1. Natya Sastra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society Anupa Pande

THE

NĀTYAŚĀSTRA

TRADITION

AND

ANCIENT

INDIAN

SOCIETY

ANUPA

PANDE

THE

NĀTYAŚĀSTRA

TRADITION

AND

ANCIENT

INDIAN

SOCIETY

ANUPA PANDE

THE NĀṬYAŚĀSTRA TRADITION AND ANCIENT INDIAN SOCIETY

The Natyasastra Tradition

and

Ancient Indian Society

Anupa Pande

Published by

Kusumanjali Prakashan, Jodhpur

Sole Distributors

Kusumanjali Book World, Jodhpur

First Edition : 1993

© Dr. Mrs. Anupa Pande

Published by Kusum Goyal for Kusumanjali Prakashan, Jodhpur

Sole Distributors : Kusumanjali Book World

41-A, Sardar Club Scheme, Jodhpur-342 001 (India)

All rights reserved including the right to translate. No part

of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any

form or by any means without the written

permission of the Publishers.

Printed in India

by Printing House

Jodhpur-342001

कां सोस्मितां हिरण्यप्राकारामाद्रिं ज्वलन्तीं तृप्तां तपयन्तीम् । पद्मे स्थितां पद्मवर्णां तमिहोपहूये श्रियम् ॥

घृतुलित-बल-घामं हेम-शैलाभ-देहं दनुज-वन-कुशानु' ज्ञानिनामग्रगण्यम् । सकल-गुरु-निधानं वानराणामधीशं रघुपति-प्रिय-भक्तं वातजातं नमामि ॥

पितरौ वन्दे ।

Preface

The studies in the present work are part of my ongoing research project sanctioned by the U.G.C. They attempt an integrated historical and cultural account of the Nāṭyaśāstra tradition as a part of ancient Indian society. Ancient Indian theatre was a harmony of drama, dance and music. Drama represented social life and values in the light of traditional ideas and conventions. Dance and music not only aided drama, but were in themselves among the most important aspects of a cultural tradition which harmonised the folk and the elite and, thus, at the same time, creative impulse and critical form.

A few of these studies viz., the chabters 3,4,9 and 13 have been published earlier in journals but have been included with some revision. The study in chapter 16 has been accepted for publication by the Buddhist Literary Review, London.

I am deeply beholden to the University Grants Commission for enrolling me to work as a Research Scientist and to the Deptt. of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology (University of Allahabad) for providing me research facilities for my work. I am also thankful to the authorities of the Allahabad Museum for their assitance. Among the many scholars who have helped me, I must mention specially the names of Professors B.N.S. Yadav, U.N. Roy and S.C. Bhattacharya and Dr. S.P. Gupta.

I am thankful to my husband Shri D.P. Pande for encouragement, patience and looking after my ‘logistic’ problems with his usual efficiency. And finally, I must thank Dr. Shankar Goyal for taking care of the publication of the work with all the tedious responsibility that it involves.

ANUPA PANDE

Contents

Preface

Abbreviations

Chapters

1. Introduction

I Theatre and Society

2. Nāṭya : Meaning and Context

3. Concept of Drama : Bharata and Aristotle

4. Conventionalism and Realism'in'Sanskrit Drama

5. Urbanism and the Theatre in Ancient India

6. Pre-Kālidāsa Theatre : Material Culture

7. Social Glimpses from Kālidāsa

8. Social Gleanings from Post-Kālidāsa Literature

9. Kuṭṭani-matam : A Peep into the Culture of Eighth Century Kashmir

10. Some Socially Depressed Classes — The Cāṇḍālas

II Dance and Music

11. Ancient Dance Forms

12. Historical Evolution of Music

13. Folk Music in Ancient India

14. The Development of the Deśi element in the Theatric Arts

III Alternative Traditions

15. Buddhism and the Performing Arts

16. The Concept of Rūpa and Buddhist Art

17. The Influence of the Jātakas on the Origin and Development of Burmese Drama

Index

Abbreviations

AB : Abhinavabhārati

Abhiṣeka. : Abhiṣekanāṭaka

Avi. : Avimāraka

Bāla. : Bālacarita

BKSS : Bṛhatkathāślokasaṃgraha

Cāru. : Cārudatta

Daśa. : Daśakumāracarita

Dūta. : Dūtavākya

HC : Harṣacarita

Karpūra. : Karpūramañjarī

Kāvya. : Kāvyādarśa

Kirāta. : Kirātārjunīyam

KM : Kuṭṭinī-matam

Kumāra. : Kumārasambhava

Madhyama. : Madhyamavyāyoga

Mālavikā. : Mālavikāgnimitram

Mṛcch. : Mṛcchakaṭikam

NC : Niśithacūrṇi

NŚ : Nāṭyaśāstra

Pratijñā. : Pratijñāyaugandharāyaṇa

Pratimā. : Pratimānāṭaka

Raghu. : Raghuvaṃśa

Saundara. : Saundarananda

Śiśu. : Śiśupālavadha

Uru. : Urubhaṅga

Uttara. : Uttararāmacarita

Vāsava. : Svapnavāsavadattā

Chapter 1

Introduction

There are two distinct approaches to art which may be compendiously described as aesthetic-critical and socio-historical. The former approach seeks to evaluate the work of art as an aesthetic object, the latter as a social object. Since aesthetic creativity and social work are not separable, the work of art is at once the result of creative imagination as well as of socially valued labour. A full consideration of the work of art consequently must in some sense combine two disparate sets of categories—value and utility, expression and causation, individual experience and social co-operation.

Even in the simplest object of pre-historic art, whether a cave painting or a terracotta figurine or ceramic, the two aspects are inevitably joined together. The artist fulfills himself while performing a social role, what he creates has some status as a useful object within the network of social functions but it goes beyond its instrumental character and also has an intrinsic value.

The awareness of this distinct intrinsic value of an art object has sometimes fostered the illusion that the maximisation of aesthetic value might be achieved by its isolation from its instrumental or social functional aspect. Thus one could separate the art of decoration from the potters art to a certain extent, but even undecorated pots have to have a diversity of forms which can hardly be concieved in a purely functional manner. Nor could decorative bands and designs be impressive in themselves without the limitations imposed by a background. A pure musical note may be given out by a tuning folk but it does constitute musical richness.

The autonomy or purity of an art object is not properly constituted by its isolation from social or cultural context. It is for this reason that the whole attempt to build a purely formal science of criticism can only end up in empty formalism or rhetoric.

The fact is that aesthetic value itself has two distinct components—one lies in the skill with which the artist uses his resources. The other lies in the values—social cultural, ideological—which the work as a whole expresses. Of these two components of aesthetic value the former could be called largely formal, the latter expressive significance. More strictly, the two aspects of form and significance.

2 The Nātyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

are combined by expressiveness which may be described as the essential characteristic of art. Thus śabda, guṇa, rīti, alamkāra may be described as the formal aspects of poetry while bhāva and rasa are elements of its significance. The two are joined together by dhvani or vyañjanā. Even in a formal art like music while svara and tāla constitute its body, rāga is more than these elements and along with bhāva and rasa may be categorised as significance. It may be clarified, however, that feeling or significance in music need not be of the same defined kind as in the verbal arts. It is truest of music, to adapt the words of Collingwood, that it gives a deep sense of significance without stating what that significance is. Similarly, it touches the heart but unless words are used or a conventional context is present, the feelings remain somewhat nebulous. The connection of aesthetic value with social function is made not only through the expressed significance of the art object but also in terms of the social demand for challenge which it seeks to meet. It is not the case that if a society were to formally create a distinct leisured class of artists who were left totally free without any social demands, than art would be best served. While the excellence of art has no direct connection with social uses, demands and challenges, they do enter into it indirectly. Shakespeare produced his plays for a professional theatre but his plays seem up the consciousness of mankind. It was not merely ephemeral entertainment nor abstract formalism.

Thus, a proper approach to art should include a consideration of the form and significance of its expressiveness as well as a social and cultural context which complete its being. A full approach to art must include a consideration of the rhythm of its structural elements, its expression or representation of reality—natural, human or superhuman—and value and, finally, its human and social relevance. Thus, if we compare the Besnagara Yakṣiṇī, the Sārnāth Buddha or a bronze Naṭarāja of the Cola Age, they have obvious differences, not merely in their technique and form but in conception of the internal energy or being which is to be expressed in terms of outward form one emphasizes massive dynamism, another still repose a third the virtual identity of dynamism and repose. They, however, differ not merely in their expressiveness and form but in their evocativeness with reference to their festive, meditative or ritual employment.

It is, therefore, necessary to avoid the divide between the aesthetic and the historical. We must remember that no criticism can limit itself within the boundaries of a single work of art. Willy-nilly, it has to make comparisons and import matters of social

relevance. Similarly, merely social and historical analysis misses the hero in the play. In the historiography of Indian art, this warning is specially needed, because while traditional criticism was largely formal, modern accounts rarely go beyond the most obvious facts of materials, techniques, themes and social use. They rarely seek to analyse the uniqueness of old works of art and the non-formal or unusual features which give them excellence.

While the visual and literary arts have received a good deal of attention from ancient Indian historians, archaeologists and Sanskritists, the performing arts have been relatively neglected. On the theatre and drama many distinguished scholars have considered the historical questions involved in their origins and development. For example, Sylvain Levi, Keith, De and Kane have written on drama; Mankad, Tarlekar, G.K. Bhat and Manmohan Ghose have given attention to the theatre. On dance, the sole work of importance is by Dr. Kapila Vatsyayan. On music, too, competent works are very few e.g., of Acharya Brihaspati, Mukund Lath, Dr. Premlata Sharma and Swami Prajnanand. But these works are largely focussed on the technical aspects of the arts or on their historical origins. They do not take up the social background or significance of these arts as their primary theme, while our work seeks to relate the arts to social and cultural history in an integral manner.

In viewing the Nāṭyaśāstra tradition in the context of social history, it is necessary to relate the technical works of nāṭya with their practical embodiment in dramatic literature. In fact, dramatic theory and practice cannot be kept apart. Again, in studying dramatic works and their social representation, one must necessarily delve into other literary and ancillary works. Nāṭya and Kāvya were not treated as substantially distinct in the critical tradition which developed in post-Bharata times and their complete synthesis was achieved in Abhinavagupta. Nor indeed can ancient Indian social history be elucidated without the help of archaeological sources. The present work, therefore, attempts to understand the Nāṭyaśāstra tradition in the context of ancient Indian social history both as its source and product. By its very nature, as a research work it has a certain piecemeal character since it is designed as a series of integrated studies into different facets of the practical and theoretical tradition of the performing arts within the concrete social reality of men and manners, fashions and skills.

Chapter 2

Natya : Meaning and Context

In this Chapter it is argued that the meaning of Nāṭya understood within the context of Bharata still provides a window to what may be called Universal Aesthetic.

Our understanding of meaning ranges over two levels, superficial and profound. For example, one may know that Delhi is the name of this town, or that there is an object in the garden called ‘a tree’ or that the meaning of the word ‘parallel’ is demonstrated by railway tracks, but that does not imply that one knows much about Delhi or about trees or parallel lines. One may use such words without knowing their meaning as a specialist.

It may be said that while the meaning of a word is in general a construct used in different contexts, these contexts exist at different levels. Meanings are not independent, real objects but rather thought constructs of which the greater part remains concealed from general view as is in the case with icebergs.

This can be seen clearly about words with empirical or ideal meanings like ‘trees’ or ‘parallel lines’ which require for their full understanding the knowledge of science. Now, the world of culture, too, is populated by historical constructs of social experience, meanings which are behavioural or creative.

Where they are constructs of creative value-seeking they are not exhausted by historical particularity or past social conventions since they seek to express some experience of values or ideal goals and standards.

It follows that in seeking to understand the meaning of cultural terms we must relate their historical articulations to their referents which are ultimately modes of self consciousness.

That is to say the lakṣaṇa in these cases is only a faint approximation of lakṣyas.

If this is not done, our understanding will remain at conventional, formal levels and would miss the creative value-seeking underlying cultural meaning constructs.

The remarks of the late Pandita Rajarajeshwara Sastri Dravida only recently published in Sanskrit may be quoted here with profit : “Insight or understanding is two fold, one in terms of divisible characteristics and the other in terms of integral character”.

“Where the nature of the object of understanding cannot be analysed or enacted as in a dramatic play, it may be said to be an integral character.

Nāṭya : Meaning and Context 5

analytically explained, it may be said to be the logical clarification of insight." He goes on to explain that the two have no necessary connection. Hence, there are three types of understanding, merely acquaintance with the object and the combination of the two and he quotes—

Lakṣaṇajño nikṛṣṭastu lakṣyavedī ca madhyamah/ Ubhayam yo vijānāti sa uttama iti smṛtah//1

To this one may add that in the case of cultural terms and objects, both lakṣya and lakṣaṇa subsist within a historical tradition. In the cultural world there are no purely logical forms or lakṣaṇas. Nor are there lakṣya empirically accessible without traditional apperception. Thus, you cannot derive music from definitions nor appreciate it without musical education.

Now, three aspects of Nāṭya are well-known. It was regarded as a form of popular entertainment, as delectable moral instruction and as an aesthetic creation with its distinctive flavour. How these different aspects without any essential connection may characterize the same object, has been a standing puzzle. Acrobatic spectacles provide entertainment but no instruction. Hīṭopadeśa provides instruction but has no aesthetic flavour. Pure formal music or dance may provide pure delectation but has no connection with meaning, much less a moral meaning. Yet Nāṭya in Bharata entertains, instructs and transports as if Nauṭankī, Rāmalīlā and Pāther Pāñcālī were rolled into one essential unity or as if song, dance and drama were to be integrated into one. This puzzle can be resolved only by the context of Nāṭya as multilevel and multidimensional.

We may begin by briefly glancing at the etymology of Nāṭya since etymology often reveals the palaeontology of meanings. Pāṇini (4,3,129) derives Nāṭya from naṭa by the suffix ya. According to Kāśikā the suffix must be deemed to apply in the sense of dharma and āmnāya, that is to say, Nāṭya would mean the ethos or laws and tradition of naṭas. As is well-known, Pānini (4,3,110) also mentions Nāṭasūtras authored by 'Śīlāli'. Similarly, Kṛṣāśva was another author of such Sūtras (ibid., 4,3,11). These texts had a Vedic dignity and were regularly studied by naṭas who were parallel to bhikṣus. It may be recalled that Abhinavagupta describes Nāṭya as the traditional and sacred lore of the naṭas— naṭānām paramparyātmakaṃ vṛttam nāṭyam dharmāmnāyarūpam2

But who were the naṭas ? Pānini shows them to be an organised and educated group with a sacred tradition of their own. On the other hand, naṭas have been portrayed as vagrant acrobats, dancers and actors.3 The root naṭ which might have been connected with nṛt

6 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

has been given the meaning of acrobatic movements, dancing and miming. Thus we hear of naṭ nāṭye, naṭ avaskandane, naṭ bhāṣāyam, naṭ nṛtau, naṭ carane, naṭ naṭau. It is obvious that the original meaning of naṭ, probably connected with nṛt, was generally eclipsed by a variety of uses to which it was put in course of time.

While technical treatises distinguish between dance and drama, nṛtya and nāṭya, they bring them together through the intermediate concept of nṛtya. Amarakoṣa (I,7,10) gives the more popular usage of ‘nāṭya’ which was sometimes identified with dance in its several varities, sometimes with that combination of dance and music which was otherwise called saṅgīta- Tāṇḍavaṁ naṭānam nāṭyam lasyam ca nartane. Tauriyatrikam nṛtyagītavādyāṁ nāṭyamidaṁ tryam.

Bharata speaks of Nāṭya as governed by a sacred tradition of wisdom i.e. as Nāṭyaveda, of Nāṭva as entertainment of ears and eyes. Kriḍāniyakamicchāmo dṛṣyam śrāvyaṁ ca yadbhavet (NŚ, I, 11), as imitation of the three worlds, of good as well evil and diverse human experiences.4 It is even called itihāsa.5 The Abhinavabhā-ratī explains itihāsa as daśarūpaka and its concept as that of a moral spectacle 6 Again, Nāṭya includes rasa, bhāva, dhvani, pravṛtti, siddhi, svara, ātodya, gāna and raṅga.7 Of these, rasa is the primary element—‘nahi rasādṛte kaścidarthah pravartate’, which is defined by the famous rasa sūtra: tatra vibhāvānubhāvavyabhicārisaṁyogad rasaniṣpattih.

Nāṭya, thus, is an entertaining spectacle, including song, dance, and drama, an instructive imitation, and a unique delectation called rasa. Abhinavagupta says: “Nāṭya has the nature of rasa, rasasvabhāvam, and is the immediate object of a unique experience, saṁved-yaṁ vastu. The object is different from all empirical objects, laukikapadārthavyatirekte, and, is not their imitation, reflection, picture, resemblance, superimposition, imagination, dream, delusion or magic—Tadanukārapatibimbālekhya sādrśyāropadhyavasāṁot-prekṣāsvapnamayendrajālādivilakṣaṇam (Nāṭyaśāstra, I, p. 3). Nor is the experience one of right knowledge, error, doubt, undefined or undecided apprehension but is of the nature of enjoyment or relish-ing— Samyagajñānabhrāntisamśayānavadharāṇā-madhyavasāyavijñāna-bhinnavṛttāntasvādanarūpasamvedanam (i.c.). It must be recalled that following his teacher Abhinavagupta totally rejects the notion of imitation in the ordinary sense. Imitation of another can only make one ridiculous. Nāṭya is really of the nature of intuition following inward reflection or introspection—Tadidam anukīrtananam anuvyavasāyaviśeṣo nāṭyāparaparyāyah iti bhramitavyam (ibid., p.3).

Sāsātkārakalpānuvyavasāyogocarakāryatvaṃ ca nāṭyasya lakṣaṇamityavocām (Ibid., p. 177).8

Nāṭya, thus, is a triune unity of music, dance and drama, entertaining, delighting and instructing, unlike as for some modern thinkers.9

According to Nāṭyaśāstra tradition, if the three are separated, they fall from their proper ideal stature.

The fact is that the purity of an art form is not the same as its perfection.

It is only in the world of logical and mathematical forms that what distinguishes one form from another also constitutes its sole essence.

It is hardly true of the world of art where formal and essential values are not the same.

A tuning fork gives a pure musical note of which the mathematical patterns of vibrations distinguish it from other non-musical sounds.

Simple folk tunes are clearly musical.

But these cannot be described as instances of music in its perfection.

The photograph of a person may give verisimilitude but may fail as a portrait.

A literary work may, like the poetry of Kesavadas, have formal excellence but may fail to give adequate expression to human values.

On the other hand, Kabir’s poetry may have faults of language and form but still express a content of high value.

It follows, then, that the separative search of the purist may be more than balanced by the search for integral perfection.

Different art forms are united by the basic unity of the artistic quest which lies in its intuition or revelation of value through a plastic from, image, symbol or sign.

The fact that the value cannot be intuited apart from the expressive medium creates the delusion that value is nothing but the form of the medium.

The delusion is strongest in pure music, weakest in great literature.

Suppose for a moment that in music, there is nothing except the rhythm and melody or harmony of notes, will not the enjoyment of music, then, be simply an indulgence in sensuous entertainment or at best the appreciation of skill ?

It may, of course, be said that the enjoyment of music is not simply the sensation of musical notes striking the ear but the pleasure of perceiving, recognising and appreciating forms and structures in them.

The appeciation of music is not simply the sensuous enjoyment of sound but the intellectual enjoyment of beauty revealed by sound.

This is true, but is it also not true that beauty always gives the sense of significance even when it does not articulate it ?10

Why should that luminous but imponderable significance be regarded as delusive ?

The fact is that even when acoustic or visual forms are not recognised as conventional symbols they may still function as natural signs con-

8 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

nected with the human psyche and its attitudes. Even simple forms produce uncanny effects without conventional symbolism. The sound produced by the hammering of copper produces a strangely disturbing sensation, the sight of the majestic, snow-clad Himalayas produces an elevating sensation. A slow rhythm produces a sense of foreboding, a fast rhythm suggests enthusiasm. The names of melodies may be imaginative or accidential but they do subdivide into serious and light, joyous and melancholic etc. It may be recalled that Aristotle has held that music imitates ideas.11 Plato had already mentioned a deep connection between music and culture. If music was purely formal and unconnected with moral cultural values, neither Plato nor Aristotle would make sense. So Confucius and his school clearly recognised the metaphysical basis and moral role of music.12 The Indian sacred tradition duly emphasised not only the connection of music with pada and avadhāna but with adrṣṭa also. Music has the power of moving invisible forces and connects man with the Gods and the invisible patterns of heaven.

In short, art forms tend to join hands in terms of their evocative significance in the context of human value-seeking. At a lower level, they provide entertainments which are complementary. Even more, the different art forms function in a complementary fashion and forge the integral unity of Nāṭya. Thus, at the very outset, dance gives the dynamic image of dramatic action. As Abhinavagupta says-“Nāṭyasya prastāvanāprāṇasya pratibimbakalpaṁ nrttaṁ” (NŚ, 4,268). Similarly, music as dhruvāgāna punctuates and symbolises dramatic action. Perhaps it may be objected that the unity and effectiveness of dramatic action is bound to be impeded by song and dance—but this can be easily answered. Song and dance would impede action only if they are inappropriate. Otherwise, they would heighten sensibility and deepen the impact of action. In any case, it is not necessary to think of dramatic action as merely dominated by conflict and tension. It may, more properly be described as expressive of character, attitudes, destiny and moral law. For serious drama, which is neither farce nor sentimental melodrama, the spectator needs to have a certain attitude of contemplative detachment and this is certainly helped by suitable music and dance.

If we now turn from the multidimensional character of Nāṭya to the various levels of the context in which it is produced and apprehended, we may easily distinguish three levels. The most obvious level is that of sensuous presentation. Here, sensations and

images impinge on the mind and appear to point to an alternative world behind them. Since the imaginative and subjective character of this world is not yet clear it may be described as the level of empirical presentation. Entertainment at this level arises from the continuity of the spectacle with real life. I.A. Richards, by his theory of ‘imaginal action’ makes this the paradigmatic case of art.13 Our enjoyment of art spectacle is really a vicarious enjoyment of life where imagination gives vividness without the hazards of real life. In many ways, the ancient theory of Bhaṭṭa Lollaṭa is similar. “The spectators believe that they are viewing the real life situation and through the force of anusandhāna apprehend (pratīti) the sthāyī bhāva of Duṣyanta which when fully developed is apprehended as rasa.”

At a deeper level, the spectacle is the representation or imitation of the real nature of human life, lokānukṛti. The notions of utpatti, pratīti and upacīti may now be replaced by anukṛti, anumiti and prātibhollekha, as in Saṅkuka who clearly realized that although Nāṭya is an imitation in the sense that it represents something beyond itself, it is nevertheless a unique and vivid spectacle, neither true nor false in the empirical sense. Actually, Saṅkuka points the way beyond the concept of imitation to that of imaginative intuition. The full realization of its implication occurred in Bhaṭṭa Nāyaka who pointed out the idealizing role of imagination. Bhaṭṭa Nāyaka makes it clear that the first level of the presentation of nāṭya or kāvya is that of statement or abhidhā. The spectators apprehend the plain meaning—this is Duṣyanta, this is Kāṇva’s hermitage, Duṣyanta is attracted to Śakuntalā, etc. The second level is that of imaginative generalization and evocation of bhāva, sādhāraṇīkaraṇa or vibhāvanā. The spectator is no longer busy in noting facts but “brackets” them out of actual space and time and forgets his own separate ego. He becomes the universal spectator of bhāvas evoked by the images, vibhāvas. His enjoyment or bhoga is that of savouring of the innate flavours of feelings. His detachment prevents the enjoyment from being sentimental or narcisstic. He appreciates feelings in their universal and objective truth. For this reason, this level may be called the level of the ideal representation of human subjectivity.

Beyond this idealizing and generalizing level of felt subjectivity lies what may be called the transcendental level in which the spectator realizes himself as pure consciousness in and through the feelings and images. The bhāvas are rooted in the ego, the transfiguration of the ego transfigures the bhāvas as so many expressions

of consciousness. This leads to enjoyment as a moment of resting

in the inward nature of consciousness (samvidviśrānti). This enjoy-

ment is the pure enjoyment of rasa which is luminous and tranquil

"śāntaprāyāsvādaḥ" as Abhinavagupta states.

Thus, entertainment and rasāsvāda are really continuous though

they are transformed into various levels. Nor is rasāsvāda ultimately

the sensation of pleasure, real or imaginary. It is the appreciation

of the felt truth of human nature. In this sense, it constitutes a

subtle instruction or illumination which cannot be gained otherwise.

References

1 Prajñāyā aparaparyāyā bodha ityabhidhīyate. Sa ca dvidho

bhavati—ekah sakhandopādhikah aparah akhandopādhikah.

Yasya nivacanāṁ nāṭye abninayanāṁ vā kartum śakyate tad

bodhah sakhandopadhi viṣayako bhavati. Yasya tu na nivaca-

naṁ nāpi nāṭye abhinayanāṁ kartum śakyate tad bodhah

akhandopādhi-viṣayakah bhavati. Kauṭilīyam Arthasāstram

pātracā—vyākhyopetam. —Vol. I, pt. 1, p. 164.

2 Abhinavabhāratī ad Nāṭyaśāstra 1. 111-19. Nāṭyaśāstra, Parimal

ed. Vol. I, p. 44.

3 E.g. naṭanartanakavigyānavaādagāgjīvanakuśilavā na karma-

vighnam kuruyuh—Arthaśāstra, ed. Kangle, Vol. I, p. 33.

4 Nāṭyaśāstra, 1. 106—bhavatāṁ devatānāṁ ca śubhāśubhavikal-

pakṣaḥ karmabhāvṅvayāpekṣi nāṭyavedo mayā kṛtaḥ. Ibid.,

1.107—Trai lokyasya sarvasya nāṭyaṁ bhāvānukīrtanam. Ibid.,

1.112—Nānābhavopasampannāṁ nānāvasthāntarāmakam lokavṛt-

ttānukaranam nāṭyametanmayā kṛtam.

5 Ibid., 1.19—itihaśo mayā sṛṣṭaḥ.

6 Abhinavabhāratī ad Nāṭyaśāstra 1. 14-18. NŚ, pp. I, 12, 15.

7 NŚ, 6. 10.

8 Abhinavabhāratī, Nāṭyaśāstra, Vol. I, pp. 3,35,177.

9 E.g. Susanne Langer, Problems of Art (1957), p. 14. The arts

are all different, only expressiveness is common to them, quot-

ed Y.S. Walimbe, Abhinavagupta on Indian Aesthetics.

10 This is a point which Collingwood has emphasized in his Princi-

ples of Art.

11 Butcher, R., Aristotle’s Theory of Poetry and Fine Art.

12 Fung Yu-lan, History of Chinese Philosophy, (1937), Vol. I, pp.

64-65 etc.

13 Richards, I.A., Principles of Literary Criticism.

14 Nāṭyaśāstra, Vol. I, p. 271; Anupa Pande, A Historical and

Cultural Study of the Nāṭyaśāstra of Bharata.

Chapter 3

Concept of Drama : Bharata and Aristotle

Much effort has been made to trace the influence of western, particularly Hellenistic, influence over ancient Indian art, architecture, theatre and astronomy. While the influence over plastic art and astronomy is undeniable the same cannot be said of ancient Indian theatre and drama.1 There is no doubt about the distinct individuality of Indian drama. The difference in the Greek and Indian traditions is reflected in the theoretical formulations based on these diverse arts as is obvious if we compare Bharata’s Nāṭyaśāstra with the Poetics of Aristotle.

Both Bharata and Aristotle regard drama to be of the nature of “imitation” but in both cases imitation has to be interpreted in a broader sense than what is implied by “mimicking” or mere copying. It is clear from the very first chapter of the Poetics that for Aristotle mimesis of imitation is not mere fidelity to the original, the object of imitation in the ordinary sense. The artist may, ‘imitate things as they ought to be’ (Poetics, XXV). A poet is considered a maker (from the Greek poietes). There is an ideal form or eidos which is present in each individual phenomenon, but imperfectly manifested. This form impresses itself as a sensuous appearance on the mind of the artist; he seeks to give it a more complete expression, to bring to light the ideal which is only half-revealed in the world of reality. His distinctive work as an artist consists in stamping the given material with the impress of the form which is universal. Consequently, he produces a new thing, not the actual thing of experience, not a copy of reality, but a higher reality, for the ideal type must surpass the actual (Poetics, XXV). For Aristotle, then, imitation is a creative process.

Nāṭyaśāstra says ‘lokavṛttānukaraṇam nāṭyam’ or ‘saptadvīpānukaraṇam nāṭyam’. These references certainly make it clear that nāṭya was regarded by Bharata as imitation in some sense. The speech, gestures, manners, appearance and dress of actors did seek to conform to what was current in society. This conformity to social reality is what Abhinavagupta understands lokavṛttānukaraṇam to mean. It is not the reference to any specific actuality. When a

12 The Nātyasāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

person uses language in accordance with the current social idiom he

cannot be said to be imitating anyone. His conformity to social

usage is merely a precondition of social communication.

The purpose of drama needs to be analysed in this context.

Just as poetry is not history, drama cannot be a mere visual docu-

mentary, nahi kaver itivṛttamātranirvahena kiñcit prayojanam (Dhv-

anyāloka, p. 336). Nevertheless, drama drew its audience to a truth

which is not normally realised in everyday life. Drama, thus, is a

source of wisdom which throws light on the vicissitudes of life. At

the same time it is the source of perpetual delight and amusement

as it instructs as well as entertains—hitopadeśajananam dṛṣṭikṛdāsuk-

hādikṛt.2

Strabo (circa 24 B.C.) alludes to two rather conflicting opinions

as regards the precise function of poetry. Eratosthenes, he says, held

the view that ‘the aim of the poet always is to charm the mind, not

to instruct’.3 He himself held that it was moral instruction and

this was the oldest and most persistent view in literary criticism.4

In Aristotle’s treatment of poetry in the Poetics, the didactic

point of view is abandoned. We hear nothing of the direct ethical

influence which the several kinds of poetry exert on the spectator or

reader, or of the moral intention of the poet. In Chapter XXV too

we have an interesting reference which says, “the standard of cor-

rectness in poetry and politics is not the same any more than in

poetry and any other art”. Aristotle’s critical judgements on poetry

rest on aesthetic and logical grounds.5 In Chapter IX of the Poetics,

however, Aristotle asserts that poetry “is a more philosophical and

higher thing than history, for poetry tends to express the univer-

sal, history the particular.” What this implies, is, that a

dramatic work besides providing pleasure does impart a kind of

wisdom. What a viewer apprehends in the work is a universal

pattern and the pleasure thus derived is one which ensues from

cognition. It may be objected that dramatic representations are

fictitious not factual, as of history. ‘Not real’, replies Aristotle, ‘but

a higher reality, what ought to be, not what is’. The aim of poetry

is to represent the universal through the particular, to give a con-

crete and living embodiment of a universal truth.

We must remember that drama is conceived by Bharata as the

imitation of life intending to entertain and instruct its spectators

simultaneously. The nature of the object imitated and of the pro-

Greek drama the imitation is primaily of action and the general

effect it achieves is explained by Aristotle to be of the nature of

catharsis, a kind of emotional purging. For Bharata the object of

imitation seems to be primarily bhāva in its diverse varieties and

phases and the mood or impression produced by this imitation, the

total dramatic effect on the spectators, appears to be called rasa.

Thus, the typical Sanskrit play has been judged by modern critics

to be characterised by a comparative lack of action and marked by

sentimentality as compared to the Greek drama. While the charge of

inaction or sentimentality is not true of the better plays, the

fact that these are the directions in which the lesser plays characteri-

stically err, confirms that the basic orientation of the Sanskrit play

is quite distinct from that of the Greek drama. It may, thus, be said

that the Sanskrit play is primarily a representation of the state of

the mind-nāṭyam bhāvānukīrtanam6 and this Abhinava regards as its

real characterisation. The dramatic imitation of social life considers

it under the aspect of diverse feelings (nānābhāvopasampannam) and

alternations of states(nānāvasthāntarātmakam).7 This imitation

relates to human actions (narāṇām karmasamśrayam) and to human

conditions and reactions of all kinds.8 People have different char-

acters and dramatic representation follows this diversity as authen-

ticated by social observation—‘nānāśilāḥ prakṛtayaḥ śilānāṭyam

vinirmitam tasmāllokapramāṇam hi kartavyam nāṭayokṛtbhīḥ’.

Action then, is not neglected in Sanskrit drama. It is, however,

certainly sought to be represented in its expressiveness of the inner

psyche. As a result the end which such representation serves is to

lead the spectators to a state of simultaneous delight and instruc-

tion. Rasa, thus, denotes not only the qualitative essence of the

play but also the peculiar quality of experience it enables the spect-

ator to achieve.

For Aristotle, the ultimate effect of drama is pity and fear

effecting the proper purgation of these emotions.9 Aristotle held

that it is not desirable to kill or to starve the emotional part of the

soul, and that the regulated indulgence of the feelings serves to

maintain the balance of our nature. Tragedy, then, in this sense,

would be a vent for the particular emotions of pity and fear.

In Chapter VI of the Poetics, Aristotle defines the six parts of

tragedy namely plot (mythos), character (ethos), thought (dianoia),

diction (lexis), melody (melos), and spectacle (opsis). These are

comparable with the vastu (plot), netā (hero) and rasa (mood),10 the

three principal elements of nāṭya as analysed by later theorists. If

we add abhinaya, dance and music, lakṣaṇa and alamkāra to these

we get the principal elements of drama as they figure in the Nāṭya-

14 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

śastra. Abhinaya, especially āhārya, provided the spectacle. Gīta, vādya and nāṭya were used in quick succession as in the movement of the alātachakra. Nearly seven chapters of the Nāṭyaśāstra are devoted to music, four specifically to dance and expressive acting involved in it, two to metrics and one to the production of scenic effects. Diction is clearly connected with vṛttis, alaṁkāra and kāku. Character-types are analysed as prakṛtis and the plot or structure called itivrṛtta under sandhyangas by Bharata. The place of catharsis is taken by rasa.

Aristotle emphasizes the primacy of plot rather than of character.11 He says, “the plot, then, is the first principle and as it were, the soul of tragedy, character holds the second place”. Peripeteia (reversal) and ananesis (recognition) are held to be the most powerful elements in a tragedy.

In contrast to the Aristotlian conception, Bharata regards plot or itivrtta as the body rather than the soul of drama.12 The plot is an artistically subdivided structure, the sequence of events governed by their proper causal connections. This gives rise to five stages or avasthās13 and appropriate sandhis. These five, namely prārambla, prayatna, prāptisaṁbhava, niyataphalaprāpti and phalayoga—beginning, effort, hope-despair, uncertainty-certainty and finally success. Corresponding to these stages there are the five sandhis namely mukha, pratimukha, garbha, vimarsa and nirvahana. Although generally the five sandhis are to be observed, it is not treated as an invariable rule.

The play was divided into several acts or aṅkas, although it could be of one act also. The aṅka was compact and the action depicted in it was not to exceed one day, which is reminiscent of Greek drama.

Chapter XVII of the Poetics provides a systematic though brief discussion of how a dramatist should delineate his characters. There are four basic rules: characters of tragedy should be good, life-like, appropriate, consistent. In Chapter XIII, where Aristotle discusses the tragic protagonists, he describes the tragic here as one who is noble and better than average but not perfectly virtuous or just, who passes from a state of prosperity to adversity not through any vice or depravity, but through his own hamartia or error of judgement. If the character has no liability to er there would be no necessary and probable connection between the catastrophe and the original tragic deed. Tragedy, would then, become a mere series of accidents. There might be pity and fear in abundance but there would be no enlightenment for the audience, nor recognition of a

Concept of Drama : Bharata and Aristotle 15

universal pattern underlying human actions. By appropriateness, Aristotle means that characters should be representative of a type--a king should be kingly, a woman womanly, and so on. “Thirdly, a character must be true to life,” and “the fourth point is consistency.” The traits of a character should not be changed within the same play without any reason.

The Nāṭyaśāstra, too, has a typology of characters of uttama (superior), madhyama (middling) and adhama (inferior) prakṛitis or natures. High, middle and low remain ranks, that is to say, they came to signify the norms of behaviour expected or imputed to the different rungs of the social hierarchy. The remaining four factors which Aristotle enumerates in order are : thought, diction, song and spectacle respectively.

Since, historically, tragedy begins with song and dance it would not be inappropriate to take first the musical element, the chorus, before thought and diction. Greek tragedies were not divided into acts, their subdivisions are named with reference to the once all important chorus. These divisions were the prologue, parados or entrance song of the chorus, episode, stasimon or song of the chorus, and exodos. Commos was a lamentation song sung by chorus and actor in concert.14

The dramatists realised that the chorus could be used for a variety of purposes. It could expound the past, comment on the present, forebode the future. It provided the poet with a mouthpiece and the spectator with a counterpart of himself. It formed a living foreground of common humanity above which the hero towered; a living background of pure poetry which turned lamentation into music and horror into peace.

For Aristotle a drama can have its impact as much in reading as in witnessing its performance on the stage. Since spectacle is related only to the performance of the play, Aristotle dismisses it as the least important of the elements of tragedy. The Greek stage was an open air one and plain, perforce their conventions were simple too. It had few actors, not more than three, who wore masks and enacted the drama.

In the Nāṭyaśāstra, the lyrical or musical element is regarded as essential and was provided both as a background as well as a constituent. The orchestra or kutapa is a prominent feature of the stage, dance and music figure in the pūrvaraṅga as well as during the main play. The music of the theatre was termed dhruvā gāna and was moulded to suit the structure and atmosphere of dramatic plots. Five types of dhruvās have been enumerated and described

16 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

by Bharata namely, Prāveśikī, Ākṣepikī, Prāsādikī, Antarā and Niṣkrāmikī.15 The dhruvās suggested acts and moods of different

characters in a play; and this was suggested by the contents of the songs as well their metre, language, tempo and tāla.

The synthetic conception of nāṭya, nṛtya, nṛtta and gīta is a basic premise of Bharata's theatre. Nṛtya is a mere spectacle which

is the representation of some object. Nāṭya is the articulate expression of connected meanings communicating rasa. It uses the

language not of gestures and movements but that of articulate speech. It is not so much a spectacle as a communication. This

integration is a major departure from the Aristotlian conception. True, in the Greek drama, the chorus is a separate entity with a

definite function. The choric and dramatic elements retain a certain identity severally. In the Indian dramatic concept the

component of dance and lyric does not in any sense subserve the drama. The whole structure is poetically conceived in quite a differ-

ent way, the dance and lyric being essential ingredients of its texture and technique. The lyricism has a logic of its own rather than an

action packed story and has, therefore, little use for the unities of time, place and action. This lyrical quality helps the actor to enrich

his action, to extend its essential quality beyond what a straight enactment of the scene itself could produce.

Bharata's stage was not an open air one. In Chapter 2 he gives the architectural details of the nāṭyagrha or theatre—the laying of

the foundation, white washed walls, barrel vault roof, ornamental pillars, a green room, stage, ante-stage, auditorium, etc.

The parallel of spectacle in the Indian theatre was āhārya, connected with make-up, consumes, stage sets, etc. The stage did not

use properties except sparingly. The preparation of actors in the green room included the elaborate make-up, painting of limbs,

costumes, and ornaments. Thought in Poetics is concerned only with the intellectual content of the speeches of dramatic agents. It

includes all the effects which the speaker has to produce while enunciating a truth or arguing a point; proof and refutation, excita-

tion of feelings, etc. Chapters XX-XXII are devoted to diction. They discuss grammar, classification of words, poetic style and

metaphors. In the Nāṭyaśāstra, too, speech is described as the body of drama and vācika abhinaya is central—vāci yatnastu kartavyo

nāṭyashyesha tanuh smṛta.16

The NŚ is heir to a vastly varied dramatic tradition. In Chapter 18, ten major types of plays, the daśarūpakas, are described.

The ancient forms Dima, Samavakāra and Hāmṛga were heroic-

mythic forms, with the devāsurasamgrāma theme, had the atmosphere of commotion and conflict and lacked romance and humour. Vyāyoga is similar but had men as contenders. The Aṅka is a one-act tragedy, Prahasana a farce, Bhāṇa a monologue recounting amorous adventures and Vīthi an amusing dialogue.

However, the two forms which Bharata declares to be the proper paradigms of the theatrical representation were the Nāṭaka and Prakaraṇa. The two had a proper development of the plot, observed all the five sandhis with five or more acts. The Nāṭaka dealt with the aristocracy and high ideals. It had a famous epic king as hero and a heroic legend as its story. The Prakaraṇa had heroes from classes below the ruler—brāhmaṇa, vaiśya, secretary, priest or merchant and drew its story from a work of fiction. Hence Raghavan has termed the Nāṭaka and Prakaraṇa as the heroic play and the social play.

Greek drama knows of only tragedy and comedy. The old attic comedy, which Aristophanes continued, was heavily satirical and plot construction was slight. The Attic comedy was akin to our Nāṭikā. It is, however, tragedy that is the chief form of drama. Tragedy, then, is the imitation of an action that is serious, complete and of a certain magnitude. Conflict is the fulcrum of that action, The concept of poetic justice as a ruling principle of the cosmos was not acceptable to Greek factionalism. Aristotle believed in the intervention of fate, which will act blindly and hence bring about tragedy.

In the Nāṭyaśāstra the plot does not admit the characteristic tragic sequence. The plot is a paradigm of human effort-striving and enterprise which, after initial frustration necessarily ends with success; that is mandatory. One may well ask why not failure or catastrophe ? Why not death ? Now Sanskrit drama has fine tragic scenes, of suffering graciously endured there being hardly any parallel to it, but this is no tragedy in the strict sense of the word. But this does not mean that the Nāṭyaśāstra has no conception of tragic seriousness and has only comic plays in mind, because the mood and character of the play on the whole does not simply depend on the formal structure of the play or the death of hero but rather on the seriousness of the theme and emotions involved.

One may refer there to the Nāṭyadarpana of Rāmachandra and Guṇachandra which terms even rasa as sukhaduḥkhātmakaḥ. Nāṭya may be said to reflect the moral philosophy of the law of karman which asserts that ultimately men get their desserts. Good Sanskrit drama portrays violence, suffering, errors and accidents realistically

18 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

but the rule of poetic justice imparts to the drama an idealistic and optimistic outlook on life confident and hopeful manner and persist in righteousness. In fact, Abhinava criticises the pure tragic or comic plays which suit the behaviour of characters who do not have sufficient depth and moral stature. The distinctive kind of experience produced in dramatic spectacle was rasa. The concept of rasa as enjoyment of the theatrical representation of emotive themes and situations was joined to the idea that what was represented should be relevant to the pursuit of some recognised human value or puruṣārtha. This emphasis on the concern of drama with the active search for values saved it from lapsing into mere sentimentality or vulgar amusement just as the emphasis on rasa saved it from lapsing into mere didacticism. Dramatic representation was required at once to be realistic, idealistic and imaginative.

References

1 Weber and Windisch sought Greek inspiration and influence over Indian drama. Keith held that “it is natural that contemporaneously with the efforts should have been made to establish the indebtedness of the Nāṭyaśāstra to Aristotle’s theory of drama. There is no doubt of the many parallels between the two theories.” But he also concluded “that there is also essential difference such as renders independent development of the Indian doctrine at least as probable as borrowing.” See Keith, History of Sanskrit Drama, p, 355.

2 NŚ, 1.113.

3 Strabo, 12.4.

4 Homer was often referred to as the educator of Hellas. Poets and dramatists themselves believed that they had an important function to perform in society. Aristophanes, whose comedies were tremendously popular, although full of personal satire, too, proclaims that the comic poet not only ministers to the enjoyment of the community and educates their tastes, he is also a moral teacher and political adviser (Frogs, 1009-10). Even Plato, who vehemently attacked poetry, notably hymns of gods and panegyrics in praise of public heroes, expected from it an educative function.

5 Bharata has eight rasas (NŚ, 6, 15-16). These were Śṛṅgāra, Hāsya, Vīra, Raudra, Adbhuta, Bhayānaka, Bībhatsa and Karuṇa. It should be noted that later a ninth rasa, Śānta, was also introduced in the AB. Abhinava regularly speaks of the nine rasas.

Concept of Drama : Bharata and Aristotle 19

6 NŚ, 1.107.

7 Ibid., 1.112.

8 Ibid., 1.113.

9 Poetics, Ch. VI.

10 Daśarūpaka with the commentary of Dhanika (Bombay, 1927, 1:11) Vastunetā rasāṣṭeṣām...........vastu cha tridhā.

11 Poetics, Ch. VI.

12 NŚ, 19°·1.

13 Ibid., 19.7.

14 Aristotle, Poetics, XII. Prologue was the part before the entrance of the chorus. Parados was the entrance song of the chorus, the counterpart (alongwith prologue and exode) of Acts, the scene of dramatic action and dialogue. Stasimon was the song of the chorus, the number of these varies with that of the episodes they separate. Exodes: All after the last song of the chorus. Aristotle mentions still one more part of the tragic plot, the commos.

15 For details, see Chapter on music.

16 NŚ, 14.2.

17 We are told that the first play staged by Bharata at the instance of Brahmā was the Samavakāra Amṛtamaṭhana; the Dima Tripuradāha was staged by him before Śiva. This suggests that the more ancient dramatic forms and mythical themes were dominated by raudra, vīra and adbhuta rasas and lacked the śṛṅgāra and hāsya rasas. The heroes were generally superhuman, olympian (devas) and titanic (asuras). Samavakāra, Dima and Ihāmṛga exemplify these mythic-heroic forms. Vyāyoga has a general similarity, but it includes men as contenders and may be described as heroic-martial. The first two have four and three acts each and the latter two are one act plays. Abhinava comments contemporaneously on the ancient dramatic form—the Samavakāra. It is people with unimaginative hearts, women, children and fools are attracted by such spectacles of commotion. The other one-act plays besides Ihāmṛga and Vyāyoga were Aṅka, Prahasana, Bhāṇa and Vīthi. Aṅka had only human characters, its leading sentiment was karuṇa with the wailing of women and a situation of despair and resignation following catastrophe. Prahasana was a farce and Bhāṇa a monologue where a character recounted amorous adventures with proper histrionic expressions. Vīthi was a dialogue full of witty repartees and amusing sallies.

18 Poetics, Ch. VI.

Chapter 4

Conventionalism and Realism in Sanskrit Drama

The Nāṭyaśāstra presents a fine balance of the conventional and realistic elements in Sanskrit drama. Drama is an imitation of loka or society, that is, human nature, social usage and behaviour. The very word lokānukṛti is the proof of the realistic approach of the Sanskrit drama.

A common criticism against Sanskrit drama is that its characters are conventional types and not real individuals. The dramatic forms are said to have conventional happy endings. Dramaturgical works are thus said to have become the sources of dramatic compositions. If true, this is undoubtedly a great flaw. Actually, however, we must remember that Sanskrit drama in theory, as well as in practice, believes in the combination of convention and realism – nāṭyadharma and lokadharma. Social representation (lokānukarana) was an acknowledged primary object of drama, although it intended to communicate an inner experience through its medium. The practical constraints on the stage necessarily made this representation a mixture of realistic and conventional elements. This was clearly recognised, and the aspects of representation were termed Lokadharmī and Nāṭyadharmī.1 The two dharmīs or dramatic modes briefly correspond to ‘Nature’ (svabhāva) and ‘Image’ (vibhāva), the latter subsisting only in a dramatic spectacle.2 The real world has a natural mode leading to experiences of pleasure and pain, but it can become the occasion of pure enjoyment ‘rasa’ only when it is transformed into a spectacle.3

It is necessary to grasp the conception of society and man which is presupposed by Sanskrit drama and dramaturgy with Bharata at its head in order to see through the hollowness of the objection alluded to above. Society itself was regarded not as a simply natural product of casual factors but rather as a moral order based on dharma declared by the Śāstras. A mere animal herd or Samāja is different from a human society or Samāja, which is distinguished by dharma or moral Law. Thus, a certain formal and idealistic perspective was necessarily present in that age for the viewing of social reality. Social categories of varṇa and āśrama and other social and ritual relations appear to them more real than the

Conventionalism and Realism in Sanskrit Drama 21

merely instinctive behaviour of human being. As regards human nature, the general presumption is that the constituents of human nature are universal, though each individual has a specific character formed by his own actions. It follows, thus, that in drama, even in the representation of a real individual singular and common features are inevitably mixed up.

Lokadharmi4 consists of natural feelings and conditions (svabhāvabhāvopagatam), social usage and behaviour (lokavārtāpriyopetam) and natural acting (svabhāvābhinayopetam). Loka or society is here understood as an order based on human nature (svabhāva) and established usage (vārtā).5 Social usage or action patterns (lokavyavahāra) depend on natural activity (karma) as well as the norms of moral law (dharma).6 Human nature, thus, is not considered to be intrinsically constituted or determined by social development.7 Although the specificity of Indian social order was well recognised it was not understood in terms of any socio-historical determinism,8 It was believed to be the result of a unique and timeless tradition.9 The fact is that in ancient India, as in mediaeval Europe, human society was understood in terms of cosmic and moral constraints rather than in terms of ephemeral historical economic relations.10 For this reason, the theme and practice of drama tended to be, on the whole, conservative, taking the social order for granted and concentrating mainly on the psychic and moral roots of human conduct.

In representing society, drama did not intend to present a documentary, but to create a suggestive image and for this reason no attempt was made to develop elaborate realism. The stagecraft depended on the extensive use of signs, symbols and purely conventional representation called nāṭyadharmi. If lokadharmi meant ‘belonging to the world’, nāṭyadharmi meant ‘belonging to the stage’. The latter, thus, meant not only conventional but creative innovation of the theatre also. Dance and music come under this category. Dance involved both nrtta11 and nrtya, both belonging predominantly to the nāṭyadharmi mode, Nāṭya involved acting, but in a limited sense. Nrtya was bhāvāśrayābhinaya—the dancer expressed emotional states through the motion and disposition of his limbs. Nrtya is a mere spectacle. Unlike nrtya, nāṭya uses not merely the language of bodily gestures and movements but primarily the language of articulate speech. Speech and emotions were rendered with much natural realism. Dramatic speech required not only the realistic rendering of natural speech in all variety of situation, but the manner in which speech was affected by sickness, old-age,

childhood, deathbed, hurry, etc. was also to be carefully represented. Conventional gestures were used to convey that the speech was a soliloqy (svagata), or a whisper (karne) or an aside (janāntika) or a secret shared by a character with the audience. For the aside, thus, the gesture called the tripatākā hasta was used. The stage did not use properties except sparingly. Āhāryābhinaya meant the preparations in the green room. The Nāṭyaśāstra mentions four types of āhāryābhinaya :12 (a) pusta or model work, (b) alamkāra or decoration, (c) aṅgaracanā or make-up in accordance with role, and (d) sajīva or different objects represented on the stage. Model work or pusta was of three different kinds viz. (a) sandhima, which included productions made up from joining pieces of birch and bamboo and covering them up with skin and clothes. (b) The second was called vyājima. Here some mechanical means (yantra) was used for moving the model, such as by a string. In the Mṛcchakatika, a clay toycart gives the name to the play. In the Bālarāmāyaṇa we have mechanical dolls. (c) The third variety was the vestime where a covering of lac or wax was used. The general principle was not that of stark realism but of conventional representation. As Abhinavagupta comments : “The kind of production that depends on much use of wooden machines is not to be used in our theatrical productions because it implies a great deal of labour (khedavāha);”

mountains, vehicles, aerial cars, celestial weapons etc. could also be shown by ‘personification’ or by signs and suggestions. The chariot could thus be indicated by the charioteer appearing to hold the reins, its motion by gestures suggestive of the sensation of the breeze blowing fast. Instead of concentrating on mechanical contrivances and material reconstruction of things and detailed sets containing the exact replicas of social scenes, the NŚ concentrates on the elaborate language of gestures and symbols which dancers and actors had developed. Thus, as Dr. Lath opines in his paper ‘Nāṭya as Conceived by Bharata’ : “But in Bharata, nāṭyadharmin also means the transformation of loka in a much stronger sense. It consists (1) in the use of poetic speech, heightened gesture, dance, music and the like and (2) in the use of specially designed narratives of plots, abstracted from loka and imbued with a moral purpose.”13

Dramatic types and convention : The Nāṭyaśāstra gives a typology of characters of uttama (superior), madhyama (middling) and adhama (inferior) prakṛtis or nature.14 The superior nature is known by its self-control, wisdom, consideration, lofty objectives, depth and magnanimity, sacrifice, knowledge of diverse crafts (śilpa) and sciences (Śāstras), etc. The middling nature is known for its

Conventionalism and Realism in Sanskrit Drama 23

ciency in conducting social business (lokopacāra), in Śilpasūtras, professional knowledge and pleasing manners. The adhama prakṛti is characterised by bad character, constitution, speech, etc. This division is socio-ethical. It is not purely moral, nor is it based wholly on recognised social classes and castes. It combines both the criteria. Uttama prakṛti refers to nobility of character in a moral sense as also in the sense of those who are socially elevated.15 The madhyama prakṛti lacks the high moral qualities but more or less has the same social characteristics, except that instead of high-mindedness it has worldly wisdom and sophistication. The adhama prakṛti is characterised by immoral and criminal tendencies. This apparent correlation of moral qualities with social position is typical of a hierarchical society or of an idealistic misconception of social reality. Thus kings, ministers and priests of the plays are potrayed as brave and wise. However, while characters from lower classes or castes are not treated as heroes, they are not assumed to be immoral. The immoral characters are either criminals or certain types of courtiers such as the Śakāra in the Mṛcchakaṭika. From the dramatic point of view, the high and middling types of heroes may be bold (dhiroddhata), graceful (dhīralalita), noble (dhīrodātta) and tranquil (dhirāprasānta). The gods exemplify the first, the kings the second, the chief of the army and ministers the third and the merchants the fourth.

Keith has alleged, “The drama likewise has no desire for individual figures, but only for typical characters”,16 and this has been a fairly common criticism of the characters of Sanskrit drama. The kings, queens, ministers, the jester, the rake, the traders, ascetics, menials, gods and demons are said to be classified into neat categories of high, middle, low—noble or bold, and to be no more than the images of fixed social or mythical types. This is held to rule out individual and rounded or developing characters such as those be found in Shakespeare. Unfortunately, this misunderstands the purpose of classification and generalises from the practice of lesser writers. Types, especially social types, have a genuine place in any drama, but that does not by itself rule out individuality. Falstaff and Shylock represent types but are individuals nevertheless. The same is true of the Vidūṣaka in the Mṛcchakaṭika. Again, turning to human nature, it is never either purely typical or purely individual. The concept of the individual, in fact, is the concept of a particular belonging to a class or universal. Thus, all human beings show common as well as peculiar characteristics. Their classification into types is not a denial of their individuality. For the gods dhirod-

24 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

dhata seems to be true with reference to Samavakāra, Ḍima and such like. But in a Nāṭaka, e.g. the characterisation of Rāma in Uttararāmacarita as dhīrodātta does not produce a type. Similarly, the description of kings as dhīralalita could be true of a Nāṭikā or of a play like Mālavikāgnimitram but hardly of a Nāṭaka like Śāku-ntalam. Duṣyanta and Cārudatta are both dhīrodātta but they are distinct individuals, nor can Śakuntalā be confused with any other heroine. Jīmūtavāhana is a ruler who is dhīraprasānta in the Nāgā-nanda. The purpose, thus, of classifying heroes and heroines is certainly not to suggest that the dramatist should abandon his crea-tivity in favour of slavish conformity to dramatic prescriptions. The fact is that bad authors everywhere fail to create living characters, whereas a genius by virtue of his vivid presentation is always able to suggest the reality of his object. Moreover, that Nāṭyaśāstra and the dramatists intended vividly alive characters in significant action can hardly by denied. But they can hardly be blamed for the taking into account the modern philosophy of social individualism in the analysis of drama.

Concerning dramatic forms and convention, it is a common objection that Sanskrit drama lacks tragedy and this has been in-tended to convey that it fails to represent the deeper side of things (Keith, Sanskrit Drama; Nehru, Discovery of India). This conclu-sion is based on the fact that Sanskrit drama forbids the death of the hero at the end of the play. In fact, this is not strictly true, because in a type of composition, the Aṇka, it did end in death and lamentation. Secondly, the darker side of life need not be portray-ed simply by death at the end,17 but rather by the seriousness of the theme, manner and emotions involved. It is significant that the Nāṭyadarpana of Rāmacandra and Guṇacandra terms even rasa as sukhadukkhātmakaḥ. There is no dearth of the darker side of things of unreasonable accident of suffering in Sanskrit drama, but such depiction is generally placed in the middle of the play. The seriousness of suffering in plays like Mṛcchakaṭika, Uttararāmacar-ita or even Śākuntalam cannot be justly described as simply a part of some comedy. The same is true of a grim play like Veṇīsaṃhāra. Thus, if tragedy is the communication of the darker side of life and its suffering it cannot be said to be absent in Sanskrit drama. On the other hand, if tragedy is defined in terms of a plot ending in death, then it becomes simply a convention and there is no reason to expect Greek or Elizabethan conventions in Sanskṛti drama. Categories like ‘tragedy’ or ‘comedy’ are literary conventions, not descriptio of philosophical truth. No culture perceived the fact of death and

suffering with greater depth than the Indian. At the same time, it never lost hope and regarded sorrow as unwise or unheroic. In fact, Abhinava comments that it is only the sentimentality of women, children and fools which can appreciate sheer lamentation and laughter.18 Thus while Sanskrit drama was expected to represent life in all its aspects, tears as well as laughter, the types of drama19 introduce a conventional element which sought to inculcate a certain philosophy of life also. Drama was not simply entertainment but also moral instruction.20 The latter was responsible for the concept of poetic justice to be an inherent part of drama. The facts of death and suffering were not regarded as final, and depressing phenomena were to be understood in the proper perspetive of life.

The Mahābhārata, after the grim conclusion of the battle, goes on to question the very nature of war and peace, just as in the first and perhaps the greatest of western tragedies, the Oresteia of Aeschylus, while deaths abound in the first two parts of the trilogy, the third part goes on to seek something beyond the chain of vengeance and death. Here, death is not the end. In the Shakespearian tragedy it is supposed that the sense of waste is expressed, but the Indian drama does not permit the sense of waste to be regarded as a final thing of life. Drama was meant for public consumption and in no country can the theatre be ever wholly without any restrictions imposed in the light of social values.

Every artistic tradition tends to become elaborate in the course of time. Thus realism in dramatic representation tends to culminate today in elaborate sets or the photograhism of the cinema. The ancient tradition, on the contrary, emphasizing expressive convention, gradually tended to err in the other direction. The elaborate conventions in the Nāṭyaśāstra represent a fairly developed tradition; nevertheless it seeks to present a balance. It is, however, necessary to remember that conventional elements or nāṭyadharmi are in any case unavoidable in any cultural activity, most of all in work of expressive communication such as works of art are. If they were to be wholly realistic, they would fail to put reality within a perspective of communication, intelligibility and social acceptibility. They would also lack all artistic interpretation. On the other hand, if conventionalism were to swamp or exclude all realistic elements (loka-dharmi), drama, at least will cease to be drama, because its fundamental characteristic is imitation or anukṛti. The very characteristic of drama in terms of lokānukṛti shows its basically realistic intention.

26 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

References

1 NS, 18,70-86.

2 Svabhāvo lokadharmī tu vibhāvo nāṭyam eva hi. Ibid., 21,203.

3 The Vibhāvas are regarded as alaukika.

4 Ibid., 13,71-72. Abhinava explains—Yadā kavir yathāvṛttavastu-mātram varṇayati nāṭasya prayuṅkte na tu svabuddhikṛtam rañjanavaicitryam tadā tāvān sa kāryabhāgah prayogabhāgaśca lokadharmaśrayah tatra dharmī. (Abhinavabhāratī, Nāṭyaśāstra, Vol. II, p. 215). Lokadharmī follows the facts as given and does not introduce innovative and entertaining variations. Drama and poetry may indeed follow either social reality or imagination. Kāvyaṇāṭyayoh lokānusāritvam vā vaicitryaṅ ogitvam vā dharmaḥ (ibid., l.c.).

5 Vārtā usually has two meanings, viz, livelihood and news or social currency. Cf. Amarakośa, 1,6,7. 2,9,1. 3,3,75 (vārtā vṛttau jamaśrutau). Here, as Abhinava says, lokavārtā lokaprasiddhiḥ (Abhinavabhāratī, 11, p. 214).

6 Cf. Manusmṛti, 2, 2-5; Kullūka on ibid., 2.5. “Nāṭyaicchā niṣ-dhanyate kintu śastrokta-karmasu samyagvṛttir vidhīyate.”

7 According to Bhagavadgītā, social relations are based on nature and functions—“cāturvarṇyam mayā sṛṣṭam guṇakarma-vibhāgaśah.”

8 The Purāṇas recognise the distinctive feature of India to be cāturvarṇya. Vāyu, 45, 82-86, Matsya, 114, 5-7, Mārkaṇḍeya, 56, 1-2. That is why Bhārata is said to be Karmabhūmi—Nāṭya-śāstra., 18. 100.

9 The timelessness is with respect to ordinary empirical history. The cosmic history of the Yugas does transform human nature and dharma. Ibid., 1,8.

10 Cf. F.W. Maitland (tr.), Gierke’s Political Theories of the Middle Age, pp. 7-8.

11 Nṛtta was a pure dance sequence. It denotes the movements of limbs in a definite rythm and tempo—ṅṛttam tālalayaśrayam. Daśarūpakam, 1,9 (with the Comm. of Dhanika).

12 Nāṭyaśāstra (Kāvyamālā ed.), 21, 5.

13 India’s Intellectual Traditions, ed. Daya Krishna, p. 108 Pub. by Indian Council of Philosophical Reasearch. The view of Prof. Kantak that “Another interpretation of Lokadharmin and Nāṭ-yadharmin is the distinction between the popular and the elite theatres—between the loose, variegated, folk drama forms and the strictly designed, precept-oriented classical drama” (Kantak, The Nāṭyaśāstra; Dramatic Mode, Ibid., p.143) is a comp-

lete misunderstanding of the concept of lokadharmin nāṭyadharmīn, and can hardly be accepted.

14 NŚ, 24, 1-12.

15 In the case of superior women it is clearly stated that they are of superior birth (abhijana) ibid., 24, 9-10. Although, it is not explicitly stated in the case of men, it may be supposed that it implicitly meant that also.

16 Keith, History of Sanskrit Drama, p. 282.

17 Cf. Aristotle's Poetics, Ch. VI, where his definition of tragedy does not include the death of the hero as a necessary part, "Tragedy, then is an imitation of an action that is serious, complete and of a certain magnitude......" (tr. S.H. Butcher).

18 Niranusandhānṛtāyāḥ stribālamūrkhāśca vidravādināḥṛtayāy kriyante ityuktāḥ samavakāraḥ. Abhinavabhāratī, Vol. II, p. 441.

19 Chapter eighteen of the the NŚ describes ten types of plays termed the Daśarūpakas. The Dima, Samavakāra and Ihāmṛga were heroic-mythic forms with the devāsurasaṃgrāma theme. Vyāyoga was similar but had men as contenders. The Aṇka and Prahasana were pure tragedy and comedy, the Bhāṇa a witty monologue and Vīthi a dialogue. These four were one-act plays. The best known and most devloped forms were, however, the Nāṭaka and Prakaraṇa. The former had characters of the aristocracy and the latter those below the aristocracy.

20 Hitopadeśajanānam dhṛtikriyāsukhādikṛt—Nāṭyaśāstra, 1, 113.

Chapter 5

Urbanism and the Theatre in Ancient India

It is well known that with the disappearance of the Harappa civilization urban life also collapsed in the 2nd millennium B.C. Though its beginnings were earlier, the Second Urban Revolution occurred during the centuries between the Mahājanapada Age and the Maurya Age i.e., between the sixth and the fourth cent. B.C. While the archeologists are piecing together the detailed history of the growth of urban centres such as Hastināpura and Ahicchatrā, Kauśāmbī and Śrāvastī, Kāśī and Rājagrha, we can get a general glimpse of town life from the Epics, early Buddhist and Jaina literature and the Arthaśāstra of Kauṭilya as well as the account of Megasthenes. From the sculptures at Bharhut and Sanci we also get a visual glimpse of what the cities of the times looked like. As an example one may mention the ancient town of Girivraja which was the capital of Magadha. From the Mbh. we learn that five mountains—Vaibhāra, Varāha, Vṛṣabha, Ṛsigiri and Caityaka surrounded the town (Mbh., 2,19,2-3). Its people were contented and prosperous—tuṣṭapuṣṭajanopetam, belonged to all the four varṇas — caturvarṇyajanākulam —with opulent festivities, sphītosvam, and unassailable—anādṛṣyam. Its prosperity was shown by the abundance of food and garlands in the shops (bhakṣyamālāpana­nānām). The markets (vīthī) were opulent (samṛddhī). In the Rāmāyaṇa (1,5), Ayodhyā is described as a rectangle which had a length of twelve yojanas and a breadth of three yojanas. Its streets were well-divided and it had a broad highway. Its gateways had arches (kapatatoranavatim), it had a deep moat (parikhā), its palaces and upper stories of buildings (prāsādaiḥ kūṭāgāraiśca) shone like mountain peaks. The description of Pāṭaliputra by Magasthenes is too well known to repeat here. At Bharhut and Sanci we can see the moats, walls, gateways, kūṭāgāras, aṭṭālakas, vipaṇis, gavākṣas, pillars, halls, barrel-vaulted and domical rooms of houses and cities.

City life meant a concourse of traders and craftsmen from various parts as well as a gathering of kings, officers and warriors— Sāmanta - rājasamghaicṣakalikarmabhirāvṛtam/ Nānādeśanivāsaiśca vanigbhīr upaśobhitam// (Ayodhyā Rāmāyaṇa, 1,5,14).

Urbanism and the Theatre in Ancient India 29

meant not only the accumulation of goods in the markets and the availability of money to buy them, but also the growth of luxuries and the patronage of the arts. Thus we gather that Ayodhyā was full of women and theatrical troupes—vadhūṇāṭakasamgghaiśca samyuktāṃ sarvataḥ purim. (ibid., 1,5,12). Musical instruments like the mṛdaṅga, viṇā and paṇava could be heard on all sides. In the Mbḥ., in the context of the inauguration of the sabhā at Indraprastha, we gather that diverse kinds of showmen displayed their arts—tātra malla nāṭājhallā sūtāḥ vaitālikāsthāḥ (Mbḥ, 2,4,5) Again, during the Rājasūya the specatcles of actors and dancers were arranged (paśyanto naṭanartakau—ibid., 2, 40.48).

Prof. U.N. Roy has pointed out that ancient Indian towns were divided into six categories viz., rājadhāni or capital town, dronamu-kha which was a trading centre adjacent to the place where a river entered the city, paṭṭana or port, puṭabhedana or a big commercial centre, nigama or a centre of crafts and trade, sthānīya or a district headquarter or a police station, kharvata or a small township, and kheta or an out of the way habitation. From this it can be concluded that the most important factors leading to urbanisation were trade, specialised crafts and the needs of administration and defence. Milindapañho gives a vivid picture of the city and calls Śākala a puṭabhedana. In fact, it contains the famous parable of the Dhammanagara which reminds one of the just city of Plato. Compared to the attitude of the Brāhmaṇical Dharmasūtras this represents a great change. In the Dharmasūtras even the village is deemed a place unfit for the study of the Vedas—grāma-samipe nādhyeyam. In the Milindapañho, on the other hand, the Dhamma or ideal order is imaged as a city. Far from being outside the pale of spiritual life, the city evidently can now be conceived as providing a model for its organisation. It is also interesting to note that within the 83 kinds of social groups mentioned in the Milindapañho nāṭaka and naccakā are also mentioned. Finally, the Kāmasūtra of Vātsyāyana gives a picture of the typical townsman or the bourgeois nāgaraka. Here the nāgaraka is advised to have a house with an assured supply of water nearby with trees and gardens, with a separate room for work and two living rooms. The house was to be comfortably furnished. The nāgaraka was expected to take interest in the arts. The lute (viṇā), the painting board (citra-phalaka) and the brush (vartikāsamudgakaḥ) were to be handy. In the evenings there were to be musical gatherings (samgītakāni). A Hall of the Muses (Sarasvatyā bhavane) is envisaged where fortnightly or monthly festive entertainments (samājas) were to be held. Actors were to

30 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

stage spectacles (kuśilavāścāgantavah preṣaṇakam dadyuh). What is interesting is that Vātsyāyana advises the villagers to imitate the townsmen in their life of amusement, entertainment and adventure. If we review the picture of urban life in these diverse literary works, say from the 4th cent. B.C. to the 2nd cent. A.D. we, notice the growing importance of the city in the political, social economic, religious and artistic life of the times. No wonder then, that the clear emergence of the theatre as reflected in the NS falls in this very period and shows intimate connection with city life. The growing urban life contributed to the growth of the theatre which in turn became an important element of urban life. Drama being the imitation of life (lokānukṛtiḥ), it is natural that social changes should be reflected in the structural changes of drama and urbanisation was bound to transform the basic concepts of dramaturgy. In the first place, the development of what Prof. Raghavan has called 'the social play' in Sanskrit was clearly the result of the rise of cities and city life. It may be recalled that the principal types of dramatic compositions mentioned by Bharata may be divided into two broad classes namely, the heroic and the social. Of the ten Rūpakas or Rūpas, Nāṭaka, Vyāyoga, Samavakāra, Dima, Īhāmṛga and Aṅka are examples of the heroic drama with royal or divine heroes. On the other hand, Prakaraṇa, Prahasana, Bhāṇa and Vīthi represent the social type. In each of the two types an evolution of forms appears to have taken place. Thus, in the heroic play Dima, Samavakāra and Īhāmṛga have only divine heroes and mythical themes concentrating on conflicts and the supernatural. With the Vyāyoga, Royal Sages emerge as heroes. It is only in the Nāṭaka that the type reaches its perfection with royal heroes and the introduction of purely human and romantic themes by the side of mythical ones. On the other hand, the Vīthi was largely a series of witty dialogues, the Bhāṇa, a monologue of adventure and the Prahasana combined humour and satire and characters below the rank of royalty. The Prakaraṇa perfected the social play. As Bharata says, the Nāṭaka and the Prakaraṇa are the two perfected types of play.

About the Prakaraṇa, Bharata says that it is a kind of play in which the poet invents the dramatic plot (vastu) and the dramatic construction appears to be original (autpattika). It is not necessary for the dramatist to rely on epic legends in constructing the Prakaraṇa. While in its fullness and organisation, the Prakaraṇa resembles the Nāṭaka, its distinctiveness comes out as much in its characters as in its themes and plot. It is in these that the typical urban character of the Prakaraṇa comes out, so that it can be called a

romantic, bourgeois comedy. It presents the varied life and conduct

of Brāhmaṇas, merchants, counsellors, priests, ministers and long

distance traders or sārthavāhas. It does not emphasize an exalted

hero or the deeds of gods, or royal romances; it emphasizes

characters from outside the palace. Thus, it shows the viṭa or the

man about town, the śreṣṭhī or chief of the merchant guild, and

often courtesans or the actions of fallen women.

Thus, it would be obvious that the Prakaraṇa as a dramatic

type seeks to represent the typical urban pattern of life dominated by merchants and bankers, ministers and counsellors, who now

emerge as social heroes. The courtesans and adventurers, near about

the town and essentially parasitical, play an important part in the

new urban pattern in which the concentration of wealth and its

consumption have become important values.

Although the Nāṭaka represented the deeds of famous kings, it

too, was not unaffected by the rise of town life. This comes out

most clearly in the elaboration of royal palaces, officials and entourage. Eighteen kinds or employees in the antaḥpura have been described in the NŚ and they include diverse skilled professions. These

include Śilpakāriṇīs, Nāṭakīyās, Nartakīs and Āyuktikās. The

king's court also shows a developed administrative and judicial

machinery. Thus, the world of the Nāṭaka, although it evolved out

of the mythical and semi-mythical world of the Dima and Samavakāra, reflects in its mature form a social condition in which royal

power is essentially centred in towns. The fact is that political

factors undoubtedly played an important part in the growth of

cities. From the Epics we know that the most important features of

the city were the moat (parikhā), the wall (prākāra) and the gateways (dvāra). The royal palace with its public hall or sabhā also

appears as a prominent feature of the city. The Mbh gives a glowing description of the sabhā which Maya built for the Pāṇḍavas.

Patañjali mentions the Candragupta-sabhā. Buddhist sculptures

depict the Sudharmā. It follows, thus, that the growth of the city

and the growth of royal power and pomp took place together.

Corresponding to the two aspects of urban life, namely the royal

palace and officials, and trade and commerce, we have their representations in the Nāṭaka and the Prakaraṇa. The former concentrated on royal and aristocratic life with its wars and romances and

the Prakaraṇa concentrated on the affairs of the traders, bankers,

and ministers, and included the shadow world of the courtesans

and adventurers.

One of the clearest impacts of town life on the theatre may be

32 The Nātyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

seen in the growth of theatrical architecture. From the traditional description of the origin of drama as given in the first Chapter of the NS, it is clear that plays were originally staged in the open air. It is said that the need for a covered and enclosed theatre arose out of the need to exclude unwanted and disturbing elements. The description of a prepared stage or raṅga occurs in the Mahābhārata at many places and suggests that many types of shows were presented on the stage. These would be martial sports, or dance and music. Wrestlers and jugglers are often mentioned in the context of city spectacles. As has been pointed out by Prof. D.R. Bhandarkar, there were two kinds of festive gatherings or samājas, one of these specialising in spectacles, the other in feasting and drinking. The former kind apparently included theatrical performances also and were celebrated on occasions like the famous Indra festival or Indramaha. Stage properties were used in these representations and it has been rightly suggested that Aśoka sought to utilize such spectacles for his own religious purpose—while forbidding the samājas involving meat-eating. In the Arthasāstra, again, we hear of professionals living by the stage. It follows from these various bits of evidence that in the period from Mbh. to Aśoka the raṅga or the stage was coming into increasing use for the representation of diverse kinds of spectacles during the very period that city life was rising into importance. In fact, many years ago Bloch pointed out in ASI report that in the Ramgarh caves we have an excavated theatre of the Śuṅga period. Prof. K.D. Bajpai has drawn renewed attention to the significance of this discovery.

It may, thus, be assumed that the dercription of the theatre in the NS refers to covered and enclosed buildings which were used for dramatic presentation by the 2nd cent. B.C. These theatres were expected to appear as two-storeyed buildings from the outside. They had a barrel-vaulted roof giving them the appearence of a cave so that the accoustics could be properly attended. The seats arranged in rising tiers with separate places made out for persons belonging to the different varṇas. The green room was at the western-most end and was demarcated by pillars, curtains and doors. To its east lay the raṅgaśīrṣa in which the orchestra (kuṭapa) was placed, close to the nepathya. Further east and a little lower lay the principal part of the stage, the raṅga-pīṭha. Beside it was constructed the Mattavāraṇī and the śaddāruka. The interpretations of both of these are highly disputed. The constuction of the theatre involved the use of brick, stone and wood. The pillars had ornamental mouldings, brackets and carvings. The śālabha-

āñjikās are mentioned in this context.

Tatra stambhāḥ pradātavyāḥ tajjñairmandapadhāraṇe/

Dhāranīdharanaśte ca śalastrībhiralankṛtāḥ// - NŚ, 2.95.

The pillars were to be provided for supporting the mandapa, and in this the advice of experts was to be followed.

They were to support beams and brackets (dhāranīs) and were to be ornamented by śālastri-s.

Prof. U.N. Roy has pointed out that originally śālabhañjikā referred to a kind of udyāna-krīdā popular among women, but from the Maurya-Śuṅga-Sātavāhana age it yielded place to a popular art motif which represented a charming lady bending the branch of a sāl tree and standing cross-legged under it, with one of her hands placed on the hip and the elbow stretched outward in a graceful style.

Three distinct groups of śālabhañjikās could be noticed in artistic representations as pointed out by Prof. Roy.

These are "(i) Torana-Śālabhañjikā (i.e. a tall and slender beauty engraved on the brackets of an arched gateway).

(ii) Stambha Śālabhañjikā (i.e. an enchanting lady carved on the face of a rail post), and (iii) Caitya Śālabhañjikā (i.e. a charming beauty embellishing a caitya window)."

The śālastri-s of the NŚ obviously belongs to the second of these categories since it is expressly mentioned as a decoration of these pillars.

It is, however, to be remembered that the NŚ is still dominated by the ancient tradition of wooden architecture.

Thus, it says in the context of wood-work (dāru karman):

ūhapratyūhasaṁyuktam nānāśilpaprayojitam /

Nānāsaṁjavanopetam bahuvyālopaśobhitam //

Saśālabhañjikābhiśca samantāt samalaṁkṛtam /

Niryūhakuharopetam nānāgrathitavedikām //

Nānāvinyāsa samyuktam citrajālagavākṣakam /

Supiṭhadhāriṇīyuktam kapotālisamākulam //

Nānākuṭṭimavinyāstaih stambhaiścāpyupaśobhitam /

Evaṁ kāṣṭhavidhiṁ kṛtvā bhittikarma prayojayet // -NŚ, 2.75-78

Here we have a number of technical terms relating to sculpture and architecture.

The meanings of these terms are not always clear.

Abhinavagupta, the sole ancient commentator whose work on the NŚ survives, has already given a number of varying explanations of some of these terms.

Thus ūha is explained as a wooden element which projects out from the top of the pillar (stambhaśirasodūrairgatam kāṣṭham).

Pratyūha is the beam which projects out still further (pratyūhasto nirgatatulā).

It may be suggested that ūha was a bracket attached to the capital of the pillar while the

34 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

pratyūha was the beam or architrave which the bracket supported. Niryūha projected still further (niryūhastulāntān niṣṛtaḥ phalakabhit-timayaḥ). Perhaps ūha and pratyūha were two brackets balancing each other, while the niryūha constituted a flat and projecting member at the top which they supported. These elements were carved or sculptured (nānāśilpaprayojitam). Sañjavana was an entablature (phalaka) projecting from the niryūhas into space (sañjavana phal-akaḥ niryūhān niṣṛtaḥ ākāśe bhittivyākhyāḥ) which included natural and mythical animals, adorned these elements and Abhinava informs us that these carved figures were called anubandhas. Kuharas are explained as the carvings of mountains, cities, bowers and caves (kuharāṇi parvatapuranikuñjagahvarārūpāṇi). Śālabhañjikās are explained generally as lovely wooden images or rather as wooden images of lovely females—śālabhañjikāḥ kāṣṭham-ayāḥ kāntā-praktayāḥ. The GOS text makes it prakṛtayāḥ which does not give a suitable sense. The vedikās or railings were to have diversely carved figures (nānākṛtibhirgrathitā vedikāścaturasrikāḥ).

The walls were to be burnished and polished and plastered with lime :

Sudhākarma bahisstasya vidhātavyam prayatnataḥ /

bhittṭsvatha viliptāsu parimṛṣṭāsu sarvataḥ //

—NŚ, 2.83

When the walls were given a smooth surface (samāsu jātso-bhāsu) pictures were to be painted on them (citra-karmaprayojayet). In these paintings men and women were to be represented (citra-karmaṇi calekhyāyaḥ puruṣāḥ striyāstatāḥ). Besides, bands of creepers (latābandhāḥ) and one’s own experiences and deeds could also be depicted (caritam cātmabhogajam). Abhinava interprets latābandha to include the dance figures called piṇḍibandha. We may conclude this section by saying that the architecture of the structural theatres, the elaborately carved and ornamental pillars, sculptured statuettes and musical paintings, all of these indicate a developing urban context.

It was mentioned before that an integral part of the stage was constituted by the orchestra or kutapa. This incuded the singer and his wife and several musicians who played on string instruments and percussion instruments. While it is true that the tradition of musical displays must have been ancient as shown by the antiquity of the gāndharva veda, the combination of music including feminine singers with dramatic spectacles could have come about only when the kaiśikī vṛtti was introduced into them, that is to say, when the developed forms of Nāṭaka and Prakaraṇa were evolved. As has

Urbanism and the Theatre in Ancient India 35

already been suggested, these forms belong to an urban context and the formal inauguration of the musical orchestra with the staging of drama is indicative of a similar context.

At the same time a basic change was taking place in the very character of music. By the side of the ritualistic gandharva was growing up a popular and theatrical music exemplified by the grāma rāgas and the dhruvā gāna. The music did not depend solely on the purity of notes and elaborate patterns of tāla but also on the words of the song and its emotional suggestion. That is why it could combine so well with the drama helping to prepare the spectators for the dramatic effects.

The over-all dramatic effect was described by Bharata as rasa and it was essentially a recognition of entertainment value. Just as the gāna music emphasized the immediate melodious effect or rañjana in place of the adṛṣṭa emphasized in gāndharva, the nāṭya emphasised the pure entertainment which arose from the the skilled representation of human joys and sorrows. As the Vedic literature shows, the rural pattern of life was then bound up with the cycle of seasonal festivals and rituals. The urban pattern of life was necessarily more abstract and emphasized the imaginative representation of life in place of ritual participation in it. This growing role of element of representation may be seen in the increased role of money and coinage, sculpture and drama, for which the words used are rūpya, rūpa and rūpaka. All of these mean a representative form. From the contemplation of such representative forms and representations, the entertainment which follows is of a unique kind. It is not the direct pleasure derived from original things themselves but it is an imaginative entertainment hard to define though clearly connected with human emotions and feelings.

We may sum up by saying that the emergence of the socai play as the Prakaraṇa and Nāṭaka, the evolution of theatrical architecture, the emergence of entertainment values—all these reflect diverse bonds between the growth of urbanism and the theatre.

Chapter 6

Pre-Kalidasa Theatre : Material Culture

Material conditions are generally described in two dimensions. Sometimes the conditions of social classes and their relations are classified under material conditions. A stricter use of the term indicated the conditions of the production and consumption of wealth. The most conspicuous aspect of the consumption of wealth in the form of clothes, ornaments, make-up etc. is quite prominent in theatrical representation. Behind these apparent finerries lies a rich and highly specialised tradition of arts and crafts. A brief attempt is made to present some of the material in this context as may be gleaned from theatrical literature.

Dress:-The textiles mentioned by the dramatists of this period are kṣauma,1 kauśeya.2 amśuka and dukūla. Kṣauma was most probably linen, barasi or cloth manufactured from the bark of the baras tree and tārpya, about the material of which there is some uncertainty, some taking it as silk while others as linen.3 Linen or kṣauma was common and it was one of the materials used for making the robes of the Budhhist bhikṣus.4 The Mahāvagga also says that blankets were made of kṣauma and wool.5 In the Arthasāstra (ed. R.Shama Shastry, pp.113-14) an entire chapter discusses the duties of the Superintendent of Weaving. It says that in the weaving department, threads (sūtra), coats (varma), cloth (vastra) and ropes (raju) were manufactured. The material employed for spinning were wool (ūrṇa), fibres (balka), cotton (karpāsa), tula, hemp (śāna) and flax i.e kṣauma (ibid., 113). Kauśeya was the name given to cocoon silk. Amśuka is often taken to be a kind of fine muslin cloth. Whether amśuka was a fine cloth made of cotton or silk is a debatable question. The amśuka garments could be white like the kāśa flower-kāśāmśuka—(Prologue of Bhāsa's Pratimānātaka) or dyed in bright red.6 Dukūla was a fine cloth though its exact nature is not very clear. In the Arthasāstra, it is mentioned as white cloth manufactured in Bengal which was either made of cotton or cotton and silk mixed (ed. Ganapati Sastri, I,p. 194). The Divyāvadāna (p.396,11,23-27) says that the cloth was woven of dukūla fibre and wool mixed together. The later medieval lexicons equate it with fine linen7 or woven silk.8 Perhaps it referred to both, a particular kind of cotton textile manufactured in

Bengal (Gauḍaviṣayiṣṭam karpāsikam) or dukūla was a kind of bark silk manufactured by the fibre of a particular tree wh ose bark was pounded in a wooden mortar with water and the fibre thus obtained was then woven.9

The Nāṭyaśāstra (21,207) refers to suraṅgaih-vastraih, i.e. clothes which were well dyed. The dyers thoroughly bleached the cloth to get better colour effects. They were differently dyed in different shades, viz., safflower or kausumbhavasana (NŚ, 21,62), black or kṛṣṇavas-tra (ibid., 21,63), yellow or pītavas-tra (ibid., 21,61), parrot green or śukipañchanī-bhavastraih (ibid., 21,64), blue or nīlapa-ricchadah, red or rakta (ibid., 21,130), kāṣāya (ibid., 21.82) i.e.

either muddy red or violet. Bharata (ibid , 21,78) says that there are four primary colours or varnas. These were white, blue, yellow and red. All the other colours were got through a mixture of these colours and were thus termed upavarnas—samyo-gajāḥ upavarnāḥ (ibid , 21,79). Kāraṇdava was got through mixing white and blue--sita-nīlasamāyoge kāraṇdava iti smṛtaḥ (ibid., 21,80). Kāraṇdava, then, would be light blue. Pāndu was a combination of white and yellow—sitapīta-samāyogātpān-duvarnaḥ prakīrti-taḥ (ibid , 21,81).

This would be cream or pale yellow. Sitaraktasamāyoge padma-varṇaḥ prakīr-titah (ibid., 21,82). Padmavarna would, then, be pink. Green was got through combining blue and yellow—pīta-nīla-samāyogā-tddharito (ibid., 21,82). Raktapitasamāyogādgaura varṇa iti smṛtaḥ (ibid., 21,83). This would be orange. Kāṣāya was got out of mixing blue and red—nīlaraktasamāyogāt kāṣāyo nāma jāyate (ibid., 21,82). Kāṣāya is generally translated as ‘red’ or ‘dark red’. But this, in fact, is a limited description. Kāṣāya would indicate two shades, one with a predominance of red, which when mixed with little blue would deepen the shade to a dirty or muddy red hue.

The other shade would be with a predominance of blue and this when mixed with little red would give a violet or purple hue. The sanyāsin and Buddhist ascetics are said to wear kāṣāya garments (NŚ, 21,132). This would indicate the former shade of kāṣāya, a deep brownish red hue. The kañcukī is also said to wear kāṣāya garments—kāṣāya kañcuka-paṭāḥ (ibid., 21,124). This kāṣāya is probably of a violet shade. There were many other colours which were got by mixing three or four colours (ibid., 21,84).

Thus we have the vicitrāṇi vāsāṁsi (ibid., 21,129) garments of variegated colours. The members of the Pāśupata sect are also said to wear colourful clothes—nānāci-trāṇi vāsāṁsi kuryātpāśupateṣvatha (ibid., 21.132).

The religious recluses, hermits and those undertaking long

38 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

vows wore clothes made of darbha grass,10 cīra, valkala and carma.11 Abhinavagupta explains cīra12 as (a dress) of thick bark of a tree, which would mean a coarse bark dress. Valkala,13 too, was a bark dress. However, contrary to cīra, it was not thick, but fine; as an example he cites the birch bark. Abhinava explains carma as deer skin. As for their garments the Buddhist monks were allowed three robes or cīvaras14 viz., antaravāsaka or loin cloth, saṅghāṭi or double chādar and uttarāsaṅga or dupaṭṭā15 The nuns, were, however also allowed a robe for bath (udakasāṭikā) and a bodice saṅkacchikam.

The grhasthas wore a dhotī, an uttarīya16 or upper garment, the prāvaraka i.e. a cloak, mantle, scarf or dupaṭṭā, and śirṣapaṭṭa17 or uṣṇīṣa,18 i.e. the turban.

As regards the dhotī and its variations, we get scant knowledge from literature. Here the sculpture of the period comes to our aid. The bas-reliefs of Bharhut give a clear picture of Indian dress and its mode of wearing. The dhotī was a piece of cloth wound round the waist and then gathered in front, passed between the legs and tucked behind In the Bharhut sculpture, the dhotī generally reaches below the knees and down to the middle leg. The dhotī was pleated in various styles such as the fan-style (tālavṛntaka) in which the hanging pleated end of the loin cloth was shaped like a palette. The hastisaundika or ‘elephant trunk’ was one in which according to the Āṭṭhakathā, the pleated end was made to fall down in the same way as the pleated end of the sāris of the women of the Chola country; in the matsyavalaka style, the long and short borders were pleated in the shape of a fish tail; in the catuṣkarṇaka style the four ends of the garment were shown; in the śatavallika style many pleats and creases were shown. The loin cloth was fastened securely to the waist with a waist band or kamarband or pheṭā tied in a bow-shaped knot with a loop hanging on the side and two free ends of the kamarband on the other. Paṭkā was a decorative piece of cloth made to hang between the legs attached to the kamarband. It was either made of a narrow band of embroidered cloth or plain cloth with sufficiently long fringes at both ends, was also made with loose strings with ornamental tassels at both ends. It is remarkable that the dhotī in the later Maurya and Suṅga period is very beautifully pleated and the paṭkās are decorated with beautiful patterns, tassels etc. The uttarīya or upper garment could be of varied materials viz., darbhakṛtottarīyam (Bhāsa’s Pratijñā., 4,2) or the uttarīya made of cloth made out of darbha grass for the recluses and mendicants. The rich wore uttarīyas of different kinds

of silk, for instance sitadukūlottariya (Dūta., 1,3) i.e. uttariya made of white silk, or pītapaṭottariya (Mṛcch., 5.2) i.e an upper garment of yellow silk. The prāvarāka (Vāsava., Act V) was worn by both men and women. Prāvara was also an upper garment and Motichandra (Prācīna Bhāratīya Veṣa Bhūṣā, pp. 54,61,97,157,165 168, etc.) understands it as a dupaṭṭā or chādara (shawl). From one of the inscriptions at Sanci (Marshall, Sanci, I, p. 313) it seems that there was a family business of those who dealt in the sale of prāvaras or dupaṭṭās. The Mahāvagga (8.1.36) refers to kauśeya prāvāra. In the Mṛcch. (Act IV), Vasantasenā’s brother, who is quite a dandy, wears a silk cloak or paṭṭaprāvāraka. Again, the Mṛcch. (8,22) describes a lambadaśā viśālam prāvārakam sūtrasatairyuktam, i.e a large cloak or chādar with long fringes and having hundreds of tassels. It seems to mean interwoven with onamental figures with various kinds of threads. The rich wore their cloaks fragrant with various perfumes. Thus, by his friend, Cārudatta is sent as a gift a jātikusumavāsitaprāvāraka (Mṛcch., Act.1) i.e., a cloak fragrant with the perfume of jasmine flowers. In the 1st-2nd cent. A.D. wearing a dupaṭṭā or prāvāraka was quite popular amongst men and women (Motichandra, op. cit., p.75).

Turbans were worn on the head by men. Sometimes the hair was left uncovered and arranged in a top knot decorated with strings and jewels. But often a turban was worn over the top knot. The hair was gathered in a top knot and the two bands of the cloth crossed exactly above the middle of the forehead also covered the knot to which both ends of the cloth were tied The turban folds were held by ornamental head clasps or brooches or diadems.19 The variations in the turban were obtained by the various ways of fashioning the top knot, as also where it was tied. The top knot was basically either pear-shaped or elliptical. The top knot (with diadem or head clasp) could be either to the left or right side of the head—pārśvamaulayah (NŚ, 21.141) or pārśvagata (ibid., 21,140) or projecting over the forehead—mastakinah (l.c.). The former type of fashion is said to be more suited to uttama or madhyama types and the latter called śīrṣamauli for the kanisṭha prakṛtis.20 In fact, these sort of head dresses with top knot to the sides or protruding infront are amply illustrated in art. The kings wore crowns or diadems on their head-gears. The Commander-in-Chief, Crown-Prince and Mahāmātra (a high state official) could wear half crowns or ardhamukuṭa (ibid., 21,148). The amātya or official, kañcukī, śreṣṭhī or the rich merchant and the purodhā or the priest wore winding turbans.21

40 The Nātyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

Costumes i.e. vāsāṃsi (adhovastra) and ūrdhavāmbara (upper garment) can be generally classified into three types—śuddha (bright, white), rakta (red and various shades of red) and citra or multicoloured (NŚ, 21,109;122). The apparel of kings was gorgeous—of variegated patterns and colours. He was to daily wear such splendid clothes except on auspicious occasions and on appearing unfavourable stars, when he was to wear white clothes.22 Old people, rich bankers, government officials, priests, merchants, or chamberlains ascetics, people of the upper castes—Brāhmaṇas, Kṣatriyas and Vaiśyas were to generally wear bright, white clothes.23 Pāśupatas were to wear clothes of variegated colours and ascetics and Śākyamunis were to wear kāṣāya robes (ibid., 21,13). Śuddha veśa or white apparel is ordained for certain occasions for both men and women, viz., when going for yātrās or devarśana, on auspicious occasions, when observing some discipline, on certain astronomical conjunctures, during a wedding ceremony and when engaged in some religious rites.24 The costumes of the kañcuki and of the soldier are also referred to in the NŚ. The kañcuki or chamberlain was the attendant of the women’s apartments. The term kancuka is rendered as a dress fitting close to the upper part of the body, as an armour, mail, a cuirass, corslet or a jacket. It was a kind of long robe used for covering the upper part of the body. In the Arthaśāstra, the kañcuki, who is the chief attendent of the inner apartments is referred to as kañcukoṣṇīṣi, i.e., as wearing a kañcuka (close jacket, long robe or shirt) and a turban. The NŚ (21.134) refers to the kāṣāya or violet coloured robes of the kāñcuki. By the Ist cent. A.D. with the influx of foreigners, the costumes of women in the north-west (as represented by Gāndhāra sculptures) consisted of three pieces—a sleeved tunic or shirt (kañcuka), a sort of petticoat and a shawl or prāvaraka. The kañcuka generally reached to the knee and in exceptional cases open d in front. The sāṛi was worn in two ways : (1) one part was wrapped round the waist and the other pleated and tucked behind; (2) one part was wrapped round the waist and the free end thrown over the shoulder. The chādar or prāvāraka is generally thrown over the shoulders. The rich women wore beautiful and expensive prāvarakas. In the Mṛcch. (Act IV) Vasantasenā’s mother is said to be wearing a lovely puṣpaprāvāraka, i e. a cloak or shawl with flowers either woven or embroidered on it. The Lalitavistara (pp. 141,368) refers to prāvāraka, i.e. a cloak or shawl with flowers either woven or embroidered on it. The Lalitavistara (pp.141,368) refers to puṣpapatṭa or flowered cloth. Between 2nd cent. B.C.-Ist cent. A.D. some unusual

Pre-Kālidāsa Theatre : Material Culture 41

terracotta figurines have been found from Kauśāmbī, Mathurā etc. and may represent goddesses. They wear an exceptionally heavy head-dress and heavy jewellery. Their shawl or chādar is discernible only from the sides or behind the legs. One such is wearing a puṣpaprāv-āraka.25 Cloth of gold was known as hiraṇya or harvani or hirivas-tra.26 Apparently, the reference is to modern kinkhāb or brocade woven of pure gold thread. Shawls and cloaks richly brocaded and embroidered with gold threads and precious stones, ratnasuvarṇa prāvārakāḥ,27 were known. In the Mṛcch. (Act I) the Śakāra compares Vasantasenā to the chief actress rising up for the exhibition of a new play and hence in special attire—decked in gold (ornaments) and a gold (dress) i.e. a specially resplendent brocade or kinkhāb dress fit for the inaugural of a new play—eṣā sasvarṇā sahiraṇyā navanāṭakadarśanotthitā sūtradhāriva Vasantasenā nāma gaṇikā-dārikā

The Art of Make-up : Toilet and Coiffure—The desire to adorn oneself and look beautiful is innate and natural to any person, and the prasādhikā/prasādhaka, i.e. the beautician was just as important in the past as today. The arts of preparing cosmetics, mixing perfumes, making flower garlands and styling hair in various fashions were well developed. It was not just enough to be well-dressed, but for the men (or women) of fashion, the toilet was not complete until the cosmetics had been applied and coiffure done. After the clothes were worn the man of fashion perfumed them. Thus, the fragrance (paṭavāsagandhah) of Cārudatta’s cloak (prāvāraka) (Act I, Cāru.), assured Vasantasenā that though impoverished, Cāru-datta was not indifferent to the toilet befitting a young man of high society. In the Saundarā. (4,26) maid-servants are described as perfuming garments. In the Mṛcch. (Act I), Cārudatta’s prāvāraka is said to be perfumed by jasmine scent (jātikusuma prāvārako). Bhāsa too, mentions perfumes made of flowers – sumanavarṇaka (Vāsava., Act IV; Avi., Act III). Perhaps this was jasmine perfume. Among the several kinds of perfumes made from flowers, the one made from priyaṅgu flowers was the most famous in this period (Jātaka., VI, p.336). The gandhasamudga or perfume casket is referred to in Bālacarita (Act V). In the sixth quadrangle of courtesan Vasantase-nā’s house, perfumes were being prepared. The various types of perfumes being prepared were (i) of saffron, (ii) musk perfume, and (iii) sandal juice and jasmine flowers.28 The perfumer was known as gandhika.

Besides fumigating clothes and rooms with incense to remove bad odour, men and women were particular about body odour too.

42 The Nātyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

Sweet smelling perfumes, powders, fragrant pastes and unguents were obtained from aromatic wood, resins, flowers, etc. and were used by both men and women to remove body odour. An unclean body or clothes smelling of sweat or dirt were generally detested. Fragrant pastes were supposed to possess medicinal properties. Anointing the body with fragrant pastes (anulepana) removed fatigue and perspiration, produced a sense of pleasure, imparted strength and ojas. Application of fragrant pastes (ālepa) imparted a steadiness to the eyes, brought a graceful contour to the face, cheeks and mouth, prevented pimples, moles and such eruptions and gave to the face a glow like that of a lotus flower.29 Akālaguracandana (Avi., 5,1) i.e. aloewood and particularly sandal pastes were the most important type of unguents and pastes. According to the Buddhacrita, aloewood paste is pleasant in the cold season and sandalwood in the heat—……aguruni caiva sukhāya site hyasukhāya gharme……. candaneva coṣne-sukhāya……Thus the body was anointed with unguents and pastes, a bath was taken in perfumed water (scented with various flowers or aromatic herbs) and the hair and clothes were fumigated with incense—surabhiṃdhānopanividhaṃ tva gandhaṃ (Cāru., Act I). At the time of the bath, the skin was rubbed with a flesh rubber to cleanse it of all its dirt and impurities. Flesh rubbers were generally made of terracotta and were sometimes decorated with incised linear and other patterns on all sides.30 Shampooing and massaging was an important part of the bath and the shampooer or sāṃvāhaka (Mṛcch.,Act III) was much in demand. To help in the elaborate toilet of the ladies a host of female attendants, well-versed in the art of preparing cosmetics, were required. The Saundarā. (4,26) refers to the maid-servants who prepared the unguents (pipeṣaṅgavilepanamhi), others who fumigated the garments to be worn (vāsoṅganāṃkācidavāsayacca), or prepared the requisites of the bath (ayojayatsnānavidhiṃ tathānyā), and a few others who wreathed fragrant flowers into garlands (jagranturanyāḥ surabhiḥ srajasya). The Mṛcch. (1.8) has women involved in such activities. One women pounding unguents (ekā varṇakam pinaṣṭi), another wreathing flowers (aparā sumanaso gumpathi). The men, too, were no less debonair. This is apparent from Vātsyāyana’s injunctions to the nāgaraka or man of fashion as regards his toilet. Having, got up in the morning and finished with his daily buisness, he brushed his teeth (gṛhītadantadhāvanah). He then applied pastes and urguents to his body. The paste had to be in proper quantity —neither more nor less (mātryānulepanam). Then he fumigated his hair and garments with fragrant incense smoke (dhūpam), applied

Pre-Kālidāsa Theatre : Material Culture 43

lac-dye to his lips and wax as lip gloss (sikthamālaktakam), glanced at himself in the mirror, put fragrant betel leaves in his mouth and then went about his work. A bath (i.e. a simple bath) was to be taken everyday; every alternate day, his body was massaged and shampooed.—utsādane); every third day he cleansed his body with a substance which yielded lather (phenaka),. He had his chin and lips shaved every fourth day, and more detailed depilatory operations were carried out on the fifth day or tenth day.31

Aromatic powders and paints were used for painting the face and body. Thus we have the aṅgarāga (Avi., 4,19), pitāṅgarāga (Buddhacarita, 4,46), etc.32 Collyrium was used for the eyes and lips were coloured (NŚ, 21,28). Lips were stained with red mineral (aśmarāga, ibid., 21,30) or lac-dye, i.e. alaktaka. Besides lips, teeth were also stained. Sparkling, white teeth were preferred, but their brilliance was increased by staining. Beautiful, young women kept their teeth either pearl white or stained them, comparable with the hue of the petals of lotus flowers.33 In fact the staining of the teeth remained popular for long. Even in the tenth century, Rājaśekhara mentions dantānām parikarama (Viddha., 2,5) as an art to be practised by young women. Hands and feet were painted with alaktaka or lac-dye. Women were fond of painting their faces and cheeks with artistic designs—tilakah patrālekhaśca bhavedgaṇḍa vibhūṣaṇam (NŚ, 21,27).34 The designs (bhakti) were painted with lac-dye (alaktaka) in its natural shade, or in a shade resembling the colour of the shoot of the Aśoka tree.35 The designs were drawn on the face with a paint stick or patrāṅguli (Saundarā., 4,13-14). Sometimes a part of the design was cut out from fresh tamāla leaves and stuck to the cheeks and the rest of the design was picked out in red (Saundarā , 4,20).

Dressing the hair in various styles was also an art cultivated by the people. The weaving of flowers in the hair was popular, specially with women. The courtesan Vasantasenā decks herself not just with ornaments and perfumes but wears flowers in the hair.36 In the Padmaprābhṛtaka of Sūdraka, it is indicated that the hair of a lady were knotted into a bun, which she had adorned with the vāsanti, kunda and kūrnaka flowers.37 In the Mathurā Museum there is an interesting sandstone of the Kuṣāṇa period entitled Scenes from Aśvaghoṣa's Saundarānanda—Nanda and Sundarī in Toilet (From Gurgaon, Haryana, Ist cent. A.D.). It depicts a toilet scene. A lady looks at herself in the mirror and the prasādhaka behind her is braiding her long hair. A young maid stands before her bearing a tray on which there seem to be garlands. The prasādhaka is possibly

44 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

weaving these garlands into her long tresses, Perhaps they are nava-mallikā or jā̄tikusuma (jasmine) garlands. In yet another panel, the prasādhaka bearing the tray of garlands, stands beside the lady. She is wearing a thick band of a garland round her neck. This might be the thick, broad vitata variety of garland described in the NŚ and which is also used to adorn clothes. What is extremely interesting is the presence of a prasādhaka (not a prasādhikā) or a male beautician to adorn the lady. In Gupta times, in the works of Kālidāsa, we have a prasādhikā dressing up Pārvatī for her wedding. The hair were washed, dried by fumigating with incense and then braided. Thus, in the Mṛcch. (Act I, Prologue) the sūtradhāra speaks of the scented, braided hair of a new bride—navavadhukeś-akalāpamiva sugandham. In contrast to the bride, the lady whose husband is away, kept unbraided locks and eyes without collyrium—netrapraśiṭānjanam…..dirghālakam mukham (Vāsava., 5.10) or hair made in an austere (i.e. without flowers) in a single braid—ekaveṇī (Abhiṣeka., 2.8) as Sītā in Rāvaṇa's grove. The NŚ (21. 67-71) gives the different types of coiffures of the various regions of the country. The women of Malwa (Avantivayavatinām) had curled forelocks sirassālakakuntalam (ibid.,21,67). The hair of the women of Bengal (Gauḍināmālakaprāyam) were styled either in a high pig tail or top knot (saśikhā) or the hair were plaited into a braid which was decorated with a net (ibid.,21,68). This could be sometimes a pearl net (muktājāla) or a net made of rosettes.38 The Āb-hīra women (Ābhīrayuvatīnām) wore the hair in two plaits—dviveṇī-dhara (ibid.,21,68). The women of the North-East (pūrvottarastriṇām) were fond of wearing blue clothes (nīlaprāyamathāmbaram). They tied to the front or the sides of their head (śiraḥparigamaḥ kāryo) their tufts of hair into top knots (samunddha śikhaṇḍakam, ibid., 21.69). The women of South (dakṣiṇastriṇām) wore their hair in the style called ullekhyā (kāryāmullekhyasamśrayam), in which the hair was tied in a kumbhī knot (kumbhibandhasamyuktam) i.e. shaped like a water vessel; they also wore curls on the forehead—āvartala-lāṭikam (ibid.,21,70-71). The coiffure of courtezans could be vary according to their desire (i.c.). The munikanyās were to plait their hair in a single braid—munikanyāmekaveṇidhara śiraḥ (ibid., 21,59).

Wearing and decorating themsleves with flowers and garlands was extremely popular with women of all regions. The NŚ (21.12) enumerates five types of garlands, viz veṣṭima39 vitata, saṃghātya, granthima and prālambitā. Bharata does not explain these names, but his commentator Abhinavagupta does. Veṣṭima is explained as

made of grass string or several strings braided together and resulting in one thick braid of a garland.40 Vitata is explained as several strings of garlands which are mutually intertwind to make a broad band of garland. It may be used to adorn clothes too.41 Sanghātya was clusters of many varieties of flowers strung together by threads passing inside them.42 Granthima is explained as the garland which beautified by knots.43 Perhaps the flowers were strung together into knots of diverse kinds—a three flowered knot, a four flowered knot, a garland with a knot of five flowers, etc. Prālambita, as the word indicates, should mean that which hangs down straight. Abhinava, however, explains it as that which hangs down in a lattice or net type manner.44 Several garlands must be criss-crossing to give such a shape. This could perhaps be used for weaving a girdle round the waist or even for decorating buildings, etc. Kāmasūtra (1,3,15) also refers to the art of weaving various types of garlands—mālyagranthanavikalpāḥ. The two types of garlands wore in the hair are termed as śekharakāpidayojanam (l.c.) in the same text. The Jayamaṅgalā țikā draws a distinction in the weaving of a śekharaka and an āpiḍa. The śekharaka was basically meant for the sikhasthāna. It was either wound round a top knot or it hung down with the braid (or braids) of hair, much in the style as the gajrā is now worn in the hair, particularly by the South Indian ladies. The āpiḍa was worn round (mandalākārena) round the head. This was generally worn as a band of flowers, just above the forehead (like a śīrṣapațți) or round the middle. These could be made of a single coloured flower or of many coloured flowers. Both were the principal adornment of coiffure of the fashionable men and women.45

Ornaments:—Saundaryamalāṁkāraḥ, beauty is ornamentation, states Vāmana, the author of Kāvyālaṁkāra, the famous work on poetics. This has represented a perennial point of view in the Indian tradition. In ancient India, not only women but even men were fond of wearing profuse ornaments.

The plays of Bhāsa refer to head and ear ornaments, necklaces, armlets, bangles, girdles and anklets. Mukuṭamani (Avi.,4.19) was a jewelled diadem. The Vāsava. (Act II) refers to a curious type of ear ornament—utkṛtakarnacūlikā. This was probably an ear ornament clipped on to the ear, the upper part of which was perhaps shaped like the crest of a cock. Of necklaces, mention is made of the kanṭhasūtra (Madhyama.,1.4) This was a neck-chain, fashioned perhaps like a choker, i.e. closefitting on the neck. In contrast to this, was the lambasūtra (Bāla.,4,13) which was a long pendent necklace. Hemamālā (Abhiṣeka., Act I) and kanakamalā (ibid.,6.25) were gold

46 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

necklaces. Muktāvalī (Cāru., Act III) was a pearl string. Pendents of pearls inset with coral were parvālāntaritaih......mauktikālambakaiḥ (Vāsava., Act IV). For bangles two words — valaya (Pratijñā., 1.8) and aṅgada (Bāla.,4.13) are used. Kāñcanāṅgada (Uru.,1.51) was a gold amulet. Gold amulets could be beautifully studded with jewels too, e.g. a gold amult (pītāṅgada) studded with sapphire (nïlamani—Pratijñā., 2.2). Mekhalā (Cāru., 1,10) was a girdle and nūpura (1.c.) were anklets.

The NŚ gives a detailed description of ornaments. They are said to be of four kinds, viz. āvedhya, which required piercing; bandhanīya, which had to be tied; kṣepya, which were worn around, and āropya which were simply put on (ibid.,21.12). Ear ornaments, like kuṇḍala, which require piercing of the ear belong to the group of āvedhya ornaments (ibid.,21.13). Gold strings and necklaces are examples of āropya (1.c.). Anklets (nūpura) illustrate kṣepya or prakṣepya (1.c). The ornaments for men, whether kings or gods, are first desribed. Cūḍāmaṇi or crest jewel and mukuṭa or tiara was used for the head (ibid.,21.16). Mukuṭa was used on the forehead and cūḍāmaṇi on the middle of the head.46 Kuṇḍala (ear-rings) and mocaka, kīla or ear top were ornaments for the ear (1.c.). Kuṇḍala was worn on the lower lobe of the ear, mocaka was an ear-top worn in the middle of the ear and kīla was an ear-top worn in a hole on the upper part of the ear.47 For the neck are mentioned the pearl string (muktāvalī), sūtrak or neck chain and harṣaka (ibid., 21,17). Harṣaka, explains Abhinava, had the form of a serpent’s hood.48 Vetikā and aṅgulimudrā are both fingers’ rings (1.c.) but with a difference. Vetikā denoted a plain finger band and aṅgulimudrā had the form of some bird or lotus-flower, etc.49 On the forearm were worn hastali valaya, rucaka and cūlikā (ibid., 21,18). Cūlikā obviously indicates bangles (present-day cūḍī) and their location was more towards the lower half of the forearm. Valaya (present-day kāḍā) was also a bangle but thicker and could be pushed up the forearm (bāhumūlī) too. Rucaka was a broad bracelet clasped on to the wrist (maṇibandha). Hastali is also said to be an ornament of the forearm.50 Keyūra and aṅgada were worn above the elbow, i.e. the upper arm (ibid., 21,19). Keyūra was worn on the lower half of the upper arm i.e. just a little above the elbow and aṅgada was worn over that, i.e. on the upper half of the upper arm.51

Vyālambimuktika hāra (ibid., 21,20) was a long pearl string. Trisara was a three stringed necklace reaching up to the chest—trisaraścaiva hāruśca tathāvakṣovibhūṣaṇam (ibid., 21,19). Talaka and

sūtraka were ornaments of the hip—kaṭivibhūṣaṇam (ibid., 21,20). Talaka was worn just below the navel and sūtraka was worn even below that.52

The ornaments for women are also described. Śikhāpāsa, sikhāvyāla, pindīpatra, cūdāmani, makarikā, muktājālāgavākṣikā (ibid., 21,22) are ornaments of the head for women. Śikhāpāsa was probobly the net worn by women on their hair buns. Śikhāvyāla was serpentine in the middle and was tied by knots. This probably means that it was coiled in the middle and was woven together with the help of knots. Around this were picturesquely formed round leaves called pindipatra.53 This would mean that it was a covering or netting for the hair bun or top knot which had the shape of a flower. It was coiled in the centre (the coil held together by knots) and had petals around it. Alternatively, it could be a netting for the braid—a looped knot netting for the braid as actually depicted in Gāndhāra sculpture.54 This has a serpentine netting for the braid (the very nature of the braid itself is serpentine) and has loop like petals around it. Cūdāmani or the crest-jewel is worn in the centre of the head (siromadhye, AB). Then follows the makarapatra or makarikā. This might be a head ornament in the shape of a makara or alligator. Thereafter on the upper fringe of the forehead was worn the muktājālagavākṣikam or pearl lattice.55 Such an arch shaped ornament with pearl festoons worn above the forehead is depicted in Ajanta paintings. Sometimes there is only a single serpent head ornament of gold and pearls.56 Śirṣajolaka appears to be a swinging ornament since jolaka may have been dolaka originally. Abhinavagupta says that it is ‘playful’ (khelaprāyam), but a variant has dolāprāyam, i.e. like swing. It may have been studded with precious stones since it has been described as śirṣobhūṣaṇam caiva vicitram śirṣajolakam (ibid., 21,23). Kandaka, sikhipatra, sodoraka and lalāṭatilaka (ibid., 23-24) also seem to be head ornaments. Śikhipatra is of the form of a peacock’s tail and is studded with variegated jewels.57 The shape and the many coloured jewels seem to suggest that this was perhaps what is now called a māngatikā or bendā. Venipuccha, as the name suggests, might have been a netting for the braid or some ornament for the braid. Kandaka has not been explained and it is somewhat difficult to decipher its meaning, unless we understand the word as kantaka. It might then denote a V shaped hair-pin (Hindi—kāntā) used to secure the chignon of ladies. Such hair pins are used even these days to secure firmly the hair-buns. Sadoraka, again, is quite puzzling, unless we take it to be sadoraka i.e. ‘attached with cords’. It

might denote cords (perhaps coloured silk cords) with which the hair might have been braided or silken cords twisted into a band. Such hair bands are depicted in Ajanta paintings. It may be noted that these ornaments have not been mentioned in the Amarakosa. Lalatatilaka (ibid., 21,24) was a beautifully and variously made forehead ornament in the shape of a tilaka. It may have been like the beautiful ornamental bindis worn on the forehead these days. Bhruguccha and upariguccha were ornaments or ornamental decorations over the brow, imitating a cluster of flowers (ibid., 21,24). Tilaka and patralekha were ornamental drawings on the cheek (ibid., 21,27).

Karnika, karnavalaya, karnotkilaka, patrakarnika, kundala, karnamudra, karnotkilaka, dantapatra and karnapura (ibid., 21,28-26) were all ear ornaments. Neither Bharata nor Abhinava gives the details. Karnika might have been a ear ornament in the shape of a flower. It was worn in the upper part of the ear (see Dasa, 2nd ucchavasa). Kundalas were ear-rings. Karnavalaya seem to be discal ear-rings.58 Patrakarnika seems to be an ear-ornament with a prominent karnika (middle part of a flower) and petals. Such patrakarnika ear ornaments have been depicted in Amaravati sculptures.59 Karnamudra seems to be a coin (perhaps a gold coin ?) shaped ear top. Karnotkilaka was an ear-pin worn in a hole in the upper lobe of the ear. Dantapatra was an ivory ear ornament in the shape of a leaf. It was studded with a variety of gems—nanaratna-vicitrani dantapatrani (ibid., 21,26)—a beautiful ear ornament indeed. Karnapura, too, was a gem-studded ear ornament of the shape of lotus or flower. Of necklaces, the following (ibid., 21,31-33) are mentioned, viz., muktavali (pearl string), vyalapankti (serpentine string), manjari (mango spray design on the necklace), ratnamalika (string of gems), ratnavali (jewelled necklace), sutraka (gold neck-band or choker), dvisara (two stringed necklace), trisara (three stringed necklace), catussaraka (four stringed necklace), sthankhalika (gold chain). For the breast (ibid., 21,34) there were diversely carved haras, haras in which the jewels were studded in a net like fashion (manijalavaddham). Trivani (ibid., 21,27) was also an ornament for the breast. If taken to mean triveni it might mean a three braided ornament (perhaps of gold) for the breast. Angada and valaya are said to be ornaments for the upper arm (ibid., 21,33). For the bahunali, i.e. the region from the elbow to the wrist, an unusual ornament is mentioned. It is said to be like lofty dates (fruit) —kharjurakam socchitakam bahunalivibhusanam (ibid., 21,35). Either it had the shaps of a bunch of dates, or perhaps dates were carved

on the ornament. Others (l.c.) were kalāpi (bangle with peacock carved on it), kaṭaka (Hindi kaḍā), śaṅkha (conch-shell bangle), hastapatra (bracelet with leaves carved on it ?), and sapūraka (?). Mudrā and aṅgulīyaka (ibid., 21.36) were finger rings. On the waist were worn mekhala, kāñcīkā, raśanā and kalāpa. Kāñcīkā was of one string, mekhala of eight strings, raśanā of sixteen strings, kalāpa of twenty-five, sixty-four or hundred and eight strands (ibid., 21, 36-35).

pearl-strings (muktāhāra) for queens or goddesses could also be of thirty-two, sixty-four or hundred and eight strings (ibid., 21,39). Mekhalā or kāñcīkā could be with a pearl-net studded bejewelled two part buckle (talaka).60 A Kuṣāṇa yakṣī from the Mathurā Museum wears exactly such a pearl-net studded bejewelled two part buckle.

Among the ornaments worn above the ankles the following are mentiohed; nūpura was worn below the knees. Kiṅkiṇīkā and ghaṇṭīkā gave a tinkling sound as they were endowed with bells (Hindi-ghunguroo).61 Ratnajālaka was obviously studded with jewels, and kaṭaka must have been a thick, plain anklet (ibid., 21,39-40). On the thighs was worn the pādatapatra-jaṅghayoh pādatram (ibid., 21 40). Such a filigree leaf-like designed ornament worn on the thighs has been depicted in sculptures. Toe-rings (aṅgulīyaka) were worn on the toes (l.c.). The feet and toes were also painted with various ornamental designs with lac-dye.62

By the 1st cent. A.D., brisk trade was being carried on with the western world and the jewellers fashioned ornaments from a variety of precious stones, some of which were indigenous and some imported. Amongst them mention may be made of lapis-lazuli, pearls, corals, topazes, sapphires, cats eyes, rubies and emeralds.63 In the Mrcch. (Act IV), in the sixth quadrangle of the courtezans Vasanta-senā’s house jewellers are shown fashioning ornaments studded with a variety of precious stones. Rubies were being set in gold (for making gold ornaments)—badhyante jātarūpairmaṇikyāni ghaṭyante suvarṇālaṅkāraḥ. Pearl-ornaments were being strung on threads of red silk—raktasūtrena grathyante mauktikābharaṇān. Lapis-lazuli were being gently polished—ghṛṣyante dhīram vaidūryām. Corals were being ground on whetstones—śanairghṛṣyante pravālakāḥ.

The same play (ibid., 2,19) refers to ornaments like anklets (nūpurayugalāni), girdles studded with gems—mekhalā maṇikhacitāḥ, bracelets studded with gems in a net-work design—valayāḥ ..ratnākurajālapratibaddhāḥ. Suvarṇakaṭaka (Act VIII) is also referred to. At another place (ibid., 1,27) a beautiful girdle with a star design carved on it is mentioned—tārāvicitraṁ ruciram raśanākalāpam. Both

50 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

plain gold earrings—kundala (ibid., 1.24)—and bejewelled earrings—

manikuṇḍala (Buddhacarita 5.53)—were worn.

The society which is glimpsed in the theatre shows a great refi-

nement of manners, customs and fashions; a refinement to which

the development of oceanic trade around the 1st cent. A.D. undub-

tedly contributed. The archaeological discoveries from Begram to

Arikamedu attest to the affluence arising from Central Asian as

well as Roman trade. This refinement is reflected in drama also.

Footnotes

1 Urubhaṅga, 1.53.

2 ‘Piṭakauseyavāsāḥ’, Bhāsa, Madhyamav., 1 5; Śūdraka, Mṛcch.,

5.3.

3 Even though some western scholars suggest silk, but the comm-

entators of the Kātyāyana śrauta sūtra and the Śatapatha Brāh-

maṇa—Vedic Index, I, p. 308, fn.3—suggest it to be a linen

garment.

4 Mahāvagga, VIII,3,1.

5 Ibid., VIII,2.

6 Raktojivalāṃśuka i.e. bright red aṃśuka. Bhāsa, Abhiṣeka, 4,23.

raktāṃśuka. Mṛcch.,1,20.

7 Hemachandra, Abhidhānacintāmaṇi, III, 669; Medinī, 186,99.

8 Vaijayantī, 168,244.

9 This is also the opinion of the commentator of the Jambūdvīpa

Prajñapti, X. In any case, dukūla was connected with Bengal.

According to Bāṇa, dukūla was manufactured in the Puṇḍra re-

gion, i.e. the Puṇḍravardhana bhukti or North Bengal and

was imported from there.

10 darbhakṛtottarīyam, an upper garment made of bark. Pratijñā.,

4,2.

11 Cīravalkacarmāṇi tāpasānām tu yojayet, NŚ, 21, 131. Also—

Ṛṣīnām tāpasānām ca ye dīrghavratā narāḥ

tathā ca cīrabaddhānām romaśam śmaśru kīrtitam.

—ibid., 21,121.

12 Cīramiti sthitā ca vṛkṣatvak, valkalām tu tadviparītam,

yathā bhūrjatvak, mṛgadeśacarma. —AB on NŚ, 21,131.

13 Bhāsa, Pratimā., Act I. Sītā wears a bark dress (valkala) which

has a gold yellow hue—sauvarṇikamaiva valkalam samvṛtam—

and shines like the rays of the sun—valkalāniva kimete sūrya-

raśmayaḥ, 1.9.

14 Mṛcch., Act VIII. It is interesting to note that the Buddhist

mendicant is not mentioned at all in the Cārudatta of Bhāsa.

15 Vide, Dr. Upasaka, Dictionary of Early Buddhist Monastic Terms.

16 Pratimā., Act I; Bāla., 4.1. etc. The NŚ, 21,129 has the word urdhvāmbara for upper garment.

17 Sapaṭṭena śirṣeṇa—Cāru., Act I.

18 Mṛcch., 5,19.

19 granthimatkeśamukuṭāḥ kartavyāḥ, NŚ, 21,144.

20 madhyamā maulināścaiva kanisṭhāḥ śirṣamaulinah—ibid., 21,142; uttamāścāpi ye tatra te kāryāḥ pārśvamaulina—ibid.,21,145.

21 amātyānām kañcukinām tathā śreṣṭhipurodhasām veṣṭanābaddha-pattāni pratiśirṣāni kārayet—ibid, 21,149. Viracitabahucitraḥ pāṇḍarābaddhapaṭṭa (Pratijñā., 4,3)—white turban made up of a lot of cloth. This probably indicates the same heavy, winding turban as indicated in the NŚ

22 citro veṣastu kartavyo nṛpānām nityameva ca kevalastu bhavedcc-hudo nakṣatropātamaṅgale, NŚ, 21,136. Also nṛpānām ca citro veṣa udāhṛtaḥ, ibid., 21,125.

23 Vṛddhānām puruṣānām ca śreṣṭhyamātya purodhasām vanijām kañcukiyānām ……… śuddha vastravidhih ……… ibid., 21,126-27. According to the Chinese traveller I-tsing, the Indians in general, including the officers and people of the higher classes, wore a pair of soft white cloth as garment—A Record of the Buddhist Religion as Practised in India and the Malay Archipelago, pp 67-68, tr. by J.Takakusu, Oxford, 1896.

24 devabhogamane caiva maṅgale nityamāsthite/tathānakṣtrayoge ca vivāhakarane tathā//dharmapravṛttam yatkarma striyo vā/puṣo vā/veṣasteṣām bhavedcchuddho ye ca prāyatnikā narāḥ—ibid., 21 123-24. Abhinavagupta commenting on śuddhaveṣa says—śud-dha iti śuklavastrādih prāyah—AB on ibid.

25 E.H. Johnston, ‘A Terracotta Figure at Oxford’, JISOA, 1942, pp.94-102; See Moti Chandra, Bhāratīya Veṣa Bhūṣā, p. 82, plate 9; also p. 84, fig. 106. It does not seem to be a flowered background as held by Moti Chandra, but a puṣpapravāraka. There is a similar terracotta female figurine from Kauśāmbī (dated 2nd cent. B.C.), now in the Allahabad Museum. The plaque shows a similar woman (or Śrīdevī?) with ornamental headdress and jewellery. On her back hangs an ornamental dupattā or prāvaraṇaka which is visible only behind the knees. Kala, S.C., Terracottas in the Allahabad Museum, p.15; also fig. 21.

26 Divyāvadāna, p 316,23-27; Lalitavistara, p.158,18.

27 Divyāvadāna, p.316,23-27.

52. The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

28 Ṣoṣyante ādrakumkumprastarah sāryante kasutūrikā. Viśeṣeṇa ghṛṣyate candanarasah. Sayojyante gandhayuktayah— Mṛcch., Act IV, jātikusumavāsitah (ibid., Act I) has already been mentioned.

29 Suśruta, Cikitsāsthāna, pp.39-41. The entire thing has a great relevance in the modern context, where women have great faith in the efficacy of facial massages, herbal face masks (made of fragrant amulepas like candana, rakta-candana, bilva or bela etc.), herbal face lifts etc. This is nothing but a continuation and legacy of the past.

30 A unique terracotta skin rubber (Jhusi, near Allahabad, 2nd cent. A.D.) in the Allahabad Museum contains a feathered man and a woman with bird tails meeting face to face. The man has curly hair and the woman’s hair is arranged in a top-knot.

31 Kāmasūtra, 1.4.5. and 1.4.6 (ed. Devadatta Sastri, pub. in Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series, Varanasi, 1964).

32 These perhaps served the same purpose as foundation lotions these days. These lotions have different shades—pink, or a pale-shade or a brownish shades to suit various complexions—fair, wheat, brown etc. In the same way the sitāṅgarāga must have enhanced fair complexion, the pītṅgarāga must have suited pale complexion ete.

33 Netrayorājanam jñeyamadharasya ca ranjanam/dantānām vivi-dho rāgaścaturnām śuklatāpi vā // rāgāntaravikalpo’tha śobhanen-adhikojjvalah/mugdhānām sundarīnām ca muktāb’hāsitāśobhanāḥ//suraktā vāpi dantāḥ syuh padmapallavarajjanāḥ/aśmarāgāddyotitaḥ syādadaharaḥ pallavaprabhaḥ //—NŚ 21.28-30.

34 Tilaka was an ornamental bindi type design on the forehead. In the Kāmasūtra (1.3.15) viśeṣakacchedyam is included as one of the sixty-four arts. The Jayamaṅgalā Ṭīkā of Yaśodhara explains this as viśeṣakastilako yo lalāṭe dīyate, tasyā bhūrjādipatramasyānekaprakāram chedanamevcchedyam. Sometimes the viśeṣaka or tilaka mark was painted dark grey or black, probably with black agallochum. This would probably enhance the fairness of a woman. Thus the vidūṣaka gives some such an analogy in the Mṛcch. (1.8)—āyāmitandulodakapravāha rathyā lohakaṭā-haparivartanakṛṣṇasāra kṛtaviśeṣakeva yuvatyadhikatāram śobh-ate bhūmiḥ i.e. the passage full of a long stream of rice-water and the floor, which is dark-grey by reason of the iron saucepans having been moved over it, is now looking more charming, like a woman with a tilaka mark painted (on her forehead)

Tilaka and patrālekha designs can be seen on the faces of some yakșis at Bharhut. The sun and moon are on the cheekbones of yakșinī Candā and several flowers on her cheek and chin. The goddess Sirimā has a single star or flower on her left cheekbone. There are others which are more profusely ornamented.

35 Tathālaktakarāgaśca nānābhaktiniveśitah / aśokapllavacchāyāh syāt svābhāvika eva ca // NŚ, 21.41-42; also Saundarā., 4.20.

36 Keṣu kusumānyāsaih—Cāru., 1.22; again keṣu kusumādhyeṣu —Mṛcch., 1.40.

37 Padmaprābhrtaka, 25 (ञ). See also 9.7; 20 (त) and 31 (ञ). Catur-bhāṇi, tr. Moti Chandra, Bombay, 1959.

38 Vogel, La sculpture de Mathurā, Pl.XLV.

39 Moti Chandra has mistaken veștima for ceștita and translated it as a garland ‘set in motion’, which does not make much sense. Moti Chandra, Costumes, Textiles, Cosmetics and Coiffures in Ancient and Mediaeval India, p. 209.

40 Veștiman tṛṇaveșṭanayā nirmitam bahumāleviṣṭanakṛtam vā (AB and NŚ, ibid.). The Jaina text Niśithacūrṇi (although much later in date) says that the five coloured garlands of Mathurā were made with grasses like viraṇa and were very famous—Viraṇati-nehi pañcavaṇṇamāliyāo kiramti jahā mahuraye, NC, 2, p.396.

41 Vitatamityāveștitānyoñyāślișṭamālā-samūhātakam vastra-dhāreṇ-abhayenombhitam vā, AB ad NŚ, ibid.

42 Saṁghātyaṁ vṛttam vā āsyacchidrāntah prakṣiptasūtram bahupuṣpagucchombhitam vā, l.c.

43 Granthimam granthibhirumbhitam vā, l.c.

44 Prālambitamiti jālaparyantavyāptikam, l.c.

45 Śekharakāpidayojayamiti..........tatra śekharakasya sikhāsth-āne vā lambananyāsena paridhāpanāt. Apīdasya ca maṇḍalākāreṇa grathitasya kāṣṭhika (?) yogena paridhāpanāt. Nānāvarṇaih puṣpairviracanam yojanāṃ...........Tadubhayam nāgarakasya pradhānam nepathyāṅgam—Jayamaṅgalā commentary on Kāma-sūtra, 1.3.15.

46 cūdāmaṇih siromadhye mukuto lalāṭordhve—AB on NŚ, 21.117.

47 Kuṇḍalamadharaṇāpyaṁ mockaṁ karṇaśaśkulyā madhya-cchidre kṛtam, kila urdhvacchidre uttarakarniketi prasiddhā, l.c.

48 Harṣakamiti samudgakam sarpādirupatayā prasiddham (l.c.). Since one cannot have a necklace resembling a casket, it must mean the concave shape of casket or its lid and in this sense it would resemble the form of a serpent, i.e. the concave shape of its hood.

54 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

49 Vetiketi sūkṣmakatakarūpā angulimudrā pakṣipadmādyākāre-nopetā, 1.c.

50 Rucaka iti karagolake vitataḥ tata urdhve culiketi prasiddho nik-uñco’ grabāhusthāne-etanmanibandha vibhūṣaṇam—AB on NŚ, 21.18. Is hastali possibly hastatali ? If so, then it would indicate an ornament worn to adorn the upper side of the palm. Even now such an ornament is worn and is called hathaphūla. But now it worn only by women.

51 Keyūraḥ kurparasyordhvataḥ, tayorurdhve-tvaṅgade. 1.c.

52 talakam mābheradhah; tasyapyadhah sūtrakam, 1.c. Talaka was a girdle possibly with a buckle and sūtraka tied with a cord.

53 Śikhāvyālaḥ nāgaḥ granthibhirupanibaddho madhye karṇikāst-hāniyaḥ tasyaiva dalasandhānatayā cittaracanāni vartulāni pa-trāṇi pindipatrāṇi—AB on NŚ, 21.22. Karṇikāsthāna is the inner, central portion of a flower where the stamens etc. are located.

54 Moti Chandra, Costumes, Textiles, Cosmetics and Coiffures in Ancient and Mediaeval India, p. 212.

55 tato makarapatram (makarikā), tato lalāṭāntamuktajālikā tora-ṇam jāltiśadrūpeṇa prasiddhaṇa—AB on NŚ, 21.22.

56 Sarpasyava vā śirasā ekameva suvarṇamuktāmanicitritam, 1.c.

57 Śikhipatram mayūrapiñchākāro-vicitravarnamanīracitaḥ. 1.c.

58 Karṇavalaya probably denotes discal earrings—concentric circles round a central boss or dot. Such earrings have been found from the Śuṅga-Kuṣāṇa period and continue very late. A male gaugardian from Bharhut railing wears such karṇavalayas where there are five concentric circles round a central dot. During the Kuṣāṇa period, these discal earrings were quite popular. For example, a woman carrying a covered basket (Mathurā Museum) wears a pair of large discal earrings. In the Gaṅgā valley such discal earrings have been excavated from the fifth century B.C. to the second century A.D. But actually their antiquity dates much earlier. They were popular in ancient Egypt too. Two women painted on the tomb of Neb-amun at Thebes around 1400 B.C. depict such earrings. One holds a lotus and wears the karṇavalaya type of earrings with concentric circles. The other one wears plain round earrings resembling a coin—probably the karṇamudrā type mentioned by Bharata. Another part of a wall painting from the tomb of Neb-amun in the British Museum (XVIIIth Dynasty) depicts three women wearing three different types of earrings. To the left end, a woman playing a double flute wears the karṇavalaya type of earrings with concentric circles. The one to the right corner wears plain

kuṇdalas. The one in the centre wears earrings which can be termed petaliformed. If so, then they would be like the karṇa-pūra ornament. If these are interpreted as beams outside a central circle, then they would be akin to cakrakunḍalas. See, Postel, M., Ear Ornaments of Ancient India. p.271.

59 Ibid., p. 231, fig. 1; fig. 3; also p. 219 fig. 2. In our opinion these drawings illustrate the patrakaṇikā ear ornament. They have a prominent karṇikā portion with leaves. The dots showing the pollen might have been gem-studded.

60 muktājālādhyatalakam mekhalā kāñcikāpi vā. Ibid., 21,36.

61 nūpuro janvadhah—AB on NŚ, 21.39. Such ornaments, worn prolifically on the shank, below the knee but well above the ankles, are often depicted in sculpture. Kiṅkiṇikā ghaṇṭikālagnā, l.c.

62 aṅguṣṭhatilakaścaiva pādayośca vibhūṣaṇaṃ tathālaktakarāgāśca nānābhaktiniveśitah—ibid., 21.41. (aṅguṣṭha) tilaka iti vicitrara-canākṛtah—AB on ibid., 21.41.

63 Vaidūryamuktikapravālakapuṣparāgendranīlakarketarakapadm-arāgāmarakata - Mṛcch., Act IV.

Chapter 7

Social Glimpses from Kalidasa

The works of Kālidāsa present a vivid picture of bustling city life, lofty mansions, wealthy people who lived a life of luxury and patronised the arts, their ornaments, amusements and a brisk trade and economy. Briefly, the picture presented is one of oppulence and all round prosperity. As such, the works of Kālidāsa are important not only from the point of view of Sanskrit literature, but are of invaluable help for the socio-cultural history of the Gupta period.

As regards city architecture the Raghuvaṃśa describes gateways or toranas (7,4), turrets, terraces, ramparts (16,11) temples or pratimāgrha (16,39) and mansions. There are several terms for different buildings. Vesma, niketana, sadma, āgāra, mandira, prāsāda, harmya1 and vimāna2 were large, palatial buildings or mansions. The mansions of the rich were marked by great elegance and luxury. They are said to be white-washed (saudhagata), with painted drawing rooms (sadmasu citravatsu), gold latticed windows (cāmikarajālavatsu) and as having lily pools (grha dirghikā).3 There are descriptions of jewelled mansions (maniharmyas) having jewelled stairways (sphaṭikamaṇiśilāspāna).4 There were splendid houses with water fountains – vicitra jalayantragṛha.5 In fact, a passage in the Raghuvaṃśa (16,49), describes how rich men passed their time in the summer days lying on marble seats washed with sandal paste and surrounded by cool watery sprays thrown out by mechanical means i.e. by water fountains. The same text (19,42) describes the winter dwellings – interior rooms free from winter wind – garbhaveśmasu nivātakukṣiṣu. The Ṛtusaṃhāra (5,2)describes the interior of the house with closed windows and fireplaces for winter–niruddhavātāyanamadirodaramhutāśane. Such mansions had domesticated peacocks (bhavanaśikhino) and golden perches with crystal slabs (sphaṭikaphalaka kāñcani vāsaṣaṭīḥ) for their roosting.6 The gardens had ponds, rockeries (kriḍāśaila). bowers of creepers (mādhavimandapa), hedges of golden plantation trees and of kurbaka.7 The palaces and mansions were furnished with jewelled lamps (ratnapradīpa),8 mirrors set in gold (hiraṇyamaye ādarśe),9 gold footstools (tapanīyapiṭhika),10 ivory stools (gajadantrāsana), table cloth (uttara-)

chadma), bed cover (pracchada) and flower couches (puṣpasayana)11 and curtains (tiraskarini) outside doors.12

The works of Kālidāsa portray a picture of brisk trade and commerce and prosperous economy and agriculture. The Meghadūta (Pūrva, 33) describes the city of Ujjayini with markets flooded with precious goods. The Abhijñānaśakuntalam (Act VI) refers to sea trade and merchants (samudravyavahārī sārthavāha). When the death of a childless merchant is reported his property was to be confiscated by the state. The Raghuvaṃśa (14,30) too, describes prosperous merchants, rich shops and beautiful city gardens and brisk trade (17,64). It describes the construction of bridges, elephant taming and agriculture (16,2). There were plentiful rains, no epidemics, safe water-ways for mariners and ample treasury (17,81). There were prolific jewel mines, elephant forests and corn-fields (17.66).

In the rural areas there were fields with an abundant crop of ripe paddy (śāli) and sugarcane.13 The grounds are said to be covered with ripened kalama rice.14 The king received 1/6th of the produce as revenue.15

The king's administrative set up was assisted by sāmantas or feudal lords,16 viṣayapatis or provincial governors,17 senāpati or general, antaḥpāla or guardians of borders, parivrājika or judge,18 rāṣṭrariya rakṣin or police officer,19 kañcuki or chamberlain, pratihāra rakṣi or keepers of the doors of the harem, śilpaśaṃghān, etc.20 The king was to rule by the policy of sāmadānabhedanigrahasiddhi 21 The ultimate values of society are stated as dharmārthakāmamokṣa.22

Much can be gathered about costumes, cosmetics and the art of make-up, coiffures and ornaments from the works of Kālidāsa. As regards textiles, the basic types remain dukūla, kṣauma, kauśeya, patrorna and aṃśuka. Dukūla seems to be a kind of bark-silk made from some kind of plant fibre. According to Bāṇa, dukūla was manufactured in the Puṇḍra region, i.e. the Puṇḍravardhana bhukti or North Bengal and was imported from there. Dukūlayugmam or a pair of dukūla silk garments were presented to the bridegroom by the bride's father during the wedding ceremony.23 The Kumārasambhava (5,67) refers to the bridal silk dress embroidered or woven with swans—vadhūdukūlam kalahaṃsalakṣaṇam. The Raghuvaṃśa (17,24) refers to the hamsacinhadukūla worn by prince Atithi during his coronation ceremony, as he is said to be the bridegroom of the princess of fortune. In the Harṣacarita (7th ucchvāsa) too, Harṣa sets out for digvijaya wearing a swan bordered dukūla. The painting of figures wearing a wrap with a haṃsa motif arranged in curved diagonal rows can be seen in Ajanta Cave I (6th-7th cent.

58 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

A.D.). It seems that costumes with swan bordered motif were common for auspicious occasions. Ladies wore lower garments or nīvi of dukūla silk, fastened to their hips by girdles.24 In summers that nīvi used to be of very fine white dukūla silk.25 Dukūla and kṣauma are both mentioned in the Arthaśāstra (2,23). Kṣauma was either linen cloth or woven silk. While leaving the āśrama of Kanva, Śakuntalā wore a dress of cream silk—indupāndudukṣauma. The Rṭusamhāra (5,8) refers to the sarāgakauśeyabhūṣitoravaḥ i.e. colored silken garments for the thighs. In the Mālavikāgnimitram (Act. V) Queen Dhāriṇi asks for silken garments—kauśeyapatrorna—for Mālavikā. Kiṣirasvāmi says that it was produced from the saliva of silk worms—lakṣuvataādipatreṣu krimilā-lornākritam patrorṇam. Hence it was probably some kind of silk. In the Mahābhārata,26 the kings of Puṇḍra, Tāmralipti, Vañga and Kaliṅga brought as gifts for king Yudhiṣṭhira, dukūla, kauśika and patrorṇa material. The Amarakoṣa (2,6,113) defines patrorṇa thus—patrorṇami dhautakaus-eyam bahumūlyam mahādhānam. Thus in the Gupta period patrorṇa meant a costly white silken cloth. Small wonder then, Mālavikā was to wear the patrorṇa garment—a silk dress fit for a princess. Amśuka is often taken to be a kind of fine muslin cloth. Amśuka was a fine cloth made of either cotton or silk. The Amarakoṣa takes kṣauma and amśuka to be synonymous. The Anuyogadvāra sūtra (37) of the Jainas refers to five kinds of textiles produced by worms (kīṭaja) and amśuga and cīnāmśuga are amongst the ones included. Another Jaina text, the Niśīthacūrṇī (2nd Uddesaka) says that the amśuya or amśuka cloth was manufactured from the inner bark of the duggula (i.e. dukūla) tree—duggullate abbhamtaraHito jam up-pajjati tam amśūyam. Perhaps it was a finer variety of cloth as compared to dukūla. The commentator of the Brhatkalpabhāṣya (4, p.1018) also explains it as a fine, soft and shining cloth. Amśuka was of two varieties – one produced in India and the other imported from China, the cīnāmśuka. This variety of Chinese silk was much imported during the Gupta period. Kālidāsa refers to it in the Abhijñānaśākuntalam (1,34). The amśuka was dyed in many colours. The Abhisārikā or the lady who had a rendezvous with her lover at night dressed in a nīlāmśuka dress.27 In the Rṭusamhāra (6,19) the kimśuka groves are compared to the newly wedded bride in red amśuka dress—raktāmśuka navavadhūriṇa. Ladies observing fasts and vows were to wear white amśuka, śitāmśuka (Vikramorvaśīyam., 3,12). Extremely fine amśuka cloth fit to be worn in summer is described as niśvāsaharyam amśukam.28 Amśuka was also used as breast cloth, stanamśuka, by ladies.29 Thin breast cloth (tanvamśukamunnotastana)

was used in summer.30 Garments of multi-coloured bands were also

much worn in the Gupta period. They are often depicted at Ajanta.

The Meghadūta (Uttara,12) refers to such variegated coloured

garments as vāsacitram. The Rtusam̧hāra (6,13) describes the spri-

ng season in which women wear thin garments dyed with lac-resin

and perfumed with the incense of fragrant black, aloe wood: vāsā-

msi ................tanuni lākṣārasarañjitāni sugandhikālāgurudhūpitāni.

Clothes made of bark—taruvalkavāsam31—were common among

ascetics. Sakuntalā is described as wearing a breast cloth of valkala-

vastra. (Act I). There is one more textile referred to by Kālidāsa,

the silken cloth which is called netra, a special word coined in

Gupta Sanskrit. It is not found in the works of Aśvaghoṣa. Kāli-

dāsa has used it for the first time and only once—samyati reṇuravaih

.........netrakrameṇa uparurodha sūryam (Raghuvam̧sa 7,39) i.e.

the dust raised in the battle by the horses ..........covered the sun as

if with a netra (cloth). Mallinātha treats it as synonymous with

am̧suka on the authority of the Amarakoṣa (3,3,180) which says—

syājjatām̧sukayornetram. The Purāṇas, (e g. Matsya Purāṇa, 265.15)

also use this word. The use of netra for silk gradually increased in

the centuries to come.

Amongst the articles of dress we have references to the nivi,

stanām̧suka, uttarīya, kūrpāsaka, vārabāṇa, antahpuranepathya, etc.

Nīvi was the lower garment of a woman. It was a cloth worn round

a woman’s waist, the ends of the cloth tied into a knot in the front.

Stanām̧suka was the breast cloth. Uttarīya was a cloak or wrap. The

cloak for queens is described as ratnagrathitottarīya.32 Mallinātha

explains it as an uttarīya or wrap woven with pearls—muktāmanib-

hirgrathita. Kūrpāsaka was a common dress in the Gupta period.

The Amarakoṣa (2.6.118) explains it as a cola or bodice. The

kūrpāsaka was generally waist length only. In Ajanta paintings,

the kūrpāsaka bodice is in three styles, viz. sleeveless, with half sleeves

and with full sleeves. In the Rtusam̧hāra (4.16; 5.8) Kālidāsa descri-

bes women wearing the kūrpāsaka bodice in the cold season. The

reference here is obviously to the full sleeved kūrpāsaka. He also

describes the charming (patterned or coloured) kūrpāsaka—mano-

jñakūrpāsaka. In the Ajanta paintings, too, women wear half and

full sleeve bodices with different colours and charming floral patt-

erns. Bāṇa also describes the kūrpāsaka as nānākāśāya karburaih,

i.e. dyed in various colours. Kālidāsa also refers to the vārabāṇa—

tadyodhvārabāṇam (Raghuvam̧sa 4.55). Mallinātha explains this as

raghubhatakaṅcukānām. The Amarakoṣa (2,8,63) treats kañcuka and

vārabāṇa as synonyms. The dress of special coat worn by Samudra-

gupta and Chandragupta on their coins seems to be the vārābāna. The Gupta kings adopted it from their Kuṣāṇa predecessors. Veṣṭa- na or turban and pādukā or slippers are also mentioned 33

The female inmates of the harem—the maids—wore a short (anatilambī) transparent dress (nāṭiparyāpta veṣā).34 The Mālavikā- gnimitram (Act I, Act II) has an interesting reference to the thin stage costumes (virālanepathya) of dancers which exhibited the grace of all their limbs (sarvāṅgasauṣṭhavabhivyakte). This is also borne out by Gupta sculptures which show the actresses in thin, almost transparent stage costumes as in the Gwalior-Pawaya dance scene. The dancer wears a breast cloth which is taken round her breasts, tied in a knot over her left shoulder and then falls in heavy folds. In the Deogarh dance scenes, the actresses wear sewn clothes, sewn bodices, dhotis in the manner men wear today. Others wear transparent, thin skirts that cling to their body and come down to the ankles.

The art of make-up, cosmetics and coiffure was a developed one. The prasādhikā or female beautician (Raghuvamśa, 7.7; Kumāra- sambhava, 7.20) and the prasādhaka or valet (ibid., 17.22) were skilled in their profession.

Both men and women adorned themselves with a variety of cosmetics, perfumes, unguents and scented paints. For summers, snānakāṣāyavasitah35 is mentioned, i.e. the body was anointed with perfumed oils and scented pastes, massaged and scrubbed with cleansing substances before one proceeded to take the bath. This was different from a śuddhasnāna, i.e. a bath without the use of any scented oils, perfumes and unguents. The body was then besmeared with sandal paste and perfumed with musk—candanenāṅgarāgam ca mṛganābhi sugandhinā (Raghuvamśa, 17,24). Amongst fragrant pastes and unguents, sandal paste was the most popular. However, anointing the body with other unguents was also practised to, e.g. kāleyaka paste i.e. a fragrant yellow pigment,36 sandal paste mixed with priyaṅgu (a kind of fragrant seed, different from the plant of this name), kāleyaka saffron and musk (Ṛtusamihāra, 6.12). The Kumārasambhava (Canto VII) has an interesting description of the auspicious bath given to Pārvatī when she was to get ready for her wedding. Kinswomen who were not widows and were mothers of sons helped her with the bath. For the auspicious bath, she put on a silk dress worn below the navel and held an arrow in her hand. She was then massaged with oil mixed with tender sprouts of dūrvā grass and white mustard seeds.37 The women then led her to a four pillared bejewelled saloon (catuṣkā), removed the oil paste with

lodhra powder and besmeared her with slightly dry kāleyaka unguent. She was then bathed with water poured out of gold pots to the accompaniment of the (music of) tūryas.

As for the cosmetics used, lodhra cūrṇa was also used as face powder (Raghuvamśa, 7.17, Meghadūta, Uttara, 2). This was prepared from the bark of the lodhra tree (possibly symplocos ree-mozé?). It was possibly easily available in the market as the Niṣi-thacūrṇi (2nd uddeśaka) terms it as haṭṭadravya. Collyrium (añjana) was applied to the eyes. Snigdhabhinnāñjana (Meghadūta, Pūrva, 62) was glossy, powdered antimony. Its application was possibly similar to that of mascara. The Kāmasūtra (1,4,5) prescribes the use of wax over lips coloured with alaktakā or red lac—dattvā sikthakam-alaktam ca1. A thin layer of wax was rubbed over lips coloured with alaktakā, which gave the lips a glossy effect in the same way as ‘lip gloss’ is applied over ‘lipstick’ these days. In the Kumarasambhava (7.18) Pārvatī’s lips are coloured and glossed in the same way kiñ-cidmadhucchiṣṭavimraṣṭarāgah ………… adharoṣṭhah. Women also dyed or stained their feet with alaktakā or the colour of lac-resin—lākṣārasarāgarañjitaitaih ……… caranaih (Ṛtusamhāra, 1.5 etc.). Ornamental drawings on the face for auspicious occasions were done for both men and women.

The art of coiffure is also noteworthy. Keśasaṃskāradhūpaiḥ38 was practised by both men and women. This meant that the moisture of the hair was perfumed and dried by the smoke of incense, and this was quite a common and ancient practice. In the heat of the summer evenings, the tresses of the ladies, which were wet after a bath, were dried and perfumed with incense and then braided with jasmine flowers. In the course of her wedding toilet, Pārvatī too had her moist hair fumigated with incense, then got them tied into a charming knot which was encircled by garland of yellow madhūka flowers intermixed with dūrvā. Men, too, had their hair dried and perfumed with incense. Prince Athithi’s hair were thus dried. Then his crest hair were first tied with garlands and then with a string of pearls and a ruby (Raghuvamśa, 17,22-23). There were other types of styles of dressing the hair also such as curled forelocks—keśa ………kiñcitāgra (Ṛtusamhara, 3,13), mukta-jalāgra-thitamalakam (Meghadūta, Pūrva, 66) i.e. tresses interwoven with pearl net, flowers interwoven with a braid alakebālakundānuviddham (Meghadūta, Uttara, 2), a flower tucked in the hair bun—cūdāpase navakurabakam (I.c), a braid of oiled hair or snigdhavenī (Megha-dūta, Pūrva, 28). The virahini or the proṣitabhartṛkā, however, was not to adorn herself. She was to have a śuddhāsnāna, a simple

62 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

braid (ekaveṇī), keep eyes without collyrium (añjana snehaśūnya) and leave the use of garlands, ornaments and cosmetics—nirasta mālyābharaṇānulepanah.39

A variety of ornaments were worn and both men and women were fond of adorning themselves. Among the ornaments for the head the cūḍāmaṇi or crest-jewel was quite common. Yuan Chwang observes that garlands and tiaras with precious stones were the head ornaments of the kings. The king’s crest hair is described as being tied with garlands intertwined with pearls and rubies. For ears, kuṇḍalas (Raghuvṃśa, 9.51) or earrings were worn by both men and women. Kaṅcanakuṇdals (Rtusamḥāra, 3.19) or gold earrings, or maṇi kuṇḍalas (ibid., 2.19) were the different varieties of kuṇḍalas. The latter seem to be studded with three or four rows of precious stones. Karṇapūra40 was a dangler (avatamśa) ornament which covered the entire ear. The dantapatra41 was another popular ear ornament. It was perhaps not a dangler, but an ear ornament which was to be clasped (avasakta) to the ear. Karṇotpala (Kumārasambhava, 5.47) was a lotus-shaped ear ornament. Muktāphala patrāveśṭa (Raghuvamśa, 16,67) were ear ornaments of pearls.

Of neck ornaments are described the hemasūtra (Vikramorvaśīyam, 5.2) or gold chain and the long pendant necklace reaching upto the breasts—stanā lambihāram (Raghuvṃśa, 16,43). Pearl necklaces or muktāvali (ibid., 13,48), however, were the most popular neck ornament. Thus, the muktākalāpa (Kumārasambhava, 1.42), caṇḍāṃśu-hāra (Rtusamḥāra, 1.28), the ekāvalī vaijayantikā (Vikramorvaśīyam, Act I) were all pearl necklaces. There were other varieties of pearl necklaces too. The tārātaralgutikān hārān (Meghadūta, Pūrva, 33) were necklaces of pearls with precious stones at the centre. One such type was the ekam muktāguṇam sthūlamadhyendrantīlam (ibid., 49) which was the one-stringed pearl necklace with a big sapphire at the centre. Another was the pearl necklace interwoven with sapphires—indranīlaịh muktāmayi yaṣṭi (Raghuvamśa, 13,54). Of the ornaments of the arms we have the aṅgada and valaya (Rtusamḥāra, 4,3). Aṅgada was worn on the upper arm. Cāmikarāṅgada (Vikramorvaśīyam, 41,15) was a gold armlet. Valaya was a bracelet. Kañc-anavalaya or kanakavalaya (Śakuntalam, 3,10,6,6; Meghadūta, Pūr-va, 2,etc.) were gold bracelets. Bhujagavalaya (ibid.,63) was a serpent-shaped bracelet. Mudrā and aṅgulīyaka adorned the fingers.

On the waist were worn mekhalā, kāñcī, raśanā and kalāpa. Kāñcī was of one string, kalāpa of twenty-five, sixty-four or hundred and eight strands. There were a variety of girdles.42 Kanakakāñcī, hema-mekhalā i.e. girdles of gold, maṇimekhalā or jewelled girdles,

kāñciguṇaih kāñcana-ratnocitaih i.e. waistbands variegated with gold and gems, saphariraśanākalāpah or girdle bands with saphari fish designs and hamsasroṇiracitarasaṇā or girdle carved with a row of swans.

The Vikramorvaśiyam (Acts II, III) has some passing references to food. It refers to the mahānasam or kitchen and mentions the pañcavidhas yābhyavaharasy a or the five types of food. These are the bhakṣya, bhojya, lehya, peya and coṣya.43 The first of these or bhakṣya has to be suitably treated with some vyañjana. The chief vyañjana was śāka. Kraśara (khicrī in Hindi) is an example of bhakṣya, i.e. rice being treated with some vyañjana. Abhinavagupta, the commentator of the Nāṭyaśāstra, explains that bhojya is an eatable which contains clearly distinct parts of solid particles (khara viṣadam). Examples are bread (śaskulī) and solid round sweets now called laddūs (modakas). Peya or drink was of two kinds—boiled or otherwise. The former is called soup or yūṣa Unboiled drinks are also of two kinds—fermented and unfermented. Lehya could be a liquid powder tasting salty, sour or bitter or a little sweet. Coṣya food was of the sucking variety. Paramānnam was khiṛa; khaṇḍamodaka were pieces of laddūs; sikharinī rasālam is mango and śrikhaṇḍa a dish made of curd, sugar and other ingredients. Drinking was also common and the śaundikāpānam (Abhijñānaśā-kuntalam, Act VI) was a wine shop. Both men and women were equally fond of drinking. There are plentiful description of men and women drinking together with wine rippling with the breath from the mouths of sweethearts. Wine made from flowers is called puṣpā-sava.44 Another type of a wine was the ratiphala.45 The Mālavikāg-nimitram (Act III) refers to sugar as being a complementary to wine (sidhu), sidhupānodvejitasy a matsyandikā. The latter is a kind of fine sugar, so called because it is soft and yellowish and is composed of globules like the fish eggs (matsyānda).

Since nāṭya is said to be an imitation of society (lokānukaranaṃ nāṭyam), it is an integral part of social life. Kālidāsa himself was the greatest dramatist of the day. A close perusal of the stage techniques of the plays sheds considerable light on the theatrical conventions of the day and shows how well the language of gesture was understood by the audience. By the time of Kālidāsa, the taste in drama, dance and music had become critically rigorous and academically exacting. Kālidāsa was well aware of Bharata,46 and his nāṭya conventions hardly deviate from the rules of Bharata. He observes that nāṭyaśāstra, i.e. dramaturgy, is primarily a practical art (prayoga pradhāna) and hence, he is the perfect stage craftsman

and the professional dramatist rather than merely the poet. In

the Kumārasambhava (7.91) we have an interesting reference to a

theatrical production or prayoga. Śiva and Pārvatī witness a drama

complete with different junctures (sandhi), styles (vṛtti), rāgas set

in appropriate rasa and aṅgahāras (i.e. sequence of dance-movements) appropriate to the śṛṅgāra rasa. Besides public theatres, it

was usual for palaces to have a saṅgītaśālā as well as a prekṣāgṛha.

The saṅgītaśālā was the music hall or the concert hall where queens,

ladies of the harem and courtezans practised their music and dance.

The prekṣāgṛha was the auditorium where a performance was wit-

nessed. In the Mālavikāgnimitram (Acts I, II). Mālavikā practises

dance at the saṅgītaśālā and the king witnesses the dance perfor-

mance of Mālavikā and princess Irāvatī at the royal auditorium.

Another lady Hamsapādikā, practises music at the royal saṅgītaśālā

in Śākuntalam (Act V). It was customary to engage courtezans for

dancing or singing in temples before the images of gods in morn-

ing as well as in the evening. The Meghadūta (Pūrva 31,39) refers to

the dancing girls in the Mahākāla temple at Ujjain. High qualifica-

tions have been laid down for the Nāṭyācārya, who was the Instru-

ctor and the Director of the performance. He was to be well ver-

sed both in the theory and practice of the art—śāstre ca prayoge ca.

Then again ‘some exhibit acting very well in their own person,

while others show greater skill in imparting the art to another. He

who excels in both these qualities deserves a pre-eminent place am-

ong teachers.’47

In the Vikramorvaśīyam (Act IV) we come across several Prākṛta

song-cum-dances used in the theatre. Carcarī was both song-cum-

dance and was used specially in the dramatic form termed troṭaka.

Khuraka was a dance performed to five cymbals with the rāga Pata-

mañjarī sung in fast and medium tempo. Kuṭilikā, mallaghati and

galitaka are yet other types of dances. The kuṭilikā is done without

song, and seems to belong to the style of dancing known as tāṇḍava.

Galitaka uses abhinaya too. In the Mālavikāgnimitram (Act II),

Mālavikā performs a difficult song-cum-dance composition called

the chalitaka. Chalita is described by Kātyāvana as the dance in

which the dancer while acting the part of another succeeds in expr-

essing his or her own real feelings. The composition and structure

of the music to which she dances is the caṭuṣpadā composed of four

vastus or units and is in the medium tempo. Mālavikā appears on

the stage with all her limbs in the sausthava position, i.e. in a posi-

tion of complete equipoise. She sings and enacts out the piece. The

abhinaya is performed in the śṛṅgāra rasa.

Social Glimpses from Kālidāsa 65

Thus, we may conclude by saying that the works of Kālidāsa are a true mirror unto society. Kālidāsa, in fact, refers to the dramatic art as a ‘visual sacrifice’. He goes on to say : “Herein are to be observed the actions of people prompted by the three qualities, and exhibiting various sentiments, the dramatic art is one of the chief amusements of the people, albiet they have diverse tastes.”48

Footnotes

1 Raghuvamśam, 14, 15; 6, 34; 14, 24; 6, 43; 6, 47, etc.

2 Meghadūtam, Pūrva, 66; Uttara, 8. Vimāna is said to be a seven storeyed mansion.

3 Raghuvamśum, 7, 5; 9, 37; 14, 10; 14, 24; 16, 46.

4 Vikramorvaśiyam, Acts II and III.

5 Ṛtusaṃhāram, 1.2.

6 Meghadūtam, Uttara, 3; 19.

7 Ibid., 6; 18.

8 Ibid., 7.

9 Raghuvamśam, 17, 26.

10 Mālavikāgnimitram, 4, 3; Raghuvamśam, 18, 41.

11 Raghuvamśam, 17, 21; 19, 22-23.

12 Kumārasambhavam, 1, 14.

13 ‘Ikṣucchāyaniṣādinyaḥ śāligopyojaguryasaḥ—Raghuvamśam, 4, 20; ibid, 15, 78; 17, 53; also Ṛtusaṃhāram, 3, 10; 3, 16. Pariṇatabahu-śālivyākulagrāmasimā, ibid., 4. 18.

14 Pakvakalamāvṛtabhīmibhāgāḥ—Ṛtusaṃhāram, 3, 5.

15 Raghuvamśam, 1, 18; 2, 66; 17, 65; Abhijñānaśākuntalam, Act II.

16 Vikramorvaśiyam, 3, 19; Raghuvamśam, 5, 28; 6, 33.

17 Raghuvamśam, 5, 5.

18 Mālavikāgnimitram, Act I and II.

19 Abhijñānaśākuntalam, Act VI.

20 Raghuvamśam, 6, 20; 16, 38.

21 Ibid., 11, 55.

22 Ibid., 10, 84.

23 Ibid , 7, 18; ‘nave dukūle’, Kumārasambhavam, 7, 72.

24 Nitambabimbaih sadukūlamekhalaiḥ—Ṛtusaṃhāram, 1, 4.

25 Pratanusitavakūlanyayataih sroṇibimbaih—ibid., 2, 25.

26 Vaṅgah Kaliṅgapatyastāmraliptah sapuṇḍrakāḥ/Dukūlam kauśikam caiva patroṇam prāvarāṇāpi//Sabhā Parva, 48, 17.

27 Vikramorvaśiyam, Act III.

28 Raghuvamśam, 4, 12; 4, 17.

29 Vikramorvaśiyam, 4, 12; 4, 17;

30 Ṛtusaṃhāram, 1, 7; 6, 4.

66 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

31 Raghuvamśam, 8, 11.

32 Ibid., 16, 43.

33 Ibid., 8, 12; 12, 17.

34 Mālavikāgnimitram, Act III.

35 Ṛtusam̐hāram, 1, 4.

36 Kāleyaka is given in the Amarakośa as dāruharidra, but that does not seem to be intended here; it is given again as a kind of fragrant yellow pigment—athajāyakam. According to Halāyudha it means 'saffron'—Kāśmīrajam ca vidyadbhiḥ kāleyam jāgudam smr̥tam. Mallinātha, himself commenting on Śiśupālavadha, 12, 14 (Kāleyakakṣodavilepanasriyam) understands it in this sense and quotes Śāśvata in support of it.

37 Nirnābhikaśeyamupāttabāṇam—Kumārasambhavam, 7, 7. Gaurasiddhārthaniveśavadbhiḥdurvapravālāliḥ—l. c. Mallinātha explains this as—gaurasiddhārthaniveśavadbhiḥ śvetasarṣapaprakṣepadvdbhiḥ. This perhaps refers to the custom according to which when there was marriage between husband of exalted rank and a woman of a rank lesser than his, a Kṣatriya girl had to grasp an arrow by her hand as she at first did not have the privilege of directly joining her hand with that of her husband. See Manu., III, 44, and also Yājñavalkya , I, 62. Mallinātha also quotes Manu on this. Pārvatī was thus to take an arrow in hand as she was to marry Śiva vastly her superior in rank.

38 Meghadūtam, Pūrva, 35; Kumārasambhavam, 7, 14; Raghuvaṃśam, 16, 50; 17, 22; Ṛtusam̐hāram, 4, 5.

39 Meghadūtam, Uttara, 31–32, 35; Ṛtusam̐hāram, 2, 12.

40 Raghuvaṃśam, 7, 27; Kumārsambhavam, 8, 62; Ṛtusam̐hāram, 3, 24.

41 Perhaps, as the name suggests, it was a leaf shaped ivory ear ornament. The Kumārasambhavam, 7, 23, refers to it as Karṇāvasaktāmaladantapatram—a spotless white ornament clasped on the ear. The Raghuvaṃśam, 6, 17, says—dantapatramapānduramm ketakabandham. Here it is described as the ear ornament like the pale leaf of the ketaka flower. Bāṇa describes it as avasaktadantapatraprabhādhavalitakapolamaṇḍalam—the bright, white ear ornament which is clasped on the ear and which brightens up the cheeks. The NŚ, 21, 26, however, describes it as being studded with a variety of gems—nānāratnavicitratāni.

42 Ṛtusam̐hāram, 1, 6; 3, 24; 3, 3; 4,4; 6, 3; Meghadūtam, Uttara, 3.

43 Yaśodhara, the commentator of Kāmasūtra (1, 3, 15) explains that food is of four kinds viz. bhakṣya, bhogya, lehya and peya. The NŚ (1, 121; 3, 44–46) mentions bhojya, bhakṣya and pāna.

44 Priyamukhdocchvāsavikampita madhu—Ṛtusam̐hāram, 1, 3; puṣpā-

sava, ibid., 4, 11.

45 Meghadūtam, Uttara, 5. The Madirārṇava gives it as a particular kind of wine. It was prepared as a concoction (kvantha) of a variety of constituents which included palm juice, milk, miśrī, pure guḍa (sugar candy), thornapple kernel (dhatūrā), plants named amṛta, kāla, indradruma i. e. Arjun plant, mora i. e. a kind of plant with sweet juice, sugarcane, flowers of banana (kadali), fragrant gum resin (gugulaprasūnaiḥ), all this with a dash of Aśoka flowers and sprinkling of roots of flowery trees. It was supposed to be a tasty, cool drink.

46 Muninā Bharateṇa yaḥ prayogo Bharatiṣv aṣṭaraśrayo nibaddhaḥ lalitābhinayaṃ tamādya bhartā marutāṃ drastum anāḥ solokapālāḥ.—Vikramorvaśīyam, 2, 17.

47 Mālavikāgnimitram, 1, 16.

48 Devanāṃ pramadamananti munayaḥ kāntariṃ kratuṃ cakṣuṣaṃ Rudraṇe damum akṛtavyatikare svānge vibhaktum dvidhā traigunyodbhavamātra lokacaritam nānārasaṃ dṛśyate nāṭyam bhinnarucerjanasya bahudāpyekam samārādhanam—Mālavikāgnimitram, 1, 4.

Chapter 8

Social Gleanings from Post-Kalidasa Literature

Kālidāsa holds, as it were, a central position in the development of ancient Indian theatre and literature. He is the dramatist and poet par excellence. His age was the golden age of synthesis and balance in every respect, which is reflected in his art also. After him there is a gradual development towards exaggeration, ornamentation and syncretism. From Bāṇa and Harṣa, Buddhasvāmin and Daṇḍin, Bhavabhūti and Rājaśekhara, we can glean charming vignettes of the social life of the age.

In the late Gupta and post-Gupta periods, while the earlier textiles continue, some others become very popular, e.g. the indrā-yudhämbara or the rainbow-coloured garments. They are not only frequently referred to in literature but depicted in Ajanta paintings of the period too. Of amśuka we have several varieties—varāmśuka, paṭṭāmśuka, citrāmśuka, etc. The netra silk, mentioned only once by Kālidāsa, is referred to more frequently. We also come across the patrorna silk. The literature of the period clearly refers to the pulakabandhaka (tie and dye) and tarangita (wavy, laharīyā) printing of textiles, both of which are still in use, particularly in Rajasthan and Gujarat. In both of them printing blocks are not used. The cloth, which is generally fine (usually georgette or chiffon or fine silk) is tied up (according to pattern) into close, small knots and dipped into the desired colour dye. After drying, the knots are opened up. Thus they generally have the form of diamond shaped dots. The dots may have one, two or many colours. The pulakabandha, thus, is the same as modern bandhej or bandhani chunari.

The tarangita (wavy) uttarīyas or scarves or duppattās so frequently referred to in the post-Gupta literature and seen in Ajanta paintings (e.g. of the king of Benares) is nothing but the present-day laharīyā style of duppattās and clothes. In this style, instead of dots there are many lines, in one, two or more colours all over, beautifully dyed in combinations of pink and white, green and yellow etc. The georgette and chiffon laharīyā sarees and duppattās are still a favourite of the Rajput ladies.

The indrāyudha ambara or rainbow-coloured garment is frequently described in late and post-Gupta literature. The Ajanta pain-

tings often depict the indrāyudha ambara—men and women in dresses of multi-coloured stripes. This was not referred to in the earlier periods. It may be noted that even now the satrangi chunari (having seven colours of a rainbow) and saitrangi lahariya sarees are very popular in Rajasthan. In the Kādambarī, the town women, who were agog to see Candrāpiḍa, are described in indrāyudharāgarucirāmbadharrainyāh. In the same text, the viṇāvāhaka, a sixteen year lad called Keyūraka, is described as of agrāmyākṛti or of a sophisticated appearance. Naturally, he is a city musician and not a folk-singer as he is described as gāndharva dāraka, i.e. the son of a gāndharva singer (which was the classical music of those days). He is described as wearing an adhovastra or lower garment of saffron red colour secured to the waist by a gold belt. The ends of the garment were fluttering—preṅkhitpallavamadharavāsa. On one shoulder he wore a varṇāṃśuka uttarīya which looked as if of rainbow colour (i.e. of multicoloured stripes). At Ajanta,1 we have quite a similar picture of a male musician, who is also a viṇāvāhaka, who carries his instrument on his shoulder. He wears an adhovastra secured with an ornamental belt and a stripped scarf. The free ends of the scarf and adhovastra flutter in the wind. Garlands are tied round the hair tied in topknots. He wears prominent earrings and bangles, as described in this text. An indrāyudharāgeṇa uttariyeṇa is referred to in the BKSS (3,19). The same text (18,36) refers to rainbow-coloured garment with floral patterns—chāyaih kusumābharaṇāṃbaraih. The flowers were probably inter woven/embroidered/printed as a border or panel on the indrāyudhāmbara. At Ajanta, in Cave I,2 on the entrance sight side, between the pillars, stands a woman wearing a skirt made of stripped silk whose most interesting part is the border which falls exactly in the centre of the skirt. The pattern consists of a chain of rosettes which might have been woven or embroidered. Bhāravi refers to Śakradhanu or rainbow-coloured vicitracināṃśuka3 i.e. patterned or figured china silk with the hues of cream, blue and pink.4 The Mālatī. (6,5) also has a similie which speaks or rainbow-coloured (vyaktākhaṇḍalakāraṃśuka) china silk with pictures or designs interwoven (uccitracināṃśuka).

Of aṃśuka, there were several varieties—aṃśuka, citrāṃśuka cināṃśuka, varṇāṃśuka, paṭṭāṃśuka, etc. The Ratnāvalī (1,20) refers to cināṃśuka and varṇāṃśuka as a dress of safflower-red aṃśuka—kausumbharāga...aṃśuka. In the Nāgā. (Act III) the typical dress of a respectable lady is described thus—a pair of garments, upper and lower, which in this particular instance were of red coloured aṃśuka (raktāṃśukayugala) and the uttarīya or the wrap or dupaṭṭā

70 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

was worn in such a way that it not only covered the head, but a bit of the face too, like a ghūṅghaṭ or veil—uttarīya kṛtāvaguṇṭhana. In the Daśa. (5th ucchvāsa) a lady seperated from her husband is said to be without adornment, wearing a single braid, in a kliṣṭani-vasanottarīya—wearing a worn out wrap, and as, nīlāṃśukacira-cūdīkāparivṛta, i.e. in a worn out stripped blue aṃśuka dress and with a shell bangle encircling (her wrist). Stripped garments are very common in Ajanta paintings. Aṃśuka as payodharapattā (Priya., 1,7) or breast cloth was popular, and stanāṃśuka (Veni., Act II) is often referred to. The breast cloth could also be of china silk—cināṃśukau payodharau (HC, 5th ucchvāsa). The dress for both a bride and a woman who had resolved to perform sati (i.e. die before her husband) was of red aṃśuka.

The Nāgānanda (3,9) speaks of soft aṃśuka cloth variegated with beautiful patterns—citrikṛtacchamśuka. In the HC (p.114), the divine lady or Śrī is described as wearing a fine, white, taraṅgita (i e. of laharīyā or wavy design) aṃśuka uttarīya or scarf which is inter woven/embroidered/printed with many beautiful figures of birds and flowers—bahuvidhā kusumaśakunisaṃtataśobhitātpavanacālitatanutaraṅgādatisvacchāmaśukādudadhisalilādivottarintim. In the BKSS (25,100) Ṛṣidattā, who wears a citrāṃśuka dress, looks like a garden full of flowers in spring. Possibly she is wearing a beautifully coloured, floral patterned aṃśuka dress. Similarly at another place (ibid., 28,7) the tārābharana qualifies, perhaps, not only the ornament but also the citrāṃśukadhara which immediately succeeds it. Both flower patterns and star patterns are depicted on the garments in Ajanta.5 The varāṃśuka (Daśa., 8th ucch.) was an expensive cloth, as the divine females are said to be wearing such a lower garment covering their thighs—jaghanavarāṃśuka (Kirāta., 7,14). Pattāaṃśuka (Daśa., 2nd ucchvāsa), too, was obviously an expensive silk aṃśuka material. Kāpuramañjarī (Act III) is said to be wearing such a pair (i.e. lower and upper) of parrot green silk garments—rājaśukapiccha-hanilam paṭṭāṃśukayugalakam. In the HC (4th ucchvāsa), the queens are wearing paṭṭāṃśūkottaraṅgāḥ, i.e. silk or paṭṭāṃśuka dyed in wavy lines.

The HC gives a vivid picture of queen Yaśovatī's anumaraṇa dress. She wears an aṃśuka uttarīya or dupaṭṭā of laharīyā or taraṅgita pattern—taraṅgitamuttariyāṃśukapaṭam; the breast scarf is also of wavy pattern—stanottariyam taraṅgitamiva—and another garment (probably the lower one) of pink paṭṭāṃśuka—pātalam paṭṭāṃśuka-miva. Her face is covered by a veil of red aṃśuka. In the Veni. (Act IV) too, mother and daughter-in-law resolve to die after the

warrior, clad in red amśuka and with all their ornaments eṣā viramātā samaravinihitam putrakam śrutvā raktāmśukanivasanayā samagrabhūṣanayā vadhvā sahānumriyate.

The bridal dress is also referred to in many texts. In the Kumāra. (7,11) Pārvatī, after the auspicious wedding bath, wears white (prafullākāśa) bleached garments (udgamaniyavastra). After getting dressed she wore a new silk dress (navakṣalmanivāsini), which was white as moon-light or the foamy sea (ibid., 7,26). The Ṛtusamhāra refers to the bridal dress as kāśāmśuka. i.e. as white as kāśa flowers (3.1, 3.26) and sometimes as red —raktāmśukanavadhuriva (ibid., 6,19). Rājyaśrī in bridal dress is described as wearing a red amśuka veil or ghūṅghaṭ—aruṇāmśukāvaguṇṭhitamukham (HC, 146).

The Samarāiccakahā of Haribhadra (8th-9th cent. A.D.) gives interesting details of bridal costume. Prior to the auspicious wedding bath the women sat the bride to the east. She wears a white dukūla and a skirt of jewelled damask (manipattamaya). After bathing she is made to wear garments of red silk (rattānsuyaparihāna). She was waited upon by young women holding green grass sprouts and curds who were also dressed in red garments (rattavasanehi). Initially they applied lac-dye to her feet and saffron to her shorts (jaṅghika). Patralekhā (decorative designs) were painted on her breasts and unguent made of agallochum and sandal was applied to her. Collvrium was applied to her eyes and her forehead was marked with a tilaka. She wore jewelled anklets, finger rings, a jewelled zone, a pearl necklace reaching the knot of the sāṛī (nīvī), a two stringed necklet round her neck, jewelled cakras or discs in the ear and a crest ornament on the forehead. She also wore a wavy patterned prāvara (ibid., p. 75.78). At other places, the bride is said to be dressed in white (ibid., p. 407) or fine dukūla (ibid., p. 522). It seems that the bride wore a combination of both white and red garments and pearl necklace. This is clearly borne out by the vivāhanepathya or the bridal costume of Mālatī in Mālatīmādhava (Act VI).

She wore a bodice of white silk amśuka cloth, and an uttariya or dupattā (with which the bride probably also covered her head) of red coloured amśuka—dhavalapaṭṭāmśukacolakametaccottarīyaratavarṇāmśukam. With the red and white costume she wore a pearl necklace (mauktikāharaḥ), sandal paste (etaccandanam) and a chaplet of white flowers (sitakusumāpīḍa) probably for the hair.

Literary and art references of the period show that thin, fine cloth, either white or patterned was quite popular.6 Such diaphanous drapery was termed magnāmśuka (HC, p.166) or ārdrāmśuka (Karpūra., 1,28). While seated in darbar, Harṣa, was wearing a pair

72 The Nātyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

of garments, viz. an adharavāsa or dhoti, which was extremely diaphanous, like the slough of a serpent (vāsukinirmokenaiva) and of pure white colour, as if washed with milk (vimalapayodhaute). This lo wer garment was clinging to his hips in the magnāmśuka fashion. The other cloth was a fine upper garment with sequins, or embroidered with a design of gold thread.7

Dukūlotariya (Daśa., 5th ucch ) and dukūla garments both white and coloured were common.8 In the HC (1.85) Sudṛṣṭi, the pustakavācaka, is said to be wearing a pair of dukūla silk garments of pale colour which were manufactured in the Puṇḍra country (North Bengal). The Kādambarī9 refers to a soft textured dukūla dyed in safflower-red colour, with flower pattern. Very fine, white dukūla light as a serpent’s slough was kalpalatādukūla.10 Mahāpatroṇa11 was definitely a very expensive variety of the patrọna type of silk.

The netra silk is not mentioned in the dramatic literature of the early centuries of the Christian era. Aśvaghoṣa does not refer it, known, but was not common. The Mandasor Inscription (437–38 A.D.) of the time of Kumāragupta, mentions that a section of silk weavers migrated from Lāṭadeśa to Mandasor. Some of the migrants took to other professions but the remainder organised themselves in a separate guild. It shows the importance of silk garments (paṭṭamayavas-tra) in the Gupta period, their smoothness (sparśavata) and the balance of colours of their texture (varṇāntaravibhāgacitrẹna). It refers to the beautiful netra silk (netrasubhagẹna) too. Kālidāsa refers to netra only once; Bāṇa mentions it five times. In the HC (p.31) Mālatī wears a dress of fine white netra silk (dhautadhavalanetranir-mitena). When in darbar, Harṣa himself wore an adhovaṣtra fastened by a netrasūtra (ibid., p 72) or netra silk cord. This is explained by Saṅkara, the commentator, as a silken waist-band tied like a girdle cloth. At other place, he explains it as a special kind of cloth (paṭaviśeṣah, ibid., p. 206) and in yet at another place he takes it as synonymous with the priṅga fabric (ibid., p.143). Netra and Priṅga were both silk textiles. However, netra is taken to be generally white; priṅga was a coloured cloth. Both were, however, woven with floral designs.12 Netra as the name of a textile continued to be used in Bengal up to the 14th century.

The Matsya Purāṇa (70,50) mentions hemanetrapaṭa or golden netra cloth. This might refer to brocade or gold embroidery or interwoven design. Gold embroidery and brocade was naturally popular in such an oppulent age. The Daśa ( 7, 14) refers to a gold

Social Gleanings from Post-Kālidāsa Literature

73

(brocade ?) kañcuka or kurtā tied with a white girdle—sitasārasan-onnaddamahārajanakañcuka. In another place (ibid., 8th Ucchvāsa) a saffron shawl with gold embroidery or interweave kāñcanakumku-makambala is referred to. In the Kuṭṭinimatam13 a feudal lord son's is described as wearing a brocade garment tinged or coloured with saffron. The BKSS(18,179) also refers to the pādukā or sandals.

The southern regions carried on good business in cotton (kar-pāsa) cloth (BKSS, 18,388-89). Clothes made of skins of animals were also known. The kṛṣṇājina was considered sacrosanct and was worn on religious occasions (Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, 1.1.4.1). Eṇājina (Śiśu., 1,6) was also an antelope skin which was worn. The beautiful skin of the camaru deer was used to make carpets etc.—cārucamarucar-maṇā kuthena (ibid., 1.8). It is described as nisargacitrojjvalasūkṣma-pakṣmaṇā, i.e. naturally variegated or spotted, bright, white fine hair. The indragajājinakañcukah(ibid., 6,51) is either white elephant skin kañcuka or a multi-coloured elephant skin coat of armour. The latter meaning seems more probable.

As for garments of bark, the valkala was still in use. The kaus-umbhanailasākalikāmbara is referred to in the BKSS (18,454). Śakala means 'piece', and also 'bark'. So, it could mean either garments made of pieces of saffron and blue cloth or saffron and blue garments of bark.

The fashion of the day demanded that clothes be given a fine finishing touch. Cloth was treated with colour, incense and perfumes.14 The Brhatkaṭhasūtrabhāṣya (1,644) speaks of change of clothes on four occasions: (1) the clothes which were changed daily (nityānivasana), (2) clothes washed after taking one's bath, (3) clothes worn on festive occasions (kṣaṇotsavikam), i.e. on fairs and festivities, and (4) clothes worn while calling upon kings, nobles etc. (rājadvārikam). Thus, a thick (sthūlam) and greasy (tailamalimasam) sāṭakam (BKSS, 18,123) or robe was worn during the pre-bath oil massage of the body. A snānaṣāṭaka (ibid., 18,299) was worn during the bath. After bath there is a reference to a dhātura-ktam (shade of redlead) prakṣālam (i.e. washed) paṭaṣāṭakam or silk robe (ibid., 18,194). On festivals and religious ceremonies, bright white clothes have been enjoined.15

Garments Worn by Women—Ardhoruka was an undergarment which was like shorts or underpants which covered the hips and loins and reached up to half the thigh.16 The BKSS (20, 82) describes a woman wearing a blue ardhoruka which covered her wide hips—nilārdhorukasamivitvisālajaghanasthalām. The Daśa. (2nd Ucc-hvāsa) describes a princess wearing a cināṃśukānṭariyam, i.e. a

74 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

china silk undergarment. The Amara. (2.6.117) describes it as a lower garment of amśuka—antariyopasaṃvyānapidhānānyadho’mśuke. This seem to be a lower garment covering the hips and thighs too, but like a dhotī. In a telling verse (7,14) of the Kirāta. the divine damsels are said to be wearing a jaghanavarāmśuka. The breeze flutters the garment so as to expose their body. However, the rays of the gems of the girdle cover the thighs and hips as an antariya garment might. The candātaka was another lower garment and was like a short petticoat or skirt. The Amarakośa (2.6,119) says —ardhorukaṃ varastrinām syaccandātakamastrinām.17 The ardhoruka were like shorts or bloomers (jāṅghīkā) whereas the candātaka was like a short skirt. In the HC (p.32) Mālatī is wearing a thin, long kañcuka. Under that, on the lower part of her body was discernible a skirt coloured in the dye of kusumbha flowers which thus had a pinkish hue (kusumbharāgapāṭalam……..candātakamantahsphuṭam).

It was beautified with spots of variegated colours (pulakabandhacitram). Thus under the long kañcuka, Mālatī wore a candātaka of pinkish hue (the dawn pink colour, it seems) with variegated tie and dye pattern on it. Of the upper garments worn by women we have the stanapaṭa or payodharapāṭa i.e. breast cloth, kañcuka, uttariya or wrap. By the various depictions in literature and art, it seems, that the kañcuka could be of various lengths—a long one, i.e. of ankle length, a kutrā type, i.e. half upto the thigh and slightly slit at the sides, a colī type. Of the first type, we have the one Malātī was wearing in the HC (pp 31.32). She wore an āprapadinetra kañcukena, that is a kañcuka of washed white netra silk. The Amara. (2.6.111) defines āprapadina as that which reaches the ankles—āprāpadinaṃ tatpraprotnyāprapadam. Thus, Mālatī was wearing a long, full length kañcuka or tunic which reached up to her ankles. In the Kādambarī, the Mātaṅga tribal girl wears a blue kañcuka dress

which reaches her ankles and covers her entire body gulphāvalambinīlam kañcukenācchannasarīram. This can be seen in Ajanta paintings, where such long kañcukas, both in blue and white colour, are depicted, for instance, as in Cave I on the figure of the female attendant standing behind the great Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara. The other type of the medium length was like a short kutrā. This is the type of kañcuka that the kañcukinyah, the women of Śrīkaṇṭha janapada wore.18 The third type is the kañculikā (Karpūra., Act I). It says, that just as a long pearl necklace does not suit a (woman) with drooping breasts, just as collyruim stick is of no use to squint eyes, similarly a kañculikā does not befit a person with stout breasts—tundilāyā iva kañculikā……nā bhāti. Here, it occurs in

Social Gleanings from Post-Kālidāsa Literature 75

the sense of a tight fitting bodice: a colī type. The Viddhaśālabhañ-jikā (Act IV) describes the ladies’ garment thus—first is worn a kanakakañculikā or a brocade bodice; over that is worn a maṇikha-citodaraśithilastanakāñcukasthagitastana i.e. over the kañculikā (or the breast colī) is worn a jewel studded kañcuka or kurtā. This kurtā is well fiitting over the breasts, then falls loosely upto the (waist and) stomach. Over the kañculīya and kañcuka is worn an uttariyam i.e. an odhni Exactly the same type of a bodice is still worn in Rajasthan and is called kañculī. With this a short kurtā with full sleeves and reaching half the thighs is worn which is called kurtī. Beneath that is a colī type of a fitting bodice with half sleeves, called kāñcali, is worn. The dupaṭtā or odhanī was called uttariya.

Sometimes the uttariya was taken on top of the head and used to cover the head and partly also the face, like a ghūṅghaṭ. It was then called avaguṇṭhana. In fact, the avaguṇṭhana, which was not mentioned in the earlier plays, is mentioned by Kālidāsa, though only once in the Abhijñānaśākuntalam when Śakuntalā goes to the king’s court. From the 6th-7th cent. A.D. we find regular references to the siro’vaguṇṭhanapaṭa19 or mukhaccchadapaṭa.20 This seems to be the influence of the Hūṇa invasions which must have caused insecurity in the society. In the Kādambarī even the Mātaṅga kanyā (who was a tribal and thus generally free in her apparel), when she came to king Śūdraka’s court wore a red aṃśuka veil—raktāmśukaviracitā-vaguṇṭhanam. In fact, the veil, over the face was gradually coming to be associated with respectable ladies. Thus, the respectable ladies of Śrīkaṇṭha janapada are described as ramyam mukhāvara-nam kulastrijanācāro jālikā (HC, p.98). The face could be veiled basically in two ways: (1) an ‘uttarīyakṛtāvaguṇṭhana’ (Nāgā., Act III) i.e. the uttariya or dupaṭtā itself was taken over the head and drawn out a little over the face to veil it, like an avaguṇṭhana or ghūṅghaṭ. Even the abhisārikā who was going to her lover in a rendezvous did not step out without a nīlapaṭaviracitāvaguṇṭhana.21 Thus, Mālatī (HC, p.32) wore a veil of blue aṃśuka which covered half her face—nīlāmśukajālikayeva nirudardhavadanā. In the HC (74-76), there is a vivid description of a palace dance. Unfortunately, the dresses have not been detailed. In Ajanta, there is a similar scene (of the Mahājanaka Jātaka) of a palace dance performance. What is remarkable is the change in costume within a century or two after Kālidāsa or the Gwalior-Pawāyā sculpture. Instead of the viralane-pathya showing the sarvāṅgasausṭhava Kā-lidāsa’s heroines or the transparent dhoti of the dancer of the Gwal-

76 The Nātyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

ior-Pawāyā piece, we have the fully covered dancers at Ajanta. In this particular scene (Yazdani, Ajanta, Part IV, Pl. XIII) the main dancer is wearing a deep (maroonish) brown, full sleeved short blouse with small white circles. Over that she wears a yellow apron like garment that covers the breasts completely, as also the navel, and hangs in front. The mid-riff cannot be seen from the front. It has, however, deep slits from the sides and the waist can be seen from sides. The slits were perhaps for freedom of movement. The lower garment is a multi-coloured band dhotī, the colours of which blend beautifully with the upper garments. The dhotī has prominent maroon and yellow as also green horizontal bands. The maroon bands are outlined with white lines and the maroon and green bands have lozenge like patterns in white. The pattern of the dhotī gives the distinct impression of a paṭolā design. Is this then the vicitrapaṭolaka22 (variegated paṭolā silk) of ancient times ? Even now the paṭolā sāris of Gujarat are very popular. The main drummer is wearing a tight breast band of green and pale-yellow vertical stripes tied at the back. The skirt or ghāghrā below has a decorative band of lozenge and circle motif with the same colour scheme. Around the waist is tied a sash or waist band with similar stripes (now horizontal). Besides other ornaments, they all definitely wear a single pearl-string (ekāvalī). Now, it is interesting that the Jain texts give the same type of a picture for the costumes of dancers. The Brhatkalpasūtrabhāṣya (IV,4127) says that the dancer, having dressed properly did not feel ashamed when lifting her legs. Even the acrobatic danseeuse (lañkhikā), while performing hundreds of tricks in the arena did not feel embarassed as she was properly clad. The Rāyapaṇeniya (pp. 123-25, ed. Pandit Bechardas) says that the dancers on stage wore an uttariya dangling on both sides, tight waist band (parikara) made of variegated cloth, multi-coloured garments and tunics. For the tunic it says—saphenakavattaraiya-saṅgayapalambatthanta, i.e. the hanging end of the garment turned round like frothy-waves and (was) cut after theatrical requirements. In the Commentary saṅgataḥ is explained as nāṭyavidhau upapannah. This may be the apron like garment which the Ajanta dancer wears. The tight breast bands (pinaddha-gevajjakañcukinām) and ekāvalī pearl strings are also mentioned.

Garments for Man—After the coming of the Śakas and Kuṣāṇas, foreign influence could be seen in the dresses of men too. There were basically two types of men's costumes : (a) the indigenous dhotī type, and (b) the trousers and tunic type which show foriegn influence.23 The coins of the Gupta kings show both these types.

They can be divided broadly into three styles : (1) single waist cloth and cap,24 (2) tight fitting tunic with pointed ends and waist cloth,25 and (3) tunic with pointed ends, full sleeved or half sleeved, tight fitting and creased trousers of the chūrīdār variety, head covered with close-fitting cap.26 These types of trousers are probably the svasthāna mentioned by Bāṇa in his HC (p. 206). The word itself hints at its meaning that it was held tightly at its place. A female dancer wearing such a chūrīdār type of trouser has been depicted in the sculpture at Deogarh temple. In the paintings, however, a totally indigenous dress is depicted. The kings usually wear a waist cloth, with or without an uttariya.

Of the coats, mention must be made of the kañcuka and vārapaṇa. Bāṇa describes some of the kings who wore kañcuka coats of lapis lazuli colour (rāyāvartamecakakañcuka) which looked beautiful against their fair complexion. In the same text (p.21) the dress of a soldier is described as kṛṣṇaśabalakāśāyakañcuka, i.e. a brownish-red and black spotted kañcuka. In the Commentary, Śaṅkara identifies kañcuka with vārabāṇa. Thus vārabāṇa was also a kañcuka type coat. It was basically a kind of military coat as the typology of the word indicates. Kings wore gorgeous vārabāṇas. In the Mudrārākṣasa (Act III) we have a very significant description of the splendid vārabāṇa Vairocaka wore during his coronation ceremony. It says that Vairocaka was made to go through the coronation ceremony and that his (Vairocaka's) body was covered with a vārabāṇa, which was made of a variegated/embroidered, silky (or some costly) textile which was studded with shining pearls and gems textured cross-wise.27 Now, Bāṇa informs us that vārabāṇa coats were made of a special fabric called stavaraka, a costly textile mentioned twice in the HC.28 In sculptures of the Gupta and post-Gupta periods, images of Sūrya are represented as wearing coats of a richly ornamented fabric which perhaps depicts a sample of the stavaraka material. In these coats we find pearls and embroidery as a special feature. The HC (p.206) also mentions that the stavaraka coats were embroidered with chess of pearls and sequins (tārāmuktāstāstavaraka).

The costumes of men were completed by the head-dress. This could either be the uttariya itself wound round the head—uttariyakṛtaśiroveṣṭan (ibid., p.21). Often there was a seperate cloth for the head dress, which could be aṃśuka (aṃśukoṣṇīṣapaṭṭikā, ibid., p.19) or bleached white dukūla (dhautadukūlapaṭṭikāpariveṣṭitamauli, p.24) etc. The Ajanta paintings show elaborate diadems on the heads of the kings. Around the 10th century, the famous writer and drama-

78 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

tist Rājaśekhara (880-92 A D.), who graced the court of the Gujrara-Pratihāras of Kanauj, in his Kāvyamīmāṃsā, Viddhaśālabhañjikā, and Karpūramanjarī gives glimpses of female costumes. Thus, according to him, the ladies of Bengal (Gauḍa) wore a chain necklace (sūtrahāra) over breasts which were besmeared with sandal paste, their cādara touched the partings of their hair and their forearms were exposed (Kāvya., p.8). The women of Kanauj (Mahodayā) wore earrings (tāṭaṅka) which moved, and also hanging necklaces. Their upper garment, falling from the thighs to the ankles encircled the body (parimaṇdalitottarīyam, ibid., p 8). As regards the male and female costumes of Avanti (West Mālava), Rājaśekhara remarks that men affected the costume (nepathya) of the Pāñcāla region, whereas the women delighted in the Deccan costume (ibid., p.9). He has, however, not described the costumes of the Pāñcāla or the Deccan region. About the women of Kerala, he observes that they have curled locks, some falling on their temples. Their sāris were held tight with zones (kakṣāniveśanibidīkṛtamirviśeṣa). The women of Lampāka (Laghuman, Afghanistan) wore their hair free and their dresses were made of blankets or thick woolen cloth (rallakamullā-sayantah, ibid., p.99). In the Viddhaśālabhañjikā, the dress of the Maharashtri ladies is given. In the same text (1.34), the king draws the difference between the costumes of married and unmarried girls. The unmarried girls are colakaravatī. V.S. Agrawala in his Deeds of Harṣa (p.197) takes it as a “kind of tunic of which the lower portion hangs loosely.” Apte's Dictionary (p. 440) also takes it to mean not just a bodice but also a “garment reaching to the feet”. The married women wore their nivi or lower garment in a special way. The married ladies tied their lower garment in a particular way which was still current in Maharashtra in the days the Commentary was written. This probably consisted of the nivi wound round the waist, gathered in a knot in the front, passed between the legs and tucked behind. Perhaps the unmarried girls wore long tunics (upto the feet) or ghāghrās and the married ones wore the lāṅgha type of a sāri. The Karpūra. (1,13) mentions the kūrpāsaka or blouse. At another place the tasara (Act I p.23) textile is mentioned. This is a kind of thick silk

Various types of textiles were used not just for making garments, but for a variety of purposes such as counterpanes, bedsheets, curtains, etc. The Raghu. (17.22) refers to uttara-chadma (table cloth) and pracchada (ibid., 19.22) or bed-sheet. The dhavalo-ttaracchada (Daśa., 2nd Ucchvāsa) may mean an exceedingly white table cloth or bed-sheet. Beautifully patterned counterpanes (citra-

starana) were popular. Sometimes they were made of China silk

textile—citracināmśukastrināmbaram (BKSS, 18,483). The canopy

over the bed could be beautifully patterned or embroidered with

leaves—citravitānapatrajāti (Daśa., 2nd Ucchvāsa). The pillow covers

were of equally beautiful patterned silk—citrapaṭṭopadhāna29

(BKSS, 16,19)

There are frequent references to pillows, mattresses or soft,

light quilt covers being filled with the downy feathers of swans.30

The tiraskarani or curtain was also worked out in rich fabrics and

floral designs.31

Cosmetics and Coiffure—The Ajanta paintings illustrate beauti-

fully much of what is described by poets and dramatists of the late

Gupta and post-Gupta periods. The BKSS (19,67-73) refers to

perfumes and incenses which matched the fragrance of flowers—

sumanogandhasamyādanupoyam, ibid., 19,67-73). At another place

are described expert perfumers (gandhaśāstra viśārada) who manu-

factured incense, paints, oils and perfumes etc. (ibid., 10.96).

Masseurs were much in demand. Youthful boys, expert in the

art of massaging, were employed for massaging men—mardana-

śāstrajñataruṇah paricārakah (ibid., 16,65). The body was first

massaged with perfumed oil—gandhatailena mr̥dnāti (l.c.). At

another place, too, the same text (10.128) refers to sugandhi sneha-

dhāriṇah, i e. anointing the body with perfumed oil before the

bath. This is still a practice common in India. The ordinary scen-

ted oil was obtained from seasame seeds which was previously scen-

ted with flowers. The oil took the fragrance of the flower with

which the seasame was perfumed. The fragrance of jāti (jasmine)

flowers was quite popular. Later the body was cleansed with frag-

rant unguents, a bath was taken and then new clothes worn—paścā-

duvartnaṁ snānamahatam baradhārāṇam (ibid., 16,66).32

Thus abhyangocchādanasnāna (ibid , 18,194) meant oil massage,

besmearing with unguents and bath. In the same text, there is an

interesting description of the hero reaching a village and being

given a massage and bath by a cowherd maiden. Here the massage

is not done with the city manufactured, sophisticated perfumed oils

erotic unguents and paints prepared by experts. It is a wholesome

though homely massage, in humble surroundings and gives a good

picture of the toilet of the rural folk. The hero was made to squat

on a cowdung seat (gomayapiṭhastham, ibid., 20,248). Then the clear

hearted, sisterly (svaseva svacchamānasa, l.c). cowherd maiden

massaged him for a long time from head to toe (āsirahpādamaśrānta-

samvāhitavaticiram, l.c.). Thereafter, she brought water in a bronze

80 The Nātyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

vessel (salilaih kāmsyapātrastaih, ibid., 20,250) and washed his feet (l.c.). She first massaged his head and limbs with butter (navanitam, l.c.). Thereafter she chafed his body by a paste made by grinding grains of cereals—ucchādya kanakalkena (ibid., 20,251). Finally he was anointed with a homely unguent made of (the powder of) lodhra (flowers), karbura (dhatūrā) and musta (a kind of grass)—lodhrakarburamustābhirghṛṣṭo'ham (ibid., 20,251) and then given a bath —snāpitah (l.c.). In sheer contrast to this simple, rural massage and bath we have the description of the elaborate, glamorous bath and toilet of king Śūdraka. Prior to the bath, the king goes to the vyāyāmabhūmi or gymnasium hall for physical exercises (Śūdrakasnānam, Kādamabari). Thereafter he goes to the snānabhūmi.

This was a particular place for bath in the king's residential quarters. A white canopy—vitatāsitavitānam—was stretched out. Bards were seated around it. In the midst was a gold water tub filled with perfumed water—gandhodakpūrṇa kanakamayajaladroṇi. Besides it was a crystal stool (sphaṭikāsanāpiṭham) for sitting upon during the bath. Apart from this, the bath-place had water vessels (snāna kalasaiḥ) from which the water would be poured out for the bath. These were filled with perfumed water (surabhighasalilapūrṇaiḥ) and the mouths of the kalaśas were covered with blue coloured cloth to keep away the Sun's heat (ātapabhayānnakarpataivagunitamukhairiva). The king entered the bath tub and the vāravilāsinīs—courtezans—who were present there prepared to give him a bath. Their breast-cloths were tightened (amśukanibidānibaddhastanaparikarāḥ), they forced their bangles up their arms (duramutsāritavalayabhāhulatyā), and tucked their ear ornaments and tresses (samutkṣiptakarnābharaṇāḥ karmotsāritālakāḥ). Bearing water vessels (grhītajalabharṇāḥ kalaśāḥ), they washed the hair of the king with fragrant āmalaka (sugandhāmalakakalpitaśiraso). Having got out from the bath tub,

the king sat on the crystal-slab bath stool. Thereafter, various courtezans holding different types of water vessels bathed the king. Some held vessels studded with emeralds (markatamaṇikalasā), some poured out water from silver vessels (rājatakalasahastā,), some poured out holy water from vessels made of crystal (sphaṭikaih kalasaistīrthalena), some others poured out water mixed with sandal paste, while yet others poured out from gold vessels saffron mixed water (kanakakalasahastāḥ kuṅkumajalena) to remove the chill of the bath water (jādyamapanetum). The final finishing touch to the bath was given by the bards singing stuti songs accompanied by various musical instruments and the conch was blown signifying the completion of the bath. The king having dressed in fine,

Social Gleanings from Post-Kālidāsa Literature 81

diaphanous bleached white garments and an extremely white silk head-dress, paid oblations to the manes, and then went to the deva-grha for worship. Finally, he went to the vilepanabhūmi (Śūdrakani-tyakṛtyavarnanam) i.e. the make-up room or the dressing room, where, after the bath, he was adorned with perfumes, unguents, cosmetics etc. The king was perfumed with sandal paste mixed with musk, camphor and saffron—mṛgamadakarpūrakumavāsasurabhinācandanenānuliptasarvāṅgo. This mixture suggests that it might possibly be the yakṣakardama paste. This was a perfumed paste fit for kings. Thus, in the BKSS (19,140) Prince Manohara declares yakṣakardama to be ‘the king of fragrance’ (gandharājah) (for mortals). The king then changed his clothes, wore ornaments and adorned his hair with a head-crest of mālatī flowers—mālatīkusumaśekharah. A similar, though brief, description is given of Prince Candrāpiḍa’s bath (Candrāpiḍasya viśrāmādivarṇanam, ibid.) and toilet. After hunting, he took off the vārabāna that he was wearing. He was fanned for some time and then went to the bathing place (snānabhūmimāgāt). There he sat on a gold footstool (kāñcanapiṭham) and water was poured out from pots studded with gems and made of gold and silver (maṇirajatakanakakalasa). After worship he went to the cosmetics room or the dressing room. Here, it is termed aṅgarāgabhūmi (instead of vilepanabhūmi), but the meaning is the same. There he was adorned with various ornaments, garments, body unguents and clothes (vividhānyābharaṇāni mālyānyañ-garāgān vāsāṁsi) That these descriptions were not merely the fanciful imagination of poets is obvious from an Ajanta painting where the king is given a bath in sīmilar manner.33

The perfume which king Śūdraka used consisted of sandal paste mixed with musk, camphor and saffron. In the Amarakoṣa (2,6, 133) the same or similar perfume made of camphor, agallachum, musk and kakkola is called yakṣakardama. This was held to be the king of perfumes and was very popular. The best variety of fine old sandalwood had three names—tailaparṇika,34 gaśīrṣa-candana35 and haricandana.36 In the HC (p.110) Bhairavācārya anoints himself with red sandalwood (raktacandana). In fact, the Amarakoṣa details several types of unguents, pastes scented oils and perfumes. Saffron, aloewood, musk, agallochum, camphor and sandalwood were the most popular aromatic substances. Kashmir was the prominent source for saffron or kuṅkuma. Another source was Bactria. Besides kuṅkuma, the Amarakoṣa (2,6, 123-24) lists its ten other names, viz. 1. kāśmirajanmā, 2. agniśikhā, 3. vara, 4. vāhlika, 5. pitana, 6. rakta, 7. saṁkoca 8. piśuna, 9. dhīrā, and 10. lohitacandana. The

82 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

various types of lac-dyes were—lākṣā, rākṣā, jātu, kliba, yaya, alaktakā and drumamaya (ibid., 2,6,125). There were three denominations for cloves—lavaṅga, devakusuma and śiriṣasamjñā (l.c.). Zeodary was known by three names viz. jāyaka, kāliyaka and kālānusāri (ibid., 2,6,125-126). Agaru or agallochum was used for a variety of purposes—it served to dry and perfume the hair, it was also used for the preparation of various types of perfumes and unguents. It was known by six names viz. vamsika, agaru, rajarha, loha,37 krmija and jongaka38 (l.c.). Black aloewood was called kālāgaru (ibid., 2,6, 127) and the aloewood which had the fragrance of jasmine fiowers (malligandhi) was known as māṅgalya (l.c.). The resin of the tall and stately śāla tree (shorea robusta) was used in the preparation of paste and incense and had six names, viz., yakṣadhūpa, sarjaraso, rāla, sarvarasa, bahurūpa and vrkadhūpa (ibid., 2,6, 127).

Kṛtrimadhūpa (ibid., 2,6, 128) was the incense made from a mixture of various fragrant substances. Olibanum had four names—turuṣka, piṇḍaka, silha and yavana. The first and the last seem to suggest that it was imported from outside. The resin and turpentine obtained from the devadāru was used, chiefly for the preparation of incense, joss-sticks etc. It had five names, namely, pāyasa, śrīvatsa, vrkadhūpa, śrīvatsa and saraladrava. (ibid., 2,6, 129). Musk was known as mrganābhi, mr̥gamada, and kastūri (l.c.). The aromatic fruit of the clerodendron used in perfuming water, making perfumes, etc. had three names, viz., kolaka, kaṅkolaka and koṣaphala (ibid., 2,6, 129-30). Camphor, used for the preparation of cosmetics and medicines, had five names—karpūra, ghanasāra, sitābhra and himavālukā (l.c.). Sandalwood, however, was the most popular and was most prolifically used. It had four name—gandhasāra, malayaja (product of the Malaya mountains of South India), bhadrāśri and candana (ibid., 2,6, 131). Tailaparni, gośr̥ṣa and haricandana (l.c.) were three names for the best variety of fine old sandalwood. Red sandalwood was known by five names, viz. tilaparni, patrāṅga, rañjana, raktacandana and kucandana (ibid., 2,6, 132). Nutmeg, used for perfuming water, for betel leaves etc. was known by two names, viz., jātikoṣa and jātiphala (l.c.). Gātrānulepa was a fragrant unguent smeared on the body (ibid., 2,6, 133); varti was any cosmetic prepared from various fragrant substances in the form of sticks or pills (l.c.); varṇaka was a fragrant ointment and vilepana was any kind of fragrant oil for anointing the body (l.c.). Various powders (cūrṇa, vāsayoga) obtained from many fragrant substances were used for perfuming the body—bhāvita, vāsita (ibid., 2,6, 134). Perfuming oneself and one’s body, and adorning oneself with flower

garlands was known as adhivasana (l.c.). In Cave XVII of Ajanta, in a painting from a pilaster (Griffiths, op.cit., Vol.I, P1.55), a lady looking into the mirror completes her toilet. Her maid carries a tray with cosmetic bottles—perfumes, unguents and pastes. Similar type of perfume bottles and unguents caskets can also be seen in a wall painting in Cave XVI (ibid., Plate 48 B) which depicts Yaśo-dharā sleeping and Gautama taking a last look at her while he departs. In this painting, in a niche in the wall also, cosmetic bottles are seen placed.

Much care was taken of long, luxuriant tresses which were washed with diverse unguents and hair washes, and then dried and perfumed with incense—keśadhūpādivāsitaih (BKSS, 9,29). The hair was then styled in various ways. Cikura, kuntala, kaca, keśa, śiro-ruha, were various names for hair (Amarakośa, 2,6, 95). A mop of curled hair was kaitibha and kaityā (ibid., 2,6,96). The two types of curly hair were alaka or curled and cūrṇa kuntala or ringlets (l.c.). A lock of hair falling on the forehead was bhramaraka (l.c.); kāka-pakṣa were the side locks of hair on the temples of boys and young men and śikhaṇḍaka was a lock of hair left on the crown of the head at tonsure or side locks (l.c.). The chignon, in which women tied up their hair, was known as kabari (Viddha., '2,7; ibid., 2,6, 97) and the dhammila (l.c.) was the braided and ornamented hair of a woman tied over the head and intermixed with flowers, pearls etc. Sikhā, cūḍā, keśapāśa (l.c.) were top knots, and the matted hair style of hermits and recluses was called jatā or satā (l.c.). Braided hair or the hair plaited in chains were called veṇi and praveṇi (ibid., 2,6, 97). Sleek, abundant and tangle-free hair were called śirṣa-nya and śiraśya (l.c.). The Viṣṇudharmottara Purāṇa (3,37) enumerates the following types of hair styles—kuntala, dakṣiṇāvarta (curled to the right), taraṅgah (possibly like a longish perm), simha-kesara (hair like the mane of a lion falling on the neck), vardhara (parted) and jūṭa tasara (matted). The last mentioned is for the sages, for which the text says (3, 42) that sages should be drawn adorned with long tresses of hair clustered on top of their head—jaṭājūṭasobhita. The Karpūra. (Act III) describes curly locks falling on the forehead in the manner of a fringe—kuṭilālakānām mālā-lāṭaphalakāgrasañginracita. Sometimes hair were braided and then coiled into a bun—maṇḍalitaveṇi (BKSS, 14,112). A hair-style, very popular with women and often depicted in Ajanta paintings, was a low chignon, loosely but stylishly tied at the nape of the neck —kandharāmulavisraṣṭaśathabandhaśiroruha (ibid., 7,7).

More than often this chignon had a chaplet of some fragrant

84 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

flower encircling it. Śīrṣopānīyanilotpaladāmā (Priyadarśikā, Act II)

was a garland of blue lotuses tied in the hair. In fact, garlands of

blue lotuses encircling the chignon seems to be very popular at

Ajanta.39 Sometimes flowers of different varieties (anekajāti) and

different colours (anekavarṇa) were used for making garlands (NC,

4, p. 40). Five coloured garlands (pañcavarṇamālikā) made from

fragrant flowers like padma (pink lotus), utpala (blue lotus) etc. were

greatly appreciated —yathā pañcavarnasugandhamālikā padmotpala

(ibid., 3, p.280). In Ajanta, too (Yazdani, Ajanta, Part IV, Pl. xxxviii

—A Procession) one can see a chaplet wreathed out of pink and

blue lotus flowers wound round a hair bun. A chaplet of wreathed

flowers could also be worn around on the forehead. It was then kno-

wn as lalāmakam (Amarakośa, 2,6, 135). Subandhu describes the easter-

ern ladies who wore the lalāma around the forehead40 In Cave XVII

of Ajanta (Griffiths, op.cit., Vol.I, Pl. 55), the lady looking into the

mirror wears a beautiful chaplet of red flowers round her forehead.

Wreathed chapllets worn in the middle of the hair (i.e. head) were

known as garbhaka (l.c.). Those wound round top-knots were āpiḍa

and śekhara (ibid., 2,6,136). In the Kādambarī, Śūdraka wore a

chaplet of malatī flowers—mālatīkusumaśekhara. Tārāpiḍa wore a

chaplet of red flowers—raktaśekhara (Kādambarī, Tārāpīḍavilāsa-

varṇanam). Adorning oneself with the mālatīdāma (Viddha., 3,5)

continued to be quite popular. Prātamba was the straight and long

(rjulambī) garland around the neck—kanṭhālat (Amarakośa, 2,6,136).

Vaikakṣika (l.c.) was worn diagonally across the chest like a janeu or

the sacred thread (ibid.).

The Ajanta paintings, depict the various hair-styles of the time

adorned with flowers. Sometimes, it had a permed effect in front

with luxurious ringlets. Or a chignon is tied at the back with a coro-

nal of flowers around it and a few strands of longish, permed type

hair carelessly falling on the back or shoulders below the chignon

Sometimes large lotus blooms were arranged in the masses of hair

or a flower simply stuck to a bun. Knots of hair could be looped

at the side and adorned with flowers. The hair-bun could be confi-

ned by hair-nets or jewelled strings attached to elaborate ornament

of beaten work in gold and silver. Such ornamental hair-bands are

often depicted. Tribal women wore rolls and bands with peacock

feathertips. The NC (2, p.467) mentions flowers worn on the head—

keśapuṣpādi alañkārāḥ. Garlands made from flowers or seeds of

guñja, rudrākṣa, cotton and plant leaves (NC, 2, p.396) like that of

ṭagara (ibid.), bhiṇḍa and from peacock feathers (moraṅgamayī,

ibid.) are referred to in the text.

Social Gleanings from Post-Kālidāsa Literature 85

While in court, king Harṣa wore a ruby crest-jewel—aruṇacudāmaṇi (HC, p. 74). His śikhaṇḍa or tuft of hair was adorned by a crest ornament inset with pearls and emeralds—śikhaṇḍābharanaabhuvā muktāphalālokenamarkatamaṇikiranakakāpena (l.c.). Kā-dambari also wears a ruby crest-jewel.41 So does the heroine of the Viddhaśālabhañjikā. The vālapāśa or hair band is referred to in the Harṣacarita (p.237, 7th Ucchvāsa).

Of ear ornaments, we have both the varieties, the danglers (avatamsa) and those which are clasped on (avasakta). More than one ornament could be worn in the same ear. Kādambari is said to be wearing three ear ornaments viz., tālapatra, kuṇḍala and karṇotpala. Perhaps two were worn in one ear and one in the other ear. In Cave I in Ajanta (Griffiths, op.cit., I, p.9, fig.9) a princess is wearing a small earring in the upper ear and karṇotpala in the lower lobe. In Cave VI of Ajanta (ibid., I, p.10, fig.12) a fashionable woman wears a large earring in the middle of the ear and a triangular sort of an ornament in the hole of the upper ear. Ear ornaments in the upper ear are seen in sculptures too 42 Particularly popular with the ladies seems to be a round ear ornament in the shape of a flower with a prominent middle portion. This is possibly the ear-top named karṇikā which has been referred to in the NŚ as an ear-top of the ladies. The word karṇikā means the middle portion of a flower, which this ear top depicts. From the Daśakumāracarita (2nd Ucchvāsa, p. 97), we know that it was worn in the upper portion of the ear. It refers to the karṇikā as worn by a lady and describes it as a bejewelled (possibly studded with rubies, in this case) upper ear ornament—upariparāvṛttaśravaṇapāśaratnakarṇikākiraṇamañjarīpinjarita. A typical feature was that different sorts of ear-or­naments could be worn in each ear. Thus, Bhaṇḍi is described by Bāṇa as wearing different sorts of ornaments in either ear. Of course, this is not denying that a pair of ear-ornaments could also be worn. Sometimes an ear-ornament could be worn in only one ear. For instance, the Mātaṅga kanyā who arrives at the court of Śūd-raka wears a dantapatra in only one ear. Flower ear-ornaments were also popular, specially with ladies.

Of kuṇḍalas or earrings there are several varieties, viz. plain kuṇḍalas, ratnakuṇḍalas or gem-studded kuṇḍalas, cakrakunḍala and makarakuṇḍalas. In the first type, we have plain gold earrings—hemakuṇḍalas (BKSS, 10,102). Maṇikuṇḍalas or ratnakuṇḍalas seem to be quite popular.43 They were studded with a variety of stones. Kuṇḍa-laprotapadmarāga (Śiśu., 2,19) were ruby studded kuṇḍalas. The same text (ibid., 3,5) describes gold kuṇḍalas studded with emeralds

—kāñcanakunḍalalāgrapratyuptagārutmatratna. Kādambarī (Kādam- barīvarṇanam) is described as wearing a dangling emerald-ruby ear- ring of a leaf foliage pattern—karṇapāśa dolāyamānapatramarkata- māṇikyakunḍalam. While in court, Harṣa (HC, p.74) is described as wearing in his ears maṇikuṇḍalas in the shape of tiny harp — kuṇḍa- lamaniikuṭilakotiibālavīnā.44 In the HC (p.103) Bhairāvācārya is said to be wearing sphaṭikakunḍala i.e. crystal earrings.45 Another popu- lar design was the alligator (makara) design. This could be seen not only in earrings but in bangles too. Thus, Bāṇa describes the ruby- studded makara kunḍalas swinging in the ear—preṅkhatakunḍalamā- ṇikyapatramakara.46 At another place, he describes the kunḍalas fashioned in the shape of alligators with gem-studded scroll work —maṇikuṇḍalamakarapatrabhaṅga.47 Yet another variety of kunḍalas was the cakrakunḍala described in literature and illustrated in paintings and sculptures. The Karpūra. (Act II, p.57) refers to a pair of cakrakunḍalas—tadvadanamanmatharatho dvābhyāmiva cakrābh- yāṃ camkramitah. Subandhu gives an upamā referring to gold cakrakunḍalas—cakrākārāh kanakunḍalamiva.48 The Ajanta paintings also depict cakrakunḍalas.49 The Śiśu. (6.27) describes many gem-studded kunḍalas —vividhopalakunḍalady- uti. Rājaśekhara, too, in his dramas describes the multi-coloured jewelled ear ornaments. It is said to be a dangler fashionedlike the tail of a peacock—uttamasah kekipicchaih (Viddha., 3,7) and then again mayūrapicchābharaṇah (Karpūra., 4,13). Even now the nava- ratna kunḍalas and hāras are popular, though they may not be fash- ioned like a peacock's tail. Bāṇa, too, hints at the navaratna kunḍalas. He describes Keyūraka as wearing ear ornaments the (many studded) gems of which were casting a rainbow coloured reflections on his uttarīya.50 Another word for kunḍala was bālikā (used in the HC) which is the same as the present-day bālā (Hindi—kāna kā bālā or bālī). The commentator explains bālikā as an āvedhya ornament— bālikā karṇapavedholaiṅkāra. The NŚ includes kunḍalas in the āvedhya class of ornaments. Bāṇa refers to Mālatī wearing in her ears a pair of bālikās each with three elongated pearls looking like bakula fruit."51 In Cave I of Ajanta, a person bearing a tray or vase of flowers, wears a similar bālikā. The earring has three strands of small pearls each ending in an elongated pearl.52

There were a variety of lotus-shaped ear ornaments53 and they were variously named karṇakuvalaya,54 karṇotpala55 and karṇapūra. The karṇapūra was fashioned in several ways. The Daśa. (6th Ucchvāsa) describes a gold karṇapūra with the leaves fashioned probably in gold repoussé—karṇapūrakanakapatram. Bāṇa describes

Social Gleanings from Post-Kālidāsa Literature 87.

gold karnapūras with either gold leaves or patrabhaṅgas or scroll work—cāmikarapatrāṅkurakarnapūra (HC, 7th Ucchvāsa, p. 207). Apart from gold karnapūra, the other varieties were the maṇikarnapūra56 or the ratnakarnapūra.57 The NŚ (21.26) also describes the gem-studded variety of karnapūra. The karnapūraraktotpala58 was a red lotus karnapūra ear ornament, i.e. the petals of the karnapūra lotus were studded with rubies. The vilambinilotpalakarnapūra (Śiśu., 4,8) was a blue lotus karnapūra dangler studded with sapphires. The dantapatra59 was another popular ornament of this age. It was also known as dantapatrikā (Śiśu., 1,60). The name danta itself suggests that the ornament was made of ivory. Besides, it is often referred to as dhavaladantapatra,60 suggesting a white ivory ornament. It was an ear ornament which was clasped or clipped on to the ear as it is often referred to as avasaktadantapatra.61 It seems that the dantapatra was worn as an upper ear ornament. In the HC (p.32) Bāṇa describes Mālatī as wearing four ear-ornaments. In both the ears she wore a pair of bālikās (bālikāyugaleṇa) or kuṇdalas. Besides this, she wore in her right ear a green ketakī bud and in the left ear she wore a dantapatra of bluish shade. Since the bālikās must have been worn in either the lower lobe of the ear or middle, one can logically conclude that the dantapatra and the ketakī bud must have been worn in the upper ear. The bluish shade hints that the ivory ornament was studded with sapphires. The NŚ (21.26) too, refers to the dantapatra as gem-studded. As for the shape of the ornament, the name suggests that it was shaped as an ivory leaf. But was this leaf rounded or narrow, plain edged or serrated? Now, in the HC Lakṣmī is said to be wearing a dantapatra which was shining white and fashioned like the crescent moon.62 In the KM (62) the dantapaṅkti is said to have the shape of a saw (kāpatraka), which suggests a dantura or serrated edge. The word danta (in dantapatra) would then suggest not only ivory, but the serrated edge too. An ear-ring of exactly such a description, crescent-shaped and edged, has been reported from Peshawar Museum, Pakistan.63 The following conclusions then seem to emerge as regards the dantapatra : (i) It was an ivory ornament; (ii) it was fashioned somewhat as a crescent-shaped leaf; (iii) it had a teeth-like or serrated edge; (iv) it could be either of plain ivory only or bejewelled, too; (v) it was clasped on to the ear; and (vi) it was perhaps worn as an upper ear ornament. Another leaf-like ear ornament was the tālapatra64 or talajapatra65 As the name indicates, it must have been fashioned in the shape of palm leaf. Palm leaf-shaped ear ornaments in terracotta, coloured glass and crystal have been found amongst the surface finds at

88 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

Kauśāmbī. Bāṇa, however, describes a tālipaṭṭa ear ornament of gold.66

Amongst other interesting miscellaneous ear ornaments, mentioned on must be made of trikanṭaka, referred to by Bāṇa. He describes it as an ear ornament fashioned by setting an emerald between two large pearls.67 It seems to have been worn by both men and women. At the time of Harṣa's birth, the royal ladies danced with their ears being adorned by the trikanṭaka ear ornament.68 Bhaṇḍi, at the time of his debut in court, wore the trikanṭaka ear ornament.69 At another place, king Harṣa is described as wearing an ear ornament called tarangaka studded with extremely precious rubies.70

About a century or more later Dāmodaragupta refers to ear-ornaments like kanakanādi (KM, 358), śiśapatraka and dalaviṭaka (KM, 65). Kanakanādi seems to be a gold dangler, shaped like a hollow stalk or tube.71 Dalaviṭaka, as the name itself suggests, was an ear-ornament shaped like a roll of betel leaves. Such a conical type of ear-ornament was very popular during the Śaka-Kuṣāṇa period and is seen on several sculpture pieces. It became rarer in the Gupta and post-Gupta periods. A reference to it so late is indeed quite surprising. But some older designs do continue along with the new ones.

Of necklaces, we have the following types: those of gold, of gold and gem-studded and finally the various types of pearl necklaces. Ratnamālā (Ratnāvalī, Act I) was a string of emeralds. Hārāh sendraṁlaiḥ (Viddha, 8,7) was a string of sapphires. The candramaṇi-hara (Uttara, 1,34) meant a pearl string. Sphaṭikākṣamālā (Śiśu., 1,9) was a string of crystal bead gems. The Daśa. (2nd Ucchvāsa) describes a necklace of burnished gold interwoven with rubies—niṣṭapatatapantyāsūtraparyastapadmarāgarucakām. The interesting fact here is that here rucaka denotes a necklace72 and not a bracelet, as is the meaning given in the NŚ (21,18). Its meaning obviously changed in six-seven centuries. The big, central gem of the necklace was called nāyaka or tarala. Thus we have a single pearl-string with ruby as central gem.73 The pearl string with sapphire as central gem has already been described.

Śeṣahāra74 is a serpent-necklace. Mālatī wears a straight necklace of gold with a pendent of emeralds and rubies touching the breast—kuncapūrṇakalaśayorupariratnaprālāmbamālikāmaruṇāharit-kiraṇakisalayāni (HC, 1st Ucchvāsa, p.32). Kādambarī (Kādambarī-ṛṇanām) wears a necklace, ornamented by rubies mixed with lustrous pearls—bhāsvānmuktāṁśubhinna padmarāgaprasādhanam. In Cave XVII of Ajanta,75 we have the painting of a prasādhana

Social Gleanings from Post-Kālidāsa Literature 89

(toilet) scene. A lady holding a mirror is assisted by two maids and is completing her toilet. Her neck ornaments are noteworthy. Close to her neck she wears a single string of ruby-pearl choker. There is another ruby string coming lower down with a beautiful pendent. In the centre is a big ovalish lusturous pearl. There are two lines of gems around it. Just immediately encircling the central pearl is a line of rubies. Ruby-pearl alternating are studded on the outside of this. Straight below this pendent dangle two pearls with rubies. The design is fit for a princess and it is quite possible that Kādambarī wore a similar ruby-pearl necklace.

There were various types of girdles too : of gold or pearl, gem-studded, with swan design or with bells. The Kirāta describes the girdle with the design of swans—kalahamsamekhalā (ibid., 4,1) or a row of swans (ibid., 8,9). The bejewelled girdles are often referred to as ratnamekhalā76 maṇimekhalā,77 kāñcīmaṇi,78 raśanāmaṇinīnām,79 padmarāgamaṇikāñcit80 or ruby studded girdle, and ratnamālikāñnām mekhalānām81 or the girdle studded with strings of precious gems. The Śiśu. (3,9) refers to the muktāmayam sāraśanā or pearl girdle. The design of girdles82 endowed with tiny tinklers was quite an old one and such girdles can been seen way back in the sculptures of Bharhut.83 Sometimes it was a gold girdle with the design of bells —kanakamekhalāghanṭikā.84 Patralekhā is described as wearing a very costly gold girdle.85

On the arms and hands were worn armlets, bangles and rings. In the Kādambarī, Śūdraka is described as wearing indramaṇikey-ūrayugma, i.e. a pair of sapphire studded armlets. In another place, the aṅgada or armlet is described as having the alligator scroll-work design—aṅgadapatrabhaṅgamakarakoṭi.86 In the HC (p.32) Mālatī is described as wearing a gold bracelet (hāṭakakaṭaka) with its ends having the form of an alligator’s head inset with emeralds—marakatamakaravedikāsanātha. Lion-faced and alligator-faced bangles are still popular with Indian ladies. Bangles were known as kaṭaka (Hindi kaḍā), kaṅkaṇa87 (Hindi kaṅgaṇa) and valaya. The Ratnāvalī (Act III) refers to a pure gold bangle—śuddhāsuvarṇa-kaṭaka. Bejewelled bangles were known as ratnāvalaya88 or maṇi-valaya89 We hear of emerald studded bangles (marakatāvalaya),90 of ruby bangles (māṇikyāvalaya)91 and bangle studded with a huge sapphire—valayārpitasitamahopala.92 On the fingers were worn gold rings (hemāṅgulīvakam)93 and rings inset with gems (marakātṅgulī-yaka.94 In the HC (Ist Ucchvāsa), Sāvitrī is said to be wearing shell rings on the fingers of her right hand.

On the feet were worn anklets termed variously as nūpura, kim-

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kinikā, mañjīra, hamsaka,95 etc. Hemanūpura96 were gold anklets, maṇinūpura,97 manikimkinikāḥ98 and ratnakinkinikāḥ99 were bejeweled anklets. Marakatamañjīrayugma100 were a pair of emerald studded anklets.

Although the post-Gupta age is being interpreted by some historians as an age of material decline owing to the capture of the oceanic trade by the Arabs and the consequent decline of city life, the evidence of literature and art does not seem to support this view. Here, aristocratic affluence and luxury, refinement and taste are reflected in an ever-growing tendency towards ornamentation.

Footnotes

1 Herringham, Ajanta Frescoes, Pl. XXXVI, 40; Moti Chandra, Costumes, Textiles, Cosmetics and Coiffures, p.86, fig.85.

2 Herringham, ibid., Pl. XV, 17; Moti Chandra, ibid., p. 93, fig. 129.

3 Pāṇḍuranlapāṭalaih samāgataḥ śakradhanuḥ prāṇabhidāḥl ādadhire .......vicitraciṇāmśukacarutām....... — Kirāta.,16,58. Actually Bhāravi here compares the glow of fire to a vicitracināmśuka of the hue of these colours.

4 In Cave XVII (left wall) of Ajanta, in the scene of Viśvāntara with his wife driving in a four horse chariot, the man seen from the left wears a short waist-cloth with stripes of exactly these colours i.e. cream, blue and pink.—Yazdani, Ajanta, Part IV, Pl. XXIII.

5 In Cave II (Yazdani, ibid., Part II, Pl. XXIV) the figure of a jester wears a tunic decorated with a star pattern and held at the waist with a girdle. The lower garment visible below the knees, looks quite like a chūrīdār. In Cave XVII (Herringham, op.cit., Pl. III,4) a maid, perhaps of foreign extraction, wears a moss green half-sleeved jacket. The material from which it is made is embroidered/woven/printed with digonally assorted stars. In a wall painting, two Nāga chiefs sit on a couch. In between them, a man in blue and gold flowered coat and a Persian head dress holds a sword with a blue hilt. Griffiths, John, The Paintings in the Buddhist Cave Temples of Ajanta, Vol.1, Pl. 16, Delhi, 1983.

6 Sūkṣmavimalenāmśukenācchaditatanulatā of (HC, Ucchvāsa I) i.e. fine and thin, clinging white amśuka. In the same text (ibid., 31), Mālati wears a thin, white, silk dress lighter than a serpent’s slough—anirmokalaghutarena. Sometimes the garment was fine and thin, but patterned also—sūkṣmacitranivasana—Daśa., Pūrvapiṭhikā, 5th Ucchvāsa.

7 Aghanena satarāgaṇenaparikṛtena dvitīyāmbarenā (HC, pp.72-73).

Social Gleanings from Post-Kālidāsa Literature 91

Śaṅkara, the Commentator, says—tārāḥ sūtrabindavah. Were these sequins embroidered with silver or gold thread ? Such work—embroidery with star-like dots with gold and silver thread on fine georgette and chiffon—is popular to this day. At Ajanta, the king of Benares wears a lion cloth of very diaphanous material (Herringham, op.cit., Pl. XXV.27).

8 Kāśadukūla (Kirāta., 8,9) or white dukūla. In Kādambarī in the Tārāpiḍavilāsavarnanam, Tārāpiḍa wears a pāṭalikṛtadukūla, i.e. a dukūla garment of pink colour.

9 Aviralakusumbhakusumarakṭadukūlakomālena—Kādambarī : Mahāśvetācandrāpiḍayoh sāndhyavidhih.

10 Niśvāsahārye nirmokāśucini dhaute kalpalatādukūle—Kādambarī-prahitataradarśanam. Cf. niśvāsahāryam amśukam (Raghu., 16,43) i.e. extremely fine aṁśuka fit to be worn in summer. In the Kādambarī king Śūdraka is said to be wearing a white garment as fine as a serpent's slough—viśadharaniṁmokaparilaghuṇi dhavale dhav-utavāsamsi. Such fine garments, which were as light as a serpent's slough, are referred to as nirmokapaṭṭa in the Raghuvaṁśa (16,17).

11 BKSS, 17,60. Mahapaṭṭorna is definitely a mistake for mahapatrorṇa when read in the context.

12 Netra is usually referred to as dhautadhavala i.e. bleached white. Priṅga was a coloured cloth of floral design as mentioned in the Central Asian documents. It has been rendered as damask or unicoloured patterned or figured silk (Agrawala, V.S., The Deeds of Harṣa, p.106). Netra, too, had beautiful interwoven designs—ucchitrānetrasukumārasvasthānāsthagitajangghākāṇḍaiḥ (HC, p.206) i.e. ‘whose knees were covered by tied trousers made of patterned netra cloth.’

13 Kanakagarbhitakumpīñjaritavastrapāridhānāḥ-Kuṭṭinīmatam, 66.

14 Raṅgadhūpanavasanaiḥ—BKSS, 10.97. Cf. Bhatṭhabhāṣya, III, 3001, which says that the cloth was first washed (dhauta), then it was calendered (ghṛṣṭa) and starched (mṛṣṭa) and then perfumed (sam-pradhūmita). In the KM the courtezān is described as wearing mṛdudhautadhūpitāmbaram, i.e. soft, washed and perfumed clothes.

15 Tīrthayātrotsave .....śuklāmbarayugalena (Daśa., 5th Ucchvāsa). Cf. NŚ, 21, 123-24, which also enjoins pure, white apparel for such occasions. The nityavasana of kings was citravesa (ibid., 21.136) i.e. he was to wear gorgeous dresses daily.

16 At Ajanta, in Cave II, in the panels from the hall, there are two maids, both in ardhoruka. One is a dark complexioned chowrie-bearer in creamish or dull yellow shorts or ardhoruka with dark stripes on it. On another panel, there is another maid, bearing a

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covered dish or basket in hand, with an off-white (and what looks like silk) ardhoruka with self-embossed checks of the same colour on it. Griffiths, J., op.cit., Vol. II, Cave II, Plate 145, (Panels from Pillar (j) in the hall).

17 The candātaka could, however, be worn by men, too, The lekhāraka in the HC wears a candātaka, i.e. half tunic, upto half the thighs. It was fastened to the back by an old, worn out ribbon.

18 HC, p.98. V.S. Agrawala in The Deeds of Harṣa (p.78) opines that this was a costume unknown in the Gupta period but introduced after the coming of the Hūṇas. In the excavations at Ahicchatrā many examples of female figures in clay have been found wearing this dress, whose date on the basis of archaeological stratification falls between 550 and 750 A.D.’. See Ancient India, No.4, p.172, figs. 307, 308, 446.

19 Kādambarī—Candrāpīḍasya digvijayavarnanam. Also ālohitarāge-nāṃśukena racitāvagunṭhanayā; ibid., Patralekhāvarṇanam; avagun-thanapatā, Śiśu., 5,17.

20 Śiśu., 17,67.

21 Kādambarī—Sundarīrābhisarasāra.

22 Lalitavistara, p.113, R.L. Mitra, Cal., 1877.

23 In Cave I at Ajanta, a foreign looking chief and his wife are sitting on a couch. The man wears a light greyish-blue tunic, half way upto his knee, which is trimmed with heavy gold brocade or embroidery. According to Griffiths, on the legs he is wearing ‘stripped stockings.’ This is probably a well fitting chūridār (the cūris of the payjamas giving the impression of stripes) which he has mistaken for stripped stockings. Griffiths, John, op.cit., Vol. II, Cave I, Pl. 94, no. 67.

24 Lyre type of Samudragupta. The king is in a relaxed pose.

25 Kumāragupta I’s coins; Lion-Slayer type of Candragupta II.

26 E.g. Standard type coins of Samudragupta.

27 Kṛtābhiṣeke kila Vairocake vimalamuktāmaniparikṣepaviracitacit-rapatamavārābāṇāpracchāditāśarire.

28 Cf. Pehalvi stavaraka and Arabic stabraq. It is an interesting fact that stabraq has been mentioned in the Qurān as a costly material worn by the hoors of heaven. The stavaraka may have been an imported textile, just as the vārabāṇa dress was borrowed from foreigners.

29 At Ajanta in Cave I, two patterns on pillows can be seen. One is the cushion used by Cāmpeya, which is made of cloth in which small stars are worked on silk in gold or silver thread on a dull or yellowish texture which itself is gold or silver cloth. The design

Social Gleanings from Post-Kālidāsa Literature 93

on the cushion which his consort uses consists of stars of four pointed flowers worked out on a dark background. Yazdani, ap cit., Part II, Pl. XXXIV Cushions with stripes and flowers were also popular. In one illustration we have the king resting against big, round, blue and maroonish-brown stripped cushions. Yazdani, ibid., Part II, Plate XI. In yet another place we have dark green cushions with white stars (or flowers) - Yazdani, ibid., Part IV, Pl. XXIX.

30 Hamsatūlagarbhasayyopadhānasaalini—Daśa., 2nd Ucchvāsa. Hamsapakṣāmsukapräyakomalāstarana—BKSS, 17,27. Cf. the Ajanta wall painting (Griffiths, op.cit., Vol. I, Cave XVI (Pl. 48 B) showing Yaśodharā sleeping on just such a soft, light, white foamy āstarana (at the time of Buddha’s departure)

31 E.g. Kumära., 1,14; BKSS, 17, 81. etc. In Cave I, at Ajanta, in the scene of the foreign chief and his wife, the curtain behind is of floral pattern. The background is dull yellow or cream (seems like kimkhäb) with small red rosettes. Griffiths, J., ibid., Vol. II, Cave I, Pl.94, no.4. At another place, in the illustration of the Hamsa Jätaka (Yazdani, op cit., Part IV, Pl. XVII, Cave XVII) three types of curtains are illustrated. The middle is dark green with white flowers, the one to its right is dull yellow with black flowers and the one to its left is a light geru (dull orange) with white pattern.

32 The Amarakosa (2, 6, 121-22) give various technical terms for massage, bath, besmearing with pastes, etc., that were current in the Gupta period. Before the bath, the body was thoroughly cleaned and then perfumed with oil, etc.—märṣṭi, märjanā, mrja. Just before the bath, the body was chafed (udvartana) and rubbed or kneaded or cleaned with unguent (utsädana). After the bath, the body was besmeared with unguent so that the perfumes washed away in bathing were restored—carcā, cārcikya, sthāsaka, prabodhana, anubodha.

33 Griffiths, J., op. cit., Vol. I, Cave I, Pl. 7.

34 Amarakoṣa, 2, 6, 131.

35 L.c.; also Kādambari—Pundarikadehasya-gaganagannayanam.

36 Amarakoṣa, l.c.; Nāgānanda, 3, 9.

37 Since loha means metal, this variety of aloewood was probably heavy. For agartu, the early Arabs used the name aghalukhi, but later termed it ud. Five types of aloewood are mentioned. Out of those, the wood that sinks in water is udghariki. It is of black colour. Loha may be identified with this variety of aloewood, which was black and heavy like iron.

38 The jongaka is mentioned in Kauṭilya's Arthaśāstra (2, 11) which deals with aromatic woods and resins in the royal treasury. Acco-rding to the commentary it was a product of Kāmarūpa (Assam).

39 Yazdani, Ajanta, Part II, Plate XI—Story of the Serpent, Saṅkhapala Jātaka. The woman standing behind the king wears blue (lotus) flower in her hair bun.

40 Udayagiribhālamandārāpuṣpastabaka (iva) prācimahilālālāma lalāṭa. Louis, H. Gray, Subandhu's Vāsavadattā, p. 175, Motilal Banarsidass, 1962.

41 Pātalikrtalalāṭenasimantacumbinaścūḍāmaneh — Kādambarivarṇa-nam, Kādambari.

42 See Postel, M., op. cit., p. 121. The upper ornament, round, flo-wer-shaped with a prominent karnikā was termed as the karnikā. It may be noted that three sculpture photographs on p.121 of the above mentioned book show only women as wearing the karnikā which is as ordained by the NS.

43 Daśa, Pūrvapiṭhikā, 5th Ucchvāsa; Kādambari, Śukanāsāgaurava-rnanam; Karpūrā, Act II. The ratnakuṇdalas are often depicted in sculpture as roundish or, more often, oval. There could be a single row or two-three rows of precious stones.

44 This might refer to the crescent-shaped manikuṇdalas studded with at least three or four semi-circular rows of gems. Crescent shaped terracotta earrings have been reported from several sites all over India and even from Taxila. The most prolific findings are from Bhokardan (Aurangabad dist.) excavated by S.B. Deo and R.S. Gupta (Excavations at Bhokardan, 1974) and detailed by G.B. Deglurkar. They are dated to the Sātavāhana period, but such a design must have continued in the later centuries too. At Ter, mould used to make such earrings has been discovered from surface findings. At Mathurā Museum we have a Kubera of the Kuṣāna period wearing such crescent kuṇdalas studded with gems. Postel, M., op.cit., pp.26–27; 98-99.

45 Several crystal earring have been found at Kauśāmbı̄. Both varie-ties of crystal—frosted and completely transparent—have been found at Kauśāmbı̄. For illustration see ibid , pp. 39, 46, 51.

46 Patralekhātkādambarı̄daśāvarnanam.

47 Patralekhāvarnanam.

48 Gray, L., Subandhu's Vāsavadattā, p. 175.

49 Griffiths, J., op.cit; Vol. I, p.18, fig. 50 from wall painting II, Cave IX. Cakrakuṇdalas are depicted in sculpture too. E.g. see the nude terracotta Mother Goddess from Buxar with a slender body (Patna Museum). Another one, a Cola Bronze from Darasuram

depicts a child between a man and woman wearing such kuṇḍa-las; ibid., p. 64 Though Postel describes them as ‘earrings with a petal design’ they are basically cakrakunḍalas.

50 Karṇābharaṇamaneviprakiryamānamadhomukhakiraṇedrāyudhajā-lam—Kādambarī, Keyūrakena sah Taralikāyāḥ pratyāgamonam.

51 Bakulaphalānukārīṇibhiḥ tisribhiḥ muktābhiḥ kalpitena bālikāyuga-lena—HC, 1st Ucchvāsa, p.32. V.S. Agrawala (The Deeds of Har-ṣa, p.29) has translated the above thus: “She wore in her ears a pair of earrings, each with three elongated pearls looking like Bakula fruit.”

52 Griffiths. op.cit., Vol.I, p.18, fig. 53, Wall Painting Cave I. The same also is in colour in Yazdani, Ajanta, Part II, Pl. XXXI.

53 The lotus-shaped ear-ornament is depicted in painting and sculpture. Griffiths, J., op.cit., Vol.I, Cave II, Pl. 21; the ear-ornament of the figure painted on the extreme left.

54 Daśa., Pūrvapiṭhikā, 2nd Ucchvāsa.

55 Bāṇa in his Kādambarī describes it as a dangler—iṣadālambikarn-otpalām, Śūdrakavarnanam; also Tārāpiḍavilāsavarnanām in the same text.

56 Kādambarī, Śūdrakavarnanām; Tārāpiḍavilāsavarnanām.

57 Ibid., Śūdrakanityakṛtyavarnanām.

58 Ibid., Pradoṣavarnanām.

59 HC, pp. 32, 114, etc. Kādambarī, Tārāpiḍavilāsavarnanām.

60 Ibid., Rājakulavarnanām; again, dhavalapatrikādyutisītakapolabhi-tti—HC, p.21.

61 Kādambarī, Cāndālakanyāvārṇnanam; ibid., Kādambarī-Candrāpiḍ-ayoh prītivardhakopacāraḥ.

62 Haraṣikhaṇḍenadvītyakhaṇḍeneva kuṇḍalikṛtena jyotsnāmucādan-tapatreṇa, HC, p.114

63 Postel, M., op.cit., pp. 238, 240, Pl. XXXII, fig. 83, p.241.

64 Karnapāśam ....... galitatālīpratratāṭamkam—Viddha., 2,10.

65 Ibid., 2,13.

66 Hematālipaṭṭābharaṇa—Kādambarīvarananām.

67 A youth named Dadhichi is described as wearing the trikaṇṭaka—kadambamukulsthūlamuktāphalamadhyādhyāsitāmarakatāsya trikaṇṭakābharaṇasya, HC, p.22

68 Uddhuyamānadhavalacamarasatalagnatrikaṇṭakāvalitavikaṭakaṭāk-ṣaḥ—ibid., 4th Ucchvāsa, p.133.

69 Trikantakamuktāphalokadhavalita—ibid., p.135

70 Atimahārhapadmarāgālokalohitikṛtadivasam ca taraṅgaka nāma karṇābharaṇam—HC, 7th Ucchvāsa, p.218.

71 ‘Gaddādevī’, Bihar, Indian Museum, Calcutta. In one ear she

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wears a long tubular ornament, with perpaps a flower or pearl

design. Postel, M., op. cit., p. 75. Since it is a Pāla sculpture, its

period is approximately the same as that of the KM.

72 Rucako maṅgaladravyye grīvābharaṇadantayoḥ iti Viśvaprakāśaḥ.

73 Padmarāgamaṇirevaikāvalimaṅgalakaroti, pp. 93-94. The same

drama (I.77) again describes the mauktikāhāra or pearl necklace

with madhyaratna of kuṅkumaprabhā (reflection of ruby ?).

74 Kādamart, Kādamabaryāḥ samvādapreṣaṇam.

75 Griffiths, J., op.cit., Vol. I, Pl. 55, Cave XVII.

76 Daśa., 6th Ucchvāsa.

77 Kirāta., 7, 15.

78 Ibid., 8, 23; Karpūra., 2, 34.

79 Viddha., 1, 32.

80 Karpūra., Act II.

81 Kādambarī, Śūdrakasabhāvisarjanam.

82 Raśanā kalā kiṅkiṇī, Śiśu., 9, 743; ābaddhapracuraparārgyhakiṅkiṇiko, ibid., 8, 45.

83 Moti Chandra, Bhāratīya Veṣa Bhūṣā, p. 74, fig. 57.

84 Kādambarī, Rājakṛtavilāsavatīsamīvanam: In fact, the bell design

was so popular that it was limited not just to girdles, but also to

bangles and rings. The Ajanta paintings depict bangles with tiny

bells, and rings with a single tiny bell. Griffiths, J., op.cit., Vol.I,

Cave I, p.8, fig. 6; also ibid., Cave I, Pl. 6 L.

85 Kādambarī, Patralekhāvarṇanam.

86 Ibid., Śūdrakasabhāvisarjanam.

87 Viddha., 2.26; 3.12, etc.

88 Kādambarī, Śūdrakavarṇanam.

89 Karpūra., 2, 9.

90 Viddha., 3,7.

91 Kādamabāvarṇanam, etc.

92 Śiśu., 13, 44.

93 BKSS, 22, 28

94 Kādambarī, Candrāpiḍadarśana-Kādambaryābhāvāveśaḥ.

95 Daśa., 5th Ucchvāsa; Śiśu., 7, 23.

96 Daśa., 6th Ucchvāsa.

97 Kādambarī, Śūdrakasabhāvisarjanam, Tārāpiḍavilāsavarnanam; Karpūra., 2, 32; Viddha., 2,6.

98 Viddha., 2.7.

99 Śiśu., 7.5.

100 Karpūra., Act II.

Chapter 9

Kuṭṭani-mataṃ : A Peep into the Culture of Eighth Century Kashmir

The Kuṭṭani-mataṃ is ascribed to the Kashmiri poet Dāmodara-gupta. The colophon of the text gives the name of the author and his patron-king-iti Śrīkaśmiramahāṃdalamahīṃdana-rājā-Jayā-pidamanṭripravāra-Dāmodaraguptakaviviraciṭaṃ Kuṭṭani-mataṃ sam-āptaṃ.1 Kalhaṇa, in his Rājataraṅgiṇi, mentions Dāmodaragupta as the author of KM2 and the Prime Minister of King Jayāpiḍa. According to Kalhaṇa, Jayapiḍa reigned from 751 A.D. to 782 A.D., but modern historians place him between 779 and 813 A D.3

The text is a storehouse of information for the social and cultural history of Kashmir of this period. It deals with courtesans and their wily methods of extorting money from the rich and throws light on the social scenario surrounding them and their patrons. It is, however, remarkable not only for its satirization of the courtesans and their patrons but is a mine of information also about princes and their ways, ministers, knaves, traders, bankers, as on cosmetics and the art of make-up, ornaments, etc. Since the courtesans are to be well-versed in the theatric arts, it is inevitable that there are prolific references to music, dance and abhinaya. What is extremely interesting is that it relates the actual staging of a historical play, the Ratnāvalī of Harṣa. The enactment of its first Act is described in detail. This is of invaluable use to the cultural historian.

Though the poet hails from Kashmir, he describes the famous cities of Kāśī and Pāṭaliputra in the east and Abu and Devarāṣṭra (i.e. modern Mahārāshṭra) in the West. These cities had lofty temples with śikharas and maṭṭavāraṇis or verandahs.4 They abounded in wells, lakes and well laid-out gardens with garden-paths and seats. They also had sattra­gāras or free eating places for the poor.

At the head of the social system was the royalty—the kings and princes surrounded by their nobles and bureaucracy. The king’s varied functions are described thus : vāhanayānapadāti­g­rā­mā­dika-kārya.5 The king had a large army, headed his armed forces and was the protector of his people. He is said to perpetuate dharma and was the upholder of justice. Verse 390 describes him in charge

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of land grants. The king was surrounded by his court and the feudal nobles or ‘ṭhakkuras’ as they are referred to. They were given jāgīrs or villages in the from of land grants: āste likhito grāmo grh-āṇa……bhāvasi tataṣṭhakkuro (KM, 930). These feudal nobles were endowed with soldiers, horses and dependents. This is gleaned from a dialogue of the ruler with one who does not spend any money on retaining either soldiers (pattayo) or saptīti (horses) or dependents (poṣyajana) but still demands a raise in salary.6 Then there was a large bureaucracy which included the pratīhāra or chamberlain, saciva or minister, city administrator (nagaraprabhu),7 market-tax-collector (haṭṭapati),8 tolls-tax-collector (śaulkikādhyakṣa),9 lekha-vāhaka or postman,10 administrative officers (prayogins) and other government servants (nrpasevakas). Then there were the dependents or servants of the king (parijana), his personal body-guards and betel-bearers( tāmbūlakaraṇkavāhīni), who are often referred to.

Corruption seems to have crept in the bureaucracy. The haṭṭa-pati is referred to as having appropriated a large part of the revenue. The śaulkikādhyakṣa is referred to as not caring even for the king’s punishment (aganitarājāpāyo), and the one who never lacks money. At one place the prince himself points out to the laxity of officials—prayoginām paśya mantharatām 11 At another place a feudal lord, discontented with his lot, demands a raise in salary which the ruler does not grant him. That there was insecurity is evident by the fact that people going on journey had to undergo a lot of hardship. They had to reckon with thugs and thieves, and were not given shelter for a night’s rest by suspicious householders. The woes of the traveller are summed up in verse 229 which says that “God has ordained for the traveller that he should beg his food as a mendicant, his bed should be the ground, his night resort the temple, his pillow a slab of brick.”

Besides the aristocracy and bureaucracy, there were rich śreṣṭhins and vaniks. These people aped the aristocracy and lived in an opulent style. The Brāhmaṇas did not have the money of the merchants and bankers but were venerated by all. A Brāhmaṇa was expected to get education in the brahmacarya āśrama and thereafter to become a good grhastha.12 As a student, his apparel was be of deer skin, i.e. coarse apparel. His conduct was to accord with the rules of the Smṛtis and Śāstras, and he was expected to learn the clear enuniciation of the Vedas, bear the beating of the teacher in case of error, cut wood (samidhā) for sacrificial fires and serve his teacher. As a grhastha or householder he was to light the three sacrificial fires, serve the Brāhmaṇas and his elders, look after his

A Peep into the Culture of Eighth Century Kashmir 99

virtuous wife, keep contact with affectionate relations and perform yajñas. He was to discriminate between the proper and improper, be modest, and listen to the advice of his elders. A virtuous wife13 of a good family is said to be the abode of all happiness. She was to understand what her husband desired and follow him in every respect. She was to be submissive and bashful and care for sex only in a modest way (i.e. in contrast to the vulgar ways of the courtesans).

It seems that women could not move about freely. Women of respectable families are said to have their faces covered. There are references to avagunthana,14 vadanāvratajalikā,15 and samaguptāvaguptayuvatī.16 In contrast, the public women, i.e. courtesans, actresses, dancers, singers, etc. are referred to as pratyakṣayuvatigana17 or prakatapramadā.18 The wife was to be faithful and dutiful, but the men had a great deal of license—they could have more than one wife, keep a mistress and even frequent courtesans. Verses 790-91 refer to the bahujānih (or a man with many wives) and in verse 810 keeping a mistress is said to be preferable to visiting a courtesan.

There are several words referring to courtesans.19—veśyā, rūpājīvā, ganikā, vāravadhū, vāralalanā, panyastri, sārthavanitā, prakatapramadā, pratyakṣanārī, etc. The abode of the courtesans was frequented chiefly by śreṣṭhivaniṭakitavapradhāna ...... (KM,68). Two types of people are referred to here : the śreṣṭhins and vaṇiks who patronised the courtesans and the others, that is the rakes (viṭa) and knaves (kiṭava), who were dependent on the courtesans themselves and lived with them. The official in charge of the courtesans' home was the śālāpāla.20 There is reference to the vāsakāgāra, which was the room to be perfumed by flowers and incense, lighted up by lamps and with a counterpane on the bed.21 This was the bedroom where the courtesan was to entertain her customer. In verse 349, there is an interesting reference to a customer desirous of a yet virgin courtesan, but her mother quotes a large price for her. It was not just the rich and the aristocrats who visited them but even some of the ascetic class. There are references to Pāśupatācāryas, Nirgranthas (Nagnācāryas) and fraudulent Brāhmaṇas (vyājaliṅgin) who frequented courtesans.

From the references to the toilet of the courtesans, details can be gleaned about the cosmetics, ornaments, clothes, etc. of the people. Both men and women adorned themselves with a variety of perfumes, unguents and paints. Besmearing the body with sandal-paste (candana), saffron (kuṅkuma) and khasa was quite common. Parimṛṣṭagātra-kuṅkumakiñcitpinjaritasar vāṅgah—thus the entire

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body was made smooth and coloured reddish-yellow with kuṅkuma.22 Lac (alaktaka) was used by women to colour the soles of their feet and lips.23 Collyrium was used for the eyes. The hair was died and perfumed with incense.24

A great variety of ornaments has been described in the text. Of the ear ornaments are mentioned kuṇḍalas, earrings, kanakanāḍi or a gold dangler shaped like a hollow stalk or tube, and an ear ornament termed dantapaṅkti which is said to have the shape of a saw (karapatraka)25 Other ear ornaments included the śīrṣapatraka. Of the necklaces are mentioned the gold chain (cāmikarakanṭhasūtrikā), gold string studded with precious stones (maṇisanāthagalasūtra), muktāhāra or pearl necklace and a neck ornament (kandharābharaṇa) termed ṭiṭṭibhika. From the name it may be inferred that it was shaped either like a bird or had a pendent of the shape of a bird. Kācavartakamālā was a string of thick glass beads. Valaya, valayakalāpi (peacock-shaped armlet?) and kanakāṅgada were armlets worn on the upper arm. Hemakaṭaka or gold bangle was worn on the wrist. Tapanīyaṁ aṅgulīyam meant a gold ring and raśanā,26 a girdle.

In the text the terms denoting garments are mentioned as nīvī, kañcuka and aṁśuka. Nīvī was the lower garment of women. It was a cloth worn round a woman’s waist with ends of the cloth tied into a knot in front. Kañcuka was a dress further close to the upper part of the body, a bodice. Aṁśuka was a fine or white cloth, usually muslin or silken (parigaladālolāṁśukam).27 It could also be used by women as a garment to cover the upper part of the body; lolāṁśukadrṣṭāṁśukacanābhyah—due to the fluttering of the aṁśuka her shoulders, breasts and navel could be seen.28 Mention is made of cīnāmbara,29 i.e. China cloth or silken cloth. Men wore a head dress or turban. The courtesan is described as wearing mṛdudhautadhūpitāmbaram, i.e. clean, soft and perfumed clothes. The prince’s apparel is described as being made of extremely fine woven cloth30 His shoes made a loud squeaking noise. A feudal lord’s son31 is described as wearing brocade garments tinged with saffron or kuṅkuma. He wore shoes which were lined with wax and material of Turkish origin.

In contrast to the prince and the feudal lord’s son, the lekhāvāhaka wore a cloak or covering of a material woven of thick and coarse thread, and tattered shoes.32 The traveller is described as wearing old and ragged clothes (karpaṭaka),33

Of furniture, mention is made of the footstool (pādapīṭha),34

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vadhrorupīthikā, paryaṇka or bed; mention is also made of vitānaka or bedspread.

As regards food, meat eating was common (māṃsarāsābhyavahāraḥ); fish were well prepared with all ingredients.35 Mention is also made of the bhikṣā or mendicant-food given to the traveller.

It consisted of kalama or rice, kulattha (a kind of pulse), aṇu (the name of a very small grain such as sarsapa), ciraka, caṇa or gram, masūra (a variety of pulse), etc. – these were all mixed in one.

Chewing betel leaf had become very popular by this period and princes and rich men had their own betel bearers. Drinking and gambling too were popular and there are frequent references to pāṇaka-goṣṭhis or drinking assemblies. Hunting was a popular sport of the aristocracy and the rich. Patracchedana (making cutwork pattern on leaves), painting and craftwork with wax and wood36—these were the hobbies in fashion with the upper classes. To keep the mouth sweet smelling, the smelling of a specially prepared perfumed substance was quite popular with the fashionable nāgarakas.37 Playing with ball was popular among ladies.

The picture painted in the KM thus has courtesans, fashionable and rich city-dwellers and typical city life. A sharp distinction is drawn between the urban and rural life. The village youth is mockingly described as anointing himself with khasa and making a top-knot of his hair with a garland around it. His manners are said to be crude and rustic with no sense of propriety.

It was a fashion with the nāgaraka or city-dweller to be well-versed in the various arts and crafts. Thus, the typical man of the town was to show himself knowledgeable in the science of herbal medicines (vṛkṣāyurveda), painting (citrasūtra), the art of making cutwork pattern on leaves (patraccheda), magic (bhramakarma), model making and cooking (puṣṭasūdaśāstra).38 He was also to have knowledge of the performing arts, dance, music, the art of playing instruments, and of the musical treatises of Bharata, Viśākhila and Dantila (i e. Dattila).39

There are several references to the performing arts, i.e. to music, dance and drama. Viṇā was a popular musical instrument. It could be played either with a plectrum or the strokes could be made with the fingers themselves. Both the sorts are referred to in the text.40 Viṇāyāṃparivādah refers to the plectrum with which viṇā was played while nakharaproharaṇanitam tantrivādyeṣu refers to the viṇā played by the fingers. Kuharita, kampita and recita are referred to as different elements of viṇā-playing.41 Verse 338 refers to the dvipadi composition—gāyanagāthāmātram dvipādakam. The dvipadi

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was a particular type of song, perhaps based on the Prākṛta-dvipadi-khaṇḍa metre. This metre is of four kinds—śuddha, khaṇḍa, mātrā and sampūrṇa. The dvipadī referred to here is the mātrā type. Elements of both ṇṛtta (i.e. pure dance) and ṇṛtya (i.e. abhinaya) are referred to in the text. Verse 84 mentions bhujavalana or rotating the limbs in a particular manner; gātra-sāmsthitilālitya or sauṣṭhava of limbs i.e. when the limbs are in complete equilibrium; udvahanapārśvava-litāni or raising of side and turning of side; sthānakaśuddhiśca cātu-rāśryam which indicates the caturasra aṅga.42 Lalita aṅgahāra indicates lāsya ṇṛtta or the dance which is not vigorous and consists of sukumāra or graceful dance movements. Verse 758 mentions the betel-bearer holding the betel with the samadamsa hand and the prince taking it with the khaṭākamukha-formed hand.43 At one place the director praises Mālatī, the heroine, as a talented actress. She could perform various sthānakas and harmonious movements of limbs in ṇṛtya. Her voice changed according to kāku or intonation. In instrumental music her sense of laya or rhythm was faultless. She arranged her make-up and costume in accordance with her varying roles. She could express different rasas and sāttvika bhāvas (physical expressions of emotions) through her acting. Her abhinaya clearly showed the difference of vipralambha śṛṅgāra from karuṇa rasa. In fact, so realistic was her acting that it could express even anubhāvas like vepathu or trembling, pulaka or ecstacy and sveda or perspiration and the ecstatic audience forgot the distinction between the imitator and what was being imitated.44 Verse 190 refers to suci which was a particular mode of abhinaya. Ṇṛtya or abhinaya was basically the expression of rasa through various bhāvas—rasabhāva-samanvitam. Verse 85 of the text refers to such a bhāvarasairabhinaya. But the nata or actor, even though himself not actually feeling the emotions (is able to enact them), is said to entertain the audience (bhāvavihīnopi nataḥ sāmājikocittarañjanam kurute, KM, 601). This line gives the essence of nāṭya or drama.

The KM also describes the enactment of a historical play, the Ratnāvalī of Harṣa. A certain prince of Devarāṣṭra (perhaps modern Maharashtra), named Samarabhāṭṭa, had come for pilgrimage to Kāśī. There, in a temple was enacted the first Act of the Ratnāvalī for him. By this time, there had been a sorry change in both the patrons and actors of drama. This is evident by the stage director’s lamentations. He laments the fact that after the passing away of royal patrons like Anaṅgaharṣa (or Srī Harṣa) the actors had to take resort at that holy place. He wondered as to the state the drama had reached where merchants were the patrons and. courtiers

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sans actresses. The latter were indifferent to the art of drama and acted only when they were in need of money. In this context it were actresses who played the role of both women and men.45

The prince was seated in the temple and in front of him sat the dancers, the flutists and the public women. After the tuning of the instruments (racite sakalātodye) began the prastāvanā or prologue with the entrance of the sūtradhāra or stage manager. The flute player began playing and the prāveśikī dhruvā was rendered as a dvipada in the rāga Bhinnapañcama.46 The sūtradhāra danced round the stage to the accompaniment of a dhruvā with appropriate laya and tāla which was of the measure of eight kalās (the time measure of ancient classical music). He then held dialogue with his wife, the naṭī. Thereafter, giving indication of the entrance of an important character, and having danced a few graceful steps, he made his exit along with naṭī to the accompaniment of the nāiṣkrāmikī dhruvā, i.e. exit song. Thereafter, entered the elated Yaugandharāyaṇa, minister of king Udayana, who thought that the strange incident47 seemed to foretell the success of Udayana. He then climbed on top of the palace and observed the people celebrating Madanamahotsava or the spring festival by performing the carcari. Carcari is both a song and a dance and we come across it in general texts. In the Karpūra-mañjarī, it is a song sung by the actor in an emotional state in a high pitched voice, in either the druta or medium laya. The Saṅgītaratnā-kara (4,291) mentions it as a prākṛta song sung in the spring festival—sā vasontotsave geyaṁ carcari prākṛtaiḥ pādaik.

Carcari as a mode of dance is used in the Bhāvaprakāśana; it is used specially in the troṭaka. Act IV in the Karpūramañjarī describes this dance. The dance is of the lāsya variety, the word lāsya is used for it (4,10). Then, after indicating the entrance of the king, Yaugandharāyaṇa makes his exit.

Thereafter entered the king and his friend, the jester. The king gazes in happiness at his people frolicking about and says—“Look, look friend, the people are making merry and frolicking in such a manner that there is no distinction between children, youth and old people; between respectable and public women; as to what should and should not be said. Look at the old man, his face coloured yellowish with scented powder, various flowers tucked in his hair, with his arms thrown up clapping and dancing to the sound of trumpets. Another young woman, who is intoxicated, sings the song of spring. The young woman not weary of frolicking about strikes a young man with water from her water-syringe who thereby feels quite gratified on this occasion of the festival. Who could stop even

respectable young women from uttering impolite words? The difference between respectable women and public women can only be discerned by the veil on their faces" (i.e., not by their behaviour).

Then the jester points out the entrance of two maids sent by Queen Vāsavadattā. They enter dancing even though their steps are not steady because they are intoxicated. They enact out the sarojavartana abhinaya and also the arrow or śara abhinaya.48 The king praises their abhinaya and then comments at their intoxicated state: they are oblivious of the necklace tossed about by dancing; of the fallen flower from dishevelled hair; the two anklets clinging to their feet are crying due to the strain on the waist under the burden of the breasts; the spring festival has intoxicated them in such a way that they bear their heavy hips as if they were very light. Having taken the permission of Udayana, the Vidūṣaka, too, danced and sang the carcarī with the two maids.49 Having executed some dhīraddhata or vigorous and laltia or lāsya dance movements, the maids came to the king to give the message of Vāsavadattā : ‘The Queen orders’—having thus begun they felt embarrassed and said—‘No, no, the Queen having bowed to you requests that on the occasion of the worship of Kāmadeva, I would like to worship you too’. Having thus conveyed the message and executed dance movements according to their nature, age and occasion, they went behind the curtain.

Thereafter, removing the curtain50 entered Vāsavadattā and her maids followed by Ratnāvalī disguised as Sāgarikā. Seeing the beautiful Sāgarikā and anxious lest the king should see her, the queen ordered her to the harem on the pretext of looking after the pet bird Medhāvinī. But since Sāgarikā had entrusted the bird safely to her friend Susaṅgatā, she thought that she would hide behind a tree and see whether here the worship of Kāmadeva was performed in the same way as in her father's palace. The king entered and was accosted by the queen who worshipped Kāmadeva and then the king. The latter seeing his queen, even though not new, was full of longing for her. Seeing the king Sāgarikā feels as if he is Kāmadeva personified and falls in love with him. Just then, behind the scene, a bard sings an āryā in praise of the king and announces evening time. Sāgarikā realises longingly that this was the same king to whom her father had promised her and makes her exit from the stage. The king, too, realising that it was dusk says to Vāsavadattā : ‘Your lotus-face surpasses the beauty of the lotuses and the bees are slowly lurking in the interior of the buds as if smitten with shame.’ Thereafter, having performed graceful movements round the stage, the hero along with the rest of the characters makes his

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exit from the stage to the accompaniment of the niṣkrāmikī dhruvā. With the completion of the act, the song and instruments also ceased playing.

The enacting of the play adheres quite closely to the text of the Ratnāvalī. The placing of the orchestra (kuṭapa vinyāsa), and the nāndī are described as part of the prologue and so are the prāveśikī and naiṣkrāmikī dhruvās. Thus we find here a vivid account of the enactment of an actual historical play and as such the Kuṭṭa-ni-matam has rendered invaluable service to the cultural historian.

Footnotes

1 Cf. also KM, 2. (Text as edited by Narmadeshvara Caturvedi, Allahabad).

2 Rājataranginī, 496.

3 Keith, A.B., History of Sanskrit Drama, p. 171.

4 In the dictionaries the term mattavāraṇī is given as a verandah of a special kind. Its most significant use is in the Vāsavadattā of Subandhu where we find mattavāraṇayer varaṇḍakenā. The term is also used in the Nāṭyaśāstra, B.H.U. ed., Vol.I, 2.68-72.

5 KM, 929.

6 Ibid., 932.

7 Ibid., 400.

8 Ibid., 539.

9 Ibid., 530.

10 Ibid., 406.

11 Ibid., 936.

12 Ibid., 415-24, 438.

13 Ibid., 439-44.

14 Ibid., 847.

15 Ibid., 894.

16 Ibid., 888.

17 Ibid., 756.

18 Ibid., 321.

19 The Kāmasūtra (6.5.28-30) refers to three grades of courtesans. The superior type of gaṇikā spends a lot of money on charity and religious purposes; the middling type is the rūpājīva who adorns herself and is aesthetic; the lower type is the kumbhadāsī. However, there seems to be no such distinction in the KM. In fact, they seem to indicate only the kumbhadāsī type of courtesans.

20 KM, 795, 1012.

21 Ibid., 140.

22 Ibid., 63. The Kādambari (p.44) describes king Śūdraka as having

applied sandal paste on his chest and over that he applied a paste

of saffron or kumkuma–candanānulepadhavalitorahsthalam upari–

vinyastakumkumsthasakam. The Mālatī-mādhava (1,37) refers to

the kapola–kumkumāni (cheeks painted with saffron) of the maids

of Mālatī.

23 KM, 7. The Kāmasūtra. (1,4,5) prescribes the use of wax over

lips coloured with alaktaka (dattvā sikthakamalaktakam) A thin

layer of wax was rubbed over lips coloured with alaktaka which

gave the lips a glossy effect in the same way as ‘lip gloss’ is used

over ‘lipstick’ these days. Cf., kiñcinmadhucchistavimrṣṭarāgaḥ

adharoṣṭhaḥ—Kumārasambhava, 7.18.

24 Cf. Kumārasambhava, 7.14; Bṛhatsaṃhitā, 77.11.

25 KM, 62. Cf. the ear ornament ‘dantapatra’ which was very popu–

lar and is referred to in several ancient texts. In the Nāṭyaśāstra

(B.H.U. ed., Vol.III, 21.6) it is described as being studded with a

variety of gems (nānāratnavicitāni dantapatrāṇi). In the Raghu–

vamśa (6.17) it is described as the yellow leaf of the ketaka

flower. See also Kumārasambhava, 7.23. Avasaktadantapatra–

bhādhavaḥtakapolamaṇḍalam — Kādambarikathāmukham, (tr.)

Ramsiya Misra, Allahabad, p.53.

26 KM, 67. The NŚ (Vol.III, 21.37-38) mentions various types of

girdles–the raśanā had 16 strings, kāñcī a single string, mekhala

8 strings and kalāpa 25,54 or 108 strands.

27 KM, 125, 468, 548, 840. In the Kādambarī, the Cāṇḍāla girl is

referred to as covering her head with red amśuka cloth (raktāmśu–

kaviracitāvaguṇṭhanam). Because the cloth was light and fine, it

could also be used for making banners (taccināmśukaih kalpita–

ketumālam—Kumāra., 3.7; cināmśukamiva ketoh—Śākuntala, 1.34).

28 KM, 840. Cf. amśukanibidānibaddhastanaparikarāḥ—Kādambarī,

p.71., tanvamśukaiḥ kumkumāgagaurairalankriyante stanaman–

lāni—Rtusamhāra., 6.4; tanvamśukam pīnapayodhareṣu—ibid., 3.4;

yatrāmśukakṣepavilajjitānām—Kumāra., 1.14.

29 KM, 343. It could be simple or of diversified colour. In the

Mālatī-mādhava (6.5), mention is made of the latter sort (uccitra–

cināmśukā).

30 Mṛdutarapatikāvaraṇaḥ—KM, 741; Apte ( A Sanskrit–English

Dictionary, p. 580) explains the word paṭikā as woven cloth.

31 Uccanda–kanakagarbhita–kumkumapinjariṭavastiparidhānāḥ—ibid.,

66. Antarniṣṭasikthakatāruṣkikakumbhīkādicaraṇātraḥ—ibid., 64.

32 Ibid., 218. Sthūlaghanatantusamtatitānītanāmbarāvarāṇam—ibid.

406; truṭita–caraṇatra—ibid., 407.

33 Ibid., 218. Cf. Harṣacarita, (ed.) V.V. Mirashi, p. 3, where the

A Peep into the Culture of Eighth Century Kashmir 107

king is described as dhavala-karpataprāvṛtaśirah. Here karpata denotes cloth in general.

34 KM, 35. Sphaṭikapādapiṭha—Kādambarī, p. 43.

35 Upacāraya parivyanena saṁskṛtya bhuktvā yāvammāṁsaṁ tyakṣyasi carmaśaṭhiseṣitam matsyaṁ—KM, 734.

36 Ibid., 235.

37 Paripitadhūpavartih—KM, 148. Cf. paripitadhūma-vartih—Kādam-barī-kathāmukha, p. 83.

38 KM, 123.

39 Ibid., 124.

40 Ibid., 14-16. Parivādah—‘An instrument with which the lute is played’ (Apte, A Sanskrit-English Dictionary, p. 598). The vipañcivinạ̄ may be cited as an example of the vīṇā played with the plectrum. The citraviṇā was one in which the strokes were made with the fingers.

41 Tantriādyaṁviśeṣāṇuddāmānanyajanmanastasyaḥ/kuharitarecitakampitasampādanamaipuṇaṁ karoti jadān//—Ibid., 575. Bharata mentions kuharita, recita and kampita as alamkāras in connection with vocal music and not relating to instrumental. However, Sārṅgadeva (SR, Adyar ed., 6.1. 87-88) mentions kuhara hands as one of the thirteen ways of manipulating both hands on the viṇā. Bharata-kośa (p.109) quotes Kumbha and refers kampita as viṇā-sāraṇā.

42 SR, Adyar ed., Vol. IV, 7.1040. Sthānakam here probably indicates the vaiṣṇava sthāna.

43 KM, 576. Co-ordinated movement of hands and feet is termed karaṇa and aṅgahāra is a sequence of such karaṇas.

44 Ibid., 803-08; Cf. Bhaṭṭa Lollaṭa’s critique of the Rasa-sūtra, specially of the experience of the spectator viewing the actors on the stage. The spectators believe that they are viewing the real life situation and thus through the force of anusaṁdhāna apprehend (pratīti) the sthāyī bhāva of the real life characters (since for him rasa is laukika and has its primary focus in the characters of real life). This developed and apprehended sthāyī bhāva is rasa. (Gnoli, R., Aesthetic Experience According to Abhinavagupta, text, p.3).

45 Cf. NŚ, 26.1. Anurūpaprakṛti—actresses in female roles, actors in male roles; avirūpāṁurupini—actors and actresses playing roles of opposite sex.

46 Dhruvā gāna was the music of the theatre of the times. It is interesting to note that both the Brhaddesí (325-26) and Saṅgītaratnā-kara (Adyar ed., 2.2.84) ordain the playing of rāga Bhinnapañ-

cama at the entrance of the Sūtradhāra.

47 Yaugandharāyaṇa sought the hand of Ratnāvalī, daughter of the Simhala king, for his master. En route to Kauśāmbī she was ship-wrecked, but was saved by the merchants of Kauśāmbī and brought to Yaugandharāyaṇa.

48 This indicates abhinaya of the arms. Śārṅgadeva quotes Kohala on this. Sarojavartana is probably the same as kamalavartana or padmavartana (SR, Vol. IV, Adyar ed., 7, p. 108). The śara-abhinaya probably indicates the kapittha hand or hasta mudrā which indicates actions like streching of an arrow, etc. (cakracāpagadādeśca śarakṣādikarmanī, ibid., 7, 133). Actually, in the Ratnāvalī (1.13-15) itself, the two maids enter singing and enacting a dvipadī ditty. It speaks of the coming of spring, the blossoming of various trees and the piercing of people's hearts with the flower-arrows of love. Possibly they are meant to enact this piece.

49 Carcari as a mode of dance is explained in the Bhāvaprakāśana. It is used specially in the troṭaka. Bhoja in his Śṛṅgāra Prakāśa (Vol.I, p.427) connects the carcari with the Nāṭyaśāstra which had the piṇḍibandha dance (a sort of collective folk dance) to be performed in spring time. In the Ratnāvalī, the maids are said to be singing and enacting a dvipadī, though the Vidūṣaka mistakes it for a carcari.

50 According to the Nāṭyaśāstra and Abhinavabhāratī, there were curtains at two places on the stage—one was between the raṅga piṭha (front stage) and raṅga śīrṣa (back stage); the other probably hung on the door between the nepathya, i.e. green room and raṅga śīrṣa.

Chapter 10

Some Socially Depressed Classes—The Candalas

Ancient Indian society was, like other societies, partly a congeries of diverse groups, and partly a system formulated as dharma or Law in the widest sense. It included kinship groups, ethnic groups, classes, tribes, regional groups, economic or functional groups, and castes. Thus Manu speaks of Jāti-janapadān dharmān śreni-dharmāñsca dharmavit/samīkṣya kuladharmāñsca svadharmam pratipādayet// Jāti, janapada, kula and śreni are here mentioned as distinct units. Jāti includes both varṇa and the jātiś arising from the mixture of varṇas-varṇasaṃkara. Varṇasaṃkara could be anuloma or pratiloma. The Cāṇḍālas were a part of the pratiloma varṇa-saṃkaras. Within the varṇas the Śūdras came to be given a low and an increasingly depressed status in the post-Vedic times and within them the Cāṇḍālas apparently were placed at the lowest.1 Their depressed status is attested by Fa-hsien and al-Beruni.

The theatre represented social personages as high (uttama), middle (madhyama) and low (adhama). In theory they are described in terms of their character and moral virtues but generally limited to certain classes and castes. Thus, the higher personages included kings, priests and merchants, the middling those who lived by professional skill and the industrial arts, and the low included labourers and despised professions and castes. The Śūdras were a despised caste (varṇa or jāti), but not only were they a part of the cast, they were a recognized part of the spectators. The actors as a class were placed within the Śūdra caste (NŚ, 27, 38-40). Again they had a place in the panel of judges (praśnikas) which included not only the priest and the grammarian but also nartaka, citrakṛt, and gāndharva (NŚ, 27, 64-65). Nevertheless social legislators accorded them a low position. Thus Kauṭilya says—Śūdrasya dvijāti śuśrūṣā vārtā kāru kuśilava-karma ca (Arthaśāstra, 1.3). Manu, too, is derogatory (10,22); so also is Yājñavalkya (1.161).

If the socially low status of the actors is attested by their being regarded as a part of the Śūdras, it is also clear that the theatre provided an avenue to them to rise and make a name just as the industrial arts and agriculture did. But as far as the Cāṇḍālas were concerned even this silver lining hardly existed because of the

110 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

stigma of untouchability which attached to them.

In the Bālacarita (Act II) of Bhāsa, we have the strange scene

of Cāṇḍāla maidens approaching Kamsa and saying—Āaccha bhaṭṭā

āaccha amhānam kannānam tue saha vivāho hedu. Kamsa is scan-

dalized. The Cāṇḍāla-kanyās are also described as Mātaṅgīs. In the

Avimāraka we see Caṇḍa Bhārgava cursing the king of Sauvīra to

become a Śvapāka (Act IV). In the Mrcch. (Act X) Cāṇḍāla charac-

ters appear in their time-worn role of executioners. "We are experts

in chaining and leading a recently condemned criminal to the gall-

ows, and are skilled in cutting off his head or impaling him with-

out loss of time." But they also say "we are not Cāṇḍālas even

though we have been born in a Cāṇḍāla family. Those wicked per-

sons are Cāṇḍālas who oppress a good man." Elsewhere (Act VIII),

a monk uses Cāṇḍāla in his powerlessness as a symbol of egoism.

In the Mudrārākṣasa (Act VII) also the Cāṇḍālas appear in the

role of executioners. In the Brhatkathāślokasaṃgraha, which was

based on the work of Guṇāḍhya, the Mātaṅgas are described as a

prosperous forest-dwelling tribe with their own settlement called

Pakkana or Pakṣaṇa (3.22 ff.).

It seems that the Cāṇḍālas were originally a tribe which was

treated with disdain but was gradually admitted as an untouchable

jāti to which were assigned such functions as of the executioner. To

explicate their almost unique and somewhat enigmatic character, it

is necessary to turn to the literary evidence relating to them.

The word Cāṇḍāla does not occur in the early Vedic Samhitās.

Its first occurrence is probably in the Vājasaneyī saṃhitā (30,21)

—Vāyave Cāṇḍālam. i.e. Cāṇḍāla is to be sacrificed to Vāyu. Per-

hapsthe correspondence between the Cāṇḍāla and Vāyu was their

wandering. So Cāṇḍāla could have been a wandering tribe.

The next significant reference to Cāṇḍālas in the Vedic litera-

ture is in the Chāndogya Upaniṣad (5,10.7) which says that those

who have a filthy conduct, would be reborn in a filthy species, may

be as a dog or a pig or a Cāṇḍāla. At the same time the Chāndogya

(5,24,4) states that the person who has the knowledge, if he were to

give his leavings of food to the Cāṇḍāla even that would be a sacri-

fice to the self as Vaiśvānara-evaṃ yadyapi Cāṇḍālāya ucchiṣṭam

prayacched ātmani haiva asya tad Vaiśvānare hutam syāt.

In the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad there is an interesting passage

(1,3,10) in connection with the story of the gods "who attempt to

rise above the asuras by Udgītha." This devatā (Prāṇa) throwing

aside the sin that was death to these devatās (Vāk etc ) sent it to

the ends of the quarters and he put down the sin of the devatās

Some Socially Depressed Classes—The Cāṇḍālas 111

there; therefore one should not go to people (outside the Aryan pale) nor to the ends (of the quarters) thinking “otherwise I may fall in with Pāpman, i.e. death.” Though this passage does not mention the Cāṇḍālas as such, it is significant in as much as people and regions that were non-Aryan came to be associated with death.

Fick holds that originally the Cāṇḍālas may have been a non-Aryan tribal group.2 There is ample evidence to support this. There are several references to Cāṇḍālas where they are closely associated with non-Aryan tribes and Mlecchas and also to their strange tongue. Hence, originally they seem to be despised by the Aryans for being a wandering non-Aryan tribe, i.e. because of the ethnic factor. Later on, because of their unclean and low occupation they could have been held as untouchables. During the Vedic period, however, though they were despised there is no reference to their untouchability.3

During the 5th to 3rd cent. B.C. evidence about the Cāṇḍālas may be gleaned from the accounts of the Greek travellers, the Arthaśāstra, the Buddhist and Jaina texts and the Epics. In the accounts of the Greek travellers, mention is made of a class “half wild, which is constantly engaged in a task of immense labour, beyond the power of words to describe—that of hunting and taming elephants.”4 This may perhaps be a reference to the Mātaṅgas. At another place, the ‘castes’ of herdsmen and hunters are referred to. It may be pointed out here that the Cāṇḍālas lived by hunting too. In fact the Greek accounts say that “in return for clearing the land of wild beasts and fowls which devour the seed sown in the fields, they receive an allowance of grain from the king. They lead a wandering life and live under tents.”5 These accounts become significant in the light of the the statements made in the Arthasāstra. Kauṭilya says that “either by inducing foreigners to immigrate (para-deśāpavāhena) or by causing the thickly populated centres of his own kingdom to send forth the excessive population, the king may construct villages either. on new sites or on old ruins.”6 Again, he says that a kingdom’s borders were to be gaurded by antahrālas, but the interiors (he means the regions beyond settled areas) were to be gaurded by trappers, Śabaras, Pulindas and Cāṇḍālas and foresters.7 It is not unlikely that these forest-dwelling tribes were given a place in the society because of political necessity, hence their inclusion among mixed castes. The Arthasāstra (2,423) says that the cremation ground was the quarter of the Cāṇḍālas. This suggests that the occupation of the Cāṇḍālas included the disposal

of the dead. The same text (Arthasāstra, 3, 3, 28) also says that the Cāṇḍālas were engaged in whipping the offenders. Where Kauṭilya discusses penalties imposed for assault, he says : “for striking compensation is to be paid and half of the fines levied for touching. This rule shall also apply to Cāṇḍālas and other lowly people (committing the same offence).”8 This has been interpreted by some to indicate untouchability. However, if read in its proper context, it gives no such indication. At the beginning of the 19th Chapter Kauṭilya defines assault as “touching, striking or hurting .”9 Now this is a general statement which is applicable to all, not just the Cāṇḍālas only. So according to Kauṭilya even touch shall constitute assault. He further elaborates that when a person touches with hand, mud, ashes or dust the body of another person below the navel, he shall be punished 3 paṇas, with the same but unclean things, with the leg or spittle 6 paṇas, with saliva, urine etc. 12 paṇas.10

Buddhist texts repeatedly refer to the Cāṇḍāla, Veṇa, Niṣāda, Pukkusa and Rathakāra as low born (hīnajāti).11 In one of the Jātakas there is an episode where a Brāhmaṇa is deprived of his Brāhmanahood for drinking water mixed with rice water a Cāṇḍāla had used. It goes on to say that if a Kṣatriya had done this he would not be outcasted. It then adds that, “whosoever are in bondage to the notions of birth or of lineage ...... they are far from the best wisdom and righteousness”.12 There are instances in the Jātakas of Kṣatriya princes working as potters, basket-makers, florists, cooks, traders and living by hands, of Brāhmaṇas living by trade and as archers, weavers, wheelwrights, as also of Brāhmaṇas who lived as hunters and trappers.13 The Jaina Uttarādhyayana Sūtra14 (XIIth lecture) mentions that a Jaina monk of great piety, who had humbled arrogant Brāhmaṇas, was born in the family of Śvapākas (Cāṇḍālas). The corpse burners (chavadāhaka, who are mentioned along with the Niṣādas, Veṇas, etc. in the Milindapañho)15 (p.331) were probably the Cāṇḍālas.

The Mahābhārata describes the Cāṇḍāla as a hunter and trapper,16 one who executed criminals, and lived outside villages.17 The Anuśāsanaparva18 has a Chapter on varṇaśamkaras where it describes the Cāṇḍāla as the offspring of a Śūdra male and Brāhmaṇa female. The progeny of a Cāṇḍāla male and other mixed caste females are described thus—the Pulkasa, who ate the flesh of donkeys, horses and elephants, wore the cloth of the corpses and ate in broken vessels; the Pāṇḍuśaupāka who made baskets; the Saunpāka and the Antevasāyī who lived on cremation grounds and hence

Some Socially Depressed Classes—The Cāṇḍālas 113

were probably the the corpse-burners. Besides the cremation grounds, these various types are said to live on cross-roads, mountains, under trees and as wearing iron ornaments. Some of the pas- sages in this chapter are quite significant It is said that these, if they help cows and Brāhmaṇas, leave cruel actions, speak the truth, forgive others, protect others even by endangering themselves, then there is no doubt that even they can attain spirituality. A Śūdra with noble conduct and who is religious should be respected rather than a man of high caste but lowly conduct. Furthermore, even if a man's kula is blemished, he can again establish it by good conduct.

The Śāntiparvan19 gives a graphic description of the Cāṇḍāla hamlet. Their settlement was in some forest. All around were scattered broken bones and skulls of various animals, pigs and asses, weapons to kill dogs, and broken pots. Their clothes, which were tattered consisted of the ones removed from corpses. Their huts were decorated with garlands removed from the corpses, as well as the skin shed off by snakes, and surrounded by herds of dogs. There was a lot of noise there of cocks, of donkeys braying and of the Cāṇḍālas quarreling with each other. There is a significant passage saying that their huts were surrounded by temples, in which resounded the cries of animals. The Cāṇḍāla food was dog meat. More important than this is an episode and the conclusion inferred from it. At a time of severe famine sage Viśvāmitra enters a Cāṇḍāla habitation looking for food which he does not get even by begging the Cāṇḍālas. Finally, in great anguish he decides to steal dog's meat from a Cāṇḍāla's hut. He is, however, caught stealing and the Cāṇḍāla is more shocked than Viśvāmitra himself. In the dialogue that follows the Cāṇḍāla fervently tries to dissuade the sage from such a profane action. Viśvāmitra insists that he will suffer no ignominy as his first duty is to protect his own life. Thereafter, Viśvāmitra takes away dog's meat, cooks it himself and even offers pieces of it as sacrifice to the gods and manes. The conclusion of the story is not eternal hell for Viśvāmitra as one would expect, but quite the reverse. The gods and manes were extremely pleased. There were heavy rains and Viśvāmitra attained great siddhi. This extremely interesting and significant story shows that untouchability was a far off cry at that time.

In the Rāmāyaṇa20 the Cāṇḍālas are described as dark complexioned, wearing dark clothes and short hair, smeared with ashes from the śmaśāna and wearing iron ornaments, dealing with corpses, cruel, eating dog meat, ugly, despised and merciless. There is

114 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

a telling tale21 which says that Triśaṁkuka, who was turned into a Cāṇḍāla by a curse of Vasiṣṭha, goes in misery to Viśvāmitra. The latter decides to perform a yajña for Triśaṁkuka in which he invited all the great sages. Except Vasiṣṭha and his sons, who object to the idea of a Cāṇḍāla's yajña and eating a Cāṇḍāla's food, all the other sages come. Viśvāmitra vows that he would sent Triśaṁkuka to heaven in that very Cāṇḍāla form and he succeedes in doing so. The Bhagavadgītā states, śunicaiva śvāke ca-paṇḍitāḥ samada-rṣināh.

Around 2nd cent. B.C. we have the reference of Patañjali22 to Cāṇḍālas and Mrṭapas as niravasita Śūdras. The Nāṭyaśāstra (17,49) BHU, ed.) lumps Cāṇḍālas with the tribes like Ābhiras, Śabaras, Śakāras, Dramilas, and Āndhras, terms them as lowly and their language as those of the foresters and unfit for civilised use. It also brackets the Cāṇḍālas with the Pukkasas (ibid., 17,53).

The Sūtras and Smṛtis treat the Cāṇḍāla as the most despicable of the partilomas. All term him as the offspring of a Śūdra with a Brāhmaṇa woman. The Gautama Dharmasūtra (21,4, Oxford 1879) says that to be an outcaste means "to be deprived of the right to follow the lawful occupations of twice-born men". The Cāṇḍāla is the most reprehensible of the partilomas (ibid., 4,20). Gautama also forbids Vedic study in the vicinity of a Cāṇḍāla or a Śūdra. The same idea is voiced by Āpastamba (ibid., I, 3,9, 15-17). He gives cremation ground as their living place (ibid., II, 1,2,6). Āpastamba further declares that "As it is sinful to touch a Cāṇḍāla (so also) to speak to and look at him. (The penance) for touching him is to bath fully, for speaking to him to speak to a Brāhmaṇa and for looking at him to look at the heavenly luminaries (ibid., II, 1,2, 8-9). The Baudhāyana Dharmasūtra (1.11.34) states that one must bathe after touching a Cāṇḍāla, and that a Brāhmaṇa falls if he has connection with a Cāṇḍālī (2,4,14). According to the Viṣṇu Dharmasūtra (16,11 and 14) their occupation is to be hangmen or to kill those offenders who are condemned to death.

The Cāṇḍālas have to stay outside the village and wear the clothes of corpses. Among the earliest occurrences of the word asprśya (meaning untouchable in general) is that in the Viṣṇu Dharmasūtra (V,104)—Kāmakāreṇāsprśyastraivarṇakam sprśan vadhyoḥ–if an untouchable deliberately touches a man of the three higher castes he should be punished by beating.

The Manu Smṛti (X.36,51) makes only the Āndhras, Medas, Cāṇḍālas and Śvapācas stay outside the village and the Antyavasāyins (X. 39) in a cemetery. Manu (X.52-56) also says that vessels used

Some Socially Depressed Classes—The Cāndālas 115

by them cannot be used by others (even after putting them in fire),

their wealth consists of dogs and asses, their apparel should be the

garments on the corpses, they should take their food in broken

vessels, their ornaments should be made of iron, they should roam

incessantly and not enter towns and villages at night. They have to

carry the corpses of people who have no relatives at the orders of

the king, they have to act as hangmen, they may take the clothes,

ornaments and bed of persons who are to be exectued. Manu (V,15)

prescribes a bath for coming in bodily contact with anyone of

these, viz., a divākirti i.e. Cāndāla, Udakyā, Patitā, Sūtikā, a corp-

se or one who has touched a corpse. So also Āngirasa (152). Atri

(267-69) says that if a dvija comes in contact with a Cāndāla, Patitā,

Mleccha, a vessel of intoxicating drink and a rajasvalā, he should

not take meals (without bathing) and if he comes in contact with

them during the course of meal, he should throw the food away

and bathe." Uśanas (9-10) says that their ornaments are to be of

lead or iron, they should have a leather throng round their necks

or a cymbal under their armpits and they should remove the dirt of

the village in the first part of the day. The Veda-Vyāsa Smṛti

(1.9-10) says that there are three kinds of Cāndālas—offspring of a

Śūdra and Brāhmaṇī, that of an unmarried girl, that of a union

with a sagotra girl. Aparārka (p. 923) quoting a verse of Vṛddha

Yājñavalkya says that on touching Cāndālas, Pukkasas, Mlecchas,

Bhillas and Pārāśikas and persons guilty of mahāpātakas, one

should bathe with clothes on. Medhātithi states that the Cāndāla

is the only pratiloma who is untouchable—Cāndāla ekah pratilom-

o'sprśyah (Medhātithi on Manu., X, 13).

Atri (verse 249) says there is no taint of untouchability when a

person is touched by an untouchable in a temple, religious pro-

cessions, marriages, sacrifices and festivals. Bṛhaspati and the

Smṛtyārthasāra (p.79) say the same. The Nityācārapaddhati (p.130)

quotes a remarkable verse to the effect that even on coming in con-

tact with Cāndālas and Pukkasas one need not bathe if the latter

stand near a temple of Viṣṇu and have come for the worship of

Viṣṇu. The Bhāgavatapurāṇa (X,70,43) says that even the antyava-

sāyins are purified by listening to the praises or names of Hari, rep-

eating his name or contemplation. The Nirṇayasindhu quotes a pas-

sage of the Devipurāṇa that authorises antyajas to establish a tem-

ple of Bhairava. The Mitākṣarā (on Yājñavalkya, III.262) says that

the partiloma castes have the right to perform vratas. All this prov-

es that the so-called untouchables were not entirely excluded from

worship.

116 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

In the Gupta period, Fa-Hsien's account23 deposes important evidence. He says "throughout the whole country the people do not kill any living creatures, nor drink intoxicating liquor nor eat onions or garlic. The only exception is that of the Cāṇḍālas. That is the name for those who are (held to be) wicked men and live apart from others. When they enter the gate of a city or a market place, they strike a piece of wood to make themselves known, so that men know and avoid them and do not come into contact with them ....... Only the Cāṇḍālas are fishermen and hunters and sell flesh meat." Hiuen Tsang,24 in the age of Harṣa, says : "They are forbidden to eat the flesh of the ox, the ass, the elephant, the horse, the pig, the dog, the fox, the wolf, the lion, the monkey and all the hairy kind. Those who eat them are despised and scorned and are universally reprobated; they live outside the walls and are seldom seen among men."

The Kāḍambari25 of Bāṇa has an extremely interesting description of a Cāṇḍāla girl. She is said to be of Dakṣiṇāpatha. She wanted to meet the king in court and present him with a wonderful parrot. The king sees no harm in this and allows her to enter. She is accompanied by a Cāṇḍāla man, whose apparel is white and who is dressed in a civilised manner—āryaveṣaśubhravāsasa. The Cāṇḍāla girl is told to stand and look at the king from a distance only. She is certainly not dressed in iron ornaments as described in the Śāstras. She wore a beautiful pearl necklace (atisthūlamuktāphalaghaṭitena surcinā hareṇa), beautiful ear ornament (dantapatreṇa), bejwelled bangles (ratna-valaya), girdle (mekhalā) and jewelled anklets (nūpuramaṇinām). She wore a dark cloak and red veil. But she is described as Mātaṅgakuladūṣitam and ajātim, and also as amūrtamiva sparśavarjitām, alekhyagatāmiva darśanamātra-phalam. In metaphorical language, only to be seen as if in a painting, untouchable as if without body. The king says "why has the beauty been born in a caste which is untouchable—apagatasparśasambhoga. Her flawless beauty is probably because even the creator created her without touching her because of the fear of the pollution—Mātaṅgajātisparśadoṣabhayād. Love union with one of her caste is greatly condemned.

About the middle of 11th cent. Alberuni26 writes : "The people called Hadi, Ḍoma, (Ḍomba), Cāṇḍāla and Badhatan are not reckoned amongst any caste or guild. They are occupied with dirty work, like the cleansing of the village and other services. They are considered as one sole class, and distinguished only by their occupations. In fact, they are considered like illegitimate children, for

Some Socially Depressed Classes—The Cāṇḍālas 117

according to general opinion they descended from a Śūdra father and a Brāhmaṇa mother as the children of fornication; therefore they are degraded outcastes." He, however, also quotes Vāsudeva saying : "This apart, all men are equal to each other as Vāsudeva says regarding him who seeks salvation. In the judgement of the intelligent man, the Brāhmaṇa and Cāṇḍāla are equal."

It will thus be seen that the Cāṇḍālas represent the most ancient and persistent case of untouchability in ancient India.

Footnotes

1 Ya iha kapūyacarāṇā abhyāso yatte kapūyam yonimapyeraṅ svayonim vā sūkarayonim vā Cāṇḍālayonim vā.

2 Fick, R., The Social Organisation in North-East India in Buddha's Time, pp. 204ff., tr. Mitra, S.K., Calcutta 1920; cf. Kangle, R.P., The Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra, III, p.146, Bombay, 1965.

3 See, Kane, P.V., History of Dharmaśāstra, Vol. II, pt.I, pp.166-68, Poona, 1941. One could perhaps conjecture that separate quarters for them were maintained due to the desire for excluding them from the general run of social life. such segregation could be enforced without the rule of untouchability as well, e.g. the Jews were segregated in medieval Christian towns without the concept of untouchability being there. Examples are known of severe restrictions on the blacks of southern USA without the actual concept of untouchability.

4 Mc Crindle, J.W., Ancient India as Described by Megasthenes and Arrian, pp. 138-39, Calcutta, 1926.

5 Ibid., p.84.

6 Arthaśāstra, 2,1,1.

7 Ibid., 2,1,6.

8 Avagurne niṣkrayāḥ sparśe'rdhadanḍāḥ. Tena Cāṇḍālāsūcayo vyākhyātaḥ—ibid., 3,19,14-15.

9 Daṇḍapāruṣyam sparśanāmavagūrṇam prahatamiti, ibid., 3,19,1.

10 Nabheradhah kāyam hastapankabhāsmapāmsubhīr iti spraṣṭāstripaṇo danḍah tairevamedhayaih padasthivanikābhyām ca ṣaṭpañcaḥ char-dimūtrapuriṣādibhir dvādasapaṇāḥ, ibid., 3,19,2-3.

11 Majjhima Nikāya, 93,96,129, ed. Trenckner, V. and Chalmers, R., London, 1888-1902; tr. Chalmers, London, 1926-27; Horner, I.B., London, 1954-59; Aṅguttara Nikāya, II.85, ed. Morris, R., and Hardy, E., PTS, London, 1885-1900, tr. Woodwards, F.L., and Hare, E.H., London, 1932-36; Bose, A.N., Social and Rural Economy of Northern India, Vol. II, p.435, Calcutta, 1945.

12 Rhys Davids, T.W., Buddhist India, p.58

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13 Ibid., pp. 56-57.

14 Uttarādhyayana Sūtra, ed. Charpentier, J., Uppsala, 1922; tr. Jacobi, H., SBE, XLV, Oxford, 1895.

15 Milindapañho, ed. Trenckner, V., London, 1880; tr. Rhys Davids, T.W., SBE, XXXV-XXXVI, Oxford, 1890-94.

16 Śāntiparva, Vol. I, Ch. 138 (Gita Press).

17 Anuśāsanaparva, Vol. VI, 48, 11.

18 Ibid., Ch. 48.

19 Śāntiparva, 141, 29ff.

20 Rāmāyaṇa, 1.58, 10-11; also 1.59, 19-21.

21 Ibid., Ch. 58-59.

22 Mahābhāṣya on Pāṇini, II.4.10 (Vol. I, p.475).

23 A Record of Buddhist Kingdoms, Fa-hien's Account, p.43. Tr. James Legge (Ed. Paragon Book Reprint Corp. and Dover Pub.), New York.

24 Beal, trans. of Hiuen Tsang's Si Yu Ki.

25 Kādambarī, pp.25ff.

26 Alberuni's India, Vol. I, pp.101-02; II, 137-38, ed. Sachau, E.D., London, 1914.

Chapter 11

Ancient Dance Forms

Classical Indian dance has two distinct facts—nṛtta and nṛtya. Nṛtta is pure dance in accordance with rythm and tempo. It is composed of the definite sequences of the combined movements of hands and feet, culminating in some characteristic pose or stance. Nṛtya was dance with mime. It can also be called abhinaya, which is the term popularly used by practising dancers for this aspect of dance. It involved gesticulations, facial expressions and acting. The purpose was the enactment of rasa by some narrative theme or lyrical composition.

Āṅgika abhinaya or nṛtya relates to the movement of major limbs (aṅgas) and minor limbs (upaṅgas), their use for the expression of rasa and of dominant (sthāyī-bhāva) and transitory moods (sañcārī-bhāva). The six upaṅgas are eyes (netra), brows (bhru), nose (nāsa), lips (adhara). cheeks (kapola) and chin (cibuka). The six aṅgas are head (śirah), hands (hasta), hip (kaṭi), chest (vakṣah), sides (pārśva) and feet (pāda). Hand poses or movements are basically of three types. The first is asaṃyuta hasta performed by a single hand; the second is saṃyuta hasta performed by both the hands; the third is ṇṛttahasta frequently used in nṛtta. Nṛtta or pure dance consists of the following elements viz. ṇṛttahasta, sthāna or posture, cārī or movements, karaṇas or coordinated hand-feet movement, sequence of karaṇas i.e. aṅgahāras and maṇḍala, i.e. a sequence of aṅgahāras.

There were two basic dance forms viz. tāṇḍava and lāsya. Tāṇḍava was created by Lord Śiva. It was of the uddhata or vigorous style. Tāṇḍava was performed during the pūrvaraṅga staged along with the devastutī that was sung and was based on the vardhamā-naka, a complicated beat-structure of the Gāndharva form of music. Recita aṅgahāras were greatly used in the tāṇḍava. Lāsya was the sukumāra or gentle form of dance dominated by śṛṅgāra rasa. It comprised of lalita karaṇas and aṅgahāras which were graceful and beautiful, such as talapuṣpapuṭa etc. That these two dance forms had been firmly established in the Gupta period is evident from the literature and art of the period. In the Mālavikāgnimitram (1.4) the nāṭyacārya says that "for the sake of this art (nāṭya), Śiva caused

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the left side of his body to become feminine,’ i.e. he divided him-

self into two. In the conception of Śiva dividing himself into two,

the idea of the two categories of dance-tāṇḍava and lāsya is in-

herent. The Vikramorvaśiyam (2.17) refers to the lalitābhinaya pra-

yoga. The Amarakośa (1,7,10) too, mentions tāṇḍava and lāsya as

two distinct styles of dance. The dance scenes of Gupta art seem to

have been typified into sukumāra or lāsya on the one hand and

tāṇḍava on the other. We find examples of both the types of dance

in the sculptures of this period. This is true specially of the later

Gupta period in Ajanta and Ellora where we find the various tāṇḍ-

ava poses of Śiva. With the cave temples at Ellora, Elephanta and

Ajanta begins a new era in the history of Indian sculpture. Among-

gst the dance scenes in these temples, the important feature to be

noticed is the emergence of the fulfledged image of the dancing

Śiva.

Classical Indian dance has hitherto generally been discussed

under the two aspects of tāṇḍava1 and lāsya.2 However, there is a

distinct third form viz. piṇḍibandha mentioned in the Nāṭyaśāstra of

the sage Bharata.

The origin of the piṇḍibandha dance form has been described

thus in the Nāṭyaśāstra : While Lord Śiva and his consort Pārvatī

were dancing, the formation of piṇḍis was observed by the troupes

of Śiva viz. Nandi, Bhadramukha etc. and they created the piṇḍi-

bandhas with their distinct characteristics.3 Abhinavagupta, the

foremost commentator of the Nāṭyaśāstra, explains piṇḍibandha as

being created by the simultaneous combination of asukumāra (vigor-

ous) and sukumāra (gentle), i.e. tāṇḍava and lāsya ṇṛttas (dances)

respectively.4

The term piṇḍibandha is explained in the text as piṇḍinām bandha

i.e. formation of piṇḍis. The fundamental question, therefore, is,

what is this piṇḍi? Piṇḍis are said to represent well marked emble-

ms (weapons, vehicles, flags, etc.) of various gods.5 Bharata

clearly says that piṇḍis are named either after the gods themselves

or their emblems. He has enumerated the piṇḍis of the different

gods.6

Abhinavagupta states that piṇḍibandha is a complex formation

using three elements viz. ādhāra, aṅga and prayoga.7 The term ādh-

āra wolud mean basis, i.e. the basis of representation itself. The

representation of the emblems of the different deities was apparen-

tly done within a framework of cosmic symbolism. Thus, it was

limited not only to the emblems, but was perhaps also accompani-

ed with representation of cosmic dimensions of space and time. The

emblems served to symbolise the deities, and cosmic space and time imparted a befitting context to them.8 The latter are, therefore, known as ādhāra or basic constituents and are ten in number. These are the seven worlds, and time with its three divisions of past, present and future. The medium of representation consists of the seven limbs or aṅgas which are two hands, two feet, two eyes and the head. Prayoga or rendering is the third constituent and is of four types. It could be executed by one or many dances, either uniformly or in a diversity of ways.9

Now, coming to the point of the rendering itself, the question that arises is, how were these piṇḍis to be actually exhibited in dance? This is answered by Abhinavagupta. Each god had his piṇḍi karaṇa10 or aṅgahāra11 that was able, by its name or form to symbolise (by representing the emblem or cosmic symbolism) the deity concerned.12 For example, the piṇḍi of lord Viṣṇu is Tārkṣya i.e. Garuḍa. Hence, this is to be shown by forming the garuḍa plutaka karaṇa. The piṇḍi of Jāhnavī or Gaṅgā is dhārā, so that is to be displayed by the gaṅgāvatarana karaṇa. The sarpa or snake piṇḍi is indicated by the nāgāsarpita karaṇa. The showing of the body like a trident symbolizes the piṇḍi of Śiva. Similarly, śikhipiṇḍi is said to be indicated by mayūralalita karaṇa. Karanas like viṣṇu-krānta, cakramaṇḍala, etc. indicate the piṇḍis of Viṣṇu. The niṣu-mbhita karaṇa is said to please Śiva and the talapuṣpapuṭa karaṇa is for appeasing Pārvatī.13

Four styles of rendering the piṇḍibandha dance have been described in the Nāṭyaśāstra, viz. piṇḍī, śṛṅkhalikā, latābandha, and bhedyaka14 Bharata says that from the term piṇḍa is derived piṇḍi-bandha, śṛṅkhalā betokens a gulma or cluster, the latābandha suggests a net or jāla formation and bhedyaka is with dance.15 Abhinavagupta says that the piṇḍī, śṛṅkhalikā, latābandha and bhedyaka were executed by one, two, three, and four dances and were connected with the kaniṣṭha, layāntara, madhyama and jyeṣṭha āsāritas respectively.16

According to M.M. Ghosa17 and Dr. Kapila Vatsyayana18 the śṛṅkhalā was a chain formation. This can be readily accepted. It makes it easy to understand how the śṛṅkhalā (a chain formation) perhaps formed a circle, and such concentric circles would give the appearance of a closed cluster. Latābandha is the form where the dancers put their arms around each other.19 Bharata says that it had a jāla or net formation, perhaps, the dancers, with arms round each other stood in such a position in horizontal rows bisected by

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vertical rows, giving the impression of a net. Bhedyaka is the form where the group formation is broken up and dancers perform individual movements.20

Abhinavagupta has described sajāṭīya (homogeneous) and vijā-ṭīya (heterogeneous) dancing of pindibandha. Of the four modes of rendering (prayoga), the first two, executed by one or many dancers, are clear. The latter two, sama (uniform) and viṣama (multiform) modes, can be connected with the sajāṭīya pindibandhas. Where the different dancers display generically connected pindis (e.g. where they show different pindis of the same deity), that would be sajāṭī-ya pindibandha. Where they exhibit heterogeneous form of pindis (pindis relating to different deities) that would be vijāṭīya pindibandha. This distinction is to be seen in the śṛṅkhalā and latābandha styles.21

In the pūrvaraṅga of a play the tāṇḍava, along with the pindi-bandha dance forms, was executed.22 After the placement of the orchestra, commence the āsāritas23 and upohana24 is rendered. Stringed instruments like viṇā and percussion instruments are played. The first dancer enters, assuming a proper pose (sthāna), performs the recakas (i.e. rotatory movements of waist, hand, and feet) and offering flowers to the gods pays obeisance to them. The basic idea is that initially she is to dance the paryastaka (i.e. a sequence of ten karaṇas). This has been described as one of the aṅgahāras. Percussion instruments are to be played while she performed the paryastaka and the viṇā was played in a fast tempo. Thus she danced till the conclusion of the first āsārita, and with the commencing of the second āsārita and upohana entered the second dancer The first dancer now performs the pindibandha, while the second of the newcomer, the paryastaka.25 With the commencing of the third āsārita and upohana, enters the third dancer dancing the paryastaka, while the first two now perform the pindibandha. The same procedure is repeated with the entrance of the fourth dancer during the fourth āsārita, and now three dancers execute the pindibandha. When the fourth dancer, too, has executed the paryastaka, then all four per-form the pindibandha, and make their final exit from the stage.26

Thus, four dancers enter with the four āsāritas. They enter one by one, perform the paryastaka, and on the entrance of the other execute the pindibandhas and finally all leave the stage together.

In his commentary, Abhinavagupta mentions a number of upa-rūpakas. These compositions are not dramas in the strict sense of the word, but have more of dance and song. Abhinava terms them as nṛttātmaka prabandhas—ete prabandhāḥ nṛttā-tmakāḥ na nāṭya-

makā nāṭakādi-vilakṣaṇāḥ.27 In fact, such compositions, were later termed uparūpakas. He enumerates a number of them. The last two mentioned are hallisaka and rāsaka, which refer to the pindibandha style of dancing. The rāsaka has been described by him as containing many nartakīs or dancers—sixty-four pairs are mentioned containing both uddhata (vigorous) and anuddhata (gentle) elements.28 In fact Bhoja in his Śṛṅgāra Prakāśa says that rāsaka is a group of dance by the nartakīs executing the patterns of the pindis He speaks of sixteen, eighteen or twelve nartakīs in such rāsa-kas.29 Similarly, the Nāṭyarāsaka, also called carcari, the last uparū-paka mentioned by Bhoja, also has the pindibandhas constructed with latās, bhedyakas and gulmas.30 This dance, to be performed in spring time is a pure dance of the pindi, bhedyaka and other group movements and patterns. Initially two nartakīs enter,

strew flowers, dance and exit. Then two others enter, and thus groups are formed which execute the gulma, sṛṅkhalā etc. There are percussion instruments, accompanied by recital of rhythmic syllables, beating of sticks and songs. Some details of tāla are also given by Bhoja. The whole performance is to conclude with a maṅ-gala śloka, which says that rāsaka full of pindi, sṛṅkhalā etc. and danced to the accompaniment of various instruments, was originated by the gods when they danced in joy on getting amṛta (nectar) by churning the milky ocean.

Sāradātanaya takes rāsaka as being three-fold, viz. dandarāsaka, mandalarāsaka and nāṭyarāsaka. The Karṇamañjarī of Rājaśek-hara describes the dandarāsaka as being performed by numerous nartakīs wheeling round and forming wonderful patterns.31 In the Sanskrit-Tamil text called the Suddhānanda Prakāśa, the patterns of pindibandhas are said to be formed with hexagonal and octagonal designs—ṣaṭkoṇairaiṣṭakonaīsca pindibandhairmanoharaih.

The hallisaka has been described as the form where there were several nāyikās and one nāyaka and the women danced in circles.32 We may conclude that pindibandha has two aspects corresponding to the two-fold derivation of the word itself. On the one hand, pin-dibandhas meant the constitution of a pindi or divine emblem, and stood for a special ritualistic dance used for worship, especially in the worship of gods in the purvaraṅga. It abounded in cosmic symbolism. On the other hand, pindibandha means the formation of a pinda or “lumping” of the dancers together in a cluster. In this sense, pindibandha was a group dance, derived from folk origins.33 This aspect became clearer in the uparūpakas, like the rāsaka and hallisaka. Thus, one aspect of pindibandha constituted its earlier

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and original phase within the tradition of major drama.34 The other aspect dominated in the popular or folk dance dramas.

Footnotes

1 In the Nāṭyaśāstra, tāṇḍava is described as the dance taught to sage Bharata by Taṇḍu at the orders of Lord Śiva. (NŚ, B.H.U. ed., 1971, Vol.1, Ch.4).

2 The lāsya form of dance is said to be created by the goddess Pār-vatī (NŚ, 4, 256).

3 Piṇḍibandhāṃstato dṛṣṭvā Nandibhadramukhā gaṇāḥ / Cakruste nā-me piṇḍinām bandhamāsāṃ salakṣaṇam//—NŚ, 4, 257. A later work, the Śṛṅgāra Prakāśa of Bhoja, says that Brahmā is the author of the piṇḍibandhas-piṇḍyādyā bramhaṇoṅgajāḥ (Raghavan, Śr. Pra., Vol. II, pp. 425-26).

4 Dvayah prayokṛtayā sukumārasukumāranṭtayoh samakālaprayog-ena piṇḍibandhaniṣpaṭṭim sūcayati—Nandibhadramukhā gaṇā iti (AB on NŚ, 4, 257).

5 Evamanyasyāpi tathā devatāsu yathākramam dhvajabhūtāḥ prayok-tavyoḥ piṇḍibandhāḥ sucinhitāḥ, (NŚ, 263). Kumbhā described piṇḍibandha as having the form of piṇḍa and rendered by the imitation of the form of one’s chosen deity. Sa Ceṣṭadevatārūpānu-karaṇena smṛto budhaiḥ lāsye cehānukāreṇa vidheyā cavipaścitā piṇḍikāreṇa vijñeyāḥ piṇḍibandhāstadā punaḥ—Kumbhā as quoted in Bharatakosa, p. 886.

6 NŚ, 4, 258-62.

7 Tatraite piṇḍibandhā ādhārāṅgapravogasādhakatamabhedādbahu-prakāram bhidyante (AB, B.H.U. ed, Vol. II, p.401).

8 .......ādhāre svapusyake ca vividhaṃ śṛṅtiṃ samāsūtrayan trailok-yaṣṭhapatistvameva bhagavanviśvākṛtirjṛmbhasi (Quoted, ibid., p. 402);

9 Tatra deśah kāla iti ādhāradvyabhedātsapta lokāḥ trayaḥ kālā ityā-dhārabhedāḥ daśa. Hastau pāḍau akṣiṇi śira ityaṅgabhedā api sap-tadaśa. Ekoneko vā prayoktā Su’pi samaprayogo viṣamaprayogo veti caturdhākarṇena. Sampadyate aṅgahārena veti pūrvāṇi catur-bhiḥ paścāt saptadaśena ca guṇanādasṭādhaikacatuḥśatyadhikam dvi-sahasram pārameśvarāḥ piṇḍibandhāḥ (AB, I, p.401).

10 Karaṇa is a sequence of dance movements culminating in a pose.

11 Aṅgahāra is sequence of karaṇas.

12 Piṇḍi ādhārāṅgādisamghat ah tayā bādhvate buddhau praveśyate ta-nubhāvena sakalāya vā vyomādirūpāyeti piṇḍibandha ākṛtiviśeṣaḥ ....... Ākāro badhyate sampadyate punarāmaneti piṇḍibandhāḥ kara-ṇāṅgahārādiḥ (Ibid., p. 403; cf. Tāṇḍavalakṣaṇam, Appendix F).

13 ....talapuṣpapuṭa-karaṇena karmaviśeṣasūcakena Bhagavatoḥ paritoṣaḥ, 'Nikuṭṭitau yadā hastau' ityanena triśūla-kṛtiryā kāyasampattib. Garuḍaplutakenna tārkṣyākarogatisūcanam. Gaṅgāvarareṇa dhārāpiṇḍi, Nāgāpasarpitena bhogipiṇḍi. 'Prasāryotkṣipya ca karau' ityaṅgahāreṇa ākāriyabhasmatriśūlaśivalingādipiṇḍiniṣpattib (ibid., p.405). Piṇḍibandhagrahaṇena śikhipiṇḍaprabhṛtyupayamayuralalitādikaraṇasamgrahāḥ,... Yathā Viṣṇukrāntasya Cakramaṇdalasya ca vaiṣṇavakṛdāsūcakasya saḥ (ibid., p. 406).

14 Piṇḍinām vidhayascaiva catvāraḥ samprakīrtitāḥ/ Piṇḍi sṛṅkhalikā caiva latābandho' tha bhedyakāḥ//—(NŚ, 4, 292).

15 Piṇḍibandhastu piṇḍatvāt gulmaḥ sṛṅkha' ikā bhavet/ Jālopanaddhā ca latā saṃṛtto bhedyakāḥ smrtaḥ//—NŚ, 4, 293.

16 Tatra viśeṣāntarārarhitam kṛdyamekaprayojyam piṇḍibandharūpamityekah prakāroviśeṣanāmadhy evaivirahātsāmānyāśabdenoktaḥ. Tadāha-ekādalavabadāhakamalāyugalāvat vijātīyo vā haṃsavadānāparigrhitanālānalinavat, gulmaḥ sṛṅkhalikāśubdavācyoḥ. Nartakītrayaprayojyāstu tato' pivaicitryaśahiṣṇutvājjālāvadivicitrātām gacchattatpūrvatsajātīyavijātīyātmalatābandhāḥ. Nartakīcatustayaprayojyāstu....jñāto bhedyakāḥ (AB, Vol.I, pp. 462-3). "They are done by one or more nartakis....That done by one is a simple piṇḍi. The pattern executed by two looks like two lotuses on a stalk, or a swan holding by its beak a lotus stalk with the lotus. This piṇḍi by two is called a gulma sṛṅkhalikā, the pattern formed by three is jāla, by four latābandha."—Raghavan, V., Bhoja's Śṛṅgāra Prakāśa, p. 588.

Piṇḍibandhaḥ kaniṣṭhe tu sṛṅkhalā tu layāntare/ Madhyame ca latābandhāḥ jyeṣṭhe caivātha bhedyakāḥ//—NŚ., 4. 294. For meaning of āsārita see fn. 26.

17 "Of these the gulma is a general collective dance, the sṛṅkhalā is the dance in which partners hold one another's hands, the latā is the dance of two putting their arms around each other, and bhedyaka is the dance of each one separately away from the group." Ghose, M.M. (tr.), Nāṭyaśāstra, p.71.

18 Vatsyayana, K., Classical Indian Dance in Literature and the Arts, p. 34.

19 L.c.

20 L.c.

21 For sajātīya and vijātīya piṇḍibandhas see fn. 17.

22 NŚ, 4, 276.94.

23 Āsāritam gītam, Kavi, Ram Krishna, Bharatakośa, p. 64. Āsārita

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is a kind of music in many parts and with a fixed and elaborate tāla or beat structure for each part. Its parts mukha, pratimukha, deha and saṃharaṇa were compared with udgītha, prastāra, pratihāra and nidhāna respectively of Sāman singing and some compare a further āsārita component, the śīrṣaka with the Sāmic part called upadrava—L.c. Four āsāritas with different tāla-structures have been described in connection of piṇḍibandhas (NŚ, 31,77.).

The connection of piṇḍibandha with āsārita is mentioned elsewhere too—Prayogastu yadā tveṣāṃ piṇḍibandhairvikalapate/pratyekaṃ-hyaṅgavinyāsatadā teṣāṃ prthakprthak//—NŚ, GOS ed. 31, 778.

These are in order the kaniṣṭha, layāntara, madhyama and jyeṣṭha respectively. These were distinguished by the number of beats they required.

24 Upohana was rendered in the first few initial kalās or beats of the mukha part of the āsārita. (NŚ, Gaekwad Oriental Series ed., 31, 79).

25 Prayujya gitavādye tu niṣkrameṇa nartakī tataḥ/anenaiva vidhānena praviśantyapārḥ prthak//—NŚ, 4, 283. Anyāścā-nukrameṇatha piṇḍiṃ badhanti yāḥ striyaḥ tāvatpariṣṭakāḥ kāryo yāvatpiṇḍi na badhyate. (NŚ. 4, 284). Abhinava explains that niṣkrāma here does not mean that the dancer will totally leave the stage, but simply that she will follow another. Sā niṣ-krāmedapasaret, natu sarvathaiva nirgacchet.

26 Tathā hi-ekam tu prathamamityatra prathamāsāritamabhinayati. Toto Dvitīyā dvitīyāsāritam. Tatsamakālantu prathamā keva’maṅ-gahāram karotīti. Evam tṛtīyāsāritarthamabhinayati. Tadā dve aṅgahāram prayuñjate. Caturthī caturthāsāritobhināyaṃ yadā karo-ti tisr’ oṅgahāram rañjayanti anye tvabhinayaprayoge pī sahitatām-māhuḥ—AB on NŚ 4, 294.

27 AB, B.H.U. ed . Vol. I, pp. 435-37.

28 Anekanartakīyojyam citralālāvānvitam ā crtuṣaṣṭhīyugālād rāsa-kaṃ masṛṇodhatam (ibid., p. 437). It may be noted that piṇḍi-bandha arose out of sukumāra and asukumāra ṇṛttas.

29 Ṣoḍaśadvādas’ aṣṭau vā yasminnṛtyanti nāyikāpiṇḍibandhādivinyā-saih rāsakaṃ tadudāhṛtam—Bhoja, Śṛṅgāra Prakāśa, Vol. I, pp. 425.

30 Latākyabhedyakaih gulmaih nānāpravṛttapradarśakaiḥ pātraireka-tva-samyuktam piṇḍibandhaṃ tu kārayeta.—ibid., p. 427

31 Paribhramantyah vicitrabandhaiḥ ima dviṣo’ sanartakyāḥ khelanti tālānugatapādāḥ tavange dṛśyate daṇḍarāsah (Karpūramañjarī, 4,10).

32 Mandalena tu yannṛttam hallisakamiti smṛtam ekāstratra tu netā

syādgopastrināmyathāhariḥ (AB, Vol I, p.437)

33 It should be remembered that folk culture, while full of creativity, is not per se standardised. While standard forms are created out of it, in itself the folk tradition varies continuously. The relationship of the dialects to the standard language, illustrates the relationship of folk forms to classical forms in arts.

34 The use of pindibandha in the pūrvaranga appears to have become obscure by the time of Abhinava, although he clearly knew the practice. It is possible that it had fallen out of use in the dramatic tradition but continued in the folk tradition. This is suggested by the following lines—

Nanu sarvo'yam pindibandhaprakāra ihopahogi vāna vetyāsaṅkya-ho.......na cāyam pindibandhaprakārālakṣye vicchinnaḥ kevalamṛttṛṇa-kakṣayah—patitamahauṣadhivad anavasthitairabhyudhartum na sakyate sādhānatayā tu sakyata eveti nātrālasyaṁ śrayitavyam. Anyathā katham prayogamāhuḥ (AB on NS, 295).

Chapter 12

Historical Evolution of Music

Abhinavagupta states that “out of sāman arose gāndharva and out of gāndharva arose gāna.”1 The word gāndharva sometimes stood for music in general, but also had the technical sense of a particular system of music. Thus says Abhinava : “It is to be noticed that just as the word nāṭaka, so the word gāndharva is used in two senses; in popular usage, as well as in the Śāstra. It is sometimes used in a general and sometimes in a special sense…. If mere singing was gāndharva, then the singing of children, cowherds, cranes, herons, etc. would also be termed gāndharva.”2 The idea here is that, gāndharva sometimes connotes music in general, but it also has a special sense in which it is distinct from other types of music. It is invariably in this special sense that the word gāndharva occurs in the Nāṭyaśāstra.

What was the nature and purpose of gāndharva ? Gāndharva may be understood as the classical music of Bharata’s time—elaborate, complex and governed by rigid rules—gāndharva tajjñeyam svaratāla-padātmakam3 i.e. gāndharva consists of svara, tāla and pada. Svarais here related to the elements of both the śārīrī viṇā (i.e. the human throat or vocal music) and the dāravī viṇā (i.e. the wooden lute or harp).4 This parallel between the human body and the wooden viṇā is quite frequent in the NŚ. Thirteen constituent elements are related to svara viz, svara, grāma, mūrchanā, tāna, sthāna, vṛtti, śuṣka, sādhāraṇa, varṇa, alaṃkāra, dhātu, śruti and jāti.5 All these pertained to the dāravī viṇā, but only seven related to the śārīrī viz, svara, grāma, alaṃkāra, varṇa, sthāna, jāti and sādhāraṇa.6

The distinctive feature of gāndharva music was its elaborate patterns of tāla or time-measure. Even the basic unit for measuring time consisted of not ‘less than five short mātrās (termed kalā). Twenty-one basic elements related to tāla viz. dhruvā, āvāpa, niṣkrā-ma, vikṣepa, praveśana, samyā, tāla, sannipāta, parivarta, mātrā, vastu, prakaraṇa, aṅga, vidāri, pāṇi, yati, laya, gīti, avayava, mārga and pādamārga.7 Pada or the words of the song had a subsidiary role in gāndharva. Pada served only as a prop for svara and tāla. Indeed, the musician would often distort the words by stretching or splitting them and by singing only a particular syllable. Svar and

tāla are primary (svaratālanubhāvakam),8 pada is useful only in so

far as it forms the base.9 This tendency was perhaps inherited from sāman singing. The sāman singers did not attach much importance

to the intelligibility of the hymns, but distorted the words freely. This was done in six ways viz. vikāra, viśleṣaṇa vikarṣaṇa, abhyāsa,

virāma, and stobha.10 In the present-day classical music, too, it is svara and tāla that are necessary only so far as they help develop

the svarālāpa, which is in turn fundamental for the unfoldment of the structure of the rāga. The exigencies of svara aad tāla often

cause the word to be quite distorted. Dattila adds a fourth factor to the definition of gāndharva viz. avadhāna.11 Bharata has ignored

avadhāna. Abhinava, apparently to justify Bharata, says, “avadhāna is yogarūpam (the nature of meditation) and hence is not applicable

here.”12 The word avadhāna, it seems, stood for a meditative idea, a certain psychic concentration and attitude required for the pro-

per singing of gāndharva.

Bharata states that gāndharva music was exceedingly dear to the gods (atyarthamiṣṭaṁ devānām).13 The singing of gāndharva was,

in fact, treated as a yajña or sacrifice by means of which the goods were appeased and by which transcendental merits accrued to the

performer. Abhinava, giving a detailed interpretation of this verse, says: “Now, the gods govern the senses, the mind, sensations etc.

These senses etc. function when impacted or vibrated and are like celestial musical instruments by offering the external objects such

as sound etc., and through their transcenden (in pure appercept-

ion) one achieves a transcendent sacrifice (atyarthamiṣṭam). It leads to the atainment of supreme inward beatiffic consciousness (para-

samvit).* In this way is illustrated the attainment of the fruit of emancipation, since the experience thus attained approximates the

blissful state proper to emancipation. Thus this is a sacrifice of the gods (devānāṁ yajanam) which is transcendent and independent of

wealth etc. As has been said, Siva is more pleased by gāndharva, then by ancient ascetic practices etc. (or, by the recitation of purāṇas and

ascetic practices; or, by devotion to purāṇas …-purāṇayogādibhih)”.*

Abhinaya interprets ‘atyarthamiṣtam’ not as ‘excessively desired’ but as ‘transcendentally sacrificed’. The offering in the sacrifice would consist of

sense objects, such a musical sounds, spectacles etc. When something is offered through the fire it is sublated. Nevertheless there is a

transcendent effect, both for the gods as well as for the one who is performing the sacrifice. Similarly here too, the offering of

musical sounds etc. is likened to a sacrifice producing transcendent effect. Cf. Kālidāsa who terms dance as a ‘visual

sacrifice’ in the Mālavikāgnimitram.

" 'Of gāndharvas' in the text indicates the performers. Thus the singer obtains the result by attaining to a deep immersion in consciousness (samvit). So it has been said that Nandayanti (jāti) performed even once in accordance with prescriptions, purifies the slayer of Brāhmaṇa. Thus, the result accruing to the performer is primary."14

As already mentioned, according to Abhinava, from sāman came gāndharva. The gāndharva form was apparently intermediate between later sāman forms and the gāna form of music (theatre singing) described in the Nāṭyaśāstra. Verse 10 of Chapter 28 describes the origin of gāndharva thus— asya yonirbhavedgānam viṇā vams'- sastathaiva ca, eteṣām caiva vakṣyāmi vidhim svarasamutthitam.15

Abhinava comments saying that "song or gāna here is the name applied to the gītis or songs which are the matrix of sāman (i.e., it does not indicate dhruvā gāna.) Viṇā means the audumbari viṇā used in Mahāvrata (ceremony). Vamśa is in accordance with the tradition of teachers like Nārada. These constitute the source of gān-dharva." Again "Some others say that the intention of the verse is to make out the source of gāndharva to be the songs sung by singers in the popular social stream (lokapravāha) within the brah-magīta.

The commentator (tīkā-kāra) holds that gāna is primary while the lute and flute are secondary."16 The mention of a popular tradition of songs within the brah-magīta is highly intriguing. Actually, it must be remembered that rites and festivals must have been concurrent in the remote past as they are now with the result that there would be a kind of culture counterpoint in the folk singing of the festival to the ritualistic and formal singing of the sāman.

The mention by Abhinava of the audumbari used in Mahāvrata ceremony is significant and connotes folk influence. In fact percussion music, too, it seems was the offspring of the popular percussion music of the Vedic times. Percussion music was then incorporated into the gāndharva form, wherein it was developed and elaborated into complex tāla structures. It may be noted that sāman chanting shows no evidence of tāla.

Thus, though sāman music must have given the basic structure (the formal, rigid, ritualistic aspect) to gāndharva, folk music too, must have helped its development.

From gāndharva was born gāna. Generally speaking the word gāna means 'song', but the reference here is to a special type of singing—the singing of dhruvās (songs connected with the theatre), dhruvāgāna.

This was the music played in the background during the staging of ancient dramas. Abhinava distinguishes carefully between the gāndharva form of music and the gāna system. In fact,

the entire commentary on the thirty-third Chapter of the NŚ is devoted to distinguishing between gāndharva and gāna. Gāndharva was essentially the musician’s music, while the purpose of gāna was rakti or pleasure, the pleasure it gave to the audience watching the drama. Freed from traditional and ritualistic restrictions it developed into a great variety.

On the basis of the Nāṭyaśāstra itself, however, we can say that the tradition of dhruvā-gāna was an ancient one. Abhinava often mentions an ancient authority by the name of Kaśyapa in connection with dhruvās. In an interesting passage, Abhinava says “Nārada etc, who were educated in gāndharva, when they wished to gānayoga and wanted to establish the dhruvā on the basis of gāndharva, said that this new complex which is useful for enjoyment is not produced by us by our own inventiveness nor perceived in the original (i.e., in the gāndharva) but it follows the authority of tradition.”17 Here, Abhinava attributes dhruvā-gāna to Nārada etc., but says that since they wanted to establish dhruvā on a firm basis they derived it from the tradition. The Nāradīyaśikṣā, as available now, however, deals only with gāndharva music, and does not say anything about dhruvā-gāna. It is possible that this portion might have been lost. Bharata has devoted one complete chapter for the discussion of dhruvā-gāna (Chapter 32, GOS edition). Abhinavagupta has brought out the distinction between the gāndharva and gāna systems.

The fundamental distinction was that gāndharva was ritualistic music resulting in adrṣṭa-phala or transcendental merit, whereas dhruvā-gāna was music for the theatre, outside which it would not serve much purpose. Thus, Abhinava states—na hi nāṭyādbahirlayabhaṅgayāpi dhruvāgānām gīyamānāmukha ? (msukha)* pādamutpādayati.18 Gāna had a drṣṭa-phala, which was to produce rasa, thereby producing rakti, i.e. giving pleasure to the audience—rāgamiti rak-tirdṛṣṭaphalam,19 says Abhinava. Though gāndharva is the source of gāna, which draws all its essential elements from the former, tāla from the saptarūpa, its melodic forms from the jātis, yet there is quite a difference between the two systems. This is because they are designed to serve different purposes. Dhruvā is a purposive transformation of the gāndharva to produce music for the theatre. Being free from rituals it is innovative and produces rasa and thus gives pleasure or rānjana. Abhinava says that from the gītakas, which lay emphasis on adrṣṭa, certain elements are culled and synthe-

• As utpād. yati requires an object, an emendation is suggested in the bracket.

132 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

sized so as to be able to please through rasa and bhāva. Thus dhru-

vā as a transformation of elements drawn from gāndharva has the

purpose of furthering the dramatic effect of rasa20 According to

Bharata “Dhruvā is so called because the varṇa, alaṅkāras, yati, pāṇi

and laya in it are harmoniously fixed.”21 Four types of dhruvās have

been enumerated by Bharata viz, prāveśikī, ākṣepikī, antarā and

niṣkrāmikī.22 The dhruvās suggested acts and moods of different

characters in a play; and this was suggested by the contents of the

songs, as well as their metre, language, tempo and tāla. Particular

kinds of dhruvās were to be rendered on particular junctures and

occasions on stage. Themes of various rasas sung at the entrance of

the characters on stage were termed prāveśikī dhruvās.23 The exit of

characrters is indicated through naiṣkrāmikī dhruvās.24 If there was

a sudden disturbance in the prevailing rasa (prastutam rasam, AB

on NŚ, 32.313) of the scene by imposition then a new element, the

ākṣepikī dhruvā, was employed.25 The prevailing sentiment or rasa

which had been disturbed by sudden intervention (ākṣeparasāt, NŚ,

39.313) is once again purified …prastutaṁ rasaviśeṣaṁ yadā prasāda-

yati nirmalīkaroti” (AB on NS, 32.314) and stabilised (ākṣepavasāt

sthirikaraṇārthatvād—l.c.) by prāsādikī dhruvā. It helps to restore

the absorbed interest of the spectators, producing pleasure and

hence was known as prāsādikī (...sāmājikahrdayam tanmayībhāvapā-

ttiyogyātmano janānāmiti gītaśobhayā vā prāsādayojanāḥ—l.c.). This

was invariably after the prāveśikī and ākṣepikī dhruvās, says Abhi-

nava (iyam hi prāveśikyāk’ṣepikyā anantarāmavasyāprayojyābhavati

—AB on NŚ, 32.314). The antarā dhruvā was sung to cover up a

fault or mistake by the actor during the actual enacting of a play.26

It seems that sometimes when the actor was disturbed due to exer-

tion or some confusion and committed a mistake, then the antarā

dhruvā was sung to give time to the actor to regain his composure,

adjust his costume etc.27

Abhinava has given us historical examples of the application

of these dhruvās in various plays of the times He mentions the play

Ratnāvalī of Harṣa where the prāveśikī dhruvā has been used. Com-

menting on verse 10 of Ch. 32, Abhinava says, “In all prāveśikīs

pravṛtta and upavṛtta are to be used, says Bharata. The idea is that

the tempo or laya has to be matched with the flow of feelings.” In

Ratnāvalī, Sāgarikā’s mental state is full of eagerness and agitation

because of imaginary meeting with her lover, and consequently it is

a theme for quick movement or fast tempo (cittadrutalaya).28 In

some cases, the entrance of characters was not to be accompanied

by the prāveśikī dhruvā, for instance when the character entered

singing, crying, in agitation, in a state of shock etc.29 Abhinava gives the example of such a dhruvāsūnya entrance (entrance precluding the prāveśikī dhruvā) in the play Nāgānanda—“A case where there is entrance without dhruvā. Even in the case of the leading character there is no dhruvā, when he is entering in a state of flurry and agitation. Just as Saṅkhacūḍa, in approaching Garuḍa, who is keen to eat Jīmūtavāhana.”30

An example of the ākṣepikī dhruvā is given by Abhinava from the play Udāttarāghava. Rāma is the hero and the scene is of śṛṅgāra. Suddenly, Rāvaṇa in a state of fury, enters the scene and angrily addresses Rāma. This change of the aesthetic mood from one of love to one of fury and anger is the juncture for the ākṣepikī dhruvā and here the tempo befitting the change is a fast one. Another example of the ākṣepikī is illustrated in the third Act of the play Veṇisaṃhāra. The scene is of the Mahābhārata battle and an enthusiastic Aśvatthāman is eager to vanquish his enemies. Suddenly, the death of his father Drona is reported and the mood changes to one of pathos. In this change of rasa from vira to karuṇa the ākṣepikī dhruvā is to be rendered with a slow tempo.31 The Kuṭṭinīmatam of Dāmodaragupta (8th cent. A.D.) has an interesting reference of a contemporary performance of the first act of Harṣa’s Ratnāvalī. After all the instruments had been properly timed, the performance began with the playing of the flute, and the prāveśikī dhruvā was rendered as a dvipada in the rāga bhinnapañcama.32 Then the Sūtradhāra, entering, danced round the stage to the accompaniment of a dhruvā set to the proper tāla. Next was the prastāvanā, the dialogue between the Sūtradhāra and his wife, the Naṭī. Thereupon, the two made their exit by the niḥsaraṇa gīta with the appropriate dhruvā, probably the niṣkrāmikī. At the conclusion of the act, the hero, king Udayana, and other characters made their exit also with the niṣkrāmikī dhruvā.33 The dhruvās were set to musical forms such as grāma rāgas, rāgas, bhāṣā, vibhāṣā etc. Abhinava explains that these musical forms were derived from the melodic structures of gāndharva, i.e. the jātiṣ.

The two systems were distinct in respect of all three musical elements, viz. svara, pada and tāla. In gāndharva, the maximum permissible notes were nine—the seven primary notes, and two sharp notes which however, were sparingly used. In gāna, a variety of notes was permitted.

Tāla in gāndharva was played on ghana or idiophonic instruments which consisted of cymbals, generally of bronze.34 Abhinava says : “ghana is so called because of the hardness of its form. Due

134 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

to this hardness, ghana instruments cannot play specific varṇas expressive of different rasas or bhāvas. Tāla (of ghana) is used only for establishing samyā.35 Samyā indicated neutral ‘balance’ or ‘equi-poise’ between tāla and svara structures. Again, he says : “ghana vā̄dya can produce only a single monotonous sound, unvaried in nature and is used only to keep the measure in a tāla by sounding at right intervals.”36 It could not be used for expressive playing as in avanaddha instruments. Tāla in dhruvā gāna was played on ava-naddha instruments. These membranophonic drums were capable of expressing a wide variety of varṇas or ‘bols’. These drums, through the pliancy and resulting inflections of the taut skin on which they are played, produce a number of notes at different pitches as well as a wide variety of different expressive sounds.37

As regards pada, it was the primary element in gāna; svara and tāla being subservient to it. Thus Abhinava says, “In gāndharva, svara and tāla are primary. Pada is used only as a basis or support for the other two. In the dhruvā, on the other hand, words and meanings are primary.”38 Again, he says : “Thus, in gāndharva, svara is predominant, pada is secondary and (acts) as a prop. In contrast, in gāna, pada is primary as it expresses the meaning (of the song) and svara is secondary as (its role is) only to beautify the pada.”39

The Nāṭyaśāstra of Bharata deals with only the gāndharva and gāna systems of music. However, the history of Indian music does not end here. Till about the 13th century, when Śārṅgadeva wrote his Saṅgītaratnākara, Indian music grew through a continuous process of popularization and standardization. There was a continuous effort to retain ancient conventions and also to bring lakṣaṇa and lakṣya together. In the course of time, with the efflorescence of gāna and its musicological elaboration, a difference came to be perceived between the classical and the regional or folk dimensions of music. On the basis of texts like Brhaddesī and Saṅgītaratnākara, Dr. Lath has rightly pointed out that this distinction was termed mārga and desī which may be roughly rendered as classical and popular.40 ‘Mārga’, according to Mātaṅga, is the name for desī forms, albeit of those which were comparatively more regulated or rule-bound than the others. By Śārṅgadeva’s time, the notions of mārga and desī seem to have undergone development. For him, mārga and desī signified two distinct forms of music and he distinguishes between them on the lines of gāndharva and gāna of the NS. Compared to gāndharva, the gāna system of music appeared relatively popular, but in the course of time, within the gāna system too, a distinction

was made between the comparatively regulated and standardized singing on the one hand and free improvization on the other, which led to the evolution of the rāgarāginī system of later times.

Summing up, it can be stated that the history of Indian music reflects fully the dialectic common in the history of art of continuing conflict and resolution between convention and innovation, tradition and creation.

Footnotes

1 Gāndharvam hi sāmbhyāstasmādbhavam gānam (AB on NŚ, 28.2).

2 AB on NŚ, 33.1

3 NŚ. 28 8.

4 Dvayadhiṣṭhānāḥ svarā varnāḥ śarīrāśca prakīrtitāḥ. (NŚ, 28.12).

5 Ibid., 28. 13-14.

6 Ibid., 28.15.

7 Ibid., 28. 18-20

8 Ibid., 32.27.

9 L.c.

10 Vıkāra : simple distortion of word.

Viśleṣaṇa : splitting of the syllables of the word and singing individual syllables.

Vikarṣaṇa : changing the quantity of mātrās.

Abhyāsa : a sudden break in the pada and repetition.

Virāma : pause.

Stobha : addition of new but quite meaningless syllables.

11 Padasthasvarasaṅgahāstastālēna sumitastathā prayuktaścāvadhānēna gāndharvamabhidhīyatē.—Dattilam, 3.

12 AB on NŚ, 28. 11-12.

13 NŚ, 28.9.

14 Yaśmācca devānāṃ svarānāṃdriyamānasam்vëdanaprabhṛtinām, ātodyamānatvēna vyavahārēṇa gacchatanēti devavādyānāmacyarthātikramēṇa bāhya-śabdadiviṣayollaṅghanēna ......miṣṭimicchāyajanāṃ ca parasam்visam்gaṭīlābhalakṣaṇaṃ tatha

tena prakārēṇa pratitērapavargacitānandasvabhāvaviśēṣēṇavarjitamityapavargaphalarvardarṣitaṃ. Tathātikrāntam dhanadinirāpekṣaṃ

cēdam devānāṃ yajanam yathā purāṇayogādibhyo' dhikā prītirgān-dharvācchankarasya iti, “Gāndharvanamiti” prayoktr̥ upalakṣaṇaṃ

tena hyatyanātaṃ saṃvitpravēśalābhēna tu gatūḥ phalayogo gān-dharvatvāt. Tadāhasakṛt prayuktāpi hi nandayanti yathāvidhi brā-hmaṇānāṃ punāti, iti prayoktr̥gatatamātra mukhyaṃ phalam — AB

on NŚ, 28. 9-10.

15 NŚ, 28.10.

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16 Gānamiti sāmayanigītiṣu sāmākhyā, vīneti mahāvratopayogini audu-mbarih vanśa iti nāradādigurusamtānānuyāyiti gāndharvāsya pra-bhavah. (AB on NŚ, 29. 9-10).

17 Gāndharvasamkṛtānārādādyā (Nāradīyaśikṣā, 1.2) : gānayogam (ga) cikīrṣavastāya gāndharvaprakṛtitvena vyavasthāpayanto bhogopayoginamuktapūrvasmāgtam nāyamasmābhih svamaniṣikārkṛtah kim-tu prakṛtā api na dṛṣṭā ityāgamapramāṇyenopodbalayannā (nta a) gamānurasa (nusari) hi dṛṣṭaphalamapi bhogianādi prāṇāḥ (nayama) sandhyādyā ityāgamanusandhānenopabṛṇhayanti. (AB on NŚ, 32. 4-6).

18 NŚ, 33.1.

19 Ibid., 28.36. Cf. rañjanā janacittānām sa ca rāga udahṛtaḥ—Bṛhad-deśī, 281.

20 AB on NŚ, 32.3.

21 NŚ, 32.8 : dhruvām anyonyasambaddhāḥ.

22 Ibid., 32.310; also ibid., 6. 29-30.

23 Ibid., 32.311

24 Ibid., 32.312

25 Ibid., 32 313

26 Ibid., 32.315.

27 Anukarturyadanāśamkitadhanaviṣayādatyuddhataprayogaśrama vā-śadvā bhramādoṣasambhāvanā. Vastrābharaṇāvakāśāditsayā (yā) giyate sāntarā dhruvā—AB on NŚ, 32.315.

28 Atimagnacittavṛtterapi Sāgarikāya manorathakalpitapriyatamasa-māgamalāpādevautsukyapravṛttasvaraviśayostyeva (Ratnāvalī). Tatha cittadrutalayatr (t tu) prayastrayiṃśakam (?) prayuñjate. AB on NŚ, 32.10.

29 NŚ, 32.327.

30 Saṁkhaçādāsyeva Jimūtavāhanabhakṣaṇākulagaruḍanikāṭamupasa-rpaṅah (Nāgānandam, 5.17). AB on NŚ, 32.327.

31 Yathā Udāttarāghave rāmasya prastutaśṛṅgārakramollamghanena—‘Are tāpasa sthiri (ro) bhāvā. Kvedānīm gamyate. Svasurmama parābhavaprasava ekadattavyātha’. Ityādīnā rāvanavākyena. Yathā (druta) rākyākaraneṇa vīrarasasyaākṣepyasya tu rasasya māṛnye ‘sthite’ vilambitā. Yathāśvatthāmno yudhavire kramollanghanena kūṭodyāpi te tātah’ iti nepathyasrāvanādi tāsya karuṇarasasya. (Veṇīsaṁhāram, 3 8). AB on NŚ, 32.313.

32 It is interesting to note that the Bṛ, 326 and SR, 2.284 enjoin the rāga Bhinna pañcama to be used at the entrance of the sūtra-dhāra.

33 Kuṭṭinīmatam, 779-883; also ibid., 927.

34 NŚ, 32.1. Cf. Kāmsyatalādikam ghanam, Amarakośa, 1.7.4.

35 AB on NŚ, 28.2.

36 Tatra hanyata iti ghanaḥ kaṭhinataikarūpaḥ tata iva namanonna-manaśaithilyādiyogabhavādakṣaravaiciryam cānuruddhyā mānamā-trenapayogikāmsatālikādirucyate—AB on NŚ, 31 1.

37 Lath, M., A Study of Dattilam, pp. 103-04; also appendix, pp. 451-52

38 NŚ, 32 27; also kintvanyathā tasyā gāne prādhānyamanyathā ca gāndharve. Tatra hī svaratālau pradhānam. Tau cānādharau na śakyau prayoktum—AB on NŚ, 32. 27-28.

39 Abhinava quotes pada as being analogous to a wall mural. Just as the wall is the basis on which the mural is painted so is the pada the basis on which the dhruvā is structured—anyepi kudyasta (tra) dṛṣṭāntena tena dhruvānāmādhāraḥ padamiti prayāyāt tadvidyate yasyām vṛttajātau sa dhruveti—AB on NŚ, 32.8.

40 See, Lath, M., op. cit., pp. 165-70.

Chapter 13

Folk-Music in Ancient India

Attempts have been made in different contexts to distinguish elements of folk-culture within the ancient Indian tradition. In the sphere of art, for example, the distinction which Marshall had proposed between indigenous and foreign-inspired Maurya sculpture was explained by Coomaraswamy as a distinction between folk art and court-art.1

The difficulties of reconstructing ancient Indian music and distinguishing its folk origins from its developed classical traditions are much greater because of the perishable nature of music. Here, we are at the mercy of either indirect descriptions and allusions or of musicological texts. In the former type of descriptions the distinction between folk music and classical music is rarely made explicit.2 In the latter type of description, it is classical music that is under consideration. Nevertheless, there is no doubt that folk-music entered as an element into the making of the classical structure of Indian music, and, in this respect it played a recurrent role in the different phases of its history.

We may begin by mentioning some of the general characteristics of folk-music. In the first place, it is characterised by relative simplicity, not only in terms of the fewer notes used, but also in terms of the simpler combinations. Its simplicity enabled it to be performed by untutored participants. The music here tends to be subordinate to the words and sense of the song. Freedom and improvisation are also marked characteristics of folk-singing where the accompaniments are also simple. A peculiar feature of folk-music is that very often the song begins at a high note and runs through descending notes. These songs are mostly functional, being part of a recognised social occasion and often have the sanctity of a ceremonial rite. Such are, for instance, songs which accompany the events of the life-cycle—birth, initiation, marriage, death. Similarly, the agricultural songs which accompany planting, transplanting, harvesting, etc., have an element of ritual associated with them. Folk-music is also frequently inter-twined with dance and mime. In short, folk-music does not emphasize music in its purity, but is rather a combination of many things, all together constituting a

social occasion which employs music as one of its voices. From sāman came gāndharva and from gāndharva the gāna—gāndharvam hi sāmanabhyastamādbhavam gānam.3 Now, sāman means a melody in which a Vedic verse was sung. The nature of sāman may be gathered clearly from the explanation of Sāyana—Sāmasabdācyasyā gānasyā svarūpam Ṛgakṣareṣu kruṣṭādbhiḥ. Saptabhiḥ svarairakṣarādibhikṣa niṣpadyate.4 It was generally sung on the occasion of a Soma sacrifice. Soma was an exhilarating drink and its preparation and offering constituted a festive albeit holy occasion.

Amongst the earliest recorded instances of such festive occasions is the famous Mahāvrata ceremony. In it the maidens bearing pitchers did a circular dance, the foot movement of which was in concordance with the rhythm of the songs known as gāthās. Such folk-songs are mentioned by name in the Śrauta-sūtras—Hillikā, Himbini, Hastāvarā, Ṣmvatsara-gāthā, Jhillukā, etc.—atraitā dāsa-kumārya udakumbhānandhinidhāya triḥ pradakṣiṇam mārjaliyāṁ parinṛtyanti dukṣiṇanpado nighnantīridammmadhu gāyanti. Hillikāṁ dve gāyetāṁ himbinim dve hastāvarāṁ dve hai ...haimahā idammmadhu hillahillivati sarvāsāṁ Ṛgānteṣu.5

In the Yajurveda are mentioned by name some particular sāman melodies which are connected with seasons : Rathantaram sāma trivṛtstomo vasantartuḥ ... Bṛhatsāma pañcadasastomo griṣmartuḥ ... Vairūpam sāma saptadasastomo varṣā ṛtuh ... Śākvararaivate sāmani ...hemantaśisirāu ṛtu.6

In the Sāṅkhāyana-gṛhya-sūtra there is reference to sāman singing during the Simantonnayana ceremony. The husband gives instructions to the vīṇā players to play and sing the songs of king Soma.7 Bharuṇḍa sāman was sung during oblations to the manes. The Yamaśūkta in the Ṛgveda refers to sāman singing during last rites : Yaṁ kumāra prāvartayo ratham viprebhyaspari taṁ sāmānu prāvartata samito nāvvāhitam.8

We hear of grāma-geya variety of sāman music to be sung in the villages as distinct from aranya-geya to be sung in the forests. It has rightly been surmised that grāma-geya sāman conceivably had folk connections. Much of the sāman recitation had a relatively simple appearance in terms of the musical notes and the patterns which it used. In fact, a verse quoted in Bṛhaddesí seems to suggest that originally only three notes were used in sāman singing. Ekasvaraprayogo hi ārcikaḥ so’bhidhīyate/ gāthiko dvisvaro jñeyaḥ trisvaraścaiva sāmikah//9

It relates to the joyous occasion of preparing Soma and was gene-

140 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

rally sung in a chorus. Thus, although some aspects of sāman music are reminiscent of folk-music, nevertheless the developed music of the Vedic age was a most elaborate one which used a variety of musical instruments, the full octave and as many as three grāmas.

As already mentioned, according to Abhinavagupta, from sāman came gāndharva. The gāndharva form was apparently intermediate between the later sāman forms and the gāna system described in the Nāṭyaśāstra. Though influenced by sāman, gāndharva was distinct from it. It is possible that part of the deviation was due to some non-sāmic influence on gāndharva. Abhinava has enunciated two other factors besides sāman songs as sources of gāndharva—the audumbarī viṇā and the flute as played in the tradition of Nārada.

The Vedic people took a keen delight in music and a variety of instruments were in vogue. Many viṇās were known of which the audumbarī was the most popular. Shri Ram Krishna Kavi has opined that a careful examination of Vedic rites and Śikṣās thereupon drives one to the irresistible conclusion that the origin of Indian music lay in certain rites where the priest and performer chanted some gāthās alternatively while the wife (yajamānapatnī) played on the viṇā and the closing of the sacrific was enjoined with the conduct of a peculiar dance. The kind of viṇā mentioned for the above purpose is called the picchola which, at another place, is called audumbarī.10 Abhinava mentions the audumbarī in connexion with the rites of the Mahāvrata.

Some influence of regional or folk factors in the jātiṣ is, in fact, suggested by their names. Thus, the musical idiom current in the northern regions seems to have contributed in giving the jāti Ṣadjodīcyavā its form (udīcya country, to the north of Sarasvatī, i.e. the northern region). Regarding ṣadjodīcyavā, Abhinava remarks :

Udīcyāḥ pravoktāro bahulena śantyasyāmityudīcyā.

Vānti gacchantīti udīcye pi ca dṛṣṭate.11

In this context he specifically mentions the name of some regional rāgas :

Gītām ca deśanāmadheyairbāhulyadabhi-rucitatvāpekṣayā vyapadiśyata eva Ṭakkarāgo Mālavapañcamī Gauḍī Mālavī Kāmbojītyādi.12

A parallel can be seen in current rāgas incorporating stylised folk idioms such as Sindh Bhairavī, Ahirā Bhairava, Bangāla Bhairava, Māṇḍa, etc. Two other jātiṣ evince a northern influence—the Madhyamodīcyavā, the Gāndhārodīcyavā. Another jāti, the Āndhrī, may have been influenced by local forms popular in the Andhra

region.

Account of sāman singing evince no trace of tāla. It is likely that tāla, rendered as a rich structural pattern with its own independent forms was absent from sāman music (as is also testified by the fact that none of the existing sāman sākhās have anything like a tāla accompaniment with the sāman chant) but evolved in the popular percussion music of Vedic times. This, then, was passed on as a legacy to gāndharva and through it to subsequent art forms of Indian music.

Kālidāsa in the Abhijñānaśākuntalam refers to a song by the Naṭī on the occasion of summer and calls it gīta-rāga.13 This brings us to the new kind of music which Abhinava calls gāna distinguishing it from gāndharva. There was quite a difference between the two in all their three constituent factors—svara, tāla and pada. The distinction lay essentially in the change of purpose, manner and occasion.

The ultimate purpose of gāndharva was to bring about spiritual merit (adṛṣṭa), whereas in gāna it was merely to please the audience. Again, the manner of gāna was much freer and it was used on non-ritualistic occasions. Gāna included forms like grāma rāga, rāga, bhāṣā, vibhāṣā etc. These derivate forms born through mixing and combining elements taken from two or more jātis in various ways, and were hence called hybrid or saṅkara forms. These forms when moulded to the theatrical context were called gāna. All possible musical scales and chromatic tonal formations were permitted in it; even quarter-tones or notes with a single śruti interval were part of the normal fare. Tāla, too, in gāna was a flexible timing. Compared to gāndharva, gāna was thus distinctly more popular and freer. This change in spirit and style may possibly be attributed to the influence of folk tunes and theatrical songs.

While gāndharva represented the classical form, folk music continued alongside and continued its perennial role of supporting festive occasions. The Harivaṃśa mentions festivals in which men and women assembled together for song and dance. In this connection is mentioned chālikya—a style of singing current amongst the cowherds. This was composed by Srī Kṛṣṇa and was the most popular from in chorus singing.

Ājñāpayāmāsa tataḥ sa tasyām

niṣi prahrṣṭo bhagavānupendraḥ

Chālikyāgeyaṁ bahusannidhānām

yadeva gāndharvamudāharanti

Jagrāha viṇāmatha Nāradastu

142 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

śadgrāmārāgādisamādhiyuktām

Hallisakam tu svayameva Kṛṣṇaḥ

svayamsaghoṣam Naradevapārthah.14

The chālikya was sung in varions grāma rāgas, adorned by mūrchanās, etc. :

Śakyam na chālikyamte tapobhiḥ

sthāne vidhānānyātha mūrchanāsu

śadgrāmārāgeṣu ca tatra kāryam

tasyaikadeśāvayāvena rājan

Leśābhidhānām sukumārajātim

niṣṭhām suduḥkhena naraḥ prayānti.15

The Kāmasūtra16 mentions chalitaka as one of the 64 kalās so necessary for courtesans and maidens—sampāṭhyam mānasi kāya-kriyā, abhidhānakośaḥ, chandojñānam kriyākalāpaḥ, chalitakayogaḥ 16 In the Mālavikāgnimitra, Kālidāsa mentions chalita as a dance based on a particular song, danced by a single dancer.17

Hallisaka appears to have been the name of song-cum-dance form. It is said to be illustrated in the paintings of the Bagha Caves. It may be recalled that it has been mentioned as one of the uparūpaks. Other uparūpakas. of a similar kind included the rāsaka which has been described as a cowherds' dance-song. Similarly, the Rāgakāvya was another from of uparūpaka. Bhāmaha mentions dvipadī, samyā, rāsaka and skandhaka. Daṇḍin mentions lāsya, cha-lika and samyā.18 Śṛṅgāra Prakāśa has twelve varieties of uparūpa-kas which included hallisaka, nartanaka, rāsaka, nāṭyarāsaka and carcari 19

In the uparūpakas, music and dance predominate. Many of them are dances accompanied with song and gestures. Their popular origin and role hardly admit any doubt.

In course of time, with the efflorescence of gāna and its musico-logical elaboration, a difference came to be perceived between the classical and folk dimensions of music. This was labelled as the distinction between mārga and deśī.

We have, thus, seen that there was constant interaction between folk-music and classical music in ancient India. Folk-music was a constant element in folk culture, forming a perennial dimension of the festive and ritual round of social life. It served as the popular matrix of the more developed forms of music and even in its classical form gave it a diversity of local colour. As a consequence, a full appreciation of the social role of classical music will necessarily imply connecting it with its folk origins and elements.

The fact is that folk-music represents music in its social integrity

whereas the intensive development of music in its purity leads to

the elaboration of classical systems through the creative role of

genius. The history of music may be, thus, said to revolve between

two poles of folk-music and classical music.

Footnotes

1 Coomaraswamy, A.K., History of Indian and Indonesian Art,

pp. 8-16.

2 Raghuvaṃsa, IV.20. For example, ikṣucchāyaniṣādinyaḥ ... sāligo-

pyo jaguryasaḥ.

3 Abhinavabhāratī on Nāṭyaśāstra (GOS ed.), 28, 9-10.

4 Introduction to Ṛgveda Saṃhitā.

5 Lāṭyāyana-śrauta-sūtra, 4.3, 17-23. Cf. also Kātyāyana-śrauta-

sūtra, 13.3. 20-22; Taittirīya Saṃhitā, 7.5, 10.

6 Cf Śukla Yajurveda Saṃhitā, 10.10.

7 Śāṅkhāyana-gṛhya-sūtra, 1.22.

8 Ṛgveda Saṃhitā, 10, 135.4.

9 Bṛhaddesī (Trivandrum ed.), p.17.

10 Quoted in Bhāratīya Saṅgīter Itihāsa, Bengali, by Swami Prajñā-

nanda, Vol. 1, p. 199.

11 Abhinavabhārati on Nāṭyaśāstra, GOS ed., 26, 106-09.

12 Ibid., l.c.

13 Abhijñānaśākuntalam, Prastāvanā; Tavāsmi gītarāgeṇa.

14 Ibid., 89, 91.

15 Harivaṃsa, 89, 67-8.

16 Kāmasūtra, 3.16.

17 Mālavikāgnimitram, Act I.

18 Daṇḍin, Kāvyādarśa, 1.39.

19 Raghavan, V., Bhoja’s Śṛṅgāra Prakāśa, pp. 54ff.

Chapter 14

The Development of the Desi Element

in the Theatric Arts

The Bṛhaddeśī of Mataṅga muni defines deśī as deśe deśe pravṛto’ sau dhavnirdeśīti samjñitah.1 Abalābālagopālaiḥ kṣitipālairnije-cchayā Gīyate sānurāgeṇa svadeśe deśīrucyate,2 i.e. “That air or tune which is prevalent in various regions is known as deśī”. He further expounds “That music which is sung by women, children, cowherds and kings (or in other words, by the general populace) out of spontaneous inclination and desire, in the regions where these people dwell (svadeśe) is termed deśī.” Deśī, was thus, the term for popular, regional or folk forms. Even though Mataṅga applies it to music, the term may be extended to cover all the theatric arts, viz. music, dance and drama. The term deśī is first used in the Bṛhad-deśī written in the 7th cent. A.D. Moreover, Mataṅga is first to distinguish between the deśī (i.e. regional, popular form) and mārga (which meant the classical tradition).

Nibaddhascānibaddhaśca mārgoyaṃ dvividho mataḥ / ālāpādinibandho yaḥ sa ca mārgaḥ prakartitaḥ //—ibid., 14.

“Its path (mārga) is two fold : regulated (nibaddha) and unregulated (anibaddha). That which is regulated through ālāpa etc. is called mārga.” What should be added is that deśī was the anibaddha form or the non-formalised form.

Sārṅgadeva, right at the beginning of his work, introduces a two-fold classification of musical forms, mārga and deśī, distingui-shing them on the same lines as gāndharva and gāna—

Mārgo deśīti tad vvedha tatra mārgaḥ sa ucyate

yo mārgi to viriñcyādyaiḥ prayukto Bharatādibhiḥ

devasya purataḥ Śambhorniyatābhudayapradah

deśe deśe janānāṃ yadrucyā hṛdayarañjakam

gītam ca vādanam ṇṛttaṃ taddeśītyabhidhīyate.3

“That (i.e., saṅgīta) is two fold : mārga and deśī. Mārga is that which has been discovered (or revealed—mārgita) by Brahmā etc., and was performed by Bharata and others before Lord Śiva. Mārga certainly bestows spiritual well-being. But that music—instrumental and vocal—and that dance, which delights people of different

The Development of the Deśi Element in the Theatric Arts 145

regions and is born of different aesthetic tastes, is called deśī.

Mataṅga's notion of deśī is the same as that of Śārṅgadeva,

but his notion of mārga clearly does not comply with what was

mārga in the latter. Mārga, according to Mataṅga, is a name given

to those deśī forms which were comparatively more regulated or

rule-bound than the others.

Kallinātha has the most explicit definition of mārga vis-a-vis deśī—

Deśitvam ca taddeśamanujamanorañjanāikaphala-

tvena kāmacārapravartitam.4

i.e., “those forms that are created in various areas and regions (of

the country) for the pleasures of the populace are in the deśī state :

with this end in view their composition follows a free and a spon-

taneous course.” He quotes an authority named Añjaneya who has

defined deśī rāgas as :

Yeṣāṁ śrutisvaragrāma jātyādinīyamo na hi

nānādeśagaticchāya deśirāgastu te smṛtāḥ.5

“Those (rāgas) which are not governed by rules regarding śruti

svara, grāma, jāti, etc., and contain echoes of musical movements

popular in regional (or folk) music of various areas, are known as

deśī rāgas.” Kallinātha adds that like song forms, even instrumen-

tal music and dance are known as deśī when they are composed on

the basis of pure whim, without imperative rules to control them—

Evaṁ vādyattayorapi kāmacārapravartitayor

deśitvam vogaṁtavyam.6

But a gradual revolution came from about the 7th cent. A.D.

This century saw the efflorescence of a host of popular and region-

al forms in the different theatric arts. This distinction between the

classical and popular or folk dimension was not only noticed but

given its due importance by the art experts of the day. In fact, as

mentioned above, the Brhaddesī is the first text written in detail

about the popular deśī tradition Earlier, the Nāradiya-Śikṣā and

Dattilam exclusively, and the Nāṭyaśāstra almost exclusively, were

on the classical forms. The development of the deśī forms can be

traced in all the theatric arts. In music, the classical gāndharva

system was gradually giving way to the gāna and rāga systems. In

dance, the classical tāṇḍava and lāsya still prevailed, but a variety

of deśī nrtyas or dances can also be seen, such as are depicted in the

Bagh paintings. In drama, a number of uparūpakas and nāṭikās

were becoming popular.

During the post-classical period, a change came about in

the sphere of music. In Canto 27 of the Brhatkathāślokasaṅgraha,

146 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

as pointed out by Dr. P.K. Agrawala, there is “bitter invective against Nārādīya (i.e. gāndharva) music. Its teacher, a viṇācārya, is spoken of as of coarse voice (khara svara), ignorant in the knowledge of śruti (Canto 27) and incapable of distinguishing niṣāda and ṣadja (27.20). It was for this reason, that Sānudāsa and Gandharvadattā (i.e. the hero and heroine) turned their face against Nāradiya music.” He opines that the Nāradiya saṅgīta was replaced by the new music of the rāgas and rāginīs. He concludes by saying, “This was an important innovation in the history of Indian music and it appears from the statement made here that the people’s reaction was all in favour of the new musical modes in preference to the Nāradiya saṅgīta, which has been made here the object of ridicule”.7 In Canto 24, 239-50, where a viṇāguṣṭhī is described, Dr. Agrawala points out, is given “a graphic description of the entertainments at a musical club by playing on viṇā, which was considered to be the sign of Nāradiya music and consequently held in ridicule by those who loved the deśya saṅgīta.”8 This is not to say that the gāndharva system was out of vogue. It was still prevalent as the classical music of the day. On the other hand, the dhruvā system of music underwent elaboration, many new derivative forms of grāma rāgas arose, and it became popular as it was influenced by folk and regional factors. In fact, with the efflorescence of gāna, within gāna itself a difference came to be perceived between the classical and the regional dimensions of music. It was this that was labelled as mārga and deśī by Matanga in his Bṛhaddeśī. The dhruvā gāna consisted of grāma rāgas and its derivates bhāṣā, vibhāṣā and antarabhāṣā, and these names have folk and regional connotations. Grāma rāgas like Mālava-kaiśika, Gauḍa-kaiśika, Gāndhāra-pañcama, Sauvirāraka, Śaka, Revagupta, and Bhāṣā like Gurjarī, Saurāṣṭrī, Saindhavī, Āndhrī, Pulindī, Ābhīrī, Drāviḍī, Harsaputrī and Sālavāhanikā described for the first time in the Bṛhaddeśī definitely suggest regional influence.

The Harṣacarita mentions five types of dhruvā songs used in the theatre. The dhruvā songs were in Prākṛt which was the language of the common man. Mataṅga muni terms the grāma rāgas and bhāṣās as lokarañjikā (Bṛhaddeśī, p. 107). that is, that which delights the populace. At the beginning of the Nāgānando, the Sūtradhāra sings a song in praise of his wife Naṭī—grhaṇīmāhūya saṅgītakamanutisṭhāmi. The occasion of the play is the festival of Indradhvaja and the rasa is śānta. It is possible that the song was in the Botṭarāga. It was to be used for śānta rasa and on festive occasions. In the Priyadarśikā (3, 8-9) Arañyikā sings Prākṛt love songs.

The Development of the Deśi Element in the Theatric Arts 147

She is endowed with all the qualities of a good songstress. In the Daśa. (Pūrvapīṭhikā; 5th Ucchvāsa, p.52) a good songstress is described as gāyakiṣu madakalakokilamañjulodhvaniṣu, i.e. with a sweet and intoxicating voice like that of the cuckoo.

Apart from the popular theatre songs, there were the songs on recognised social occasions. Such were, for instance, songs which accompany the events of life-cycle—birth, initiation, marriage etc. These were sung by householders, domestic ladies and courtezans.

In the HC (4th Ucchvāsa) on the occasion of Rājyaśrī's wedding, the wives of the feudal lords (sāmantas), who are faithful and beautiful, sang auspicious wedding songs, taking the names of the bride and bridegroom—varagotragrahaṇagarbhāṇi śrutisubhagāni maṅgalāni gāyantibhiḥ These seems to be what we now term as the bannā-bannī gīta.

Besides household ladies, courtezans were also invited to sing songs on weddings. The Mālatīmādhava (Act VI) describes a marriage procession in which courtezans or vārasundarīs are singing aloud sweet, auspicious songs uttered indistinctly in consequence of their cheeks being filled by rolls of betel leaves—tāmbūlaviṭikāpūritakapolamaṇḍalā....skhalitamadhuramaṅgalodgīta....vārasundarī:

Similarly, during the birth of a son, a variety of songs sung by different types of people are described by Bāṇa. The sūtikāgṛhagīta or sohara are described in the Kādambarī (Kādambarī, Sūtikāgṛhavarṇanam). Many old ladies start singing sweet auspicious songs in the delivery room itself—anekavrddhāṅganānārabdhasūtikāmaṅgalagītikā manoharam.

In the HC (4th Ucchvāsa), on the birth of Harṣa, the courtezans render song and dance. Accompanied by a number of instruments they sang a variety of vulgar mimes—aślilarāsakapaḍānī. V. S. Agrawala says that “the word aślila prefixed to the name is proof of the existence of a particular class of rāsaka songs which were marked by obscence passages,” and are still sung at the time of marriages and other ceremonies under the name of Sithane.

He terms them as folk songs. Other interesting types of songs sung on the occasion are also described by Bāṇa. These were the songs sung in court by young lads disclosing the secret love affairs of courtiers.

Besides these were the songs and dances of the queens, wives of feudal lords and other ladies. Then there were songs sung by women during the bathing of the king. The Kādambarī (Kathāmukha, Śūdrakanityakṛtyavarnanam) describes the courtezans who sang songs with a number of instruments while bathing the king.

The Nāgānanda (2,13) too, describes beautiful women singing songs in a high pitched voice set in the gāndhāra grāma scale while bathing the king. Devotional songs sung by women have also been

described. In the Kādambarī (Śivasiddhāyatanam), Mahaśvetā sings the Śiva stuti gāna. In the Nāgānanda (1,14) the heroine, Malayavatī, sings a devotional song or bhajana before Goddess Bhagavatī. The use of the kākalī note (kākalīpradhānam) is predominant. This note was prohibited in the gāndharva music, but was prolifically used in the deśī saṅgīta.

There were also the songs rendered during different types of goṣṭhis or get-togethers of citizens, songs of the various seasons, songs of festivals and of yātrās or processions. In the 5th Ucchvāsa, the HC refers to the gītagosthī. The BKSS (24, 25 ff.) describes a viṇāgoṣṭhī in a Jaina temple. The citizens took part in singing and lute playing. The Daśa. (2nd Ucchvāsa, p.83) describes the musical concert by the courtesan Rāgamañjarī at the Public Hall of the Citizens—pañcaviragosthī saṅgītakamanushyāyatīti. The same text (8th Ucchvāsa, p. 193) refers to a gītasamgītapānagoṣṭhī, i.e. a drinking party with songs and music. The BKSS (18, 39) says that the songs in the drinking party were in rāga vasanta and were accompanied by the lute and flute. In the Nāgānanda (3.8), the hero sings song pertaining to the inebriated state. The content of the song has bees humming songs and drinking nectar from the flowers. In the same way, intoxicated lovers drink wine with their beloved and sing songs about drinking wine.

Then there were songs related to the cycle of various seasons. In the Kirāta. (13,18; 10,38) the Gandharvas play on the viṇā and mṛdan̄ga and sing songs of the six seasons and the Apasarās dance to these songs. In the Ratnāvalī (Act I) of Harṣa, the carcarī is performed in spring. The carcarī is both, a song and a dance. In the Kāpuramañjarī it is a song sung in an emotional state in a high pitched voice in either the fast or medium tempo or laya. The dvipadī, another song sung during the season, is a Prākṛt song with four quarters and 13 mātrās in each. It is possible that the vasanta rāga got its name as it may have been the particular rāga of the season. Similarly, the rāga sāraṅga may have been the melody for the summer season. In the Prastāvanā of the Abhijñānaśākuntalam, the Naṭī sings a Prākṛt song of the summer season. The song seems to be in rāga sāraṅga, as there seems to be a pun on the Sūtradhāra's gītarāgeṇa .. sāraṅgeṇa, where Sāraṅga denotes both a deer and the rāga.

In the Prastāvanā of the Veṇīsaṁhāra, the Sūtradhāra sings the song of the autuman season—saratsamayamaśritya ...saṅgītakam. The song praises the beauties of the autumn season which abounds

The Development of the Deśi Element in the Theatric Arts 149

in lakes beautified by kāśa flowers, lotuses, white lilies, swans, and the autumnal moonlight.

The turn of each season seemed to be the occasion for festivals and festive processions or yātrās. All the citizens and the courtezans participated in dances and songs. The Daśa. (2nd Ucchvāsa, p.66) says that the courtezans should appear decked in yātrās and utsavas or public festivals and their songs should be such as to suit the particular occasion—yātrotsavādiṣu…prasangavatyām saṅgītdikriyāyā. In the Ratnāvalī (1,25), the courtezans sing songs on the occasion of the Madanamahotsava—vāravanitāgītāni. In fact, the citizens and courtezans all celebrate the Vasantotsava and Madanamahotsava with song and dance. The Daśa. (7,57) describes a beautiful festive procession in the autumn season—śaratkāle yātrā. The city people, king, his harem, courtezans, all participate in it in the midst of the music of flutes, drums, tabors and lutes (ibid., 8, 1-7).

In the BKSS (20, 283) autumn festivities take place in the village. In the Priyadarśikā (Act III) the Kaumudīmahotsava is celebrated with the enacting of a play named Udayanacarita with prolific music and dance.

Furthermore, there were agricultural songs, mostly functional, which accompanied planting, transplanting, harvesting etc. The Kīrāta. (4,9) mentions the cowherdesses protecting the rice (kalamasya gopikā). They probably sang songs while on duty. The Raghu. (4,20) describes the cowherdesses who were protecting the corn singing songs of the glory of the king—śāligopyo jaguryasaḥ.

Again, the Kīrāta. (4, 33) says that the melodious singing of the cowherd maidens excelled the melodic air of the peacocks—jitabarhidhyanau suraktagopijanagītaniḥsvane. The melodic air of the peacocks has been termed as ṣadjasamvādini in the Raghu. (1, 39). The samvāda of sa is with ma and pa. It may be noted that folk music uses few notes and, in fact, generally stresses on the 3 notes sa ma pa sa. The song invariably begins on a high note (which generally happens to be the tāra sā) and runs through descending notes. So here, the comparison between the folk singing of the cowherdesses and the natural musical samvāda of the peacocks is very apt. In fact, in the BKSS (20,242) the cowherd maidens are said to be more skilled than actresses in the arts—gopyastu caturācārāḥ naṭirapyatiśerate. In Canto 16 of the same text, is described lute playing by ploughmen, cowherds, carpenters, potters and cane splitters. In the third Ucchvāsa of the HC (pp. 94-95), Bāṇa gives a vivid description of the ploughing of fields and sugarcane plantation in the countryside of the Śrīkaṇṭha janapada. It is here that he

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refers to herdsmen delighting themselves with singing folk tunes. He also refers to the musical instruments being played during the Vrṣotsarga ceremony (i e. sanctifying of a sire bull).

The HC abounds in references to social and folk type of dancing. In the 2nd Canto (p 38) a beautiful similie describing the dust storms in the summer says that the rising dust seemed as if dancers were performing the ārbhaṭī nṛtya. There are two other reference to the ārbhaṭī style of dancing and from the first we know that this style was used in the rāsa form of dance in which recakas were prominent. Moreover there are five characteristics of this dance (i) maṇḍal'i nṛtya, (ii) recaka, (iii) rāsarasa, (iv) rabhasārabha nartana, and (v) cattulaśikhā nartana.9 In the Nāṭyaśāstra (20, 14, Kavyamala ed.) the ārbhaṭī is a style (vṛtti) and not the name of a particular dance. Possibly in the Harṣacarita, too, the reference is to the nature of the dance, and the general impression of the dance. The maṇḍali nṛtya, which is mentioned, is interpreted by Śaṅkara, the commentator, as hallisaka, where a man stands surrounded by women in circle. The idea is that like Śrī Kṛṣṇa there is one nāyaka in the middle and a circle of cowherd maidens round him dancing.

The Harivaṃśa (86, 67-8) mentions festivals in which men and women assembled together for song-cum-dance—the hallisaka. There is a representation of the hallisaka in the Bagh Caves, where a man stands in the middle surrounded by women dancing with little wooden sticks. The maṇḍali nṛtya, hence, represents a social type of dancing and is obviously related to the hallisaka nṛtya. The reca-ka is of three types - kaṭi, hasta and gṛīvā recakas, i.e. rotatory movements of the waist, hands and neck. These circular movements in the ārbhaṭī style made it very effective and helped to create a powerful impression. Like the hallisaka, the rāsa is similarly related to Kṛṣṇa and the Gopīs. While in the hallisaka there is one nāyaka and several nāyikās, in rāsa there are as many men as women. Pairs take part in it, for Kṛṣṇa multiplied himself and kept company with each of the gopikās. In the rāsarasa we have, again, a reference to the patterns formed. According to Śaṅkara, the dance consists of the formation of eight, sixteen or thirty-two maṇdalas or circles. The circle is the chief characteristic of the dance, and to this day the rāsa in any part of India is fascinating for its circle formations of various kinds, e.g. the Gujarati rāsa and the different types of garbā, as well as the mahārāsa variety of the Manipur rāsa.

The maṇḍalas formed in these group dances are of all the four types of pindibandha. The pindibandha style of dance has a variety of group circle formations and has distinct folk elements. Firstly,

there are circle formations based on single chain or concentric circles; often they break up into the latābandha variety, where a number of radials revolve round a centre forming a star like pattern. Or again, a cyclic pattern might consist of several pairs grouped round a centre holding each others' arms or beating time with sticks thus evolving sub-cycles within cycle. A fine example of this type of piṇḍibandha may be seen in the dāṇḍiyā rāsa of Kathiawar even today. The rabhasarabha nartana generally refers to the frenzied emotion and tempo of the dance. Thus the ārbhaṭi dance, to which Bāna refers, is distinctly group and folk in character, and must have been characterised by quick springing tempo, fast movements and a choreography of circle and group formations.

The Jaina text NC of Jinandāsa Gaṇi, attributed to the last quarter of the 7th cent. A.D. mentions four types of nṛtta (natta). These are aṅcita, ribhiṭa, arbhaṭa and bhasola.11 Here arbhaṭa is same as the ārbhaṭi of the Harṣacarita. Bhasola is probably the same as the bhramara dance. In the Bhramara style, the pirouettes and rotations are predominant. Añcita is said to be a deśi or local, regional, variety of dance form in the Saṅgīta Ratnākara (4, 749-60). It is categorised under the utplutikaraṇas, i.e. the most characteristic features of this style were jumps and leaps. One may here draw attention to the similar uflis of the present-day Chau folk dances. In fact, in the purulia chau many pirouettes, rotations, are known, and high jumps and leaps are the most outstanding features of this style, all reminding one of the bhramara and añcita styles. In the Mayurbhanj chau, uflis incorporate agricultural functions, war-drill and animal gaits. There is a group suggesting the gait of animals. These uflis are reminiscent of the spiral category of the Nāṭyaśāstra karaṇas, termed the vṛścika karaṇas, in which there are leg extensions, raising of legs etc. In the Daśa. (8th Ucchvāsa, p. 205-06), there is an interesting reference to a dancer who performs various leaps and movements of animals performed in the vṛścika style of leg extensions, raising one leg up, pirouetting around with legs up and palms on the ground and leaping or darting like a fish. The latter may be like the chau gait termed saula dian (i.e. a fish jerking out of water). Then the same dancer performed a sort of martial dance with daggers (l.c.). In the Mayurbhani chau, too, there are dances, like the astra-daṇḍa, which depict only martial drill.

The first Act of Ratnāvalī mentions the carcari dance of the Vasantotsava. Bhoja describes the nāṭyarāsaka which is also called the carcari. It was performed by nartakīs in the spring time. One

pair first enters, strews flowers, dances and goes; then two others enter, and thus groups are formed which execute the pindibandha patterns of latā, gulma, śrn̥khalā etc. The drum instrumentation is accompanied by the striking of sticks too. Śārṅgadeva says that this carcari is composed in rāga hiṇḍola (associated with the swing) and tāla carcari.

In the HC (4th Ucchvāsa, p. 108), there is reference to another type of dance, performed only by ladies carrying pitchers on their heads : they carry pitchers round the village singing and dancing. The auspicious significance of pitchers is recognised from very early times and continues to be accepted to this day.

Yet another variety of the social type of dancing is referred to in the BKSS (5,79). It mentions the dancing together of the fathers-in-law surrounded by their daughters-in-law—vadhuvarṇda parivā-rah prn̥tah svasura api. The exact details are not given. In the same text (22, 150; 22, 162) when the bride is brought to the husband's house, she is greeted by the dancing of bards and the servants, drunk with wine, in the courtyard. The dance of servants during Harṣa's birth is also mentioned in the HC. The old maid-servants of the palace also danced. The Śūdrā maid-servants take hold of the favourites of the king and start dancing with them. The pratihāris of the queen's chamber join the maid-servants in a dance. In this couple dancing, they took each other by the arm and danced. Finally, there was the dance of courtezans on joyous occasions.

In the BKSS. (5, 78) on such a joyous occasion, a host of courtezans danced to the beating of time. The HC (pp. 64-65) has a vivid description of the graceful dancing of the courtezans. They execute rhythmical movements accentuating the torso, swaying (i.e. peṅkhita) movements of the middle portion and hips. There is described yet another dance form including movements of outstretched arms creating the effect of graceful embraces (bahu āliṅgana).

There are several references to the theatrical exhibitions and enacting of plays. The BKSS (2, 32) refers to a play enacted in a king's harem. The play is a musical one—śrutasaṅgīta—and is enacted only by women—strīpātranāṭakah'. In the Priyadarśikā of Harṣa (Act III) a play called the Udayanacaritāṭaka is enacted on the occasion of the Kaumudi festival. It is presented in the royal auditorium and enacted supposedly only by females. In fact, in the first quarter of the 8th cent., Dāmodaragupta in his KM refers to the enacting of Ratanāvalī in a temple at Kāśī. Again, the roles, both male and female, are enacted by females.

Musical instruments were divided into four categories—tantri-

The Development of the Deśi Element in the Theatric Arts 153

vādya or stringed instruments, suṣira or wind instruments, avanaddha or percussion instruments, membranophonic in character and ghana i.e. percussion instruments which were idiophonic in character. The citra viṇā of Bharata's gāndharva music is not referred to. The parivādini and viṇāṇci were the popular viṇās of the time. The former was played with a plectrum and the latter with fingers. Some others were the kacchapakāra viṇās shaped like a tortoise. Of the ghana instruments bell metal cymbals or kānsy-tāla were the most important. Folk music was, however, dominated by suṣira and avanaddha instruments. Among the suṣira instruments may be mentioned the śankha or conch shell, vamsa and veṇu or flute and kahala. The flute was the chief suṣira vādya. Abhinavagupta, in the 10th cent. A.D. refers to flutes made of silver, bronze and gold. This development must have taken place between 7th-10th cent. because right upto the 7th century vamsa or flutes were constructed of bamboo. Abhinavagupta says : "Matanga muni etc. used bamboo-constructed flutes to please Śiva in devotion. Hence, it is known as vamsa." The BKSS (3,33) refers to karkara veṇu. This seems to have been a kind of musical instrument formed of seven pieces of bamboo (veṇu) to produce different notes like that of the lute (kari) and was, therefore, called karkara veṇu more or less like a syrinx. The NC (4, p. 201) says that kahala was the same as the musical instrument kharamukhi. Its frontal protion was made of wood and was shaped like the mouth of an ass—kharamukhi kahala, tassa musatthane kharamukhākārarn katthamoyam muham kajjati. It mentions two other wind instruments viz. the pirpiṭi and nālikā. The pirpiṭi seems to be a typical folk suṣira vādya. It was an instrument made by joining together two pieces of hollow sticks and its mouth had only one opening. It was blown like a śankha and it produced three different sounds simultaneously. The nālikā was an instrument made from the jointless portion of the bamboo reed (apavva-vamsa). It was known as murali also.

Of the percussion instruments there are reference to mrdangas like ālingyaka, dardura, paṇava. muraja, jhallari, bheri, dundubhi and paṭaha. The mrdanga had three varieties—ālingyaka, ūrdhvaka and āṇḍika. The ālingyaka had the gopuccha shape, that is the shape of a cow's tail. It is clearly illustrated in the Bagh Caves of this period, e.g. in the hallisaka dance scene. It was hugged to the body by the right hand. It was probably hung from the shoulder by a strap so as to keep it in place. Dardura had the form of a huge ghaṭa or water pot. The paṇava was another membranophonic drum with a length of 16 fingers and face of the measure of 5 fingers. The girth

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of the middle part was not much, being somewhat angular which made its appearance rather thin and elongated (kṛṣākāra). The muraja was a drum kept upright and beaten perhaps with a stick. According to Śārṅgadeva, the jhallarī was an avanaddha vā̄dya hung round the neck. It was held in the left hand and played with the right hand. According to Abhinavagupta, however, jhallarī meant cymbals of bell metal, perhaps something like the modern jhāñja. The body of the bheri was of copper. The left face of the bheri was struck by the hand and the right with a koṇa or striker. The paṭaha, too, it seems, had two faces and was struck with hand or striker. The duṇdubhi had a large body, emitting a loud sound like the thundering of a cloud. Its belly was of kānsyam, and its face was covered with leather without the surrounding ring or valaya. It was struck with a koṇa or plectrum of hardened leather. It was bound by leather straps on all sides. It was used on auspicious occasions such as victory, during festivals and for sounding in temples.

The NC (4, p.201), mentions the guñja paṇava and bhambha. These were musical instruments used by the mahāuts (elephant drivers) and the mātaṅgas.

From the various sources of the age, it is clear that the development of the theatric arts took place along two interconnected dimensions. Theoretical systematisation and spontaneous creativity both interacted and led to the enrichment of classical and folk forms.

Footnotes

1 Bṛhaddeśī, 3, ed. K. Sambasiva Sastri, Trivandrum, 1928.

2 Ibid., 13.

3 Saṅgīta Ratnākara, 1.1, 22-24.

4 Kallinātha, Commentary on ibid., l.c.

5 Ibid., l.c.

6 Ibid., l.c.

7 Bhaktkathāslokasaṅgraha—A Study, p. 323, V. S. Agrawala, Sanskrit text, edited by P.K. Agrawala, Prithvi Prakashan, Varanasi, 1974.

8 Ibid., p. 351.

9 Vatsyayan, K., Classical Indian Dance in Literature and the Arts p. 226.

10 Ibid., pp. 226-27.

11 Paṭṭam cauvvihāni-amciyam ribhiyam arbhadam bhasolam ti-Niṣiṭhacūrṇi, 4, p. 2.

Chapter 15

Buddhism and the Performing Arts

The Buddhist contribution to the visual arts, viz. painting, sculpture and architecture is well-known. It contributed in no mean way to the performing arts also. Buddhist literature and sculpture abound in motifs and scenes of dance, music and drama.

Buddhist literature—the Jātakas and other religious texts, the plays of Aśvaghoṣa and Harṣa—frequently mention the theatric arts. The Jātaka legends abound with references to naṭas (actors) and nāṭakas (plays or dramatic performances). The Milindapañho, 331 refers to the nartaka, gāyaka, and bherivādaka. From various statements it seems that it was customary to hold dramatic performances after the coronation of a prince. In Book 20, No.531 (Kuśa Jātaka) occurs the statement : detu nāṭakāni …passama-bhadde puttasa te rajjā̀m, i.e. “Madam, while handing over the kingdom to your son, you should hold dramatic performances.” Part IV, 67 (Udaya Jātaka) Book 11, No. 458 says—Rājāputtam abhisiñcitvā nāṭa-kāni. The Jātakas also mention actors. Jātaka (Book 3,287) states that “of the four who thrive one is that who has the actors’ tricks.” Part IV, 102 (Book 22, No. 543) has the expression : “In a crowd, Nāgas look around to see whether any actor is nearby.” In the Kanavesa Jātaka (Book 4, Part III) we have references to naṭa, samāja-maṇḍalī etc. Actresses accomplished in music and dance are referred to in the Jātakas—naccagitavāditakuśalā.1 The Khantivādi Jātaka mentions the four constituent elements of the performing arts—viz. gīta, vā̄dya, nṛtta and nāṭya.2

The Mahāvastu refers to several musical instruments. Drum, tabor, lyre, flute and cymbals were heard in the palace of Śuddhodana.3 Several types of vīnās are mentioned viz. nakula, sughoṣā, tuṇḍaka, vallakī, etc.4 The Lalitavistara5 also mentions a number of musical instruments viz. veṇu, vīnā, nakula, sughoṣā, tuṇḍaka, caṇḍisaka, sañbhanikā, mahatī, vipañcikā, vallakī, ḍhakkā, paṇava, jharjharikā, āliṅgya, parivādini, etc. It also says that “In Rājagṛha, Maudgalyāyana and Upatisya showed their dramatic skill in spectacles and shows.” Further, it says that under the direction of Gautama a drama was staged at Rājagṛha. Kauvalyā, the most reputed actress of the time, is said to have been transformed

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into a hideous woman by the Buddha as she had seduced some monks. Courtezans like Ambapāli and Sālavatī, who were experts in singing, dancing and music, are well-known to Buddhist legends. The Buddhacarita of Aśvaghoṣa, too, has references to music. In Canto 4.37, a lady sings a sweet song (madhuram gītam) with gesticulations to bring out the sense (anvartham kācitābhinayom jagau) of reproving his (Buddha's) indifference. This might be the chalitaka. This was a song-dance piece in which while enacting the part of another, one succeeds in expressing one's own real feelings. This work also refers to various musical instruments viz. tūrya6 mrdaṅga,7 viṇā,8 mukunda,9 muraja,10 veṇu,11 vamśa, and dundubhi.12 The rukmapatra-citrām ...viṇām (ibid., 5,48) was a viṇā decorated with gold-leaf pattern. In Canto 2.30, the mrdaṅga is said to be ornamented with gold bands (cāmikarabaddhakakṣaih) and played by women with the foreparts of hands (nārikarāgrabhirahataih). About Harṣa, the Chinese traveller I-tsing informs us that he “versified the story of the Bodhisattva Jīmūtavāhana who surrendered himself in place of a Nāga.”13 Harṣa had this composition set to music and dance and had it performed by a company. The same source informs us that Harṣa also had Candradāsa Viśvāntara and Aśvaghoṣa's Buddhacarita versified and set to dance and music.14 Harṣa is also said to have taken part in dramatic performances. This is quite possible, as already in the 3rd cent. B.C. Aśoka seems to have utilized the religious spectacles or tableau to impress the Buddhist faith on the people. Rock Edict Four says—vimānadaṃsaṇā ca hastidaṃsaṇā ca aggikandhāni ca divyāni rūpāni dasayitvā, i.e. “Having shown the people representations or spectacles (rūpas) of cars and palaces ( vi-māna has both the senses), elephants, fireworks or illuminations and other celestial things.” The word rūpa here is possibly rūpaka, the Sanskrit term for drama, and is significant. Harṣa too, it seems, staged similar spectacles. Hiuen Tsang tells us that Harṣa took out a golden image of the Buddha in the procession with himself dressed as Indra and Kumārarāja (Bhāskaravarman ?) dressed as Brahmā.15 Buddhist art, too, depicts the fullest development of the performing arts. The Bharhut, Sāñcī and Amarāvatī stūpas have many dance-music scenes. The Bharhut pillar reliefs provide excellent examples of foot positions and body flexions. We come across the kuñcita foot and also, for the first time, the outward flexion of the knee, both of which were to become a characteristic feature of the dance poses later. Both the Culakokā devatā and the Sudarśanā Yakṣī show the kuñcita foot and kṣipta position of the knees. The Culakokā devatā holds the tree branch in her right muṣṭi or śikhara

hasta and her left arm clasps the trunk of the tree in a clearly defined patākā hasta. The right hand of the Sudarśanā Yakṣī is in sūcimukha hasta and the left hand is held near the hips in a sikhara hasta. The pose of the Yakṣī of the North Gate at Sāñcī is suggestive of the aśvakrāntā sthāna of the Nāṭyaśāstra, even though it is not a full depiction of the sthāna. At yet another place at the same site (Sāñcī, East Gate Yakṣī) there is an accurate representation of the baddhā cāri. The crossing of the thighs of the baddhā cāri is clearly seen. The figure holds the branches of the trees in two muṣṭi hasta in recita. There has been much discussion on the śālabhañjikā and yakṣī motifs and quite a few have said that they are not figures of dances. One must, however, point out that "while these figures may or may not depict dancers, they do depict a movement of the dance or an aspect of it and their movement can be often analysed in terms of the sthānas or cāris of the Nāṭyaśāstra."16

Some of the scenes are quite dramatic in character. An important one, in the Bharhut stūpa on the West Gate corner jamb of the Ajātaśatru Pillar (2nd-1st cent. B.C.), depicts an interesting scene. The upper bas-relief depicts the Vaijayanta Palace and Sudharmā hall of ths gods of the thirty-three, with the scene of the cūdāamaha. The lowest panel depicts four women dancing to an orchestra in which seven people take part. The arms of the three dancers are in stiff latā hasta and patākā hasta mudrās. The attitude of the fourth figure is significant for, apart from her two patākā hastas near the ears she bends her knees in an outward sideways position and here are the first beginnings of the kṣipta position of the knees which was to become a basic stance of classical dance styles of India in years to come. The Bharhut Panel, South Gate Prasenajit Pillar (2nd-1st cent. B C.), has a similar dance-music scene. Of the musical instruments in these scenes, one may note the harp-shaped (not lute-shaped) vīṇā played with the plectrum or koṇa. Of percussion instruments both the ghana i.e. cymbals and percussion i.e. mṛdaṅga may be seen. Of the mṛdaṅgas, one stands vertically—the ūrdhvaka mṛdaṅga—and the other, the āṅkika, lies horizontally on the lap. At Sāñcī, the West Pillar of the Northern Gateway is interesting from the point of view of musical instruments. There are two carved trumpets, a harp, little drums and tambourines. Particularly interesting is the double reed pipe of the type that is neither seen nor used in Indian music. Again, the drum beaten with sticks is an un-common feature of Indian drumming at the classical levels.

At Amarāvatī, we have a profusion of songs and dances, which play an important part in the scenes of the worship of the Buddha

as well as in the courts and palaces of Nāga kings. Both the harp-shaped and the lute-shaped viṇās are seen. The kṣipta knee is not seen, but the crossing of the leg and the kari hasta is popular. In a scene on a medallion, male and female dancers, as many as twenty-two each, take part. The dance, devotional in aim, is vigorous in character. They dance around a central figure, (who carries the begging bowl) of either the Bodhisattva or the Buddha. They are all obviously in a great frenzy and seem to have lost themselves in the dance. At the bottom, two figures on either side are in the vrśc-ika karaṇa, which Abhinavagupta prescribes for people who are overflowing with joy during the worship of their favourite deity. In another medallion (2nd cent. A.D ), there is a well-known nāṭya scene, which narrates the story of the Mugga Pakkha Jātaka.

Prince Siddhārtha and his father are witnessing a dance-music scene. There is an elaborate orchestra consisting of cymbals, conch-trumpets, a small drum, mrdaṅga, and harp-like viṇās played with plectrum. The prima donna stands in the centre with one foot placed on a stool in front and the other extended backwards. She is perhaps enacting an abhinaya sequence. Another court scene (Railing Pillar, Nāga Campaka Jātaka) has a main figure surrounded by an elaborate orchestra. One lady is playing the flute, another a drum and yet another a viṇā. The viṇā is more akin to the later lute-shaped viṇās rather than the harp-shaped ones. The chief figure in the middle is that of a dancer.

She wears a fine costume, which is cut and sewn, an uttarīya over her shoulders and an elaborate head-dress. Her right arm is in line with the shoulder and bent at the elbow. This hand is held in patākā or tripatākā at the shoulder. The left hand is held as latā hasta. The waist is twisted probably as chinna kaṭi. The legs cross at the hip level. In the panel depicting the Bodhisattva's Descent to Earth, Buddha symbolised by the white elephant descends from the Tuṣita Heaven borne by celestial dwarfs and surrounded by devas.

There is a flute, a lute-shaped viṇā and cymbals. There is a male dancer (second from right) whose right leg crosses the left at the thigh level. The arms are a fairly accurate representation of the kari hasta of the Nāṭyaśāstra. Yet another medallion scene shows a king, either Suddhodana or Siddhārtha, with two senior queens and ladies of the harem. A drummer is playing the tripuṣkara drums, another is playing a small āliṅgyaka drum, one lady is playing the lute-shaped viṇā. and another the harp-shaped viṇā with fingers.

The four dancing figures are interesting. The two upper symmetrical figures are an accurate representation of the Bhujangaṅcita karaṇa (karaṇa 40) of the Nāṭyaśāstra.

The leg position is the same. There is only a slight difference in the position of the arms. Even though one arm is accurately depicted as recita, the other is not a latā hasta as it should be. Instead it is flexed with the abhaya patākā hasta near the shoulder. The pose seems to anticipate the Natarāja pose even though it does not depict it fully as there are important differences. The two figures below depict the latā viścika karaṇa (Karaṇa 44) of the Nāṭyaśāstra.

Thus, despite the generally negative and other-worldly ethos of Buddhist monastic life, in course of time Buddhist monasteries exhibited the fullest development of not only the visual arts, but contributed in a prolific manner to the performing arts too.

Footnotes

1 Fausball; Jātaka, 2, p. 249.

2 Gitā-vādita nacchesu ceka nāṭakakitthiyo gitādini payojayinisu, Jataka, 3, 40.

3 Mahāvastu, Vol. II, tr. by J.J. Jones, pp. 139 and 148.

4 Ibid., Vol. II, p 155.

5 Lalitavistara, Arts Number, 36, 37, 41 and 42; also Lalitavistara, R.L. Mitra’s edn., p.252.

6 Buddhacarita, 1, 45: 2, 29. According to the Jātakas tūrya consists of a female vīṇā player, a cymbal player, a mṛdaṅga player, a flute player and a hand clapper (Nidāna-kathā Jātaka, 1, 32). This means that the tūrya was an orchestra of tāta (string), suśira (areophonic), ghana (idiophonic) and avanaddha (membrano-phonic) instruments.

7 Buddhacarita, 1, 45; 2, 30; 5, 50.

8 Ibid., 1, 45; 5, 48.

9 Ibid., 1, 45.

10 Ibid., 1, 45.

11 Ibid., 5, 49.

12 Ibid., 8. 53.

13 See Takakusu’s English tr. , p. 163.

14 Ibid., p.165.

15 One may point out to the Burmese Buddhist pageants termed the Nibhatkhin depicting scenes from Buddha’s life and the Jātaka birth stories. These pageants were shown on ordinary carts. Each cart carried a group of (amateur) actors standing still and representing a set scene. Maung Htin Aung, Burmese Drama. Perhaps the ‘set scenes’ of Harṣa were similar.

16 Vatsyayana K., Classical Indian Dance in Literature and the Arts, p. 34.

Chapter 16

The Concept of ‘Rupa’ and Buddhist Art

The present chapter essays a brief historical and hermeneutic enquiry in the context of Buddhist metaphysical usage and its relevance to Buddhist art and aesthetic.1 In pre-Buddhistic usage rūpa generally had the sense of a perceptible form signifying something beyond it, that is, it had the sense of an expressivc sign or symbol rather than of a self-contained or self-sufficient sensuous form. Buddhist metaphysical usage, on the other hand, appears to eliminate the sense of any invisible significance from rūpa and thus to downgrade it from the status of ‘symbol’ to that of plain sensuous content or matter. ‘Form’, thus, ceased to be the revelation of a hidden divinity; it turned into corruptible matter. This change of meaning from Vedic to early Buddhist usage is apparently consistent with the so-called anti-metaphysical tendency of early scholastic Buddhism. Nevertheless, it must be emphasized that the vast development of art, poetry, meditation and esoterism in the Buddhist tradition suggests that despite Abhidharmic metaphysics the Buddhists never ceased to be sensitive to the transcendental and imponderable significance of what is given in experience. Perhaps it may remind one of the current dissociation of sensibility between scientific empiricism and positivism, on the one hand, and existentialism and surrealism in literature and art, on the other. While Buddhist metaphysics deprecates rūpa as corruptible, Buddhist religious and aesthetic notions appreciate rūpa as a symbol or manifestation.

Turning to the earliest usage in the Ṛk-saṃhitā2 we see that rūpa is a visible form through which an essentially invisible deity expresses itself creatively. This mysterious creative power behind rūpa is called māyā. The higher correlate of rūpa is Vāk or Dhī, ‘seeing speech’ or ‘luminous sidea’. Vāk alternating with dhī, is the power of making by wisdom and truth, creating, fashioning of forms. This creative power is superior to particular created forms, which not only reveal but also conceal.”3 In the Brāhmaṇas all rūpas are said to belong to the Divine Artificer who gained them from Fire. “In other words, all forms are originally contained in divine wisdom. The forms which man perceives, thus, are not phantasms

produced by the senses or the mind but created things rooted in reality."4

In the Upaniṣads rūpa is clearly a limited mode of manifestation. Thus Kaṭha elaborates the ‘rūpaṁ rūpaṁ pratirūpaḥ’,5 the Chāndogya mentions the three basic forms in which Being is manifested,6 and the Bṛhadāraṇyaka speaks of the two rūpas of Brahman.7

As a manifestor rūpa can be the meditational door to the unmanifest essence of Brahman, though as a limited mode it can be, along with nāma, a delusive principle.

In the age of the Vedāṅgas, rūpa not only has the popular sense of visible form and colour but also the abstract, scientific sense of form as may be evidenced from Pāṇini's Aṣṭādhyāyī.8 Its use for ‘representation’ was popular enough for it to form the common word for coins then beginning to be used.

Thus when Buddhism first arose in India, ‘rūpa’ was used not only in common discourse but also in specialized discourses acquiring scientific and metaphysical senses. It signified visible form, colour and shape, symbolic representation or image as in meditation or coinage, abstract paradigm or form as in grammatical theory, expressive or quasi-expressive mode as in Upaniṣadic metaphysics, creative form or analogy as in poetry. Of these, two meanings appear to have influenced Buddhist usage most viz., the popular and the Upaniṣadic. Popularly rūpa was colour and shape, in Vedic-Upaniṣadic metaphysics the sensible stuff of the phenomenal world just as its correlate nāman signified the nameable or intelligible stuff of the world. Together Name and Form, nāma-rūpa, signified the modal aspect of reality.9

Buddha is believed to have addressed his audience in Māgadhi allowing them to remember his teachings in their own dialect.10 As a genuine Māgadhi canon no longer exists and as the existing versions of the canon are later than the Buddha representing a considerable period of development,11 there is no hope of discovering Buddha's own linguistic usage. Nevertheless, the standardized usage in canonical writings may be expected to have been fashioned out of an original usage not too far from the Buddha through a process of philosophical definition.

It has been argued that originally the Buddhist usage of rūpa rested on its contrast with dhamma.12 Dhamma was the principle of supersensuous and eternal reality while rūpa was that of impermanent, empirical reality. This use of dhamma has been compared to the Upaniṣadic Brahman,13 which naturally suggests that rūpa should correspond to Upaniṣadic nāma-rūpa. In fact, in the ancient formula

162 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

of Paṭiccasamuppāda ‘nāma-rūpa’ occurs as the ‘support’ of Viññ-

āna.14 However, in the prevailing context of Pāli Theravāda Viññ-

āna was subsumed in nāma-rūpa which was equated to the five

khandhas. At the same time Dhamma in the singular tended to be

used mainly for ‘doctrine’ while dhammā in the plural came to

signify all impermanent elements or phenomena.15 The contrast

between dhamma-dhātu and rūpa-dhātu, however, remained. But

the Upaniṣadic Brahman-nāma-rūpa contrast as one between eternal

being and transient appearance ceased to be paralleled by the dham-

ma-rūpa-nāma-rūpa contrast. Early Buddhist thought concentrates

on the transience of all empirical elements sought to be understood

in terms of an immanent causal law rather than of any transcen-

dent and eternal ground. Thus rūpa came to be understood princi-

pally in terms of dhātu*, āyatana and khandha. As dhātu*, loka or

avacara it stood between kāma and arūpa and signified the medita-

tional worlds of the first three dhyānas.16 As āyatana or sphere it

signified the visible form of objects, i. e., colour and shape.17 As

khandha it signified forms of matter and material products.18

Despite this diversity of usage the sense of ‘form’ is ubiquitous

as proved by the Chinese translation of rūpa by ‘se’ (see ‘Clarifiction’

on page 165).19 It is contrasted not with body but with formlessness

which is available in the meditational realms of empty space, noth-

ingness, pure consciousness or borderline consciousness. Thus rūpa

appears to signify the determinate forms of matter and material

bodies. As matter rūpa is principally thought not wholly equated to

the five senses and the corresponding sensibilia.20 Its defining cha-

racteristics are determinateness in space and time, (‘It is here now’)

and resistance, i e., it is sanidarśana and sapratīgha.21 Contrasted

with this sensuous realm is the non-sensuous realm of manas,

dharma-dhātu and manovijñāna-dhātu as well as the eternal realm of

the asaṃskṛta.

Rūpa, thus, is conceived as an instantaneous phenomenon

dependent on sensory activity. The conception of such instantane-

ousness, however, showed some metaphysical instability. Since the

phenomena are classifiable and recurrent, one was led to postulate

corresponding elements and characters (dharma-svabhāva, dharma-

lakṣaṇa) but what then was the status of past and future elements ?

Should not one distinguish the nature of an element from its actual

occurence ?22 If the Sarvāstivādins tended to readmit substance

through the backdoor, Sautrāntika iconoclasm prepared the way

for the Vijñānavada demolition of matter.23 Some kind of a pheno-

menalistic idealistic reduction of ‘matter’ appeared unavoidable.

The Concept of 'Rūpa' and Buddhist Art 163

For the Upaniṣads nāma-rūpa signified the fleeting appearance of what is eternally real. For the early Buddhists fleeting nāma-rūpa constituted the sole reality since they denied what is not given in experience.24 'Nopalabhyate' constituted for them a sufficient disproof of any transcendent substance.25 This was doubtless an effective move against the vogue of Upaniṣadic eternalism but could not afford a popularly satisfying basis for Buddhist religion and ethics. Morality demands a continuing identity between work and deserts.26 Religious salvation conceived as the simple annihilation of experience could hardly attract many. It was natural, then, for Buddhist religion to centre round the adoration of the Founder himself. Faith in the Buddha was one of the Three Jewels as attested by Aśoka himself.27 Even though the physical body of the Buddha was sometimes declared as merely corruptible (pūtikāya) and emphasis laid on his Doctrinal Body (dharmakāya),28 this did not commend itself to all. Several sects reintroduced the transcendent in some form or the other. Among these may be mentioned the Mahāsāṅghikas, the Lokottaravādins, the Caityakas etc.29 Among other things the Buddha was conceived as supramundane, constituted by pure elements.30 His physical body too is pure and unlimited.31 It is in fact only apparitional, the projection of human form. The dividing line between mind and matter, citta and rūpa, seems to disappear. Rūpakāya becomes Nirmāṇakāya.32 In other words, the material body of the Buddha is not a corruptible substance but a mere form or appearance through which a supermundane Being manifests himself. The Dārṣṭāntikas explicity visualized the possibility of rūpa being undefiled or anāsrava.33 Even the Sautrāntikas held that rūpa and citta are mutually bijas.34

Rūpa thus tended to be assimilated to citta and was recognized as a possible vehicle for the manifestation of what essentially transcended it. With the recognition that the material body of the Buddha is only an image projected by him, the way is theoretically opened for the creation of the Buddha image in art.35 Thus although the metaphysics of several early Buddhist schools tended to degrade rūpa to merely corruptible matter, the development of a devotional Buddhology in the transitional schools to Mahāyāna discovered the symbolic or significant aspect of rūpa as manifestation, apparition or image and thus contributed to the development of Buddhist plastic art.

Footnotes

1 The idea of Buddhist aesthetics is relatively new. Vide G.C.

Pande, ‘Reflections on Aesthetics from a Buddhist Point of View’, Buddhist Studies, Delhi University, May, 1977; Anupa Pande, ‘Buddhism, Theatre Architecture’, paper presented in Internatio-nal Seminar (March. 1989) at the Research Institute of Buddhist Studies, Sarnath.

“ Nabho na rūpaṁ jarimā mināti” (1.71.10). “Tveṣaṁ rūpaṁ kṛṇ-ute” (1.95.8). “Atra te rūpaṁ uttamam apaśyam” (1.163.7). “Viśvaṁ eko abhicaṣṭe śacībhir dhrājir ekasya dadrśe na rūpam” (1.164.44). “Ni māyino mamire rūpam asmin” (3.38.7)). “Rūpaṁ rūpaṁ pratirūpo babhūva tadasya rūpaṁ pratīcakṣaṇāya/Indra mā-yābhiḥ puru-rūpa īyate” (6.47.18). “Sa Kavīḥ Kāvyā Purū rūpa-dyaur iva puśyati” (8.41.5). “Kavīḥ Kavitvā divi rūpam āśayat” (10.124.7). “Ghoṣā idasya śṛṇvire na rūpam” (1.168.4).

3 G.C.Pande, Foundations of Indian Culture, 1984, Vol. I, p. 324.

4 Ibid., p.325.

5 Kaṭha Upa., 2.69–10.

6 Chāndogya Upa., 6.4.

7 Brhadāranyaka Upa., 2.3.1.

8 Pāṇini, Aṣṭādhyāyī, 3.1.25, 6.3.85; 1.1.68.

9 Cf. Br., 1.4.7

10 Vinaya, Cullavagga (Nālandā), 1956, p. 229—Anujānāmi, bhikkhave, sakāya niruttiyā Buddhavacanam pariyāpuṇitami ti.

11 Cf. G.C. Pande, Studies in the Origins of Buddhism, pp. 12–16.

12 On Schayer’s view cf. IHQ, Vol. VII, 1936.

13 Geiger, Dhamma und Brahman

14 E.g., Dīgha, sutta 15, Saṁyutta, nidāna, suttas 38–40.

15 Cf. Rosenberg, Die Probleme der buddhistischen philosophie, German trans., Hiedelberg, p.83.

16 Abhidharmakośavyākhyā, Patna, 1975, pp. 20–21.

17 Ibid., pp. 5–6.

18 Abhidharmakośam, Varanasi, 1970. Vol. I, p.30.

19 E.g., Mahāvyutpatti, Tokyo, 1959; Soothill, Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, London, 1957, esp. p. 220a.

20 Abhidharma, 1.9. Here reference is by Chap. and verse.

21 Abhidharmakośabhāṣya, pp. 9, 16.

22 Cf. Stcherbatsky, Central Conception of Buddhism, Delhi, 1983.

23 Cf. Vasubandhu, Vijñapatimātratā—Viṁśikā, Vv. 11–15.

24 Cf. Bareau, Les sectes bouddhiques du petit vehicule, Saigon, 1955, p. 137.

25 This is strikingly illustrated in the Kathāvatthu in its debate against the Puggalavāda. P.T.S. edn., Vol. I, pp. 1–69

26 The classical argument for continued identity is that it is necess-

ary to avoid the faults of kṛta-praṇāśa and akṛtābhyāgamah. Cf.

Milinda-pañho, Bombay, 1940, pp. 42-51.

27 Cf. Aśoka’s Bhabru Edict.

28 Cf. N. Dutt, Aspects of Mahāyāna Buddhism, pp. 99–100; La

Vallee Poussin, Le Museon, 1913, pp. 259–90.

29 Vide A. Bareau, Les sectes bouddhiques du petit vehicule; N. Dutt

Early Monastic Buddhism, Vol. I, Calcutta, 1941; Vol. II, Calcu-

tta, 1945; G.C. Pande, Bauddha Dharma ke Vikās kā Itihās, 1990.

30 Bareau, op. cit., pp. 57 ff.

31 Ibid., l.c.

32 Cf. M.M. Gopinath Kaviraj on the idea of Nirmāṇakāya, Saras-

wati Bhawan Studies, Vol. I, pp. 47–57, ed. Dr. G. N. Jha, Vol. I,

33 Bareau, op. cit., p. 160.

34 Ibid., p. 158.

35 Coomaraswamy has discussed the subject. Vide, e.g., his Figure

of Speech or Figure of Thought, London, 1946.

A Clarification

P. 3 色 is said to have been derived from a man and a seal. The

colour of the face arises from feelings as the stamp repro-

duces the seal. Hence ‘se’ was used for the flushing of the

face, then for colour—L. Wieger, Chinese Characters,

New York, 1965, p.83. So the Buddhists used it for rūpa,

varṇa—P.C. Bagchi, Deux Lexiques Sanskrit-Chinois, tome

II, p. 520. Thus

was used for material body or rūpa kāya, and

for ‘would of vision’ i. e., rūpa-dhātu—Cf. Mathew’s

Chinese-English Dictionary, Harvard University Press,

1947, p. 751. Thus

evolved from its original sense of the colour of the face

showing emotion to colour, form, and body. Its original

sense made it an expression of the heart but it tended

towards reification as the body which appears visibly. It is

thus an apt rendering of rūpa with its duality.

Chapter 17

The Influence of the Jatakas on the Origin and

Development of Burmese Drama

The roots of Burmese drama may be traced to Buddhism and

Buddhist literature. Buddhism had been introduced into the coun-

try by the Tailang kingdom of Thaton through commercial rela-

tions with India. By the 3rd-4th cent., Thaton had become an

important trading centre and by the 5th cent. A.D. the Tailangs

began to receive religious writings in Pāli. Yet at that time Buddh-

ism did not take firm roots. This was possible only with the rise

of the Pagan kingdom, and the accession to the throne of Anawra-

hta in 1044 A.D. Due to the influence of the learned monk Shin

Arhan, Buddhism, in one of its purest forms was introduced into

the kingdom by Anawrahta. With it, writing was also introduced.

The alphabet was the ‘Square Pāli’ and the literature introduced

included the three Piṭakas embodying all the religious teachings in

Pāli. The religion of the Burmese before this reintroduction of

Buddhism in 1056 A.D. was mostly animistic and they worshipped,

various spirits known as Nats. There were mediums, mostly women,

who danced to please the spirits.

Ridgeway has traced the origin and development of Burmese

drama in three main stages.1 Firstly, the impersonation of the Nats

by mediums.2 Secondly, the true dramatic elements borrowed from

the Indian historical plays of Rāma. Thirdly, the drama based on

the Indian models with Buddhist themes. The roots of Burmese

drama cannot, however, be traced to the first two stages. The Nats

danced to please the spirits, and, with the advance of clvilization,

the spirit dances became elaborate. Now, the medium or each par-

ticular Nat dressed herself in appropriate clothes. The spirit dances

did have a dramatic element, but such an element also existed in

various Burmese folk feasts, such as the Buddhist feast of the

month of Tazaungmon.3 Ridgeway had no information regarding

them. Though the spirit dances made some contribution to the rise

of drama, it cannot be said that drama developed out of those

dances. True drama resulted only from the presentation of religi-

ous stories, i.e. Buddhist Jātaka stories known as Nibhatkhin, enac-

ted by amateurs.4 The Rāmāyaṇa came to Burma quite late and by

that time Burmese drama, by way of the Buddhist Jātaka stories,

had already taken roots. The ‘Rāma Play’ was introduced in

Burma through Siam in the 18th century. The play was to both

nations a Jātaka story. The Burmese equivalent of the English

word ‘play’ was still uncoined.5 They called ‘the Rāma Play’ a Zat,

a derivative from Jātaka. Zat had, by then, come to mean a story,

it could mean any story, though to distinguish it from a Birth

Story, Hto-Zat (made up Zat) was used to denote a non-Jātaka

story. However, Zat did not include fables, moral tales, legends or

fairy tales. The fact that they termed the ‘Rāma Story’ a Zat itself

suggests that it was believed to be a Jātaka story. Indeed, when

the ‘Rāma Play’ reached the people, they thought it to be a speci-

men of the Nibhatkhin or Jātaka-shown-as-pageant, and called it

Rāmakhin or Rāma-shown-as pageant.

With regard to the Burmese drama, although the elements of

the dramatic art existed in the worship of the spirits and in various

folk customs and folk feasts, the origin of the true drama was in

the Buddhist religious pageants and the Nibhatkhin, based on Bud-

dha’s life and the Jātakas. The Jātaka was an artistic and finished

short story. It was religious and concerned itself with a moral, but

the moral suggested itself and was not pointed out. The artistic

qualities of the Jātaka did not suffer because it was never pointedly

didactic. Moreover, a Jātaka always contained some interpretation

of life, a view of life from a different standpoint. The Jātaka stories

were numerous and they were concerned with all classes of society

and all classes of events and as such provided excellent dramatic

material.

After the fall of the kingdom of Pagan in 1257 A.D., Burma

was involved in fierce civil wars, but the trouble was mainly in the

capitals; in the villages and small towns life went on in its joyous

way. Religion continued to spread in spite of adverse circumstan-

ces. Learning began to reach the remotest part of the country,

carried far and near by monks. This religious learning made even

stronger the already strong religious fervour. As a result, at village

feasts and on days of public rejoicing, the people turned towards

religion for entertainment. So pageants depicting scenes from the

life of Buddha and from the Jātakas came into being.

Pageants were shown on ordinary carts. Each cart carried a

group of (amateur) actors standing still and representing a set

scene.6 Originally, it seems, that there were only a few carts repre-

senting scenes from different stories. Later, a pageant came to con-

sist of many carts and many scenes. Still later, the scenes came to

168 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

be taken from one story only, so that a whole story was given by the pageant. Dresses became gorgeous and the scheme elaborate. The pageant now needed organization. Therefore, the village came to be divided into two parts, eastern and western quarters or northern and southern quarters (the village was usually greater in length than breadth, being, built along a main road). In large villages and towns, the division was into four quarters. Each quarter was responsible for the production of a pageant. There was intense rivalry between the quarters to produce the finest pageant. This rivalry further developed the pageant, for new ideas would be introduced by one quarter to outrival the others. Soon the pageant became a play, its scenes coming to life.

The Nibhatkhin was the pageant come to life. With the pageant the religious processions went along the main streets without stopping, each cart representing a set scene. But with the Nibhatkhin, each cart stopped at certain places. The most common of such places were the market place, the house of the chief administrative officer, and the pagoda where the procession ended. At each of these places, each cart stopped and the scene came to life. Dialogue and action were used. Therefore, people at the stopping places saw, what in effect was a play.

The Nibhatkhin was extremely popular and continued for long, dying out only in the present century. As regards the characters of the Nibhatkhin, the villain in the Birth Stories was a previous incarnation of Devadatta (who repeatedly tried to harm the Buddha but who came to be a humorous and popular character). At first, none of the characters was made humorous, for they all came out of religious stories. The Lu-byet ('the non-serious man') was put into the Nibhatkhin as an extra character, an attendant on the prince-hero. He was extremely popular and soon another such attendant on the princess-heroine was introduced. The Lu-byet made up his own part, he invented his own dialogue, and made up his jokes as the play moved along. However, even with the Nibhatkhin, he was not allowed to interfere with the movement of the play and its story. He played and joked at the beginning of the first scene when the actual story had not begun and sometimes gave an outline of the story and its sources and information regarding the production of the procession and the play. He was the most privileged person among the actors, for he alone could, without offence, laugh at, and satirize all things and all persons.

However, the Nibhatkhin was far from being a comic play. There was a convention with regard to the presentation of religious

characters. The Buddha was never to be represented on stage. Stories about him upto the time he actually attained Buddhahood could be presented, but no one should impersonate him when he had become the Buddha. It was soon followed by another convention that the character of an arhat (saint) should not be presented unless it was absolutely necessary, and then only when the part was to be played by an able and serious actor who must be actually keeping a fast on the day and night the Nibhatkhin was being presented. As a person keeping a fast has to behave in a dignified manner, it prevented the part from being turned into a humorous one.

To the conservative Burmese Buddhist, professional acting was a sin, and to get over the difficulty, the idea came into being that the play was only a species of preaching the religion.

The Nibhatkhin was essentially a religious show presented in connection with religious festivals; the conservatism of the village, the dislike of the amateur actors to be in any way profane or thought to be so and the limited scope of the stories and characters restricted further development of the religious drama.

Because of its limited development, in the course of time, another form of entertainment became rapidly popular. This was the Hawsa or the dramatic reading and recital of a Birth Story in verse.7

The Hawsa was in dialogue form and the reciter changed his voice and used dramatic gestures. The reciter was an accomplished verse writer if not a poet, and when reciting pieces he himself had not written, he invariably put in additions and modifications. He knew Pāli and, therefore, could read the Jātakas in the original. While the actor was looked down upon, the reciter was greatly respected.

With all the differences, however, the reciter and the actor were akin to each; other and both contributed much to the rise of the developed play.

Along with the Hawsa, there was yet another dramatic form, ‘the Interlude’,8 which drew inspiration from the Jātakas. The ‘Interlude’ came into being by borrowing freely from the Nibhatkhin based on a Buddhist Birth Story, but it was also influenced by the Rāma Play and Burmese court plays. Unlike the Hawsa (which was a literary work) the actors were unlettered, unpractised in verse composition, and only knew the Jātaka Birth Stories from translations.

Although the stories were Jātaka stories and there was an undercurrent of religious teaching, the ‘Interlude’ was not fully religious, nor was it fully secular. As far as the inspiration of the Rāma Play is concerned it should be remembered that it was taken to be founded entirely on a Jātaka, but the court plays gave it a

170 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

secular touch. However, it continued to draw inspiration from the

Birth Stories.

Just as the Epics, the Rāmāyaṇa and Mahābhārata, inspired

many Sanskrit dramatists in India, so also the Jātakas in Burma.9

The reasons were many. The prejudice against secular dancing

and acting as being sinful was strong and the only way to overcome

it was to retain the idea that the drama preached religion in some

ways. The most common occasions for the presentation of such

drama were religious feast days. Out of respect for those occasions

the story had to be religious. Last, but not the least, was the

immense popularity of the Jātaka stories. Thus, not only the origin

but also the development of the drama proper in Burma may be

traced to the Jātakas.

Footnotes

1 Sir William Ridgeway’s chapter on Burmese drama in Drama

and Dramatic Dances of Non-European Races.

2 Harvey, G.E., History of Burma; Temple, R.C., The Thirty-seven

Nats; Grant, Browns, ‘The Pre-Buddhist Religion of the Burmese’,

in Folk Lore, 1921.

3 The Feast on the Full Moon of the month of Tazaungmon

(which occurs in November) is an important Buddhist festival,

special celebrations connected with its date have the distinct ele-

ment of mimicry. Village men dress themselves as animals wear-

ing appropriate masks and dance through the village.

4 Maung Htin Aung, Burmese Drama, pp. 6 ff. (Pub. Oxford Univ.

Press).

5 The term Pya-zat or ‘shown story’ later on came to denote a play.

It is impossible to ascertain when and by whom the word was

first coined but it is certain that the term came into use only

about the time of U Kyin U (19th cent.) to denote developed

plays.

6 I venture to suggest that this tradition may have been an ancient

one and, in fact, may have been imported from India. One may

recall the religious processions taken out on carts by Harṣavar-

dhana in the 7th cent. A.D. It seems that in them religious scen-

es were depicted. Hiuen Tsang says that there were costumes and

make-up and Harṣa himself participated in it along with his

protégés.

7 Some specimens of the Hawsa are given in the Anthology of

Burmese Literature.

8 Maung Htin Aung, Burmese Drama, p. 11f.

9 There are hundreds of birth stories, but the most important are the Ten Big Jātakas, which are much longer than the rest. Dramatists, whether of medieval or modern period, drew inspiration from them. The great dramatist Shin U Awbatha (18th cent.) wrote Burmese prose versions of the eight longest of these and closely followed the Pāli originals.

Index

Abhidharmakośa, 164

Abhinava/Abhinavabhārati, 6, 10, 13, 18, 22, 26, 33, 34, 47, 53, 54, 55, 108, 121, 124, 125-36, 137, 140, 153, 154

abhidhā, 9

Abhijñānaśakuntalam, 24,57-59, 62-65, 106, 148

Abhiṣekanātaka, 44, 45, 50

adrṣṭa, 8, 35, 131

Agrawala, P.K., 146

Agrawala, V.S., 91, 92, 95, 147

āhārya, 14, 16, 22

Ajantā, 48, 57, 59, 68, 69, 70, 76, 81, 83-86, 88-96

al-Beruni, 106, 109, 118

Amarakośa, 6, 26, 48, 58, 59, 66, 74, 81-84, 93, 120, 136

aṃśuka, 36, 57, 58, 59, 68-72, 90, 100, 106

aṅgarāga, 43, 52, 60

aṅka, 14, 24

anklets, 49, 55, 62, 89, 90

antahpuranepathya, 59, 60

anulepa (paste), 42, 52, 60, 81, 99, 100, 105, 106

anumaraṇa dress, 70, 71

anumiti, 9

anusandhāna, 9

ardhoruka, 73, 91, 92

Arhan, Shin, 162

Aristophanes, 18

Aristotle, 8, 11-16, 18, 19

arm ornaments, 45, 49, 54, 62, 89, 100

Arthaśāstra, 28, 32, 36, 40, 58, 94, 109, 111, 112, 117

Aṭṭhakathā, 38

Attic Comedy, 17

Aung, Maung Htin, 159, 170

avadhāna, 8, 129

Awbatna, Shin U., 170

Bagchi, P.C., 165

Bālacarita, 41, 45, 46, 50, 51

Bareau, A., 164

Bhatta, G.K., 3

Bhaṭṭalollaṭa, 9, 107

bhāva, 2, 9, 13, 102, 107, 132, 134, 136

Bhāvaprakāśana, 103, 108

Br̥hadāranyaka Upa., 161

Br̥haddeśī, 107, 134, 136, 144-59

Br̥hatkalpabhāṣya, 58, 73, 76

Br̥hatkathāślokasaṃgraha, 45, 69, 70, 73, 81, 83, 85, 91, 93, 96, 110, 148, 152, 153

Br̥hatsaṃhitā, 106

Buddhacarita, 42, 43, 50, 156

Cāṇdālas, 106, 109-18

Caṇḍātaka, 92

Carcari, 64, 103, 108

Cārudatta, 41, 42, 46, 50, 51

Catharsis, 13, 14

Chāndogya Upa., 164

China silk, 79

Coins (Gupta), 92, 96

Collingwood, 2

Confucius, 8

Coomaraswamy, 165

Cosmetics and coiffures, 79

Courtezans, 41, 43, 49, 91, 97, 99, 100, 102, 103, 105

Dāmodaragupta, 152

dantapatra, 48, 62, 66, 87, 106

Daśakumāracarita, 48, 70, 72, 78, 85, 86, 88, 90, 91, 93-96, 149

Daśarūpaka (as a text), 19, 26 (as ten dramatic forms), 16, 17, 19, 24, 27, 30, 31

Deśī, 142-59

De, S.K., 3

Devadatta, 168

Dhruva, 15, 16, 35, 103, 105,

107, 130-34

dhvani, 2

dukūla, 36, 39, 57, 58, 65, 71, 72, 91

Dūtavākya, 39

Dutta, N., 165

Ear ornaments (types of), 45, 46, 48, 50, 53, 54, 55, 62, 85-88, 94-96, 100

Fa-hsien, 106, 109, 118

Fick, 111, 117

Folk-music, 138-43

Food and drinks, 63, 66, 67, 101

fumigation (with incense), 41, 42, 61, 100

gāndharva, 35, 119, 128-31, 133-36

gandhika, 41

garlands (types of), 44, 45, 53, 84

Ghosh, M.M., 3, 121, 125

girdles, 47, 49, 62, 63, 89, 96, 100, 106

Gnoli, R., 107

grāma-rāga, 35

Grant, Browns, 170

hair-styles (types of), 43, 44, 61, 62, 83, 84

Hallisaka, 123

Harivamśa, 141, 153

Harṣacarita, 57, 70-72, 77, 85-88, 106, 150, 152

Harvey, G.E., 170

Hawsa, 169, 170

head-ornaments, 47, 51, 52-54, 85, 89-92, 95

Hto-zat, 165

Huiien Tsang (Yuan Chwang), 62, 116, 118, 170

indrāyudhāmbara, 68, 69

I-tsing, 51, 156

Jātakas, 168-70

Jha, G.N., 165

Jīmūtavāhana, 156

Jinadāsa, 151

Kādambarī, 69, 72, 75, 80, 84-86, 89, 91-96, 105-07, 116, 118, 147

Kālidāsa, 75, 141, 142

Kallinātha, 145

Kāmasūtra, 29, 45, 52, 53, 61, 66, 105, 106, 142

Kane, P.V., 3, 117

Karpūramañjari, 70, 71, 83, 86, 94, 96, 103, 123, 148

Katha Upa., 164

Kauśeya, 36, 57, 58

Kavirāj, M.M. Gopinath, 165

Kāvvālamkāra, 45

Keith, A.B., 3, 18, 23, 24, 27, 105

Keśavadās, 7

Kīratarjunīyam, 70, 74, 89, 90, 148, 149

Kṣauma, 36, 57, 58

Kuhara, 33, 34

Kumārasambhava, 57, 60-62, 64-66, 71, 93, 106

Kundalas, 46, 48, 53-55, 62, 85, 86, 94, 95, 100

Kūrpāsaka, 59, 78

Kutapa, 15, 32, 34, 105

Kuṭṭinī-matam, 73, 87, 88, 91, 96, 97-107, 136, 154

lāsya, 102-04, 119, 120, 124

Lath, M., 3, 22, 134, 137

Levi, S, 3

lodhra, 61

lokadharmi, 20, 21, 25-27

Lu-byet, the non-serious man, 168

Madhyamayoga, 45, 50

madirārnava, 67

Mahābhārata, 170

Mahāvastu, 155

Mahāvyutpatti, 164

Mālatī-mādhava, 67, 71, 106, 147

Mālavikāgnimitram, 24, 58, 60, 63-67, 119, 129

Mankad, 3

mattavārani, 32, 97, 105

174 The Nāṭyaśāstra Tradition and Ancient Indian Society

Mayurbhanj Chau, 151

Meghadūta, 57, 59, 61, 62, 64-67

Motichandra, 39, 51, 53, 54, 90, 96

Mṛcchakaṭikā, 23, 24, 39-42, 44, 49-52, 110

Mudrārākṣasa, 77, 110

Nāgānanda, 24, 69, 70, 93, 133, 136, 148, 156

Nāma-rūpa, concept of, 161-63

Nāradīyaśikṣā, 131, 136, 145

Nat, 170

nāṭaka, 24, 30, 31, 34, 35

Nāṭyadarpaṇa, 17, 24

nāṭyadharmi, 20-22, 25-27

nāṭyagṛha, 16, 32

Nāṭyaśāstra, 3, 6-8, 10-22, 24, 25-27, 32-34, 37, 40, 43, 44, 44-52, 66, 86-88, 91, 105-09 114, 120, 121, 124-28, 130- 132, 134-36, 147, 159

necklaces (types of), 45, 46, 53, 62, 88, 89, 96, 100

Nehru, J. L., 24

netra (as cloth), 59, 68, 72, 91

Nibhatkhin, 166-70

niryūha, 33, 34

Niśithacūrṇī, 58, 61, 84, 151, 154

ṇṛtta, 21, 26, 102, 119, 120, 122

ṇṛtya, 6, 16, 21, 102, 119

Orestia, 25

Padmaprābhrtaka, 43, 53

Pande, Anupa, 164

Pande, G.C., 163, 164, 165

Pāṇini, 5

Patralekha, 43, 48, 53, 71

Patrorṇa, 57, 58, 65, 72, 91

Piṇḍībandha, 34, 108, 120-27, 150

Plato, 8, 18, 29

Poetics, 11-14, 16, 27

Postel, M., 54, 55, 94-96

Poussin, La Vallee, 165

Prākṛta songs-cum-dances, 64, 101, 102, 103, 108

Prakṛti, 14, 15, 22, 23, 39

Prasādhaka/Prasādhikā, 41, 43, 44, 60

Pratibhollekha, 9

Pratijñāyaugandharāyaṇa, 38, 46, 50

Pratimānāṭaka, 36, 50, 51

Pratīti, 9

Pratyūha, 33, 34

Prāvāraka, 38-41, 65, 71

Prekṣāgṛha, 64

Priyadarśikā, 70, 84

Pulakabandha, 68

Pulia Chau, 151

Pūrvaranga, 15, 119, 122, 123 127

Pya-zat, 170

rāga, 2, 64, 103, 133, 136

Raghavan, V., 30, 124, 125

Raghuvamiśa, 56, 57, 59-62, 65, 66, 91, 106

Rajarajeshwar Shastri Dravid, 4

Rāmāyaṇa, 162

Rāsapaseni̇ya, 76

Rājataranginī, 97, 105

Rāmakhin, 167

Rāma-play, 169

rasa/nine rasas, 2, 6, 9, 10, 12- 14, 16-18, 19, 20, 64, 102, 107, 119, 132, 133, 134

Ratnāvalī, 69, 88, 97, 102, 104, 105, 108, 132, 133, 136, 148, 149

Richards, I.A., 9

Ridgeway, W., 162, 166, 170

Rosenberg, 164

Roy, U.N., 29, 33

Rtusamhāra, 56, 58-62, 65, 66, 71, 89, 106

Rūpa, concept of, 160-65

Saḍḍāruka, 32

Śālabhañjikā, 32-34

Sāman, 126, 128-30, 125, 136

Samarāiccakahā, 71

Samvidviśrānti, 10

Sandhi, 14, 17, 64

Sangītaratnākara, 107, 108 134, 136

Sañgītasāāā, 64

Sañjavana, 33, 34

Śaṅkuka, 9

Saundarananda, 41-43, 53

'se', Chinese translation of rūpa,

162, 165

Shakespeare, 2, 23

Sharma, Premlata, 3

Śiśupālavadha, 85-88, 96

Sṛṅgāraprakāśa, 108, 123, 126

Stcherbatsky, 164

Strabo, 12, 18

Subandhu, 94

Śūdraka, 80

Suśruta, 52

Swami Prajñānanda, 3

Svapnavāsavadattā, 39, 41, 42,

46, 50, 51

Tāṇḍava, 119, 120, 122, 124

Tarlekar, 3

Temple, R.C., 170

ṭhākkur, 98

ūha, 33, 34

U Kyin U, 170

Universal Aesthetic, 4

upaciti, 9

Upaniṣads, 110

Uparūpaka, 122, 123, 142, 145

Urubhaṅga, 46, 50

Uttararāmacarita, 24, 88

uttariya, 38, 39, 59, 68-70, 72,

75

valkala, 38, 73

vārabāṇā, 59, 60, 77, 81

Vatsyayana, K., 3, 121, 125

Venisamhhāra, 24, 70, 71, 133

vibhāvanā, 9

Viddhaśālabhañjikā, 43, 75, 78,

83-86, 88, 95, 96

Vikramorvaśīyam, 58, 62-65,

67, 120

viṇā, 29, 101, 107, 122, 128,

136, 140, 156

Viṣṇudharmottara Purāṇa, 83

vivāhanepathya, 71

vṛtti, 34, 64

Vyāla, 33, 34

Weber, 18

Weiger, L., 165

Windish, 18

Yazdani, 76

Zat, 167

A Significant Kusumanjali Title

POLITICAL HISTORY IN A CHANGING WORLD

Editor : G. C. Pande

Joint Editors

S. K. Gupta and Shankar Goyal

The theme of the present work is the decline of political history in recent decades. In his lead paper Dr. S. R. Goyal, Professor and Head d.). Department of History, University of Jodhpur, Jodhpur, discusses auses of this phenomenon and suggests that political history may regain elevance if, instead of being concerned with only the deeds and dates ngs, it becomes the history of political life and institutions and studies against the background of religious, social, economic and other factors forces operating in society. On Professor Goyal's plea reaction papers been written by most eminent historians of the whole country (including essors G. C. Pande, Allahabad; B. N. Mukherjee, Calcutta; B. N. Puri, kknow; B. P. Sinha, Patna; Sibesh Bhattacharya, Allahabad; S. V. Sohoni, ; V. S. Pathak, Gorakhpur; L. Gopal, Varanasi; K. D. Bajpai, Sagar; V. Narasimhamurthy, Mysore; D. Balasubramanian, Annamalainagar; Ramin, Madras; Upendra Thakur, Bodh-Gaya; Vivekanand Jha, Delhi; and many others). Apart from them historians specialising in raphy (Professors Ajay Mitra Shastri, Nagpur; K. K. Thaplyal, Lucknow T. P. Verma, Varanasi), Archaeology (Dr. S. P. Gupta, Allahabad; essor K. Paddayya, Pune and Shri R. Nagaswamy, Madras), Numismatics P.L. Gupta, Anjaneri), Literature (Professor Jagannath Agrawal, Chandi- ) and Art (Dr. S.K. Gupta, Jaipur) have also commented on the suggestions rofessor Goyal. Eminent scholars from other countries including Professors Gonda, (Utrecht), Bongard-Levin (Russia), A. K. Warder (Canadá), J. P. rma and A. K. Narain (U.S. A.), David N. Lorenzen (Mexico), Mubarak (Pakistan), S. D. Singh (Australia), Alois Wurm (Austria), T. R. Vaidya al) and Priti Kumar Mitra (Bangladesh) have enriched the theme by valuable observations. The real multi-disciplinary nature of the k becomes evident by the fact that several scholars of other branches of wledge including Professors Jagannath Agrawal (Sanskrit), A. C. Angrish onomics), S. K. Lal (Sociology), Kamini Dinesh (English), M. C. Joshi chology), A. K. Tewari (Geography), and L. S. Rathore (Political nce) have participated in the discussion. In it are also included papers of fessors Nurul Hasan, Romila Thapar and (the late) Buddha Prakash ch cover some of the issues raised by Professor Goyal. Thus this volume vides rich food for thought to all those who are concerned with the decline political history.

Distributors :

KUSUMANJALI BOOK WORLD

41-A, Sardar Club Scheme,

Jodhpur - 342 001 (India)

Rs. 400.00

A Significant Kusumanjali Title

POLITICAL HISTORY IN A CHANGING WORLD

Editor : G. C. Pande

Joint Editors

S. K. Gupta and Shankar Goyal

The theme of the present work is the decline of political history in the recent decades. In his lead paper Dr. S. R. Goyal, Professor and Head (Retd.), Department of History, University of Jodhpur, Jodhpur, discusses the causes of this phenomenon and suggests that political history may regain its relevance if, instead of being concerned with only the deeds and dates of kings, it becomes the history of political life and institutions and studies them against the background of religious, social, economic and other factors and forces operating in society. On Professor Goyal’s plea reaction papers have been written by most eminent historians of the whole country (including Professors G. C. Pande, Allahabad; B. N. Mukherjee, Calcutta; B. N. Puri, Lucknow; B. P. Sinha, Patna; Sibesh Bhattacharya, Allahabad; S. V. Sohoni, Pune; V. S. Pathak, Gorakhpur; L. Gopal, Varanasi; K. D. Bajpai, Sagar; A. V. Narasimhamurthy, Mysore; D. Balasubramanian, Annamalainagar; K. V. Raman, Madras; Upendra Thakur, Bodh-Gaya; Vivekanand Jha, New Delhi; and many others). Apart from them historians specialising in Epigraphy (Professors Ajay Mitra Shastri, Nagpur; K. K. Thaplyal, Lucknow and T. P. Verma, Varanasi), Archaeology (Dr. S. P. Gupta, Allahabad; Professor K. Paddayya, Pune and Shri R. Nagaswamy, Madras), Numismatics (Dr. P.L. Gupta, Anjaneri), Literature (Professor Jagannath Agrawal, Chandi-garh) and Art (Dr. S.K. Gupta, Jaipur) have also commented on the suggestions of Professor Goyal. Eminent scholars from other countries including Professors J. Gonda, (Utrecht), Bongard-Levin (Russia), A. K. Warder (Canada), J. P. Sharma and A. K. Narain (U. S. A.), David N. Lorenzen (Mexico), Mubarak Ali (Pakistan), S. D. Singh (Australia), Alois Wurm (Austria), T. R. Vaidya (Nepal) and Priti Kumar Mitra (Bangladesh) have enriched the theme by their valuable observations. The real multi-disciplinary nature of the book becomes evident by the fact that several scholars of other branches of knowledge including Professors Jagannath Agrawal (Sanskrit), A. C. Angrish (Economics), S. K. Lal (Sociology), Kamini Dinesh (English), M. C. Joshi (Psychology), A. K. Tewari (Geography), and L. S. Rathore (Political Science) have participated in the discussion. In it are also included papers of Professors Nurul Hasan, Romila Thapar and (the late) Buddha Prakash which cover some of the issues raised by Professor Goyal. Thus this volume provides rich food for thought to all those who are concerned with the decline of political history.

Distributors :

KUSUMANJALI BOOK WORLD

41-A, Sardar Club Scheme,

Jodhpur - 342 001 (India)

Rs. 400.00