.

Saies, You shal ryde yourselfe, brother,

Ile beare you companye;

Many throughe fals messengers are deceived,

And I feare lest soe should wee.

Thus the renisht them to ryde

Of twoe good renisht steeds,

And when the came to King Adlands halle,

Of redd gold shone their weeds.

And when the came to Kyng Adlands hall

Before the goodlye gate,

There they found good Kyng Adlànd

Rearing himselfe theratt.

Now Christ thee save, good Kyng Adlànd;

Now Christ you save and see,

Said, You be welcome, King Estmere,

Right hartilye to mee.

You have a daughter, said Adler younge,

Men call her bright and sheene,

My brothèr wold marrye her to his wifè,

Of Englande to be queene.

Yestorday was att my deere daughter

Syr Bremor the Kyng of Spayne;

And then she nickèd him of naye,

And I dobt sheddo do you the same.

The Kyng of Spayne is a foule paynim,

And 'leeueth on Mahound;

And pitye it were that fyre ladyè

Shold marrye a heathen hound.

But grant to me, sayes Kyng Estmere,

For my love I you praye;

That I may see your daughter deere

Before I goe hence awaye.

Although itt is seven yeers and more

Since my daughter was in hallo,

She shall come once downe for your sake

To glad my gestès alle.

Downe then came that mayden fayre,

With ladyes luced in pall,

And halfe a hundred of bold knightes,

To bring hor from howre to hall;

And as many gentile squiers,

To tend upon them all.

The talants of golde were on her head sette,

Hanged low downe to her knec;

And everye ring on her small fingèr

Shone of the chrystall free.

Saies, God you save, my deere madàm;

Saies, God you save and see.

Said, You be welcome, Kyng Estmere,

Right welcome unto mee.

And if you love me, as you saye,

Soe well and hartilie,

All that ever you are comen about

Soone sped now itt shal bee.

Then bespake her father deare;

My daughter, I saye naye;

Remember well the Kyng of Spayne;

What he sayd yesterdaye.

He wold pull downe my halles and castles,

And reave me of my lyfe,

V. 3, brethor, fol. MS. V. 10, his brother's hall, fol. MS.

V. 14, hartilye, fol. MS.—V. 27, Many a man . . .is, fol. MS.

• He means fit, suitable.

V. 46, The king his sonne of Spayn, fol. MS

KING EST'MERE.

I cannot blame him if he doe,

If I reave him of his wyfe.

Your castle and your towres, father,

Are stronglye built aboute;

And therefore of the King of Spaine

Wee neede not stande in doubt.

Plight me your troth, nowe, Kyng Estmere,

By heaven and your righte hand,

That you will marrye me to your wyfe,

And make me quene of your land.

Then King Estmere he plight his troth

By heaven and his righte hand,

That he wolde marrye her to his wyfe,

And make her quene of his land.

And he tooko leave of that ladyo fayre,

To goo to his owne countree,

To fetche him dukes and lordes and knightes,

That marryed the might boe.

They had notridden sout a myle,

A myle forthe of the towne,

But in did come the Kyng of Spayne,

With kempès many one.

But in did come the Kyng of Spayne,

With manyo a bold barùne,

Tone day to marrye King Adlands daughter,

Tother daye to carrye her home.

Sheo sent one after Kyng Estmère

In all the spede might boe,

That he must either turne againe and fighte,

Or goe home and loose his ladyè.

One whyle then the page he went,

Another while he ranne;

Till he had oretaken King Estmere,

I wis, he never blanne.

Tydings, tydings, Kyng Estmere !

What tydinges nowe, my boye ?

O tydinges I can tell to you,

That will you sore annoyo.

You had not ridden scant a mile,

A mile out of the towne,

But in did come the Kyng of Spayne

With kempès many a one:

85|But in did come the Kyng of Spayne

With manye a bolld barùne,

Tone daye to marrye King Adlands daughter,

Tother daye to carrye her home.

My ladye fayre she greetes you well,

And ever-more well by mee;

You must either turne againe and fighte,

Or goe home and loose your ladyè.

Saies, Reade me, reade me, deore brothèr,

My reade shall ryde* at thec,

Whether it is better to turne and fighte,

Or goe home and loose my ladyè.

Now hearken to me sayes Adler yonge,

And your reade must riset† at me,

I quicklye will devise a waye

To sette thy lady free.

My mother was a westerne woman,

And learned in gramaryè.‡

And whon I learned at the schole,

Somthing sheo taught itt mee.

Therè growes an hearbe within this field,

And iff it were but knowne,

His color, which is whyte and redd,

It will make blacke and browne :

His color, which is browne and blacke,

Itt will make redd and whyte;

That sworde is not in all Englande,

Upon his coate will byte.

And you shal be a harper, brother,

Out of the north countryè;

And Ile be your boy, soc faine of fighte,

And beare your harpe by your knee.

And you shal be the best harpèr,

That ever tookè harpe in hand;

And I wil be the best singèr,

That ever sung in this lande.

Itt shal be written in our foreheads

All and in grammarè,

That we towe are the boldest men

That are in all Christentyè.

And thus they renisht them to ryde,

On towe good renish steedes;

v. 89. of the king his sonne of Spaine, fol. MS.

• Sic MS. It should probably be ryse, i. e. my course shall ariso from thee. See ver. 140.

† Sic MS. ‡ See at the end of this ballad, note ‡.

74

KING ESTMERE.

And when they came to King Adlands hall,

Of redd gold shone their woedes. 170

And whan the came to Kyng Adlands hall,

Untill the fayre hall yate,

There they found a proud porter

Rouring himselffe theratt.

Sayes, Christ thee save, thou proud porter ;

Sayes, Christ thee save and see.

Nowe you be welcome, sayd the porter,

Of what land suever ye bee.

Wee becone harpers, sayd Adler younge,

Come out of the northe countrye ; 180

Wee becone come hither untill this place,

This proud weddinge for to see.

Sayd, And your color were weite and redd,

As it is blacke and browne,

I would saye King Estmere and his brother

Were comen untill this towne. 186

Then they pulled out a ryng of gold,

Lyd itt on the porters arme :

And ever we will thee, proud porter,

Thow wilt saye us no harme. 190

Sure he looked on Kyng Estmère;

And sore he handled the ryng,

Then opened to them the fayre hall yates,

He lett for no kynd of thyng.

Kyng Estmere he stabled his steede 195

Soe fayre att the hall bord ;

The froth, that came from his brydle bitto,

Light in King Bremors beard.

Saies, Stable thy steed, thy proud harpèr,

Saies, stable him in the stalle; 200

It doth not beseeme a proud harpèr

To stable 'him' in a kyngs halle.

My ladde he is so lither, he said,

He will doe nought that's meete;

And is there any man in this hall

Were able him to beate ? 205

Thou speakest proud words, sayes the King of Spaine,

Thou harper, here to mee ;

There is a man within this halle

Will beate thy ladd and thee. 210

O let that man come downe, he said,

A sight of him would I see ;

And when hee hath beaten well my ladd,

Then he shall beate of mee.

Downe then came the kemperye man 215

And looked him in the eare;

For all the gold, that was under heaven,

He durst not neigh him neare.

And how nowe, kempe, said the Kyng of

Spaine,

And how what aildeth thee ? 220

He saies, It is writ in his forehead

All and in gramaryè,

That for all the gold that is under heaven

I dare not neigh him nye.

Then Kyng Estmere pulld forth his harpe,

And plaid a pretty thinge : 226

The ladye upstart from the bordè,

And would have gone from the king.

Stay thy harpe, thou proud harpèr,

For Gods love I pray thee, 230

For and thou playes as thou beginns,

Thou'lt tillx my bryde from mee.

He stroke upon his harpe againe,

And playd a protty thinge ;

The ladye lough a loud laughter,

As shee sate by the king. 235

Saies, Sell me thy harpe, thou proud harper,

And thy stringes all,

For as many gold nobles ' thou shalt have'

As heere bee ringes in the hall. 240

What wold yo doe with my harpe, 'he sayd,'

If I did sell it yee?

"To playe my wife and me a Fitt,†

When abed together wee bee." 244

Now sell me, quoth hee, thy bryde soe gay,

As shee sits by thy knee,

And as many gold nobles I will give,

As leaves been on a tree.

And what wold ye doe with my bryde soe

gay,

Iff I did sell her thee? 250

More seemelye it is for her fayre bodye

To lye by mee then thee.

• i. e. entice. Vld. Gloss.

† i. e. a tune, or strain of music. See Gloss.

V. 202, To stable his steede, fol. MS.

KING ESTMERE.

75

Hee played agayne both loud and shrille,

And Adler he did syng,

"O ladye, this is thy owne true love; 255

Nue harper, but a kyng."

'O ladye, this is thy owne true love,

As playnlye thou mayst see;

And Ile rid thee of that foule paynim,

Who partes thy love and thee." 260

The ladye looked, the ladye blushte,

And blushte and lookt aguyne,

While Adler he hath drawne his brande,

And hath the Sowdan slayne.

Up then rose the kemperye men, 265

And loud they gan to orye :

Ah! traytors, yee have slayne our kyng

And therfore yee shall dye.

Kyng Estmere throwe the harpe asyde,

And swith he drew his brand;

And Estmero he, and Adler yonge

Right stiffe in stour can stand. 270

And aye their swordes soo sore can byte,

Througho help of Gramarye,

That soone they have slayne the kempery

men,

Or forst them forth to fleo. 275

Kyng Estmere looke that fayre ladyè,

And marryed her to his wiffe,

And brought her home to merry England

With her to lede his life. 280

_ The word Gramarye, which occurs several times in the foregoing poem, is probably

a corruption of the French word Grimoire,

which signifies a conjuring book in the old

French romances, if not the art of necromancy itself.

†† Termagaunt (mentioned above), is the

name given in the old romances to the god of

the Saracens : in which he is constantly linked with Mahound, or Mahomet. Thus in the

legend of Syr Guy, the Soudan (Sultan) swears,

"So helpe me Mahowne of might,

And Termagaunt my God so bright."

Sign. p. iij. b.

Ver. 253, Some liberties have been taken in the following

stanzas; but wherever this Edition differs from the pre-eding, 't hath been brought nearer to the folio MS.

This word is derived by the very learned editor of Junius, from the Anglo-Saxon 'Tyn

very, and wagan mighty.—As this word had

so sublime a derivation, and was so applicable to the true God, how shall we account for

its being so degraded? Perhaps Tynmagan

or 'Termagant' had been a name originally

given to some Saxon idol, before our ancestors

were converted to Christianity; or had been

the peculiar attribute of one of their false deities; and therfore the first Christian missionaries rejected it as profane and improper

to be applicd to the true God. Afterwards,

when the irruptions of the Saracens into Europe, and the Crusades into the East, had

brought them acquainted with a new species

of unbelievers, our ignorant ancestors, who

thought all that did not receive the Christian

law were necessarily pagans and idolaters,

supposed the Mahometan creed was, in all

respects, the same with that of their pagan

forefathers, and therfore made no scruple to

give the ancient name of Termagant to the

God of the Saracens: just in the same manner as they afterwards used the name of Sarazen to express any kind of pagan or idolater.

In the ancient romance of Merline (in the

Editor's folio MS.) the Saxons themselres

that came over with Hengist, because they

were not Christians, are constantly called

Sarazens.

However that be, it is certain that, after

the times of the Crusadles, both Mahound

and Termagaunt made their frequent appearance in the pageants and religious interludes

of the barbarous ages; in which they were

exhibited with gestures so furious and frantic,

as to become proverbial. Thus Skelton speaks

of Wolsey :

"Like Mahound in a play,

No man dare him withsay."

Ed. 1736, p. 158.

In like manner Bale, describing the thrents

used by some papist magistrates to his wife,

speaks of them as "grennnyng upon her lyke

Termagauntes in a playe."—[Actes of Engl.

Votaryes, pt. 2, fo. 83, ed. 1550, 12mo.]

Accordingly, in a letter of Edward Alleyn,

the founder of Dulwich College, to his wife

or sister,* who, it seems, with all her fellows

(the players), had been "by my Lorde Maiors

officer [s] mad to rid in a cart," he expresses

his concern that she should "fall into the

• See Lysons's "Environs of London, 4to. vol. i.

lands of such Tarmagants." [So the orig. dated May 2, 1593, preserved by the care of the Rev. Thomas Jeyns Smith, Fellow of Dulw. Coll.]—Hence we may conceive the force of Hamlet's expression in Shakspcare, where, condemning a ranting player, he says, "I could have such a fellow whipt for ore-doing Termagant: it out-herods Herod." A. iii. sc. 3.—By degrees, the word came to be applied to an outrageous turbulent person, and especially to a violent brawling woman ; to whom alone it is now confined, and this the rather as, I suppose, the character of Termagant was auciently represented on the stage after the eastern mode, with long robes or petticoats.

Another frequent character in the old pa-geants or interludes of our ancestors, was the sowdan, or soldan, representing a grim eastern tyrant ; this appears from a curious passage in Stow's Annals [p. 458]. In a stage-play, "the people know right well, that he that plaicth the sowdain is percase a sowter [shoc-

maker] ; yet if one should cal him by his owne name, while he standeth in his majestie, one of his tormentors might hap to break his head." The sowdan or soldan, was a name given to the Sarazen king (being only a more rude pronumciation of the word sultan), as the soldan of Egypt, the soldan of Persia, the sowdan of Babylon, &c., who were generally represented as accompanied with grim Sarazons, whose businoss it was to punish and torment Christians. I cannot conclude this short memoir, without observing that the French romancers, who had borrowed the word termagant from us, and applied it as we in their old romances, corrupted it into Tervaguante : and from them La Fontaine took it up, and has used it more than once in his tales.—This may be added to the other proofs adduced in this volume, of the great intercourse that formerly subsisted between the old minstrels and legendary writers of both nations, and that they mutually borrowed each others' romances.

VII.

Sir 9patridk Spence,

A SCOTTISH BALLAD,

—is given from two MS. copies, transmitted from Scotland. In what age the hero of this ballad lived, or when this fatal expedition happened that proved so destructive to the Scots nobles, I have not been able to discover ; yet am of opinion, that their catastrophe is not altogether without foundation in history, though it has escaped my own researches. In the infancy of narigation, such as used the northern seas were very liable to shipwreck in the wintry months: hence a law was enacted in the reign of James III. (a law which was frequently repeated afterwards), "That there be na schip franched out of the realm, with any staple gudes, fra the feast of Simons-day and Jude, unto the feast of the purification of our lady called Candelmess." Jam. III. Parlt. 2, ch. 15. In some modern copies, instead of Patrick Spence bath been substituted the name of Sir Andrew Wood, a famous Scottish admiral

who flourished in the time of our Edw. IV., but whose story hath nothing in common with this of the ballad. As Wood was the most noted warrior of Scotland, it is probable that, like the Theban Hercules, he hath engrossed the renown of other heroes.

The king sits in Dumferling toune, Drinking the blude-reid wine : O quhar will I get guid sailòr, To sail this schip of mine ?

Up and spak an eldern knicht, Sat at the kings richt kne : Sir Patrick Spence is the best sailòr, That sails upon the so.

The king has written a braid letter,* And signd it wi' his hand;

• A braid letter, i. e. open, or patent; in opposition to close Rolls.

ROBIN HOOD AND GUY OF GISBORNE.

77

And sent it to Sir Patrick Spence,

Was walking on the sand.

The first line that Sir Patrick red,

A loud lauch launched he :

The next line that Sir Patrick red,

Tho teir blindod his ee.

O quha is this has don this deid,

This ill deid don to me;

To send me out this time o' the zeir,

To sail upon the se ?

Mak hast, mak haste, my mirry men all,

Our gaid schip sails the morne.

O say na sae, my master deir,

For I feir a deadlie storme.

Late late yestrein I saw the new moone

Wi' the auld moone in hir arme ;

And I feir, I feir, my deir master,

That we will com to harme.

O our Scots nobles wer richt laith

To weot their cork-heild schoone ;

Bot lang owre a' the play wer playd,

Thai'r hats they swam aboone.

O lang, lang, may thair ladies sit

Wi' thair fans into their hand,

Or eir they se Sir Patrick Spence

Cum sailing to the land.

O lang, lang, may the ladies stand

Wi' thair gold kems in their hair,

Waiting for thair ain deir lords,

For they'll se thame na mair.

Have owre, have owre to Aberdour,*

It's fiftie fadom deep :

And thair lies guid Sir Patrick Spence,

Wi' the Scots lords at his feit.†

VIII.

Robin Hood and Guy of Gisborne.

We have here a ballad of Robin Hood

(from the Editor's folio MS.) which was never

before printed, and carries marks of much

greater antiquity than any of the common

popular songs on this subject.

The sevority of those tyrannical forest-laws,

that were introduced by our Norman kings,

and the great temptation of breaking them

by such as lived near the royal forests, at a

time when the yeomanny of this kingdom

were every where trained up to the long-bow,

and excelled all other nations in the art of

shooting, must constantly have occasioned

great numbers of outlaws, and especially of

such as were the best marksmen. These

naturally fled to the woods for shelter; and

forming into troops, endeavoured by theirnum-

bers to protect themselves from the dreadful

penalties of their delinquency. The ancient

punishment for killing the king's deer was

loss of eyes and castration, a punishment far

worse than death. This will easily account

for the troops of banditti which formerly

lurked in the royal forests, and from their

superior skill in archery and knowledge of

all the recesses of those unfrequented soli-

tudes, found it no difficult matter to resist or

elude the civil power.

Among all those, none was ever more fa-

mous than the hero of this ballad, whose chief

residence was in Shirewood forest, in Not-

tinghamshire; and the heads of whose story,

as collected by Stow, are briefly these.

"In this time [about the year 1190, in the

reign of Richard I.] were many robbers and

outlawes, among which Robin Hood, and

Little John, rcnowed theevcs, continued in

woods, despoyling and robbing the goods of

the rich. They killed none but such as

would invade them, or by resistance for their

own defence.

"The saide Robert entertained an hundred

tall men and good archers with such spoiles

and thefts as he got, upon whom four hun-

dred (were they ever so strong) durst not give

• A village lying upon the river Forth, the entrance to

which is sometimes denominated De morte marì.

† An ingenlous frlend thinks the Author of Haudyknaute

has borrowed several expressions and sentiments from the

foregoing, and other old Scottish songs in this collection.

78

ROBIN HOOD AND GUY OF GISBORNE.

the onset. He suffered no woman to be op-

pressed, violated, or otherwisemolested; poore

mons goods he spared, abundantlie relieving

them with that which by theft he got from

abbeys and the houses of rich carles: whom

Maior (the historian) blameth for his rapine

and theft, but of all theoves he affirmeth him

to be the prince, and the most gentle theofe.'

Annals, p. 159.

The personal courage of this celebrated

outlaw, his skill in archery, his humanity,

and especially his levelling principle of taking

from the rich and giving to the poor, have in

all ages rendered him the favourite of the

common people, who, not content to celebrate

his memory by innumerable songs and stories,

have created him into the dignity of an earl.

Indeed, it is not impossible, but our hero, to

gain the more respect from his followers, or

they to derive the more credit to their profes-

sion, may have given rise to such a report

themselves: for we find it recorded in m. oupi-

taph, which, if genuine, must have been in-

scribed on his tombstone near the numnery

of Kirklees in Yorkshire; where (as the story

goes) he was bled to death by a trencherous

nun to whom he applied for phlebotomy:

• Here lyndernead bis failett sttan

Iat? robert earl of huntingtun

nea arcir ber az ?la sac geud

an pypl hauld in Robir ?eud

sic utlaþ as ?hi an is men

bil ?ingland ulibirt si agen.

obijt 24 kal. Dekembris, 1247.

This Epitaph appears to me suspicious:

however, a late Antiquary has given a pedi-

gree of Robin Hood, which, if genuine, shows

that he had real pretensions to the Earldom

of Huntington, and that his true name was

Robert Fitz-ooth.† Yet the most ancient

poems on Robin Hood make no mention of

this Earldom. He is expressly asserted to

have been a yeoman‡ in a very old legend in

library at Cambridge,§ in eight fyttes or parts,

printed in black letter, quarto, thus inscribed:

"C Here begynneth a lytell geste of Robyn

hode and his meyne, and of the proude sher-

yfe of Notyngham." The first lines are,

• See Thoresby's Ducat. Leod. p. 676, Biog. Brit. vi. 3933.

† Stukoley, in his Palæographia Britannica, No. II. 1746.

‡ See also the following ballad, v. 147. § Num. D. 5, 2.

"Lythe and lysten, gentylmen,

That be of ffree-bore blode:

I shall you tell of a good yeman,

His name was Robyn hode.

"Robyn was a prond out-lawe,

Whiles he walked on grounde;

So curteys an outlawe as he was one,

Was never none yfounde." &c.

The printer's colophon is, "E Explicit

King Edward and Robin Hode and Lyttel

Johan. Enprinted at London in Fletestrete

at the sygne of the sone by Wynkin de

Worde."—In Mr. Garrick's Collection* is

a different edition of the same poem "C The Im-

printed at London upon the thre Crane wharfe

by Wyllyam Copland," containing at the end

a little dramatic piece on the subject of Robin

Hood and the Friar, not found in the former

copy, cull'd, "A newe playe for to be playd

in Maye games very plesaunte and full of

pastym. C (.) D."

I shall conclude those preliminary remarks

with observing, that the hero of this ballad

was the favourite subject of popular songs

so early as the time of K. Edward III. In

the Visions of Pierce Plowman, written in

that reign, a monk says,

I can rimes of Roben Hod and Randal of

Chester,

But of our Lorde and our Lady, I lerne

nothygh at all. Fol. 26, Ed. 1550.

Soe also in Bp. Latimer's Sermonst a very

curious and characteristical story, which

shows what respect was shown to the mem-

ory of our archer in the time of that prelate.

The curious reader will find many other

particulars relating to this celebrated Outlaw,

in Sir John Hawkins's Hist. of Music, vol.

iii. p. 410, 4to.

For the catastrophe of Little John, who, it

seems, was executed for a robbery on Arbor-

hill, Dublin (with some curious particulars

relating to his skill in archery,) see Mr. J.

C. Walkor's ingenious "Memoir on the Ar-

mour and Weapons of the Irish," p. 129, an-

nexed to his "Historical Essay on the Dress

of the Ancient and Modern Irish." Dublin,

1783, 4to.

Some liberties were, by the Editor, taken

• Old Plays, 4to. K. vol. x.

† Sur. 6th before K. Ed. Apr. 12, fol. 75, Gilpin's Life of

Lat. p. 122.

with this ballad; which, in this Edition, hath

been brought nearer to the folio MS.

When shaws beene shoone, and shradls full fayre,

And leaves both large and longe,

Itt is merrye walking in the fayre forrèst

To heare the small birdes songe.

The woodweele sang, and wold not cease,

Sitting upon the spraie,

Soe lowde, he awakened Robin Hood,

In the greenewood where he lay.

Now by my fayre, sayd jollye Robin,

A sweaven I had this night;

I dreamt me of two wighty yemen,

That fast with mee can fight.

Methought they did mee beate and binde,

And toke my bow mee froe;

If I be Robin alive in this lande

Ile be wroken on them towe.

Sweavens are swift, master, quoth John

As the wind that blowes ore a hill;

For if itt be never so londe this night,

To-morrow it may be still.

Buske yee, bowne yee, my merry men all,

And John shall goe with mee,

For Ile goe seeke yon wight yoemen,

In greenewood where the bee.

Then the cast on their gownes of grene,

And tooke theyr bowes each one;

And they away to the greene forrèst

A shooting forth are gone.

Untill they come to the merry greenewood,

Where they had gladdest bee,

There were the ware of a wight yeomàn,

His body leaned to a tree.

A sword and a dagger he wore by his side,

Of manye a man the bane;

And he was clad in his cappull hyde

Topp and tayll and mayne.

Stand you still, master, quoth Little John,

Under this tree so grene;

And I will go to yond wight yeoman

To know what he doth meane.

Ah! John, by mee thou sottest noe store,

And that I farley finde;

How off send I my men beffere,

And tarry my selfe behindo?

It is no cunning a knave to ken,

And a man but heare him speake;

And itt were not for bursting of my bowe,

John, I thy head wold breake.

As often wordes they breeden bale,

Soe they parted Robin and John;

And John is gone to Barnesdale:

The gates* he knoweth eche one.

But when he came to Barnesdale,

Greatt heavinesse there hee hadd,

For he found tow of his owne followès

Were slaine both in a slade.

And Scarlette he was flyinge a-foote

Fast over stocke and stone,

For the sheriffe with seven score men

Fast after him is gone.

One shooteo now I will shoote, quoth John,

With Christ his might and mayne;

Ile make yond fellow that flyes soe fast,

To stopp he shall be fayne.

Then John bent up his long bende-bow,

And fettled him to shoote;

The bow was made of a tender boughe,

And fell downe to his foote.

Woe worth, woe worth thee, wicked wood,

That ere thou grew on a tree;

For now this day thou art my bale,

My boote when thou shold bee.

His shoote it was butt loosely shott,

Yet flewe not the arrow in vaine;

For itt mett one of the sherriffes men,

Good William a Trent was slaine.

It had bene better of William a Trent

To have bene abed with sorrowe,

Than to be that day in the greene wood slade

To meet with Little John's arrow.

But as it is said, when men be mett

Fyve can doe more than three,

The sheriffe hath taken Little John,

And bound him fast to a tree.

Ver. 1. For Shaws the MS. has shales: and shradls should

perhaps be swards: i. e. the surface of the ground: viz.

" when the fields were in their beauty :" or perhaps shades.

• i. e. ways, passes, paths, ridings. Gate is a common

word in the North for way.

80 ROBIN HOOD AND GUY OF GISBORNE.

Thou shalt be drawn by dale and downe, 85 And hangd hye on a hill.

But thou mayst fayle of thy purpose, quoth John, If itt be Christ his will.

Let us leave talking of Little John, And thinke of Robin Hood, 90 How he is gone to the wight yeomàn, Where under the leaves he stood.

Good morrowe, good fellowe, said Robin so fayre, "Good morrowe, good fellow," quoth he: Methinkes by this bowe thou beares in thy hande 95 A good archer thou sholdst bee.

I am wilfull of my waye, quo' the yeman, And of my morning tyde.

Ile lead thee through tho wood, sayd Robin ; Good fellow, Ile be thy guide. 100

I wecke an outlàwe, the straunger sayd, Men call him Robin Hood ; Rather Ild meet with that proud outlàwe Than fourty pound soc good.

Now come with me thou wightye yeman, 105 And Robin thou soonce shalt see :

But first let us some pastime find Under the greenwood tree.

First let us some masteryye make Among the woods so even, 110 Wee may chance to meet with Robin Hood Here att some un sett steven.

They cutt them downe two summer shroggs, That grew both under a breere, And sett them threecore rood in twaine 115 To shoot the prickes y-fere.

Lende on, good fellowe, quoth Robin Hood, Leade on, I doe bidd thee.

Nay by my faith, good fellow, hee sayd, My leader thou shalt bee. 120

The first time Robin shot at the pricke, He mist but an inch it froe :

The yeoman he was an archer good, But he cold never shote soe.

The second shote had the wightye yeman, He shote within the garlànde: 126

But Robin he shott far better than hee, For he clave the good pricke wande.

A blessing upon thy heart, he sayd ; Good fellow, thy shooting is goode ; 130 For an thy hart be as good as thy hand, Thou wert better than Robin Hoodde.

Now tell me thy name, good fellow, sayd he, Under the leaves of lyne.

Nay by my faith, quoth bolde Robìn, Till thou have told me thine.

I dwell by dale and downe, quoth hoe, And Robin to take Ime sworne ; And when I am called by my right name I am Guye of good Gisborne. 140

My dwelling is in this wood, sayes Robin, By thee I sett right nought :

I am Robìn Hood of Barnèsdale, Whom thou so long hast sought.

He that had neither beene kithe nor kin 145 Might have seene a fùll fayre sight, To see how together these yeomen went With blades both browne* and bright.

To see how these yeomen together they fòught Two howres of a summers day : 150 Yett neither Robìn Hood nor Sir Guy Them fòttled to flye away.

Robin was reachles on a roote, And stumbled att that tyde ; And Guy was quicko and nimble with-all, And hitt him on the left side. 156

Ah, deare lady, sayd Robìn Hood, 'thou That art both mother and may,' I think it was never mans destiny To dye before his day. 160

• The common epithet for a sword or other offensive weapon, in tho old metrical romances, is brown. As "brown brand," or "brown sword, brown bill," &c.; and sometimes even "bright brown sword." Chaucer applies the word rustie in the same sense; thus he describes the reve:— "And by his side he bare a rusty blade." Prol. ver. 620.

And even thus the god Mars:— "And in his hand he had a rousty sword." Test of Cressid. 188.

Spenser has sometimes used the same epithet. See War- ton's Observ. vol. ii. p. 62. It should seem, from this par- ticularity, that our ancestors did not pique themselves upon keeping their weapons bright; perhaps they deemed it more honourable to carry them stained with the blood of their enemies.

ROBIN HOOD AND GUY OF GISBORNE.

31

Robin thought on our lady deere,

And soone leapt up againe,

And strait he came with a 'backward' stroke,

And he Sir Guy hath slayne.

He took Sir Guy's head by the hayre,

And sticked itt on his bowes end :

Though hast beene a traytor all thy liffe,

Which thing must have an ende.

Robin pulled forth an Irish kniffe,

And nicked Sir Guy in the face,

That he was never on woman born,

Cold tell whose head it was.

Saies, Lye there, lye there, now Sir Guye,

And with me be not wrothe ;

If thou have had the worse strokes at my

hand,

Thou shalt have the better clothe.

Robin did off his gowne of greene,

And on Sir Guy did it throw,

And hee put on that capull hyde,

That cladd him topp to toe.

The bowe, the arrowes, and litlo horne,

Now with me I will beare ;

For I will away to Barnesdale,

To see how my men doe fare.

Robin Hood sett Guyes horne to his mouth,

And a loud blast in it did blow.

That beheard the sheriffe of Nottingham,

As he leaned under a lowe.

Hearken, hearken, sayd the sheriffe,

I heare nowe tydings good,

For yonder I heare Sir Guye's horne blowe,

And he hath slaine Robin Hoode.

Yonder I heare Sir Guye's horne blowe,

Itt blowes soe well in tyde,

And yonder comes that wightye yeoman

Cladd in his capull hyde.

Come hyther, come hyther, thou good Sir Guy,

Aske what thou wilt of mee.

O, I will none of thy gold, sayd Robin,

Nor I will none of thy fee :

But now I've slaine the master, he sayes,

Let me go strike the knave ;

Var. 163, awkwarde, MS.

This is all the rewarde I aske;

Nor noe other will I have.

Thou art a madman, said the sheriffe,

Thou sholdest have had a knight's fee :

But seaing thy asking hath beene soe bad,

Well granted itt shalbe.

When Litle John heard his master speako,

Well knew hee it was his staven :

Now shall I be loost, quoth Litle John,

With Christ his might in heaven.

Fast Robin hee hyed him to Litle John,

He thought to loose him belive;

The sheriffe and all his companye

Fast after him did drive.

Stand abacke, stand abacke, sayd Robin;

Why draw you noe soe neere ?

Itt was never the use in our countrye,

One's shrift another shold heere.

But Robin pulled forth an Iryish kniffe,

And loosed John hand and foote,

And gave him Sir Guyes bow into his hand

And bad it be his boote.

Then John he took Guye's bow in his hand,

His boltes and arrowes eche one :

When the sheriffe saw Litle John bend his

bow,

He fettled him to be gone.

Towards his house in Nottingham towne

He fled full fast away :

And soe did all his companye :

Not one behind wold stay.

But he cold neither runne soe fast,

Nor away soe fast cold ryde,

But Litle John with an arrowe so broad

He shott him into the 'backe'-syde.

** The title of Sir was not formerly pe-

culiar to Knights, it was given to Priests,

and sometimes to very inferior personages.

Dr. Johnson thinks this title was applied

to such as had taken the degree of A. B. in

the universities, who are still styled Domini,

"Sirs," to distinguish them from Undergrad-

uates, who have no prefix, and from Masters

of Arts, who are styled Magistri, "Masters."

82 AN ELEGY ON HENRY FOURTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

IX.

An Elegy on Henry fourth Earl of Northumberland.

The subject of this poem which was writ-

ten by Skelton, is the death of Henry Percy,

fourth Earl of Northumberland, who fell a

victim to the avarice of Henry VII. In 1489

the parliament had granted the king a subsi-

dy for carrying on the war in Bretagne. This

tax was found so heavy in the North that the

whole country was in a flame. The E. of

Northumberland, then lord lieutenant for

Yorkshire, wrote to inform the king of the

discontent, and praying an abatement. But

nothing is so unrelenting as avarice: the king

wrote back that not a penny should be abated.

This message being delivered by the earl

with too little caution, the populace rose, and,

supposing him to be the promoter of their

calamity, broke into his house, and murdered

him, with several of his attendants, who yet

are charged by Skelton with being backward

in their duty on this occasion. This melancholy event happened at the earl's seat at

Cocklodge, near Thirsk, in Yorkshire, April

28, 1489. See Lord Bacon, &c.

If the reader does not find much poetical

merit in this old poem (which yet is one of

Skelton's best), he will see a striking picture

of the state and magnificence kept up by our

ancient nobility during the feudal times.

This great earl is described here as having,

among his menial servants, knights, squires,

and even barons : see ver. 32, 183, &c., which,

however different from modern manners, was

formerly not unusual with our greater Barons,

whose castles had all the splendour and offices

of a royal court, before the laws against re-

tainers abridged and limited the number of

their attendants.

John Skelton, who commonly styled him-

self Poet Laureat, died June 21, 1529. The

following poem, which appears to have been

written soon after the event, is printed from

an ancient MS. copy preserved in the British

Museum, being much more correct than that

printed among Skelton's Poems, in bl. let.

12mo. 1568. It is addressed to Henry Percy,

fifth Earl of Northumberland, and is prefa-

ced, &c., in the following manner:

Poeta Skelton Laureatus libellum suum

metrice alloquitur.

Ad dominum properato meum mea pagina Percy,

Qui Northumbrorum jura paterna gerit,

Ad nutum celebris tu prona repone leonis,

Quæque suo patri tristia justa cano.

Ast ubi perlegit, dubiam sub mente volutet

Fortunam, cuncta quæ malo fida rotat.

Qui leo sit felix, et Nestoris occupet annos;

Ad libitum cujus ipse paratus ero.

Skelton Laureat upon the dolourous dethe

and much lamentable chaunce of the

moost honorable Erle of Northumber-

lande.

I wayle, I wepe, I sobbe, I sigh ful sore

The dedely fato, the dolefulle destenny

Of him that is gone, alas ! withoute restore,

Of the blode* royall descendynge nobelly;

Whos lordshepe doubtes was slayne la-

mentably

5

Thorow treson ageyn hym compassyd and wrought;

Trew to his prince, in word, in dede, and

thought.

Of hevenly poems, O Clyo enlde by name

In the college of musis goddesse hystoriall,

Adres the to me, whiche am both halt and

lame

10

In elect uterauce to make memoryall :

To the for soccour, to the for helpe I call

Myne homely rudnes and drighnes to expelle

With the freshe waters of Elyconys welle.

• The mother of Henry, first Earl of Northumberland,

was Mary daughter to Henry Earl of Lancaster, whose

father Edmond was second son of King Henry III.—The

mother and wife of the second Earl of Northumberland

were both lineal descendants of King Edward III.—The

Percys also were linally descended from the Emperor

Charlemagne and the ancient Kings of France, by his

ancestor Josceline du Lorain (son of Godfrey Duke of

Brabant), who took the name of Percy on marryiug the

heiress of that house in the reign of Hen. II., Vld. Camden

Britan. Edmondson, &c.

AN ELEGY ON HENRY FOURTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

83

Of noble actes auncyently enrolde,

Of famous princis and lordes of astate,

By thy report ar wontc to extold,

Regestringe trewly every formare date:

Of thy bountie after the usuall rate,

Kyndle in me suche plenty of thy noblès,

Thes sorrowfulle dities that I may shew expres.

In sesons past who hathe harde or sene

Of formar writinge by any presidente

That vilane hastarddis in ther furious tene,

Fulfyld with malice of froward entente,

Confetderd togeder of commun concete,

Falsly to slo ther moste singular goode lorde?

It may be registrede of shamefull recorde.

So noble a man, so valiaunt lorde and knight,

Fulfilled with honor, as all the worlde dothe ken;

At his commaundement, whiche had both day and night

Knyghtis and squyers, at every season when

He calde upon them, as menyall houshold men

Were no thes commones uncurteis karlis of kynde

To slo their owne lorde? God was not in their minde.

And were not they to blame, I say also,

That were aboute hym, his owne servants of trust,

To suffre hym slayn of his mortall fo ?

Fled away from hym, let hym ly in the dust:

They bode not till the rekoning were discust.

What shuld I flatter? what shulde I glose or paynt?

Fy, fy for shame, their hearts wer to faint.

In Englande and Fraunce, whiche gretly was redouted;

Of whom both Flaunders and Scotland stode in drede;

To whome grete astatcs obeyde and lowttede :

A mayny of rude villayns made him for to blede :

Unkindly they slew him, that holp them oft at nede

He was their bulwark, their paves, and their wall,

Yet shamfully they slew hym; that shame mot them beful.

I say, ye commoners, why wer ye so stark mad?

What frantyk frensy fyll in youre brayne?

Where was your wit and reson, ye shuld have had ?

What willfull foly made yow to ryse agayne

Your naturall lord? alas! I can not fayne.

Ye armed you with will, and left your wit behynd;

Well may ye be called comunes most unkynde.

He was your chyfteyne, your shelde, your chef defence,

Redy to assyst you in every tyme of nede;

Your worship depended of his excellence:

Alas ! ye mad men, to far ye did excede :

Your hap was unhappy, to ill was your spede :

Whatmovyed you agayn hym to war or tofight?

What aylde you to sle your lord agyn all right?

The grounde of his quarel was for his sovereyn lord,

The welle concernyng of all the hole lande,

Demaundyng soche dutyes as nedis most acord

To the right of his prince whiche shuld not be withstand ;

For whos cause ye slew hym with your awne hande :

But had his nobill men done wel that day,

Ye had not been habile to have saide him nay.

But ther was fals packingc, or els I am begyldc;

How-be-it the matter was evident and playne,

For yf they had occupied ther spere and ther shelde,

This noble man doutles had not be slayne.

Bot men say they wer lynked with a double chayn,

And held with the communs under a cloke,

Whiche kindeled the wyld fyre that made all this smoke.

The communs renyed ther taxes to pay

Of them demaunded and asked by the kinge;

With one voice importune, they playnly said nay:

They buskt them on a bushment themself in baile to bringe :

Agayne the king's plesure to wrastle or to wringe,

84 AN ELEGY ON HENRY FOURTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

Bluntly as bestis withe beste and with cry

They saide, they forsede not, nor carode not to dy.

The noblenes of the northe this valiant lordo

and knyght,

As man that was innocent of trechery or trayne,

Presed forthe boldly to withstand the myght,

And lyke marciall Hector, he fauht them agayne,

Vigorously upon them with myght and with mayne,

Trustinge in noble men that wer with hym there:

Bot all they fled from hym for falshode or fere.

Barons, knights, squyers, one and alle,

Togeder with servaunts of his famuly,

Turnd their bakis, and let ther master fall,

Of whos [life] they counted not a flye;

Take up whos wolde for them, they let hym ly

Alas! his golde, his fee, his annuall rente

Upon suche a sort was ille bestowde and spent.

He was envyronde aboute on every syde

Withe his enemys, that were stark mad and wode;

Yet whils he stode he gave woundes wyde

Alas for routhe! what thouche his mynde were goode,

His corage manly, yet ther he shed his bloode!

All left alone, alas! he fawte in vayne!

For cruelly amonge them ther he was slayne.

Alas for pite! that Percy thus was spylt,

The famous erle of Northumberlande;

Of knightly prowès the sworde pomel and hylt,

The mighty lyoun* doutted by se and lande!

O dolorous chaunce of fortuns fraward hande!

What man remembring how shamfully he was slayne,

From bitter weepinge himself kan restrayne!

O cruell Mars, thou dedly god of war!

O dolorous Teusday, dedicate to thy name,

• Alluding to his crest and supportors. Doutlod is contracfor redoubted.

When thou shoke thy sworde so noble a man to mar!

O groundlenmagracious, unhappye be thy fane,

Whiche wert ended with rede blode of the same!

Moste noble erle! O fowle mysuryd grounde

Whereon he gat his fynal dedely wounde!

O Atropos, of the fatall systers thre,

Goddess mooste cruell unto the lyf of man,

All merciles, in the ys no pité!

O homycide, whiche sleest all thon kan,

So forcibly upon this erle thow ran,

That with thy sworde enharpid of mortall drede,

Thou kit asonder his perfigt vitall threde!

My wordis unpullisht be nakide and playne,

Of aureat poens they want ellumyunge;

Bot by them to kunlege ye may attayne

Of this lordis dothe and of his murdrynge

Which whils he lyvyd had fuyson of every thing,

Of knightis, of .squyers, chef lord of tourne and toune,

Tyl fykkill fortune began on hym to frowne.

Paregall to dukis, with kings he myght compare,

Surmountinge in honor all erls he did excede,

To all cuntreis aboute hym reporto me I dare.

Lyke to Eneas beynge in worde and dede,

Valiaunt as Hector in every marciall nede,

Provydent, discrete, circumspect, and wyse,

Tyll the chaunce ran agayne him of fortunes duble dyse.

What nedethe me for to extoll his fame

With my rude pen enkankerd all with rust?

Whos noble actis shew worsheply his name,

Transcendyng far myne homely muse, that must

Yet sumwhat wrigth supprysid with hardly lust,

Truly reportinge his right noble astate,

Immortully whiche is immaculate.

His noble blode never disteynyd was,

Trew to his prince for to defende his right,

Doublenes hatinge, fals matters to compas,

Treytery and treson he bannesht out of syght,

With trowth to medlo was all his hole delyght,

AN ELEGY ON HENRY FOURTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

85

As all his kuntrey kan testefy the same :

To slo such a lord, alas, it was grete shame.

If the hole quore of the musis nyne

In me all onely wer sett and comprisydc,

Embrethed with the blast of influonce dyvyne,

As perfitly as could be thought or devy-

syd;

To me also allthouche it were promysyde

Of laureat Phebus holy the eloquence,

All were too litill for his magnificence.

O yonge lyon, bot tender yet of age,

Grow and encrese, remembre thyn astate,

God the assyst unto thyn herytage,

And gave the grace to be more fortunate,

Agayne rebellyouns ame to make debate.

And, as the lyoune, whiche is of bestis kingc,

Unto thy subjectis be kynteis and benyngne.

I pray God sende the prosperous lyf and long,

Stabylle thy mynde constant to be and fast,

Right to mayntcin, and to resist all wronge:

All flattringe faytors abhor and from the cast,

Of foule detraction God kepe the from the blast:

Let double delinge in the have no place,

And be not light of credence in no case.

Wythe hevy chere, with dolorous hart and mynd,

Eche man maysorow in his inward thought,

Thys lords death, whose pere is hard to fynd

Allgyf England and Fraunce were thorow saught.

All kings, all princes, all dukes, well they ought

Bothe temporall and spirituall for to com-

playne

This noble man, that crewelly was slayne.

More specially barons, and those knyghtes bold,

And all other gentilmen with hym enter-

taynd

In fee, as menyall men of his housold,

Whom he as lord worshipply manteynd :

To sorowfull weping they ought to be con-

stroyned,

As oft as thei call to ther remembraunce,

Of ther good lord the fate and dedly chaunce.

O perlese prince of hervn emperyalle,

That with one worde formed al thing of noughtc ;

Hevyn, hell, and erth obey unto thi kall ;

Which to thy resemblaunce wondersly hast wrought

All mankynd, whom thou full dere hast boght,

With thy blode precious our finaunce thou dyd pay,

And us redemed, from the fendys pray :

To the pray we, as prince incomperable,

As thou art of mercy and pite the well,

Thou bringe unto thy joy etermynable

The sowle of this lorde from all daunger of hell,

In endles blis with the to byde and dwell

In thy palace above the orient,

Where thou art lorde, and God omnipotent.

O quene of morey, O lady full of grace,

Maiden moste pure, and goddis moder dere,

Tosorowfullharts chef of comfort and solace,

Of all women O floure withouten pere,

Pray to thy son above the starryis clere,

He to vouchesaf by thy mediatioun

To pardon thy servant, and bringe to salva-

cion.

In joy tryumphant the havenly yerarchy,

With all the hole sorte of that glorious place,

His soule mot receyve into ther company

Thorowe bounte of hym that formed all

solace :

Well of pite, of mercy, and of grace,

The father, the son, and the holy gostc

In Trinitate one God of myghts moste.

†† I have placed the foregoing poem of Skelton's before the following extract from Hawes, not only because it was written first, but because I think Skelton is in general to be considered as the earlier poet ; many of his poems being written long before Hawes's Graunde Amour.

86

THE TOWER OF DOCTRINE.

X.

The Tower of Doctrine.

The reader has here a specimen of the de-

scriptive powers of Stephen Hawes, a cele-

brated poet in the reign of Henry VII.,

though now little known. It is extracted

from an allegorical poem of his (written in

1505), entitled, "The Hist. of Graunde Am-

oure & La Belle Pucel, called the Palace of

Pleasure, &c." 4to, 1555. See more of Hawes

in Ath. Ox. v. 1, p. 6, and Warton's Observ.

v. 2, p. 105. He was also author of a book,

entitled, "The Temple of Glass. Wrote by

Stephen Hawes, gentleman of the bedchamber

to K. Henry VII." Pr. for Caxton, 4to., no

date.

The following Stanzas are taken from

Chap. III. and IV. of the Hist. above men-

tioned. "How fame departed from Graunde

Amour and left him with Governannce and

Grace, and howe he went to the Tower of

Doctrine, &c." As we are able to give no

small lyric piece of Hawes's, the reader will

excuse the insertion of this extract.

I loked about and saw a craggy roche,

Furre in the west neare to the element,

And as I dyd then unto it approche,

Upon the toppe I sawc refulgcnt

The royal tower of Morall Documcnt,

Made of fine coppur with turrettes fayre and

hye,

Which against Phebus shone soe marveylously.

That for the very perfect bryghtnes

What of the tower, and of the cleare sunne

I could nothyng beholde the goodlynes

Of that palauice, whereas Doctrine did wonne:

Tyll at the last, with mysty wyndes donne,

The radiant brightnes of golden Phebus

Auster gan cover with clowde tenebrus.

Then to the tower I drewe nere and nere,

And often mused of the great hyhynes

Of the craggy rocke which quadrant did ap-

peare :

But the fayre tower, (so much of ryches

Was all about,) sexangled doubtles ;

Gargyld with grayhoundes, and with many

lyouns,

Made of fyne golde; with divers sundry dra-

gons.*

The little turrets with ymages of golde

About was set, whiche with the wynd aye

moved

With propre vices, that I did well beholde

About the tower, in sundry wyse they

hoved

With goodly types, in their mouthes

itaned,

That with the wynd they piped a daunce

Ielipped Amour de la haull plesuuuce.

The touro was greal of marveylous wydnes,

To whiche ther was no way to passo hut

one,

Into the toure for to have an intres:

A grece ther was yehesylid all of stonc

Out of the rocke, on whiche men dyd gonc

Up to the toure, and in lykowysc dyd 1

With bothe the Grayhoundes in my com-

pany :†

Tyll that I came unto a ryall gate,

Where I sawe stondynge the goodly portres,

Whyche axed me, from whence I came a-late;

To whome I gan in every thynge expresse

All myne adventure, chaunce, and busy-

nesse,

And eke my name; I told her every dell :

Whan she herde this she lyked me right well.

Her name, she sayd, was called Countenaunce;

Into the 'base' courte she dyd me then

lede,

Where was a fountayne depured of plesance,

A noble sprynge, a ryall conduyte-hede,

Made of fyne golde enameled with reed;

And on the toppe four dragons blewe and

stoute

Thys dulcet water in four partes dyd spoute.

V. 25, towors, P. C. V. 44, besy courte, P. C. V. 49, par-

tyes, P. C.

• Grayhounds, Lions, Dragons, were at that time the

royal supportors.

† This alludes to a former part of the Poem.

THE CHILD OF ELLE.

87

Of wylche there flowed foure ryvers ryght clere,

Sweter than Nylus* or Ganges was ther odoure :

Tygres or Eufrates unto them no pere :

I dyd than taste the aromatykc lycoure,

Fragrant of fume, and swete as any floure;

And in my mouth it had a marveylous scent

Of divers spices, I knewe not what it ment.

Of golde was made a ryght crafty vyne ;

Instede of grapes the rubies there did shyne.

The flore was paved with berall clarifled,

With pillers made of stones precions,

Like a place of pleasure so gayoly glorified,

It myght be called a palaice glorious,

So muche delectable and solacions ;

The hall was hanged hyo and circuler

With cloth of arras in the rychest manor,

That treated well of a ful noble story,

Of the doubty wayo to the Tower Perilous ;*

Howe a noble knyght should wynne the victory

Of many a serpent foule and odious.

XI.

The Child of Elle,

—is given from a fragment in the Editor's foile MS. : which though extremely defective and mutilated, appeared to have so much merit, that it excited a strong desire to attempt the completion of the story. The reader will easily discover the supplemental stanzas by their inferiority, and at the same time be inclined to pardon it, when he considers how difficult it must be to imitate the affecting simplicity and artless beauties of the original.

Child was a title sometimes given to a knight. See Gloss.

On yonder hill a castle standes

With walles and towres bedlight,

And yonder lives the Child of Elle,

A younge and comely knightc.

The Child of Elle to his garden went,

And stood at his garden pale,

Whan, lo ! he beheld fair Emmelines page

Come trippinge downe the dale.

The Child of Elle he byed him thence

Y-wis he stoode not stille,

And soone he mette fair Emmalines page

Come climbing up the hille.

Nowe Christe thee save, thou litle foot-page,

Now Christe thee save and see !

Oh tell me how does thy lady gayc,

And what may thy tidings bee?

My lady she is all woe-begone,

And the teares they falle from her eyne ;

And aye she laments the deadlye feude

Betwene her house and thine.

And here shee sends thee a silken scarfe

Bedewde with many a teare,

And biddeth thee sometimes thinke on her,

Who loved thee so deare.

And here she sends thee a ring of golde

The last boone thou mayst have,

And biddeth thee weare it for her sake,

When she is layde in grave.

For, ah ! her gentile heart is broke,

And in grave soone must shee bee,

Sith her father hath chose her a new new love,

And forbidde her to think of thee.

12 † Nysus, P. C.

• The story of the poem.

THE CHILD OF ELLE.

Her father hath brought her a carlish knight,

Sir John of the north countrye,

And within three dayes shee must him wedde,

Or he vowes he will her slaye.

36

Now lyee thee backe, thou little foot-page,

And greet thy lady from mee,

And tell her that I her owne true love

Will dye, or sette her free.

40

Now lyee thee backe, thou little foot-page,

And let thy fair ladye know

This knight will I bee at her bowre windòwe,

Beside me weale or woe.

The boye he tripped, the boye he ranne,

He neither stint ne stayd

Untill he came to fair Emmelines bowre

Whan kneeling downe he sayd,

O ladye, I've been with thy own true love,

And he greets thee well by mee;

This night will he be at thy bowre-windòwe,

And dye or sette thee free.

Now daye was gone and night was come,

And all were fast asleepe,

All save the ladye Emmeline,

Who sate in her bowre to wepe:

And soone she heard her true loves voice

Lowe whispering at the walle,

Awake, awake, my deare ladyè,

Tis I thy true love call.

60

Ah ! well I wot, he never would rest,

Nor his meate shoulde doe him no goode,

Untill he had slayne thee, Child of Elle,

And seene thy deare hearts bloode.

80

O ladye wort thou in thy saddile sette,

And a little spaceo him fro,

I would not care for thy cruell fathèr,

Nor the worst that he could doe.

O ladye, wert thou in thy saddile sette,

And once without this walle,

I would not care for thy cruell fathèr,

Nor the worst that might befallè.

Faire Emmeline sighed, fair Emmeline wept,

And aye her heart was woe :

At length he seizd her lilly-white hand,

And downe the ladder he drowe :

And thrice he clasped her to his breste,

And kist her tenderlie :

The teares that fell from hor fair oyes

Ranne like the fountayne free.

95

Heo mounted himsellfo on his steede so talle,

And her on a fair palfràye,

And slung his bugle about his necke,

And roundlyo they rode awayè.

100

All this behelde her owne damsèlle,

In her bed wheras shee lay,

Quoth shee, My lord shall knowe of this,

Soe I shall have golde and fee.

Awake, awake, thou baron bolde !

Awake, my noble dame !

Your daughter is fledde with the Child of Elle

To doe the deede of shame.

The baron he woke, the baron he rose,

And called his merrye men all :

110

"And come thou forth, Sir John the knighte,

Thy ladye is carried to thrall."

Faire Emmeline scant had ridden a mile,

A mile forth of the towne,

When she was aware of her fathers men

Come galloping over the downe :

"My father he is a baron bolde,

Of lynage proude and hye;

And what would he saye if his daughtòr

Awaye with a knight should fly ?

75

And formost came the carlish knighte,

Sir John of the north countràye :

"Now stop, nowe stop, thou false traitoure,

Nor carry that ladye awayè.

120

THE CHILD OF ELLE.

For she is come of hye linèage,

And was of a ladye borne,

And ill it bosecms thee a false churl's sonne

To carrye her hence to scorne."

Nowe loud thou lyest, Sir John the knight,

Nowe thou doest lye of mee;

A knight mee gott, and a ladye mee bore,

Soe never did none by thee.

But light nowe downe, my ladye faire,

Light downe, and hold my steed,

While I and this discourteous knyghte

Doe trye this arduous deede.

But light nowe downe, my deare ladye,

Light downe, and hold my horse;

While I and this discourteous knight

Doe trye our valour's force.

Fair Emmeline sighed, fair Emmeline wept,

And aye her heart was woo,

While twixt her love and the earlish knight

Past many a baleful blowe.

The Child of Elle hee fought soe well,

As his weapon he waved amaine,

That soone he had slain the earlish knight,

And layd him upon the plaine.

And nowe the baron and all his men

Full fast approached nye:

Ah! what may ladye Emmeline doe

Twere nowe no boote to flye.

Her lover he put his horne to his mouth,

And blew both loud and shrill,

And soone he saw his owne merry men

Come ryding over the hill.

"Nowe hold thy hand, thou bold baròn,

I pray thee hold thy hand,

Nor ruthless rend two gentle hearts

Fast knit in true love's band.

Thy daughter I have dearly loved

Full long and many a day;

But with such love as holy kirke

Hath freelye said wee may.

O give consent, shee may be mine,

And bless a faithfull paire:

My lands and livings are not small,

My house and lineage faire:

My mother she was an carl's daughtèr,

And a noblo knyght my sire —

The baron he frowned and turn'd away

With mickle dole and ire.

Fair Emmeline sighed, faire Emmeline wept,

And did all trembling stand:

At lengthe she sprang upon her knee,

And held his lifted hand.

Pardon, my lorde and father deare,

This faire yong knyght and mee:

Trust me, but for the carlish knyght,

I never had fled from thee.

Oft have you called your Emmeline

Your darling and your joye;

O let not then your harsh resolves

Your Emmeline destroye.

The baron he stroakt his dark-brown cheeke,

And turned his heade asyde

To whipe awaye the starting teare

He proudly strave to hyde.

In deepo revolving thought he stoode,

And mused a little space:

Then raised faire Emmeline from thegrounde,

With many a fond embrace.

Here take her, Child of Elle, he sayd,

And gave her lillye white hand;

Here take my deare and only child,

And with her half my land:

Thy father once mine honour wrongde

In dayes of youthfull pride;

Do thou the injurie repayre

In fondnesse for thy bride.

And as thou love her, and hold her deare,

Heaven prosper thee and thine:

And nowe my blessing wend wi' thee,

My lovelye Emmeline.

---

†† From the word kirke in ver. 129, this

hath been thought to be a Scottish Ballad, but

it must be acknowledged that the line referred

to is among the additions supplied by the

Editor: besides, in the Northern counties of

England, kirk is used in the common dialect

for church, as well as beyond the Tweed.

90

EDOM O' GORDON.

XII.

Edom O' Gordon,

A SCOTTISH BALLAD,

— was printed at Glasglow, by Robert and Andrew Foulis, mdcelv. 8vo., 12 pages,

— We are indebted for its publication (with many other valuable things in these volumes) to Sir David Dalrymple, Bart., who gave it as it was preserved in the memory of a lady, that is now dead.

The reader will here find it improved, and enlarged with several fine stanzas, recovered from a fragment of the same ballad, in the Editor's folio MS. It is remarkable that the latter is entitled Captain Adam Carre, and is in the English idiom. But whether the author was English or Scotch, the difference originally was not great. The English Ballads are generally of the North of England, the Scottish are of the South of Scotland, and of consequence the country of Ballad-singors was sometimes subject to one crown, and sometimes to the other, and most frequently to neither. Most of the finest old Scotch songs have the scene laid within twenty miles of England, which is indeed all poetic ground, green hills, remains of woods, clear brooks. The pastoral scenes remain : of the rude chivalry of former ages happily nothing remains but the ruins of the castles, where the more daring and successful robbers resided. The House or Castle of the Rodes stood about a measured mile south from Duns, in Berwickshire: some of the ruins of it may be seen to this day. The Gordons were anciently seated in the same county : the two villages of East and West Gordon lie about ten miles from the castle of the Rodes.* The fiuct, however, on which the ballad is founded, happened in the North of Scotland, (see below), yet it is but too faithful a specimen of the violences practised in the feudal times in every part of this Island, and indeed all over Europe.

• This Ballad is well known in that neighbourhood, where it is entitled Adam o'Gordon. It may be observed, that the famous freebooter, whom Edward I. fought with hand to hand, near Farnham, was named Adam Gordon.

From the different titles of this Ballad, it should seem that the old strolling bards or Minstrels (who gained a livelihood by reciting these poems) made no scruple of changing the names of the personages they introduced, to humour their hearers. For instance, if a Gordon's conduct was blame-worthy in the opinion of that age, the obsequious minstrel would, when among Gordons, change the name to Car, whose clan or sept lay further West, and vice versâ.—The foregoing observation, which I owed to Sir David Dalrymple, will appear the more perfectly well founded, if, as I have since been informed (from Craw-ford's Memoirs), the principal Commander of the expedition was a Gordon, and the immediate Agent a Car, or Ker ; for then the reciter might, upon good grounds, impute the barbarity here deplored, either to a Gordon or a Car, as best suited his purpose. In the third volume the reader will find a similar instance. See the song of Gil Morris, wherein the principal character introduced had different names given him, perhaps from the same cause.

It may be proper to mention, that in the folio MS. instead of the "Castle of the Rodes," it is the "Castle of Britton's-borrow," and also "Diactors" or "Draitours-borrow," (for it is very obscurely written,) and "Capt. Adam Carre" is called the "Lord of Wester-ton-town." Uniformity required that the Additional stanzas supplied from that copy should be clothed in the Scottish orthography and idiom : this has therefore been attempted, though perhaps imperfectly.

It fell about the Martinmas,

Quhen the wind blew shril and cauld,

Said Edom o' Gordon to his men,

We maun draw till a hauld.

An quhat a hauld sall we draw till,

My mirry men and me?

We wul gne to the house o' the Rodes,

To see that fair ladie.

5

The lady stude on hir castle wa'

Beheld lath dalc and doun:

There she was ware of a host of men

Cum ryding towards the toun.

O see ze nat, my mirry men a’?

O see ze nat quhat I see?

Methinks I see a host of men :

I marveil quha they be.

She weend it had been hir luvèly lord,

As he cam ryding hame;

It was the traitor Edom o’ Gordon,

Quha reck’t nae sin nor shame.

She had nae sooner buskit hirsel,

And putten on hir goun,

But Edom o’ Gorden and his men

Were round about the toun.

They had nae sooner supper sett,

Nae sooner said the grace,

But Edom o’ Gurden and his men

Were light about the place.

The lady ran up to hir towir head,

Sa fast as she could hie,

To see if by hir faire speechès

She could wi’ him agree.

But quhan he see this lady saif,

And hir yates all locked fast,

He fell into a rage of wrath,

And his look was all aghast.

Cum doun to me, ze lady gay,

Cum doun, cum doun to me :

This night sall ye lig within mine armes,

To-morrow my bride sall be.

I winnae cum doun, ze fals Gordon,

I winnae cum doun to thee;

I winnae forsake my ain dear lord,

That is sac far frae me.

Give owre zour house, ze lady fair,

Give oure zour house to me,

Or I sall brenn yoursel therein,

Bot and zour babies three.

I winnae give owre, ze false Gordòn,

To nae sik traitor as zee :

And if ze brenn my ain dear babes,

My lord shall make ze drie.

But reuch my pistoll, Gland, my man,*

And charge ze weel my gun:*

For, but an I pierce that bluidy butcher,

My babes we been undone.

She stude upon hir castle wa’,

And let twa bullets flee:*

She mist that bluidy butchers hart,

And only raz’d his knee.

Set fire to the house, quo’ fals Gordòn,

All wood wi’ dule and ire :

Fals lady, ze sall rue this deid,

As ze bren in the fire.

Wae worth, wae worth ze, Jock my man,

I paid ze weil zour fee;

Quhy pu’ ze out the ground-wa’ stane,

Lets in the reek to me?

And oin wae worth ze, Jock my man,

I paid ze weil zour hire ;

Quhy pu’ ze out the ground-wa’ stane,

To me lets in the fire?

Ze paid me weil my hire, lady ;

Ze paid me weil my fee :

But now I’m Edom o’Gordons man,

Maun either doe or die.

O then bespàik hir little son,

Sate on the nurses knee ;

Sayes, Mither deare, gi’ owre this house,

For the reek it smothers me.

I wad gie a’ my gowd, my childe,

Sac wald I a’ my fee,

For ane blast o’ the western wind,

To blaw the reek frae thee.

O then bespàik hir dochter dear,

She was bath jimp and sma:

O row me in a pair of sheits,

And tow me owre the wa.

They rowd hir in a pair o’ sheits,

And towd hir owre the wa :

But on the point of Gordon’s spear

She gat a deadly fa.

O bonnie bonnie was hir mouth,

And cherry were hir cheiks,

• These three lines are restored from Foulis’s edition,

and the fol. MS., which last reads “the bullets,” in v. 58.

32

EDOM O’ GORDON.

And clear clear was hir zellow hair,

Whereon the reid bluid dreips.

Then wi’ his spear he turnd hir owre,

O gin hir face was wan !

He sayd, ‘Ze are the first that eir

I wist alive again.

He turnd hir owre and owre again,

O gin hir skin was whyte !

I might ha spared that bonnie face,

To hae been sum mans delyte.

Busk and boun, my merry men a’;

For ill dooms I doe guess :

I cannae luik in that bonnie face,

As it lyes on the grass.

Thame, luiks to freits, my master deir,

Then freits wil follow thame :

Let it neir be said brave Edom o’ Gordon

Was daunted by a dame.

But quhen the lady saw the fire

Cum flaming owre hir heid,

She wept and kist her children twain,

Sayd, Bairns, we been but dead.

The Gordon then his bougill blow,

And said, ‘Awa’, ‘awa’ ;

This house o’ the Rhodes is a’ in flame,

I hauld it time to ga’.

O then bespyed hir ain dear lord,

As hee cam owr the lee ;

He sieid his castie all in blaze

So far as he could see.

Then sair, O sair, his mind misgave,

And all his hart was wae ;

Put, on, put on, my wighty men,

So fast as ze can gae.

Put on, put on, my wighty men,

So fast as ze can drie ;

For he that is hindmost of the thrang

Sall neir get guid o’ me.

Than sum they rade, and some they rin,

Fou fast out-owr the bent ;

But air the foremoist could get up,

Baith lady and babe were brent.

He wrang his hands, he rent his hair,

And wept in teenuful muid :

O traitours, for this cruel deid

Ze sall weep teirs o’ bluid.

And after the Gordon he is gane,

Sa fast as he might drie ;

And soon i’ the Gordon’s foul hartis bluid

He’s wroken his dear ladie.

†† Since the foregoing ballad was first printed, the subject of it has been found recorded in Alb. Spottswood’s History of the Church of Scotland, p. 259 ; who informs us, that

“Anno 1571. In the north parts of Scotland, Adam Gordon (who was deputy for his brother the Earl of Huntley) did keep a great stir ; and, under colour of the queen’s authority, committed divers oppressions, especially upon the Forbes. . . . . Having killed Arthur Forbes, brother to the Lord Forbes. . . . Not long after he sent to summon the house of ‘Tavoy, pertaining to Alex-ander Forbes. The lady refusing to yield without direction from her husband, he put fire unto it, and burnt her therein, with children and servants, being twenty-seven persons in all.

“This inhuman and barbarous cruelty

made his name odious, and stained all his former doings ; otherwise he was held very active and fortunate in his enterprizes.”

This fact, which had escaped the Editor’s notice, was in the most obliging manner pointed out to him by an ingenious writer (Newcastle, May 9.) in the Gentleman’s Magazine for May, 1775, p. 219.

THE END OF THE FIRST BOOK.

BALLADS THAT ILLUSTRATE SHAKSPEARE.

SERIES THE FIRST.

BOOK II.

I.

Ballads that Illustrate Shakspcare.

Our great dramatic poet having occa- sionally quoted many ancient ballads, and even taken the plot of one, if not more, of his plays from among them, it was judged pro- per to preserve as many of these as could be recovered, and that they might be the more easily found, to exhibit them in one collect- ive view. This second book is therefore set apart for the reception of such ballads as are quoted by Shakspeare, or contribute in any degree to illustrate his writings: this being the principal point in view, the candid reader will pardon the admission of some pieces that have no other kind of merit.

The design of this book being of a dramatic tendency, it may not be improperly intro- duced with a few observations on the origin of the English Stage, and on the conduct of our first Dramatic Poets; a subject which, though not unsuccessfully handled by several good writers already, ' will yet perhaps admit of some further illustration.

ON THE ORIGIN OF THE ENGLISH STAGE, ETC.

It is well known that dramatic poetry in this and most other nations of Europe owes its origin, or at least its revival, to those re- ligious shows, which in the dark ages were usually exhibited on the more solemn festi- vals. At those times they were wont to re- present in the churches the lives and miracles of the saints, or some of the more important stories of Scripture. And as the most myste- rious subjects were frequently chosen, such as the Incarnation, Passion, and Resurrection of Christ, &c., these exhibitions acquired the ge- neral name of Mysteries. At first they were

• Bp. Warburton's Shakespeare, vol. v. p. 338.—Pref. to Dodsley's Old Plays.—Riccoboni's Acct. of Theat. of Europe, &v. &c. These were all the author had seen when he first drew up this Essay.

probaby a kind of dumb shows, intermingled, it may be, with a few short speeches; at length they grew into a regular series of connected dialogues, formally divided into acts and scenes. Specimens of these in their most improved state (being at best but poor artless compositions) may be seen among Dodsley's Old Plays and in Osborn's Harleian Miscel. How they were exhibited in their most sim- ple form, we may learn from an ancient novel, often quoted by our old dramatic Poets," entitled " a Merye Jest of a man that was called Howleglas,"† &c., being a trans- lution from the Dutch language, in which he is named Ulenspiegel. Howleglass, whose waggish tricks are the subject of this book, after many adventures comes to live with a priest, who makes him his parish-clerk. This priest is described as keeping a Leman or concubine, who had but one eye, to whom Howleglass owed a grudge for revealing his roguaries to his master. The story thus pro- ceeds: "And than in the meane season, while

• See Ben Johnson's Poetaster, act iii. sec. 4, and his Masque of The Fortunate Isles. Whalley's edit. vol. ii. p. 49, vol. vi. p. 190.

† Howleglass is said in the profare to have died in mccccxl. At the end of the book, in mcccll.

Howleglas was parish clarke, at Easter they should play the Ressurrection of our Lorde : and for because than the men wer not learned, and could not read, the priest toke his leman, and put her in the grave for an Aungell : and this seing Howleglas, toke to him iij of the symplest persons that were in the towne, that played the iij Maries; and the Person [i. e. Parson or Rector] played Christe, with a baner in his hand. Than saide Howleglas to the symple persons, When the Aungell asketh you, whome you seke, you may saye, The parsons loman with one 'iye. Than it fortunat that the tyme was come that they

94

ON THE ORIGIN OF THE ENGLISH STAGE.

must playe, and the Aungel asked them whom thay sought, and than sayd thay, as Howleglas had shewed and lerned them afore, and than answerd they, We seke the priestes leman with one iye. And than the priest might heare that he was mocked. And whan the priestes leman herd that, she arose out of the grave, and would have smyten with her fist Howleglas upon the cheke, but she missed him and smote one of the simple persons that played one of the thre Maries; and he gave her another ; and than toke she him by the heare [hair] ; and that seing his wyfe, came running hastely to smite the priestes leman ; and than the priest seeing this, caste down hys baner and went to helpe his woman, so that the one gave the other sore strokes, and made great noyce in the churche. And than Howleglas seyng them lyinge together by the eares in the bodi of the churche, went his way out of the village, and came no more there.

As the old Mysteries frequenty required the representation of some allegorical personage, such as Deatlh, Sin, Charity, Faith, and the like, by degrees the rude poets of those ulettered ages began to form complete dramatic pieces consisting entirely of such personifications. Those they entitled Moral Plays or Moralities. The Mysteries were very inartificial, representing the Scripture stories simply according to the letter. But the Moralities are not devoid of invention; they exhibit outlines of the dramatic art: they contain somethiug of a fable or plot, and even attempt to delineate characters and manners. I have now before me two that were printed early in the reign of Henry VIII; in which I think one may plainly discover the seeds of Tragedy and Comedy: for which reason I shall give a short analysis of them both.

One of them is entitled "Every Man."† The subject of this piece is the summoning of Man out of the world by Death ; and its moral that nothing will then avail him but a well-spent life and the comforts of religion. This subject and moral are opened in a monologue spoken by the Messenger (for that was the name generally given by our ancestors to the Prologue on their rude stage).

then God* is represented; who, after some general complaints on the degeneracy of mankind, calls for Death, and orders him to bring before his tribunal Every-man, for so is called the personage who represents the Human Race. Every-man appears, and receives the summons with all the marks of confusion and terror. When Death is withdrawn, Every-Man applies fur relief in this distress to Fellowship, Kindred, Goods, or Riches, but they successively renounce and forsake him. In this disconsolate state he betakes himself to Good Dedes, who after upbraiding him with his long neglect of her,† introduces him to her sister Knowledgè, and she leads him to the "holy man Confession," who appoints him penance: this he inflicts upon himself on the stage, and then withdraws to receive the sacraments of the priest. On his return he begins to wax faint, and, after Strength, Beauty, Discretion, and Five Wits (g) have taken their final leave of him, gradually expires on the stage; Good Dedes still accompanying him to the last. Then an Aungell descends to sing his Requiem ; and the Epilogue is spoken by a person, called Doctour, who recapitulates the whole, and delivers the moral :

" Tl. This memorial men may have in mynde, Ye horers, take it of worth old and yonge, And forsake Pryde, for he deceyveth you in thende, And remembre Beautè, Five Witts, Strength and Discretion, They all at last do Every Man forsake ; Save his Good Dedes there dothe he take ; But beware, for and they be small, Before God he hath no helpe at all," &c.

From this short analysis it may be observed, that "Every Man" is a grave solemn piece, not without some rude attempts to excite terror and pity, and therefore may not improperly be referred to the class of Tragedy. It is remarkable that in this old simple drama the fable is conducted upon the strictest model of the Greek tragedy. The action is simply

• The second person of the Trinity seems to be meant.

• † Imprinted by Wyllyam Copland: without date, 4to. bl. let. among Mr. Garrick's Old Plays, K. vol. X.

† This play has been reprinted by Mr. Hawkins in his 3 vols. of Old Plays, entitled, "The Origin of the English Drama" 19mo Novem 1773 See vol i n 27

† The before-mentioned are male characters.

‡ i. e. The Five Senses. Those are frequently exhibited as five distinct personages upon the Spanish stage (see Riccoboni, p. 98); but our moralist has represented them all in one character.

one, the time of action is that of the perform-

ance, the scene is never changed, nor the

stage ever empty. Every-Man, the hero of

the piece, after his first appearance never

withdraws, except when he goes out to re-

ceive the sacraments, which could not well be

exhibited in public; and during his absence

Knowledge descants on the excellence and

power of the priesthood, somewhat after the

manner of the Greek chorus. And indeed,

except in the circumstance of Every-Man's

expiring on the stage, the Sampson Ago-

nistes of Milton is hardly formed on a severer

plan.*

The other play is entitled "Hick-Scorn-

er,"† and bears no distant resemblance to

Comedy : its chief aim seems to be to exhibit

characters and manners, its plot being much

less regular than the foregoing. The Pro-

logue is spoken by Pity, represented under

the character of an aged pilgrim; he is joined

by Contemplacyon and Perseverance, two

holy men, who, after lamenting the degen-

racy of the age, declare their resolution of

stemming the torrent. Pity then is left upon

the stage, and presently found by Frewyl,

representing a lewd debauchee, who, with his

dissolute companion Imaginacion, relate their

manner of life, and not without humour de-

scribe the stows and other places of base re-

sort. They are presently joined by Hick-

Scorner, who is drawn as a libertine returned

from travel, and agreeably to his name, scoffs

at religion. These three are described as ex-

tremely vicious, who glory in every act of

wickedness: at length two of them quarrel,

they fall upon him, put him in the stocks and

there leave him. Pity, thus imprisoned, des-

cants, in a kind of lyric measure, on the pro-

fligacy of the age, and in this situation is

found by Perseverance and Contemplacion,

who set him at liberty and advise him to go

in search of the delinquents. As soon as he

is gone, Frewill appears again; and, after re-

lating in a very comic manner some of his

roguaries and escapes from justice, is rebuked

by the two holy men, who, after a long alter-

cation, at length convert him and his libertine

companion Imaginacioun from their vicioun

course of life; and then the play ends with a

few verses from Persevorance by way of epi-

logue. This and every morality I have seen

conclude with a solemn prayer. They are

all of them in rhyme; in a kind of loose stanza,

intermixed with distichs.

It would be needless to point out the ab-

surdities in the plan and conduct of the fore-

going play: they are evidently great. It is

sufficient to observe, that, hating the moral

and religious reflection of Pity, &c., the piece

is of a comic cast, and contains a humorous

display of some of the vices of the age. In-

deed the author has generally been so little

attentive to the allegory, that we need only

substitute other names to his personages, and

we have real characters and living manners.

We see then that the writers of these mo-

ralities were upon the very threshold of real

tragedy and comedy; and therefore we are

not to wonder that tragedies and comedies

in form soon after took place, ospecially

as the revival of learning about this time

brought them acquainted with the Roman

and Grecian models.

II. At what period of time the moralities

had their rise here, it is difficult to discover.

But plays of miracles appear to have been

exhibited in England soon after the Conquest.

Matthew Paris tells us that Geoffrey, after-

wards Abbot of St. Albans, a Norman, who

had been sent for over by Abbot Richard to

take upon him the direction of the School of

that monastery, coming too late, went to Dun-

staple and taught in the abbey there; where

he caused to be acted (probably by his scho-

lars) a miracle play of St. Catherine, composed

by himself.* This was long before the

year 1119, and probably within the 11th cen-

tury. The above play of St. Catherine was,

for aught that appears, the first spectacle of

this sort that was exhibited in these king-

doms : an eminent French writer thinks

it was even the first attempt towards the re-

• Apud Dunestapliam... quendam ludum de sancta

Katerina (quem miracula vulgariter appellamus) fecit. Ad

quæ decoranda, petiit a sacristâ sancti Albani, ut sibi Capas

Chorales accomodârentur, et obtinuit. Et fuit ludus ille de

sancta Katerina. Vide Abbat ad an. Hist. Mat. Paris, fol.

1639, p.56.--We see here that Plays of Miracles were become

common enough in the time of Mat. Paris, who flourished

about 1240. But that indeed appears from the more early

writings of Fitz-Stephens: quoted below.

• See more of every man, in Serles the Second, Pref. to

B. ii., note.

† "Imprynted by me Wynkyn de Worde," no date; in

4to. bl.let. This play has also been reprinted by Mr. Haw-

kins in his "Origin of the English Drama," vol. i. p. 69.

rival of Dramatic Entertainments in all Europe; being long before the Representations of Mysteries in France; for these did not begin till the year 1398.*

But whether they derived their origin from the above exhibition or not, it is certain that Holy Plays, representing the miracles and sufferings of the Saints, were become common in the reign of Henry II.; and a lighter sort of Interludes appear not to have been then unknown.† In the subsequent age of Chaucer, "Plays of Miracles" in Lent were the common resort of idle gossips.‡

They do not appear to have been so prevalent on the continent, for the learned historian of the council of Constance§ ascribes to the English the introduction of plays into Germany. He tells us that the Emperor, having been absent from the council for some time, was at his return received with great rejoicings, and that the English fathers in particular did, upon that occasion, cause a sacred comedy to be acted before him on Sunday, Jan. 31, 1417; the subjects of which were:- The Nativity of our Saviour; the arrival of the Eastern Magi; and the Massacre by Herod. Thence it appears, says this writer, that the Germans are obliged to the English for the invention of this sort of spectacles, unknown to them before that period.

The fondness of our ancestors for dramatic exhibitions of this kind, and some curious particulars relating to this subject, will appear from the Household Book of the fifth Earl of Northumberland, A. D. 1512:||

• Vid. Abregé Chron. de IIIHist. de France, par M. D'Ault, à l'ann. 1179.

† See Fitz-Stephens's Description of London, preserved by Stow (and reprinted with notes, &c., by the Rev. Mr. Pegge, in 1774, 4to.), Londinia pro spectaculis theatralibus, ludos habet sacriores, representationes miraculorum, &c. He is thought to have written in the reign of Hen. II., and to have died in that of Richard I. It is true, at the end of this book we find mentioned Henricum regem tertium; but this is doubtless Henry the Second's son, who was crowned during the life of his father, in 1170, and is generally distinguished as Rex juvenis, Rex filius, and sometimes they were jointly named Reges Angliæ. From a passage in his Chap. De Religione, it should seem that the body of St. Thomas Becket was just then a new acquisition to the Church of Canterbury.

‡ See Prologue to Wife of Bath's Tale, v. 6137. Tyrwhitt's Ed.

§ M. L'Enfant. Vid. Hist. du Conc. de Constance, vol. ii. p. 440.

|| "The regulations and establishments of the household of Hen. Alg. Percy, fifth Earl of Northumb. Lon. 1770," 8vo. Whereof a small impression was printed by order of the late Duke and Duchess of Northumberland to bestow

whence I shall select a few extracts, which show that the exhibiting scripture dramas on the great festivals entered into the regular establishment, and formed part of the domestic regulations of our ancient nobility; and, what is more remarkable, that it was as much the business of the chaplain in those days to compose Plays for the family, as it is now for him to make sermons.

"My Lordes Chapleyns in Household vj. viz. The Almonar, and if he be a maker of Interludys, than he to have a servaunt to the intent for wrytynge of the Parts; and ells to have non. The maister of gramer, &c." Sect. V. p. 44.

"Item, my lorde usith and accustomyth to gyf yerely if is lordshyp kepe a chappell and be at home, them of his lordschipes chapell, if they doo play the play of the Nativite uppon cristynmes day in the mormynge in my lords chappell befor his lordship—xxs." Sect.XLIV. p. 343.

"Item, . . . to them of his lordship chapell and other his lordshipis servaunts that doith play the play befor his lordship uppon Shrof-Tewesday at night yerely in reward —xxs." Ibid. p. 345.

"Item, . . . to them . . . that playth the play of Resurrection uppon estur day in tho mormynge in my lordis 'chappell' befor his lordshipe—xxs." Ibid.

"Item, My lorde useth and accustomyth yerly to gyf hym whiche is ordynede to be the Master of the Revells yerly in my lordis hous in cristmas for the overseyinge and or-deringe of his lordschips playes, interludes and dresynge that is plaid befor his lordship in his hous in the xijth dayes of Cristenmas —xxs." Ibid. p. 346.

"Item, My lorde useth and accustomyth to gyf every of the iiij. Parsones that his lordschip admytted as his Players to com to his lordship yerly at Cristynmas and at all other such tymes as his lordship shall commande them for playing of playe and interludes affor his lordship in his lordshipis hous for every of thecir fees for an hole yere" . . . Ibid. p. 351.

"Item, to be payd . . . for rewards to Play-ers for playes playd at Cristynmas by strangers in presents to their friends.—Although begun in 1512, some of the Regulations were composed so late as 1525.

geres in my house after xxd.* every play, by estimacion somme-xxiiijs, iiij.† Sect. 1, p. 22.

"Item, My Lorde usith, and accustometh to gif yereiy when his lordshipp is at home, to every erlis Players that comes to his lord- shipe betwixt Cristynmas ande Candelmmas, if he be his special lorde & frende & Kyns- man—xxs." Sect. XLIIII. p. 340.

"Item, My lorde usith and accustomyth to gyf yereiy, when his lordship is at home to every lordis Players, that comyth to his lord- shipe betwixt Crystynmas and Candilmas— xs." Ibid.

The reader will observe the great difference in the rewards here given to such Players as were retainers of noble personages, and such as are styled Strangers, or, as we may sup- pose, only strollers.

The profession of a common player was about this time held by some in low estima- tion. In an old satire, entitled "Cock Lor- reles Bote,"‡ the author enumerating the most common trades or callings, as "carpen- ters, coopers, joyners," &c., mentions

"Players, purse-cutters, money batterers, Golde-washers, tombiers, jogelers, Pardoners, &c." Sign. B. vj.

III. It hath been observed already, that plays of Miracles, or Mysteries, as they were called, led to the introduction of Moral Plays or Moralities, which prevailed so early, and became so common, that towards the latter end of King Henry VIIIth's reign, John Rus- tel, brother-in-law to Sir Thomas More, con- ceived a design of making them the vehicle of science and natural philosophy. With this view he published "A new Interlude and a Mery of the Nature of the Four Ele- ments declaryng many proper points of Phiilosophy Naturall, and of Dyvers Straunge Landys, &c. It is observable that the

• This was not so small a sum then as it may now appear; for in another part of this MS. the price ordered to be given for a fat ox is but 13s. 4d., and for a lean one 8s.

† At this rate the number of plays acted must have been twenty.

‡ Pr. at the Sun in Fleet St. by W. de Worde, no date, b. i. 4to.

ON THE ORIGIN OF THE ENGLASII STAGE.

97

poet speaks of the discovery of America as then recent:

"Within this xx yero Westwarde be founde new landes That we never harde tell of before this," &c.

The West Indies were discovered by Colum- bus in 1492, which fixes the writing of this play to about 1510 (two years before the date of the above Household Book.) The play of "Hick Scorner" was probably somewhat more ancient, as he still more imperfectly al- ludes to the American discoveries, under the name of "the Newe founde Ilonde." (Sign. A. vij.)

It is observable that in the olden moralities, as in that last mentioned. Every-man, &c., is printed no kind of stage direction for the exits and entrances of the personages, no di- vision of acts and scenes. But in the moral interlude of "Lusty Juventas,"* written under Edward VI., the exits and entrances began to be noted in the margin:† at length in Queen Elizabeth's reign moralities appeared formally divided into acts and scenes, with a regular prologue, &c. One of these is reprinted by Dodsley.

Before we quit this subject of the very early printed plays, it may just be observed, that, although so few are now extant, it should seem many were printed before the reign of Queen Elizabeth, as at the begin- ning of her reign, her Injunctions in 1559 are particularly directed to the suppressing of "many pamphlets, playes, and ballads ; that no manner of person shall enterprize to print any such, &c." but under certain re- strictions. Vid. Sect. V.

In the time of Hen. VIII., one or two dra- matic pieces had been published under the

Afterwards follows a table of the matters handled in the interlude; among which are, "¶. Of certeyn conclusions prouvyngo the yerth must nedes be rounde, and that yt is in circumferance above xxi M. myle."———"¶. Of certeyne points of cosmographie—and of dyvers straunge regyons —and of the new founde landys, and the maner of the people." This part is extremely curious, as it shows what notions were entertained of the new American discoveries by our countrymen.

• Described in Series the Second, preface to book ii.

The Dramatis Personæ of this piece are "¶. Messenger,