2. Volume 1 — part 2

As he had no son, Kutbu-d din Aibak, his slave, succeeded him, and several important holy wars were undertaken by him. When he died, leaving no male child, a slave, by name Altamsh, as- cended the throne under the name of Shamsu-d din. He also engaged in many holy wars and conquests. He reigned for a long time in splendour and prosperity.

When he died he left two sons and one daughter, namely, Jalalu-d din, Nasiru-d din, and Raziya. His slaves, Ulugh Khan, Katlagh Khan, Sankez Khan, Aibak Khitai, Nur Beg, and Murad Beg ’Ajami, forgot their gratitude to their old master, attacked Jalalu-d din, and aspired to independence. Jal&lu-d din fled in the year 651 h. (1253 a.d.), and sought the protection of Mangu Kaan. Katlagh Khan and Sankez Khan, taking alarm at Ulugh Khan’s proceedings, also followed Jalalu-d din to the same court, upon which Ulugh Khan placed the virtuous Sultan Raziya, the sister of Jalalu-d din, upon the throne, and himself became administrator, guide, counsellor, and ruler.

Mangu Kaan treated Jalalu-d din with great kindness, and ordered Sail Bahadur to afford all the assistance which the Mughal army on the border was able to render ; to escort him to his hereditary country, and cleanse his garden from the rubbish of the enmity of the slaves, who had realized the proverb of “ flies have become rulers.”

Jalalu-d din returned, accompanied by Sail Bahadur and his army, and reached as far as Hajnir (Ajmir) on the borders of Delili, but beyond that they were not able to advance, and, there- fore, retreated. Jalalu-d din then took possession of the hills and the passes which led to them and Sodra, which were then in the occupation of the Mughals, and was there compelled to content himself with a small portion of the whole.

After some time, Ulugh Khan slew Sultan Raziya, and his son-in-law Nasiru-d din assumed the crown. After two or three years, during which Nasiru-d din held the name of king, while all substantial power was wielded by Ulugh Khan, he per- fidiously cut off his son-in-law. When Ulugh Khan had cleared the country of his opponents, he himself placed his foot upon the throne, and assumed the title of Sultan Ghiyasu-d din. He took possession of the treasures, and brought the army into sub- jection to his orders. He flattered himself that the whole world of disobedience would be repressed during his time, and that the country would find security under his protection ; but suddenly death, the exposer of ambushes, attacked him and gave a reply to all the schemes which he had contemplated against others, for the arrow of destruction was discharged at him from the hand of one whose power cannot be resisted. His death occurred in the year 686 h. (1287 a.d.)

He was succeeded by his grandson, Mu’ijzu-d din Kai-kobad, the son of Buglira Khan. Meanwhile Hulaku Khan issued an order to Famlak,1 who was the ruler of Sind, to bring Nasiru-d din, the son (of Ghiyasu-d din) into his presence; and on his

1 [So written in Sir H. Elliot’s extract from Wassaf, but the real name is “ Karlagh.”]

arrival, Shamsu-d din Kart and Prince Barghandi trumped up some accusation against him, and exposed the impurity of his conduct with such exaggeration, that he, as well as some of his chiefs and adherents, were brought to capital punishment under the law.

On receiving this intelligence, Malik Firoz, who was governor of Khilj on the part of Nasiru-d din, alarmed by his suspicions, went to Delili, and entered into the service of Kai-kobad, whom he found in occupation of the throne, and endeavoured to ingratiate himself in his favour by the performance of many useful services. As many signs of wisdom and courage were observed in him, die was appointed to the government of Multan, which is on the frontier of the kingdom, in order that he might preclude the possibility of any invasion by the Mughals. After he had been employed for some time, he was, according to the usual practice of the envious and inimical, accused of entering into a truce with the Mughals. In consequence of this he was recalled from his government, but refused to return, as he was apprehensive of the Sultan’s anger.

Notwithstanding the frequent orders he received he made ex- cuses and delayed his return. The Wazir became angry at his dilatoriness and opposition, and by orders of the Sultan, inarched with a few followers towards Multan to enforce his attendance. They met each other on the road, and as the Wazir addressed to him several harsh enquiries respecting the reason of his delay, Malik Firoz answered his insolence by the tongue of his sharp sword, and slew the Wazir. He then hastened to the capital of the kingdom. The royal servants were alarmed at his approach’ and the Sultan himself was disabled by sickness. The opportunity was favourable for Malik Firoz, so he entered the royal apart- ments and slew the king. This happened on the night preceding the eighth of Shawwal 689 h. (October, 1290 a.d.).

In order to gratify the people, and silence the opposition of the army, he placed nominally upon the throne an infant son of the late king, by name Shamsu-d din Kaiomars, and thus satisfied

the army ; but a few days afterwards he sent the son to follow the father, and Malik Firoz ascended an inauspicious throne on Friday, 25th Zi’l hijja (December) of the same year. He sufficiently pro- vided for the defence of the frontier, and married his brother’s son, ’Alau-d din Muhammad, whom he had himself brought up, to one of the princesses, and bestowed upon him the government of Oudli and Badaun. There ’Alau-d din remained for a long time, and, by degrees, collected a large army. It was reported to him that the Eai of Hind, whose capital was Deogir, had immense treasures in money and jewels, and he therefore conceived an in- tense desire of securing them for himself, as well as of conquering the country. He appointed spies to ascertain when the Eai’s army was engaged in warfare, and then he advanced and took the country without the means which other kings think necessary for conquest. The prudent Eai, in order to save his life, gave his daughter to the Sultan, and made over to him his treasures and jewels.

’Alau-d din Muhammad, having laden all the beasts he could procure with his spoils, and giving thanks to God, returned to his own province. When Malik Firoz heard of this, he sent an envoy to communicate the expression of his pleasure and con- gratulations at the victory, and invited him to the presence. These invitations were frequently repeated, and as often declined, till a suspicion of his rebellion arose, and induced Malik Firoz to advance against him with an army.

When ’Alau-d din learnt his uncle’s intentions, he began to entertain evil designs, and went with a few personal attendants to have an interview with him at Dehli ; and the two parties met on the banks of the Jumna. Malik Firoz, abandoning the course which prudence dictated, and relying upon the terror which his frontier and power inspired, as well as the natural affection which he supposed his nephew to entertain towards him, crossed the river with only five attendants, and went to the camp of ’Alau-d din.

When news was received of the approach of Malik Firoz,

’Alau-d din advanced to receive him ; and when he neared the river he went bare-footed, and, as usual, kissed the earth in the presence of his uncle, assuming a deportment of humility instead of his previous opposition, and behaving towards him as a son does towards a father. They then sat down and held a con- versation together, and after a time Malik Firoz took Sultan ’Alau-d din’s hand and invited him to come to his camp. When they reached the bank of the river Malik Firoz wished to enter the boat first, ’Alau-d din following him. Two of ’Alau-d din’s servants, Ikhtiyaru-d din and Mahmud Salim, went behind him and waited their opportunity. As Malik Firoz had placed one foot on the boat, and was about to lift the other upon it, Ikhtiyaru-d din struck at him with a sword and wounded his hand. Malik Firoz, in alarm, tried to throw himself into the boat, but Mahmud Salim came up and dealt him such a blow that his head fell into the water and his trunk into the boat. This happened on the 18th Ramazan 695 h. (June 1296 a.d.). The period of his reign was nearly six years.

When the army of Malik Firoz witnessed these transactions from the opposite bank, they were greatly excited, and to appease them ’Alau-d din distributed gold amongst the nobles and officers and thus gained their goodwill. Everyone felt himself com- pelled to proffer his allegiance, so they all returned to Delhi in company with him, and in the month of Zi-1 ka’da 695 h. he arrived at the palace.

The garrison of the fort refused to open the gates, upon which ’Alau-d din placed bags filled with gold in his mangonels and discharged them into the fort, which had the effect of persuad- ing them to abandon their resistance.

Two sons of Malik Firoz, Kadar Khan and Arkali Khan, who were at Multan, were brought to Dehli and deprived of their eyes. So it is, that in this world the wise are depressed and the unworthy raised to honour and prosperity.

Sultan ’Alau-d din then ascended the throne in perfect security, and protected all the provinces of the empire by his great power.

Towards the beginning of his reign, Prince Katlagh Kliwaja, son of Dua,1 advanced with a large army, like drops of rain, towards Dehli, in order to conquer, massacre, and plunder. Sultan ’Alau-d din advanced against him at the head of a large army for the purpose of carrying on a holy war, actuated by pure faith, sincere intentions, the hope of resurrection, and the determination to bring destruction on the infidels. Without placing his troops in array, he attacked the enemy, and put many to the sword ; and the remnant, in sorrow, loss, and dis- appointment, returned to their native country. Pardon go with them !

The rest of the transactions of ’Alau-d din’s reign shall be recorded in their proper place for the information of my readers. Praise be to God, who hath poured his blessings upon the good, and from whose worship advantages are derived !

When Sultan ’Alau-d din, the Sultan of Dehli, was well established in the centre of his dominion, and had cut off the heads of his enemies and slain them, and had imparted rest to his subjects from the fountain of his kindness and justice, the vein of the zeal of religion beat high for the subjection of in- fidelity and destruction of idols, and in the month of Zi’l-liijja

1 Duh, or TCia, of the Chagliatai branch in Turkistan and Transoxiana, was a celebrated rival of Kublai. He died in 1306. He had several sons, who are spoken of in Mongol history. Among the best known are Gunjuk, who died in 1308 ; Guehek, who died in 1321 ; and Tarmashirin, who died in 1330. See D’Ohsson. Histoire des Mongols, Vol. II. p. 520.

2 [This does not mean the temple of Somnat, but as Ziau-d din Bami explains, “ an idol to which the Brahmans gave the name of Somnat, after the victory of Mahmud, and his destruction of their idol Manat ” (Text 251). Guzerat was over- run and Nahrwala was taken in this expedition, but there is no special mention of the temple or town of Somnat. ]

698 h. (1298 A d.) his brother Malik Mu’izzu-d din 1 and Nusrat Khan, the chief pillar of the state and the leader of his armies, a generous and intelligent warrior, were sent to Kambayat, the most celebrated of the cities of Hind in population and wealth. Its air is pure, its water clear, and the circumjacent country beautiful and charming both in scenery and buildings. With a view to holy war, and not for the lust of conquest, he enlisted under their banners about 14,000 cavalry and 20,000 infantry, which, in their language, are called dakk 2

They went by daily marches through the hills, from stage to stage, and when they arrived at their destination at early dawn they surrounded Kambayat, and the idolaters were awakened from their sleepy state of carelessness and were taken by surprise, not knowing where to go, and mothers forgot their children and dropped them from their embrace. The Muhammadan forces began to “ kill and slaughter on the right and on the left unmercifully, throughout the impure land, for the sake of Islam,” and blood flowed in torrents. They plundered gold and silver to an extent greater than can be conceived, and an immense number of brilliant precious stones, such as pearls, diamonds, rubies, and emeralds, etc., as well as a great variety of cloths, both silk and cotton, stamped, embroidered, and coloured.

They took captive a great number of handsome and elegant maidens, amounting to 20,000, and children of both sexes, “more than the pen can enumerate,” and thirteen enormous elephants, whose motions would put the earth in tremor.” In short, the Muhammadan army brought the country to utter ruin, and destroyed the lives of the inhabitants, and plundered the cities, and captured their offspring, so that many temples were deserted and the idols were broken and trodden under foot, the largest of which was one called Somnat, fixed upon stone, polished like a

1 [In the translation of Firishta he is called “Aluf Khan,” but this is an erroneous transcription of his title “Ulugh Khan,” or “Great Khan,” the same title as was previously borne by Ghiyasu-d din Balban. The texts of Firishta and Bami both read “Ulugh Khan.”]

2 This, probably, means dag, “ a pace,” just as we say 20,000 foot.

mirror, of charming shape and admirable workmanship. It stood seven yards high. Its position was such as if it was about to move, and its expression such as if it was about to speak. If the introducer of idolatry were to look on it he would become enamoured of its beauty. The infidels objected to people going near it. Its head was adorned with a crown set with gold and rubies and pearls and other precious stones, so that it was im- possible for the eyes to trace the redness of the gold on account of the excessive lustre of the jewels, and a necklace of large shining pearls, like the belt of Orion, depended from the shoulder towards the side of the body.

The Muhammadan soldiers plundered all those jewels and rapidly set themselves to demolish the idol. The surviving in- fidels were deeply affected with grief, and they engaged “ to pay a thousand thousand pieces of gold ” as a ransom for the idol, but they were indignantly rejected, and the idol was destroyed, and “ its limbs, which were anointed with ambergris and per- fumed, were cut off. The fragments were conveyed to Dehli, and the entrance of the Jami1 Masjid was paved with them, that people might remember and talk of this brilliant victory.” “ Praise be to God, the Lord of the worlds. Amen ! ”

After some time, among the ruins of the temples, a most beautiful jaspei’-coloured stone was discovered, on which one of the merchants had designed some beautiful figures of fighting men and other ornamental figures of globes, lamps, etc., and on the margin of it were sculptured verses from the liuran. This stone was sent as an offering to the shrine of the pole of saints, Shaikh Murshid Abu Is’liak Ibrahim bin Shahriar. At that time they were building a lofty octagonal dome to the tomb. The stone was placed at the right of the entrance. “At this time, that is, in the year 707 h. (1307 a.d.), ’Alau-d din is the acknowledged Sultan of this country. On all its borders there are infidels, whom it is his duty to attack in the prosecution of a holy war, and return laden with countless booty.”

When Sultan U'ljaitu was fully established upon the throne, Shaikliu-1 Islam Jamalu-d din, towards the close of the year 703 h. (1303 a.d.), came to the court of the Protector of the world, and was received with distinguished honours and kindness. He was nominated to the government of Fars, but declined the appointment, and returned to his independent principality of Kais.

In the beginning of this year, the Malik-i ’Azam, Margrave of Hind, Takiu-d din ’Abdu-r rahmanu-t Tibi, who was endowed with great power and dignity, departed from the country of Hind to the passage ( ma’bar ) of corruption.1 The king of Ma’bar was anxious to obtain his property aud wealth, but Malik Mu’azzam Siraju-d din, son of the deceased, having secured his goodwill by the payment of two hundred thousand dinars, not only obtained the wealth, but the rank also of his father.

Malik Mu’azzam Fakhru-d din Ahmad and Buka Elcln were, by order of the just king, Ghazan, appointed, in the year 697 h., as ambassadors to Timur Kaan,2 with presents of cloths, jewels, costly garments, and hunting leopards, worthy of his royal ac- ceptance, and ten tumans (one hundred thousand pieces) of gold were given to him from the chief treasury, to be employed as capital in trade. Fakhru-d din laid in a supply of necessaries for his voyage by ships and junks, and laded them with his own merchandize and immense jewels and pearls, and other com- modities suited to Timur Khan’s country, belonging to his friends and relations, and to Shaikh-1 Islam Jamalu-d din. He was

1 At the close of the sentence the author contradicts himself, and ascribes this event to the year 702 h.

2 Mention is made of this interesting embassy by D’Ohsson ( Histoire des Mongols, Tom. IY. p. 320), but there is no allusion to the voyage by sea, nor to the character- istic reception of the ambassadors.

accompanied on the voyage by an army of expert archers, Turki ancl Persian.

The actual distance of the voyage was much augmented by the constant dangers to which their lives and property were exposed on the sea. When, at last, they arrived at the port of the Chinese frontier they were conducted stage by stage, by the deputies and officers of that country according to the Kaani. in- stitutes, were furnished with supplies and tents, and were not troubled for the payment of any duties. In this manner they reached the Urdu, or Imperial Camp, at Taidu, near Khanbaligh.

The Khan was at that time indisposed, but the four principal ministers and other nobles 1 were present in the assembly and sat beyond the royal carpet on golden seats, with great pomp and dignity. Buka, on his first introduction, considered a salam sufficient, and did not kneel down, to which want of respect they raised objections. Buka, who was a shrewd and eloquent Turk, replied, “ It is the royal order, that until I behold the blessed countenance of the Khan, the very abstract of the book of pros- perity, I should not look upon any pillars of the state or nobles of his majesty.” They were then admitted to a personal inter- view, and presented the rarities entrusted to them, which were most graciously received. The merchandize also was brought forward and approved. The Khan then presented a cup of wine with his royal hand, and issued orders that the am- bassadors, during their stay, should be furnished with residences, food, clothes, and servants appropriate to the four seasons ; and forty-five horses were placed at their disposal. *

The ambassadors remained four years in China and were dis- missed with honour, and a daughter of one of the nobles was bestowed upon Fakhru-d din. A friendly reply was written to Gliazan Khan, and presents were sent in return, together with some valuable silk stuffs, which had fallen to the share of Hulaku Khan, but had remained in China since the time of

1 The titles of these high dignitaries will be found in D’Ohsson, Hist, des Mongols, Tom. IV. p. 637.

Mangu Khan. An ambassador took charge of them on a separate junk, and he was commissioned to deliver expressions of friendship and regard.

Malik Fakhru-d din departed, much gratified at his reception, accompanied by the embassies and twenty-three junks, and other vessels laden with valuable property. The ambassador of the Khan died on the voyage * * * and when they were only

two days distant from Ma’bar, Malik Fakhru-d din also died. # * * His tomb is in Ma’bar, near that of his uncle. His

death occurred towards the close of the year of 704 H.1 (1305

In the middle of the year 705 H. Shaikhu-1 Islam Jamalu-d din was summoned from the principality of Kais to the capital of Shiraz, the government of which place was conferred upon him. He accepted the office in obedience to the command, although he was ill at the time. * * * He died in the year 706 H.

(1306 a.d.) to the great regret of the inhabitants of Shiraz, who raised a handsome tomb over his remains, and composed an elegy upon his death. * * * The author also, in consideration of

certain obligations conferred upon him by the deceased, gave vent to his feelings in the following poem.

The History of Sultan ’Aldu-d dm (continued) .

When Sultan ’Alau-d din had fully established himself in the empire of Dehli, and his conquests and holy wars had proclaimed him universally as the greatest champion of the Muhammadan religion, it happened, that in the year 708, ’’All Beg Gurgan, with an army consisting of three tumans, marched to Hindu- stan, and pitched his camp in the vicinity of Twaz (Oudli) and Badaun, expecting to make an easy conquest of that country. The Sultan despatched his general Hazar-Dinari, who was

1 This does not coincide with the fact that they remained only four years in China.

called Malik Kafur,1 with 80,000 formidable and veteran cavalry to expel them ; and when the army of Islam was within the distance of a day’s journey from the enemy, it made suddenly a night attack on their camp, which was left quite unguarded, and the greater part of the Mughal armies received their retribution (’iivaz) from the empire of Dehli, where they met with the silent tomb of entire annihilation. Having surrounded the remnant on the field of battle they deprived them of their arms,” and ’All Beg and other officers of the Mughals were carried captive to Dehli.

“ Sultan ’Alau-d din gave orders that the sword of menace and the declaration of unity should be offered to them ; when, as they they could not help themselves, they placed their heads on the line of Islam,” and repeated the profession of the Muhammadan creed. * * * “ ’Alau-d din honoured and gave preferment to ’Ali Beg, and made him one of his nobles, and the Mughal army was provided for amongst the armies of Islam. After the battle an order was issued by ’Alau-d din to gather together the heads of those who had been slain. This matter was specially made over to the Hindus. On counting them after they were thrown at the feet of the holy warrior they were found to amount to 60,000, and, as was done with the Nigudari 2 Mughals, a pillar was constructed of these heads before the Badaun gate, in order that it might be a warning and spectacle to future gene- rations. The good tidings of this happy conquest were published throughout all the countries and provinces both of the faithful and the idolatrous.

1 All the copies I have consulted give this name as Nabu or Niu ; probably the former may have been a corruption of N aib, which was his true designation. [In the text of Firishta he is called ‘‘Malik Naib Kafur Hazar-dmari.” The latter title is said to have been derived from his having been originally purchased for 1000 dinars. See Briggs’ Trans. Yol. I. 365.]

2 Nigudar, a younger son of Chagatai, after his disgrace, established himself with his vassals and followers in Sistan, and committed ravages upon the neighbouring provinces. His followers were called “ Nigudari,” or “ Karaunass.”

In the year 709 (1309 a.d.), — the year arrived in prosperity and the time was propitious, — the lofty mind of the king greatly inclined towards the conquest of the whole of Hindustan, and the subjection of the infidels. Previous to this, Malwa had been con- quered; he, therefore despatched Malik Nabu, Zafar Khan, and Nanak Hindi,1 with an army consisting of one hundred thousand horse and foot, —

Oh thou for -whom there is an army that obtains victory, —

to conquer the province of Telingana. When they arrived on its frontier, the Rai of that province adopted a prudent reso- lution, submitted to the Muhammadans, and agreed to pay an annual tribute and receive the royal collectors, and that populous territory, replete with every kind of wealth —

As the cheek of your friend full of excellence,

In which are all desires you are in search of, —

containing more than 30,000 tracts of country, was added to the Muhammadan empire. It is related that 6,000 kharwars, or loads, of gold were despatched to Dehli, —

Much yellow gold was in the large sacks, — and in consequence of the abundance of diamonds obtained by plunder, they became so cheap that, one weighing a miskal, could be purchased for three dinars.

The royal army marched from this place towards the country of Dur Samun. Rai Pandya offered opposition, and begged the assistance of an army from Ma’bar. At that time enmity pre- vailed between the two brothers, Sundar Pandi and Tira Pandi,

1 The reading is doubtful. One copy has Khanka Mandi, and Firishta has Khwaja Hajf. As Amir Khusrh speaks prominently of the Hindus who ac- companied this expedition, there is no improbability in the reading adopted in the text.

after the murder of their father. The latter sent to his assistance an army of horse and foot. Subsequently, the Rai, turning to the right rank, declined a contest, and, having proffered his sub- mission, he was left in possession of his country without the necessity of fighting. He delivered up to Malik Kafur the country of ’Arikanna, as a proof of his allegiance, and treasure beyond what imagination can conceive, together with 55 large elephants, which were worthy of carrying the great and for- tunate heroes of the time, so that the country was restored to him, and, instead of shell-blowing, pyrolatry, and idol-worship, the true faith and the five daily prayers were established. On account of these transactions the fame of the first holy wars which opened Hind under Mahmud Subuktigin was erased from the page of history.

At the present time the imperial army consists of 475,000 Muhammadan disciplined holy warriors, whose names are re- corded by the imperial muster-master, and whose pay and rations are entered in the regulations of the deputy-victualler. They are most obedient to the orders they receive, and are prepared to sacrifice their lives for the especial sake of their religion. Four hundred war elephants * * * are kept in the royal stables, and forty swift camels * * * are employed to convey daily reports, with the greatest expedition, from and to the distant provinces of the empire. * * *

In the month of Rajab of the year 710 H. (1310 a.d.) the ap- pointed leaders, accompanied by a select army, were dispatched to conquer Ma’bar, and some of the towns were obtained through the animosity which has lately arisen between the two brothers ; when at last a large army, attended by numerous elephants of war, was sent out to oppose the Muhammadans. Malik Nabu, who thought himself a very Saturn, was obliged to retreat, and bring back his army.

TJljaitu Sultan sends an Embassy to , Alau-d din.

About that period the king of the world, U'ljaitu 1 Sultan, — May his empire last for ever! — sent two ambassadors, named Khaluya and Muhammad Shah, to the court of Dehli, with a royal mandate to the following purport, that as the rulers of that quarter, both in the reign of the Emperor Changiz Khan, the conqueror of the world, and the most generous U'ktai Khan, had tendered their friendship and homage, and, through the language of the ambassadors, had occasionally offered their sentiments of goodwill, it is, therefore, strange that, since the imperial throne has been adorned by our auspicious accession, and the sun of the kingdom of Islam has shed its light over the world, Sultan ’Alau-d din has never opened the road of ancient friendship by means of an ambassador to our regal court, nor sent a message conveying tidings of himself or congratulations to us ; it is, therefore, expected that he will henceforth be willing to apply him- self to strengthen the foundations of regard and free intercourse. In connection with this embassy it was also intimated that the Emperor asked in marriage one of the Princesses from behind the veil of the kingdom of Dehli.2

Sultan ’Alau-d din, notwithstanding all his bravery and con- quests, and abundant treasures and obedient armies, combining in himself all personal accomplishments and worldly advantages, was a tyrant, and never used to hesitate at slaughter, burning, restricting the privileges of the army, or reducing the allowances of his servants, and was quite overcome by his disposition to- wards temerity and oppression. As a proof of this he ordered

1 It signifies “fortunate” in the Mongol language.

2 On similar occasions the like delicacy of expression is observed. Thus, when the daughter of Atabak Sa’d of Shiraz was bestowed upon Sultan Jalalu-d din, ’Atau-1 mulk Juwaini says, in the second volume of the Jahan Kushd :

A. Zi f \VA AiLc j — “ j~. i - * 1 -"'i, 3

the ambassadors to be imprisoned, and several1 of their attendants to be trodden under the feet of elephants, and thus he submerged the jewel of his good fame ; for to bring trouble on an ambassador is, under every system of religious faith, altogether opposed to the principles of law, social observance, and common sense. With respect to law, an ambassador receives his credentials without even the suspicion of criminality; with respect to social observance, the oppressor and the oppressed, friend and foe, peace and war, are all equally in need of embassies and communications : with respect to common sense, it is abundantly evident that the killing of one man, or even ten, entails no infirmity or injury on a kingdom. Inasmuch, therefore, as ’Alau-d din, free to do as he chose, was guilty of a deed from which danger might have resulted, and without any cause exhibited his enmity, he must be considered to have acted contrary to what a peaceful policy and sound prudence dictated.

Continuation of the history of the Kings of Ma’bar.

Kales Dewar, the ruler of Ma’bar, enjoyed a highly prosperous life, extending to forty and odd years, during which time neither any foreign enemy entered his country, nor any severe malady confined him to bed. His coffers were replete with wealth, inas- much that in the treasury of the city of Mardi there were 1,200 crores of gold deposited, every crore being equal to a thousand2 laks, and every lak to one hundred thousand dinars. Besides this there was an accumulation of precious stones, such as pearls, rubies, turquoises, and emeralds, — more than is in the power of language to express. (Here follows a long string of reflections upon the instability of worldly wealth and grandeur.)

This fortunate and happy sovereign had two sons, the elder

2 Properly only a hundred, if the reading of “ crore ” he correct ; hut the copies I have consulted read kuze, which might be meant to imply an earthen vessel, or some capacious receptacle calculated to contain a hundred laks.

named Sundar Pandi, who was legitimate, his mother being joined to the Dewar by lawful marriage, and the younger named Tira Pandi, was illegitimate, his mother being one of the mis- tresses who continually attended the king in his banquet of pleasure ; for it was customary with the rulers of that country that, when the daily affairs of the administration were over, and the crowds that attended the court had gone to their respective homes, a thousand beautiful courtezans used to attend the king in his pleasure. They used to perform the several duties pre- scribed to each of them ; some were appointed as chamberlains, some as interpreters, some as cup-bearers, and day and night both the sexes kept promiscuous intercourse together ; and it was usual for the king to invite to his bed that girl upon whom the lot should happen to fall. I have mentioned this in illustration of their customs.

As Tira Pandi was remarkable for his shrewdness and intre- pidity, the ruler nominated him as his successor. His brother Sundar Pandi, being enraged at this supercession, killed his father, in a moment of rashness and undutifulness, towards the close of the year 709 h. (1310 a.d.), and placed the crown on his head in the city of Mardi.1 He induced the troops who were there to support his interests, and conveyed some of the royal treasures which were deposited there to the city of Mankul,2 and he him- self accompanied, marching on, attended in royal pomp, with the elephants, horses, and treasures. Upon this his brother Tira Pandi, being resolved on avenging his father’s blood, followed to give him battle, and on the margin of a lake which, in their language, they call Talachi, the opponents came to action. Both the brothers, each ignorant of the fate of the other, fled away ; but Tira Pandi being unfortunate ( tira bakht ), and having been wounded, fell into the hands of the enemy, and seven elephant- loads of gold also fell to the lot of the army of Sundar Pandi.

It is a saying of philosophers, that ingratitude will, sooner or later, meet its punishment, and this was proved in the sequel, for 1 [Madura P] 2 [Namkul ?]

Manar Barmul, the son of the daughter of Kales Dewar, who espoused the cause of Tira Pandi, being at that time at Karam- hatti, near Kalul,1 sent him assistance, both in men and money, which was attended with a most fortunate result. Sundar Pandi had taken possession of the kingdom, and the army and the treasure were his own ; but, as in every religion and faith, evil deeds produce a life of insecurity, a matter which it is unneces- sary to expatiate upon, he, notwithstanding all his treasures and the goodwill of the army, was far from being happy and prosperous, entertaining crude notions, and never awaking from his dream of pride, and at last he met with the chastisement due to his ingratitude, for in the middle of the year 710 (1310 a.d.) Tira Pandi, having collected an army, advanced to oppose him, and Sundar Pandi, trembling and alarmed, fled from his native country, and took refuge under the protection of ’Alau-d din, of Dehli, and Tira Pandi became firmly established in his hereditary kingdom.

While I was engaged in writing this passage, one of my friends said to me : “ The kings of Hind are celebrated for their pene- tration and wisdom ; why then did Kales Dewar, during his life- time, nominate his younger and illegitimate son as his successor; to the rejection of the elder, who was of pure blood, by which he introduced distraction into a kingdom which had been adorned like a bride.”

This is the same work as is called Bina-Gety by Mr. James Fraser, in his “ Catalogue of Oriental Manuscripts and Bina-i- Gety by General Briggs, in his translation of the Preface of Firishta, which would seem to imply that the title was considered by them to bear the meaning of “ History of the Foundation of the World.” It certainly is so understood by native transcribers, for I have seen no copy of Firishta, not even the lithograph edition, in which it is not so written, and it has been so trans- lated by some Continental scholars. Its correct name at full length is “ Rauzat uluu-l Albab fi Tawar'ikhu-l Akabir wa-ul Ansab,” “the garden of the learned in the histories of great men and genealogies.” It is chiefly an abridgment, as the author himself states, of the Jami’u-t Tawar'ikh of Rashidu-d din, and was compiled only seven years after that work, in a.h. 717 (a.d. 1317), by Abu-Sulaiman Daud, bin Abu-1 Fazl, bin Muhammad Fakhr1 Binakiti. He is commonly called Fakhru-d din Binakiti from his having been born at Binakit, or Finakit, a town in Transoxiana, afterwards called Shahrukhia. He copies Rashidu-d din closely, without, however, adopting his arrange- ment, and dedicates his work to Sult&n Abu Sa’id, the ninth Mongol king of Persia.

The author was a poet as well as an historian, and was

1 This is the name he gives in his own Preface. European Orientalists generally call him Fakhru-d din. [Morley cites several variations in the name and genealogy.]

appointed by Sultan Ghazan, poet laureate of bis Court. Till the discovery of the lost portions of the Jami'u-t Taicarikh, Binakiti’s work ranked very high both in Europe and Asia, but it must now take its place as a mere abridgment, and can be con- sidered of no value as an original composition. Several good copies of the work exist in European libraries, as in the Rich collection, Nos. 7626, 7627, of the British Museum ; in the library of the Royal Asiatic Society ; in the Leyden library ; and in Hammer-Purgstairs private collection. The work is not common in India. The best copy I know is in the possession of a native gentleman at Lucknow.

The 8th Book of this work is already known to the European public, though ascribed to a different author. In the year 1677, Andreas Miiller published at Berlin a small work in Persian, with a Latin translation, under the title of Abdallee Beidarcei Historia Sinensis , ascribing the original to the Nizdmu-t Tawa- rikli of Baizawi. It was reprinted by his son in 1689, and Brunet1 tells us that Stephen Weston published fifty copies of an English translation in 1820. M. Quatremere had the ingenuity to guess, for several reasons which he states in detail, that this was in reality an extract from the History of Binakiti, and not from Baizawi ; and by comparing the passage he has given from Muller’s printed work with Binakiti, of which a copy was not available to M. Quatremere, it proves to be verbatim the 2nd Chapter of the 8th Book of Binakiti ; and as the same result has been obtained by comparing it with the copy in the British Museum, there can no longer be any doubt on this point, and the Historia Sinensis must henceforth be attributed to Binakiti.

Book I. — The Genealogy and History of the Prophets and Patriarchs from the time of Adam to Abraham, comprising a period of 4838 years. (The use of the word Ausiya shows the writer to be a Shi’a Muhammadan ;) — Trom p. 2 to 25.

Book II. — The kings of Persia, from Kaiumars to Yazdajird, together with the celebrated Prophets and Philosophers who were their contemporaries; 4322 years ; — from p. 25 to 59.

Book III. — History of Muhammad ; the four first Khalifs ; twelve Imams, and later Khalifs, down to Mustasim bi-llah, the last of the ’Abbasides ; 626 years ; — from p. 60 to 186.

Book IY. — The Sultans and kings w'ho, in the time of the ’Abbaside Khalifs, rose to power in the kingdom of Tran, includ- ing the dynasties of Saffarians, Samanians, Grhaznivides, Buwai- liides Saljukians, Khwarizmians and the kings of the Forest or Heretics (Assassins) ; 400 years ; — from p. 186 to 208.

Book V — The history of the Jews, their Kings and Prophets, from Moses to Mutina (Zedekiah, see 2 Kings xxiv. 17), who was slain by Bakhtnassar ; 941 years ; — from p. 208 to 230.

Book YI. — The history of the Christians and Franks; the descent of the Yirgin Mary from David ; the kings of the Franks, the Caesars, and Popes ; 1337 years ; — from p. 231 to 260.

Book VII. — The Hindus ; an account of the country and kings of India from Basdeo to ’Alau-d din, and an account of Shakmum ; 1200 years ; — from p. 260 to 281.

Book VIII. — History of Khita. The government lasted, according to local historians, 42,875 years ; — from p. 281 to 299.

Book IX. — History of the Mughals ; the origin of Changiz Khan, and his conquest of Persia, etc., with an account of his sons and successors ; 101 years ; — from p. 299 to 402.

Size. — Small Folio, containing 402 pages, of 21 lines.

A fuller detail is given in the Vienna Year-book for 1835 by Hammer-Purgstall, who states that our author composed his work in a.h. 718, not 717, though the latter date is expressly mentioned, not only in the Preface, but in other parts of the work. The same author gives the year of his death as a.h. 730 (1329 a.d.), and reads his name Binakati. [Morley also has given a full notice of the work in his Catalogue of the MSS. of the Royal Asiatic Society.]

It will be observed that the seventh Book is devoted to India.

Throughout the whole of it Bindkiti follows Rashidu-d din im- plicitly, copying him even with all his errors, just as Rashidu-d din follows Biriini. Nothing shows more completely the igno- rance of the western Asiatics with respect to the state of India since Mahmud’s time than to find these two authors, 300 years afterwards, mentioning that Bari is the capital of the province of Kanauj, of which the kings are the most potent in India, and that Thanesar is in the Duab. All this is taken from Abu Rihan, as may be seen by referring to the extracts in the first volume.

It is needless to translate any passage from this work, but it may be as well to mention, as the Calcutta copy of Rashidi, as well as that of the India House, is deficient in that respect,1 that the succession of the Kabul kings, who preceded the Grhaznivides, occurs in nearly the same order as in M. Reinaud’s edition of Biruni, and with nearly the same names, but the last of the Turk dynasty, whom M. Reinaud calls Laktouzeman, appears here under the more probable shape of Katoran, or Katorman, “king of the Katores,”2 3 It is worthy of remark that the present chief of Chitral is called Shah Kator, and claims descent from the Macedonians. Kalar, the first of the Brahman dynasty, is omitted by Binakiti. Anandpal is converted into Anda- pal, and the nearest approach to M. Reinaud’s doubtful name of Nardanjanpala (correctly perhaps Niranjanpal) is Tasdar

1 [The British Museum MS., and the Arabic MS. of the Royal Asiatic Society have passages upon the subject obviously derived from Birdni. See Thomas’ Prinsep, I. 315.]

3 Compare Morley’s Cat. p. 25. Hammer-Purgstall’s Handschriften , p. 194. Recueil des Voyages , Tom. II. p. 369. Fundgruben des Orients, Tom. III. p. 330. Gesch. der Ilchane, Yol. II. p. 267. Coll. Or. Tom. I. pp. lxxxv. — ci. 424. Jahrbiicher, No. 69. Am. Blatt, p. 33, and No. 73, p. 26. Gesch. d. schon. Bed. Pers. p. 241. Elphinstone, Kingdom of Cabul, App. C. p. 619. Burnes’ Bokhara, Yol. II. p. 209. Journ. B. A. S. Vol. IX. p. 194. C. Ritter, Krd. von As. Vol. Y. p. 207. Gemdldesaal der Lebensb. Vol. IV. p. 35. Zenker, Bibliotheca Or. 857, 858. Gesch. d. G. Horde, pp. xxxi. 343. Jenisch, Hist, priorum Begum Persarum. p. 142.

[The following is translated from a MS. in the library of the Royal Asiatic Society : —

“After (him) Aijun became king; after him Rank, who was the last of the Katorman kings ; after him Brahma Samand became king ; after him Kamlu ; after him Jaipal ; after him Andah pal ; and after him Tadar Jaipal,1 who was killed 412 Hijri (1021 a.d.)

This work was composed in a.h. 730 (1329) by Hamdu-lla bin Abu Bakr bin Hamd bin Nasr Mustaufi 1 Kazwini, and was dedicated to the minister Ghiyasu-d din, the son of Rasliidu-d din, to both of whom our author had been secretary.

It ranks among the best general histories of the East. Reinaud used it for his Mem. sur VInde. Hammer-Purg-stall calls it in different passages of his works the best, the most faithful, and the most brilliant of all the histories which were composed about that period. He remarks that it contains much matter not found elsewhere, and concurs in the praise bestowed upon it by Haji Khalfa, that implicit confidence is to be placed in its asser- tions. It is a pity, therefore, that the work is in so abridged a form as to be more useful for its dates than for its details of facts. The authors of the Universal History frequently quote it under the name of “ Tarik Cozidih.”

Eleven years after the completion of this history, the author composed his celebrated work on Geography and Natural History, entitled Nuzhatu-l Kulub, “ the delight of hearts,” which is in high repute with oriental scholars.2

1 “ President of the Exchequer.” Com. le Brim says the Mustaufi is chief of the Chamber of Accounts of the Lordships which particularly belong to his Majesty. Price (II. 360) calls him controller or auditor of the Exchequer. In the case of our author the title appears to be a family designation, derived from actual occupation of the office by an ancestor. The title Kazwini is derived from his native town Kazwin.

The author states that he had undertaken to write in verse an universal history from the time of Muhammad, and had already written five or six thousand lines, and hoped to complete it in seventy-five thousand ; but being anxious to bring out a work in prose also, in order that he might have the satisfaction of pre- senting it as soon as possible to his excellent patron Ghiyasu-d din, whose praises extend throughout two pages, he compiled the present work under the name of Tarikh-i Guzida. “ Selected History,” having abstracted it from twenty four different works, of which he gives the names, and amongst them, the history of Tabari, the Kamilu-t Tawarikh of Ibnu-1 Asir Jazari, the Niza- mu-t Tawarikh of Baizawi, the Zubdatu-t Tawarikh of Jamalu-d din Kashi, and the Jahdn-kushai of Juwaini. Besides these twenty -four, he quotes occasionally several other valuable works, many of which are now quite unknown. In its turn the Tarikh-i Guzida has been used by later writers. The Habibu-s Siyar quotes largely from it.

The Tarikh-i Guzida contains a Preface, six Books, and an Appendix. The only Books useful for the illustration of Indian history are the third and fourth, in which are comprised the account of the early attempts of the Arabs on the Indian frontier and the history of the Ghaznivide and Ghorian monarchs.

[A portion of the work, comprising the history of the Saljukian dynasty, has been translated by M. Defremery, and published in the Journal Asiatique ; 1 and another portion, relating to the city of Kazwin, has also been translated by the same writer.2]

The Preface contains an account of the creation of the world ; from p. 1 to p. 8.

Book I. — An account of the Patriarchs, Prophets, and Philo- sophers ; in two sections and two subsections ; — from p. 8 to 67.

Book II. — The Peshdadians, Kaianians, Ashkanians (Arsacidae

and Muluk-i Tawaif) and Sassanians ; in four sections ; — from p. 68 to 109.

Book III. — Muhammad, the Khalifas and Imams : in an introduction and six sections ; — from p. 109 to 311.

Book IY. — The eastern monarchies, from the beginning of Muhammadanism to a.h. 730 (a.d. 1329) ; in twelve sections and several subsections, devoted to the following Dynasties : — Bani Lais Saffar, Samanians, Ghaznivides, Ghorians, Buwaihides or Dyalima, Saljukians, Khwarizmians, Atabaks (2 sections), Ismailians, Karakhitais, and Mughals ; — from p. 311 to 477.

Book Y. — The Saints and Elders of the Muhammadan faith, Philosophers and Poets ; in six sections ; — from p. 477 to 557.

Book VI. — An account of the author’s native place, Kazwin, and its celebrated characters ; in eight sections ; — from p. 557 to 603.

The Appendix contains Genealogical Trees of Prophets, Princes, Philosophers and others ; — from p. 603 to 618.

Size. — 8vo. containing 618 pages of 14 lines.

This history, though often quoted by oriental writers, is rare in India. The best copy I know is in the library of the Bengal Asiatic Society, No. 493, but it is unfortunately defective both in the beginning and end. Yar ’Ali Khan, chief native Judge of Jaunpur, has a good copy, and there is one also in the king of Lucknow’s library. Robert Oust, Esq. (B.C.S.), has an admir- able copy, written in 864 a.h. In Europe the most celebrated are those of Stockholm, Paris, the British Museum, the Bodleian Library, Hammer-Purgstall, and Sir W. Ouseley.1 M. Quatre- mere also possessed two copies.

A work in so abridged a form can scarcely be expected to

1 See Haji Khalfa, IY. 176, YI. 7. Wiener Jahrbb. No. lxix. p. 10, and Anzgbl. p. 31. Briggs’ Ferishta , Vol. I. p. 1. Fundgr. d. Or. Vol. III. p. 331. Gesch. der Gold. Horde, pp. xvi. xxii. Coll. Or. Tom. I. p. liv. Gesch. der Ilchane, Vol. II. pp. 268, 320. Gesch. d. Sch. Fed. Pers. p. 12. Journ. Asiatique, III. Ser. Tom. I. p. 581. M. Petis de la Croix, Hist, de Genghiz Can, p. 541. D’Herbelot, Bibl. Or. Art. Tarikh Ehozideh. Biog. Univ. v. Kazwyny. Bampoldi, ix. 322. Gemdldesaal Pref. xi. Ouseley’s Jehanara, p. xi. Price, Mahom. Hist. I. 464, II. 638, 672. Shajrat al Atrak, 303. Gildemeister, p. 2. Journ. des Sav., 1851, p. 47.

present .any passages worthy of extract, but the following are selected as comprising a few anecdotes which have escaped the notice of some more ponderous chroniclers : —

“ The exploits of the Sultan Mahmud are more conspicuous than the sun, and his exertions in the cause of religon surpass all description and eulogy. The Tar'ikh Tamini , Makamat Abu Nasr Miskati , and the volumes of Abu-1 Fazl Baihaki, testify to his achievements.1

“ He was a friend to learned men and poets, on whom he bestowed munificent presents, insomuch that every year he ex- pended upon them more than 400,000 dinars. His features were very ugly. One day, regarding his own face in a mirror, he became thoughtful and depressed. His Wazir inquired as to the cause of his sorrow, to which he replied, ‘ It is generally under- stood that the sight of kings adds vigour to the eye, but the form with which I am endowed is enough to strike the beholder blind.’ The Wazir replied, ‘ Scarcely one man in a million looks on your face, but the qualities of your miud shed their influence on every one. Study, therefore, to maintain an unimpeachable character, that you may be the beloved of all hearts.’ Amlnu-d- daula Mahmud was pleased with this admonition, and he paid so much attention to the cultivation of his mental endowments, that he surpassed all other kings in that respect.2

“ In the first year of his accession to the throne a mine of gold was discovered in Sistan, in the shape of a tree, and the

2 This anecdote is given in the Gemdldesaal d. Lebensb., hut Firishta merely says Mahmud was marked with the small-pox. In the reign of Mas' (id, that historian ascribes a statement to the Guzida which is at variance with the MSS. I have con- sulted. He says that, according to the Guzida , Mas’ud reigned nine years and nine months, whereas the Guzida distinctly says that monarch reigned thirteen years. It may he as well to mention here that Briggs, in his translation of Firishta, has, by some oversight, entered the History of Ilamdu-lla Hustaufi and the Tdrikh-i Guzida, as two different works.

lower the miners dug the richer and purer it became, till one of the veins attained the circumference of three yards. It dis- appeared in the time of Sultan Mas’ud, on the occurrence of an earthquake.

In the month of Muharram of the year 293 he made war upon Jaipal, in Hindustan, and made him prisoner. He spared his life, but exacted tribute. It is a rule among the Hindus that a king who has been twice made prisoner by Musulmans ought no longer to reign, and that his fault can only be purged by fire. Jaipal, therefore, made the kingdom over to his son, and burnt himself. In this war Yaminu-d-daula Mahmud obtained the title of Ghazi.

“ In the year 394, he set out on an expedition to Sistan against Khalaf,1 the son of Ahmad, because Khalaf, on returning from his pilgrimage, had appointed his son Tahir as his successor, he himself having retired from the world and devoted himself to the worship of God. But he repented this step, and put his son to death by treachery. Yaminu-d-daula, in oi’der to avenge this perfidy, attacked Khalaf, who took shelter in the fort of Tak. Yaminu-d-daula Mahmud besieged the fort and took it. Khalaf came out in safety, and when he entered the presence of Mah- mud he addressed him as ‘ Sultan.’ Yaminu-d-daula Mahmud, being pleased with this title, freely pardoned Khalaf, and rein- stated him in the government of Sistan. From that period he assumed the title of Sultan. Khalaf, son of Ahmad, after a while, rebelled against Sultan Mahmud, and sought the pro- tection of Tlak Khan. Sultan Mahmud, on hearing this, de- throned him from Sistan, and sent him to the fort of Juzjan where he remained till the day of his death.

“ Sultan Mahmud, having conquered Bhatiya and Multan as far as the frontiers of Kashmir, made peace with I'lak Khan, who some time after broke faith with him, and advanced to battle

against him ; but he was defeated, and took to flight. Many beautiful youths fell into the hands of the Zawuliyans, who were delighted with their prisoners. I'lak Khan then sought the assistance of the Ghuzz and the Turks of Chin, the descendants of Afrasiyab, but was again defeated in an action at the gates of Balkh, and took a second time to flight. He again made peace with the Sultan, and went to reside in Mawarau-n-nahr.

“ Sultan Mahmud then made war with Nawasa (the grandson of) the ruler of Multan ; conquered that country ; converted the people to Islam ; put to death the ruler of Multan, and entrusted the government of that country to another chief.

“ Sultan Mahmud now went to fight with the Ghorians, who were infidels at that time. Suri, their chief, was killed in this war, and his son was taken prisoner ; but dreading the Sultan’s vengeance, he killed himself by sucking poison which he had kept under the stone of his ring. The country of Ghor was annexed to that of the Sultan, and the population thereof con- verted to Islam. He now attacked the fort of Bhim, where was a temple of the Hindus. He was victorious, and obtained much wealth, including about a hundred idols of gold and silver. One of the golden images, which weighed a million miskals , the Sultan appropriated to the decoration of the Mosque of Ghazni, so that the ornaments of the doors were of gold instead of iron.

“ The rulers of Ghurjistan were at this time called Shar, and Abu Nasr was Shar of the Ghurjis. He was at enmity with Sultan Mahmud, who sent an army against him, and having taken him prisoner, the Sultan concluded peace with him, and purchased his possessions. From that time he remained in the service of the Sultan to the day of his death.

“ The ruler of Mardain,1 having likewise rebelled against the Sultan, withheld the payment of tribute. The Sultan deputed Abu Sa’id Tai, with an army, to make war with him, and he himself followed afterwards, and a battle ensuing, the chief of

1 Other authorities usually say Nhrdin or Nardain. [See Yol. II. pp. 450, 452, 465.]

Mardain took refuge in a fort. The Sultan destroyed its walls by means of elephants, and thus gained possession of the fort. In a house there were found some inscriptions on a stone, giving the date of the erection of the fort, which they carried so far back as 40,000 years. Upon this all were convinced of the folly of the idolaters ; as, from the creation of Adam, the age of the world did not (as it is generally understood) reach 7,000 years ; nor is it probable, according to the opinion of the learned, that a building could remain in a state of repair so long ; but as their ignorance is carried to such a degree that they worship idols instead of the Supreme Being, it is not improbable that they really did entertain such a belief.”

The history which goes by both these names is a work in prose, by Mir Khusru, who died in 1325 a.d. It contains an interest- ing account of the first years of the reign of Sultan ’Alau-d din Khilji (whom he also styles Muhammad Shah Sultan), from his accession to the throne in 695 h. (1296 a.d.) to his con- quest of Ma’bar at the close of 710 h. (1310 a.d.) It is most probably the same work as that which is quoted by some of the general historians, under the name of Tar'ikh ’ Alau-d din Khilji ; but, if so, it has not been closely examined, for several facts of interest have escaped the compilers.

It will be observed that this small work contains much infor- mation on the subject to which it relates. The mode of war- fare of that period, especially, receives illustrations such as can be obtained from no other work. The style in which it is com- posed is for the most part difficult, as the whole is constructed of a series of fanciful analogies, in the same manner as the pre- face to the Bakiya Nakiya and the Tjdz-i Khusruvi of the same author, and the Odes of Badar-chachi, and the treatises of MirzA Katil and several other works, in which fancy is predominant over sense. Every portion is devoted to a selection of words con- nected with one particular subject. For instance, among the

passages translated below, one portion, p. 69, is composed of words derived from architecture ; another, p. 71, is derived from words descriptive of the powers and anatomy of the hand ; an- other, at p. 73, is composed of words used in the game of chess. I have not thought it necessary to adhere closely to the similes in every part. Those which are used in the passages noted above are of themselves sufficiently tedious in translation, though cer- tainly ingenious in the original.

It may easily be conceived that a work so composed contains much that is forced, trivial, and unnatural ; but we can forgive that for the solid information we are occasionally able to extract from it. Indeed, these puns, riddles, and analogies, are even valuable on one account, for the author rarely mentions a date which is not comprised in a sentence containing some kind of enigma, so that we can easily ascertain the correctness of a date, if we have reason to doubt the correctness of the numerals. The following are instances : — “ When the boat of the moon’s crescent entered the stream of clouds ( abr )” — of which the initial letter being alif, or one, the first day of the month is signified. Again, “ When the computation of the month Ramazan had reached that stage, that the first period of the fast (syam) had departed, and the last had not yet arrived ” — that is, that eleven days of the month had elapsed. Meaning, that by rejecting the first and last letters of syam , only yd remains, of which the numerical value is eleven.

The Khazainu-1 Futuh contains many Hindi words, shewing how partial the author was to that language compared with his Muhammadan contemporaries. Thus we have Kath-yarh, pard- han, basith, mar-a-mar, and others. The work is not written in chronological order, but, as in the case of the Mughal invasion, the author has grouped together the series of events which oc- curred over several years in one particular part of the empire.1

1 The work is rare, and, being in prose, is not contained in the Kulydt or complete (poetical) works of the author. The MS. used is an 8vo. of 188 pages, 15 lines to a page. [Mr. Thomas has a copy, and there is also a copy at King’s College, Cam- bridge, Jour. K.A.S. Vol. III. p. 115, Ar.<S’ ]

Mir Khusru’s authority is great as a narrator, for he was not only contemporary with the events which he describes, but was a participator in many of them ; and his friend, the historian Zia Barni, appeals to him frequently for confirmation of his owrn assertions.

The Accession of Sultan Alau-d din to the Throne.

’Alau-d din Khilji, on the 19th of Rabi’u-l-akhir, 695 h. (Feb. 1295), left Karra Manikpur, of which he was then governor, on his expedition to Deogir, and after taking immense booty from Bam Deo, the Rai of that country, he returned to Karra on the 28th of Rajab of the same year. His accession to the throne on the 16th of Ramazan, 695 h. (July, 1296), after mur- dering his uncle and father-in-law, Sultan Jalalu-d din. His arrival at Dehli, where he again mounted the throne, on the 22nd of Zi-1 hijja of the same year. His rules, regulations, justice, and liberality. The cheapness which prevailed in his time.

Edifices Erected and Repaired by the Sultan.

The Sultan determined upon adding to and completing the Masjid-i Jami1 of Sharasu-d din, “ by building beyond the three old gates and courts a fourth, with lofty pillars/’ “ and upon the surface of the stones he engraved verses of the Kuran in such a manner as could not be done even on wax ; ascending so high that you would think the Kuran was going up to heaven, and again descending, in another line, so low that you would think it was coming down from heaven. When the whole work was complete from top to bottom, he built other masjids in the city, so strong that if the nine-vaulted and thousand-eyed heavens were to fall, as they will, in the universe-quake, on the day of resurrection, an arch of them would not be broken. He also repaired the old masjids, of which the walls were broken or inclining, or of which the roof and domes had fallen.”

“ He then resolved to make a pair to the lofty minar of the Jami’ masjid, which minar was then the single (celebrated) one of the time, and to raise it so hi<xh that it could not be exceeded. He first directed that the area of the square before the masjid should be increased, that there might be ample room for the fol- lowers of Islam.”

“ He ordered the circumference of the new minar to be made double that of the old one, and to make it higher in the same proportion, and directed that a new casing and cupola should he added to the old one.” The stones were dug out from the hills, and the temples of the infidels were demolished to furnish a supply. The building of the new fort of Dehli, and the repairs of the old one. “ It is a condition that in a new building blood should be sprinkled ; he therefore sacrificed some thousands of goat-bearded Mughals for the purpose.” He also ordered re- pairs to be made to all the other masjids and forts throughout the kingdom.

As the tank of Shamsu-d din was occasionally dry, ’Alau-d din cleaned it out and repaired it, and erected a dome in the middle of it.

“ The following is the account of the victory which the champions of the triumphant army obtained, on the first occa- sion, during the reign of this Sanjar-like Sultan, may God pro- tect his standards ! over the soldiers of the accursed Kadar, in the land of Jaran Manjur, when the subtle ( mu-shikaf ) Tatar, accompanied by an army, like an avenging deluge, came as pre- sumptuous as ever from the J udi mountain, and crossed the Biah, and Jelam, and Sutlej,1 2 and the advancing wave of the hellites burnt down all the villages 3 of the Khokhars in such a way that

1 This is the order observed in the original.

2 The word is taludra, a common name for a village in many parts of the Upper

Panjab. The talwandi of the Khokhars is a local word similarly applied.

the flames extended as far as the suburbs of the city, and ruin hurled its ravages upon the houses. Such a wailing arose, that the sound reached his majesty the king of kings.

“ He despatched the late Ulugh Khan, the arm of the empire, with the whole of the right wing (hand) of the army, and the powerful chiefs1 and the officers1 who were the support1 of the state, and he named him for the purpose of wielding the sword of holy war ; that so, making themselves ready with power, they might go and lay their hands upon the infidel.” “ The Khan sped swift as an arrow from its bowstring, and made two marches in one until he reached the borders of Jaran Manjur, the field of action, so that not more than a bow-shot remained between the two armies. That was a date on which it became dark when the day declined, because it was towards the close of the month, and the moon of Rabi’u-1 akhir waned till it looked like a sickle above the heavens to reap the Gabrs. Arrows and spears com- mingled together. Some Mughals were captured on Thursday, the 22nd of Rabx’u-l akhir, in the year 695 h. (Feb. 1296 a.d.). On this day the javelin-head of the Khan of Islam fell on the heads of the infidels, and the standard-bearers of the holy war received orders to bind their victorious colours firmly on their backs ; and for honour’s sake they turned their faces towards the waters of the Sutlej, and without the aid of boats they swam over the river, striking out their hands, like as oars impelling a boat.”

The Mughals were defeated, “ though they were in number like ants and locusts,” with a loss of twenty thousand men left dead on the plain. Many took to flight, and many were taken prisoners, “ and the iron collars, which were desirous to be so employed, embraced them with all respect.” On the return of the Kh&n to the King, he was received with many thanks and honours, and a festival was held in celebration of the event.

1 These words also bear respectively the meaning of bones, tendons, wrists ; the words in this sentence being intended to hear some relation to the arm and hand.

Invasion under 'Alt Beg , Turtak, and Turghi.

“When ’All Beg, Turtak, aud Turghi came with drawn swords from the borders of Turkistan to the river Sind, and, after crossing the Jelam, turned their faces in this direction, Turghi, who already saw his head on the spears of the champions of Islam, who, although he had an iron heart, durst not place it in the power of the anvil-breaking warriors of God, was at last slain by an arrow, which penetrated his heart and passed through on the other side.

“ But Turtak and ’Ali Beg, as they had never yet come to this country, regarded the swords of the Musulmans as if they were those of mere preachers, and rushed on impetuously with about fifty thousand horsemen. From the mere dread of that army the hills trembled, and the inhabitants of the foot of the hills were confounded — all fled away before the fierce attack of those wretches, and rushed to the fords of the Ganges. The lightning of Mughal fury penetrated even to those parts, and smoke arose from the burning towns of Hindustan, and the people, flying from their flaming houses, threw themselves into the rivers and torrents. At last from those desolated tracts news reached the court of the protector of the world, and a confidential officer, Malik Akhir Beg, Mubashara, was directed, at the head of a powerful body of thirty thousand horse, to use his best endeavours to attack the accursed enemy, and throw a mighty obstacle in their way.” He obtained victory over them on the twelfth of Jurnada-s sani a.h. 705. “ In short, imme-

diately on discerning the dust of the army of Isl&m, the grovel- ling Mughals became like particles of sand revolving above and below;” and they fled precipitately “like a swarm of gnats before a hurricane.” “ The enemy made one or two weak attacks, but the army of the second Alexander, which you might well call an iron wall, did not even bend before the foe, but drove before them those doers of the deeds of Go".” “ Their fire-

coloured faces began to fall on the earth, and in the rout, ’Ali Beg and Turtak, the commanders, when they saw destruction

awaiting them, threw themselves under the shade of the standard of Islam, and exclaimed that the splendour of our swords had cast such fire upon them, that they could gain no repose, until they had arrived under the shadow of God.”

“ He who has been burnt by the heat of misfortune,

Let him seek no rest save under the shadow of God.”

“ The field of battle became like a chess-board, with the pieces manufactured from the bones of the elephant-bodied Mughals, and their faces ( rukh ) were divided in two by the sword. The slaughtered hoggish Mughals were lying right and left, like so many captured pieces, and were then thrust into the bag which holds the chessmen. The horses which filled the squares were some of them wounded and some taken ; those who, like the pawns, never retreated, dismounted, and, advancing on foot, made themselves generals (queens). ’Ali Beg and Turtak, who were the two kings of the chessboai’d, were falling before the fierce opposition which was shown by the gaunt bones of Malik i^khir Beg, who checkmated them both, and determined to send them immediately to his majesty, that he might order either their lives to be spared, or that they should be pil-mated, or trodden to death by elephants.”

“ Dust arose from the borders of the land of Sind, and the inhabitants fled and threw away their property like leaves dis- persed by the wind in autumn ; but as that blast of destruction had no power to raise the dust as far as Kuhram and Samana, it turned its face towards the deserts of N agor, and began to sweep away the dwellers of that country.” The king despatched Malik Kafur against them, with orders to advance rapidly without attracting observation. “ The kind-hearted Musulmans, running- up from the right and left, took Kapak prisoner,” sent him to the sublime court, and made all his followers prisoners.

Invasion under Ikbal Mudbir, and Mudabir Tat Balwi.

“ Another army, namely, that of Ikbal Mudbir and Mudabir Tai Balwi, followed close behind Kapak’s, thirsty for the blood of the Musulmans, but well filled with the blood of their own tribes. Suddenly a torrent of blood of the slaughtered infidels flowed towards them,” and they had no place to stand on. “ Meanwhile, the van of the army of Islam advanced like clouds and rain against them, and fell like a ras-infr storm on those Jihunians.” Both these leaders were compelled to fly across the river of Sind. Ikbal was taken prisoner, with many of his followers, and those who escaped fled towards the north, and “ countless infidels were despatched to hell.” A farman was issued by Sultan ’Alau-d din that the surviving prisoners should be massacred, and beaten up into mortar for the fort.

‘ They hung down from the Tatar! and Chin! fortress,

As Abyssinians with heads inverted hang from a new building

And a bastion was formed from an hundred thousand of their heads.”

The conquest of Gujarat, Somnat, Nalirwala, and Kambay.

The Sultan despatched Ulugh Khan to Ma’bar and Gujarat for the destruction of the idol-temple of Somnat, on the 20th of Jumada-1 awwal, 698 h. (1300 a.d.) He destroyed all the idols and temples of Somnat, “ but sent one idol, the biggest of all the idols, to the court of his Godlike Majesty, and in that ancient stronghold of idolatry the summons to prayers was pronounced so loud, that they heard it in Misr and Madain.”1 He conquered also the city of Nalirwala and the city of Khambaih,2 and other cities on that sea-shore.

The king himself went to conduct the siege of Rantambhor. “ The Saturnian Hindus, who pretend to relation with that

1 [Misr, Egypt; Madain, the two cities, “ Mecca and Medina.”] 2 [Cambay.]

planet, had for purposes of defence collected fire in each bastion. Every day the fire of those infernals fell on the light of the Musulm&ns, and as there were no means of extinguishing it they filled bags with earth and prepared entrenchments. You might have said that the sewing up of the bags containing the sand looked as if the king of the earth was preparing to invest the fortress with an earthen robe of honour. When the bank of the entrenchment had reached the height of the western bastion of the fortress, the Royal Westerns,1 shot large earthen balls against that infidel fort, so that the hearts of the Hindus began to quail.” “ Some newly converted Musulmans among the ill-starred Mughals had turned their faces from the sun of Islam, and joined those Saturnians but they discharged their arrows in- effectually against the party they had deserted. “ The victorious army remained encamped under that fort from the month of Rajab to Zi-1 ka’da.” Every day they collected at the foot of their outwork or entrenchment,2 and made vigorous attacks, rushing like salamanders through the fire which surrounded them. “ The stones which were shot from the catapults and balistas, within and without the fort, encountered each other half, way, and emitted lightning. They fell upon the fort like hail- stones, and when the garrison ate them, they became cold and dead.” “Ho provisions remained in the fort, and famine pre- vailed to such an extent, that a grain of rice was purchased for two grains of gold.” One night the Rai lit a fire at the top of the hill, and threw his women and family into the flames, and rushing on the enemy with a few devoted adherents, they sacrificed their lives in despair. “ On the fortunate date of the 3rd of Zi-1 ka’da a.h. 700 (July, 1301 a.d.), this strong fort was taken by the slaughter of the stinking Rai.” Jhain was also captured, “ an iron fort, an ancient abode of idolatry, and

1 A name applied to the catapults and similar instruments of war derived from the "West.

2 The word in the original is pdshil — usually applied to “a footstool, a declivity of a mountain, the bottom of a ladder.” A little lower down, in the siege of Warangal, we find it representing a slope to a breach.

a new city of the people of the faith arose.” The temple of Bahir Deo, and the temples of other gods, were all razed to the ground.

“ On the southern border of Hindustan, Rai Mahlak Deo, of Malwa, and Koka, his Pardhan, who had under their command a select body of thirty or forty thousand cavalry, and infantry without number, boasting of their large force, had rubbed their eyes with the antimony of pride, and, according to the verse,

‘ When fate decrees the sight is blinded,1 had forsaken the path of obedience. A select army of royal troops was appointed, and suddenly fell on those blind and bewildered men. Victory itself preceded them, and had her eyes fixed upon the road to see when the triumphant army would arrive. Until the dust of the army of Islam arose, the vision of their eyes was closed. The blows of the sword then descended upon them, their heads were cut off, and the earth was moistened with Hindu blood.”

The accursed Koka, also, was slain, and his head was sent to the Sultan. His confidential chamberlain, ’Ainu-1 Mulk, was appointed to the Government of Malwa, and directed to expel Mahlak Deo from Mandu, “and to cleanse that old Gabristan from the odour of infidelity.” A spy showed him a way secretly into the fort, and he advanced upon Mahlak Deo “ before even his household gods were aware of it.” The Rai was slain while attempting to fly. This event occurred on Thursday, the 5th of Jumada-1 awwal, a.h. 705 1 (Nov. 1305 a.d.). ’Ainu-lMulk sent a chamberlain to the Sultan with a despatch announcing this event. The Sultan returned thanks to God for the victory, and added Mandu to the Government of ’Ainu-1 Mulk.

On Monday, the 8th Jumada-s sani, a.h. 702, the loud

1 [Sic : but either the date is wrong or the event is taken out of chronological order. Firishta places it in 704 h.]

drums proclaimed the royal march from Dehli, undertaken with a view to the capture of Chitor. The author accompanied the expedition. The fort was taken on Monday, the 11th of Muharram, a.h. 703 (August, 1303 a.d.). The Rai fled, but afterwards surrendered himself, “ and was secured against the lightning of the scimetar. The Hindus say that lightning falls wherever there is a brazen vessel, and the face of the Rai had become as yellow as one, through the effect of fear.”

After ordering a massacre of thirty thousand Hindus, he bestowed the Government of Chitor upon his son, Khizr Khan, and named the place Khizrabad. He bestowed on him a red canopy, a robe embroidered with gold, and two standards — one green, and the other black — and threw upon him rubies and emeralds. He then returned towards Dehli. “ Praise be to God ! that he so ordered the massacre of all the chiefs of Hind out of the pale of Islam, by his infidel-smiting sword, that if in this time it should by chance happen that a schismatic should claim his right, the pure Sunnis would swear in the name of this Khalifa of God, that heterodoxy has no rights.”

Rai Ram Deo, of Deogir, having swerved from his allegiance, an expedition of thirty-thousand horse was fitted out against him, and Malik Naib Barbak1 was appointed to the command. “ He accomplished with ease a march of three hundred parasangs over stones and hills, without drawing rein,” “and arrived there on Saturday, the 19th of Ramazan, a.h. 706 (March, 1307 a.d.). The son of the Rai fled at once, and most of the army of the Hindus was sent to hell by the spears and arrows. Half of the rest fled away, and the other half received quarter.”

After the victory, the general ordered that the soldiers should retain the booty they had acquired, with the exception of horses, elephants, and treasure, which were to be reserved for the king. The Rai was taken prisoner and sent to the king, by whom he

1 _Bdrbak or Barbeg , the officer who presents persons at Court.]

was detained for six months, and then released with all honour, and a red umbrella was bestowed upon him.

On Wednesday, the 13th of Muharram, a.h. 708 (July, 1308 a.d.), the king set out on his expedition against Siwana, “ a fort situated on an eminence, one hundred parasangs from Dehli, and surrounded by a forest occupied by wild men, who committed highway robberies. Sutal Deo, a Gabr, sat on the summit of the hill-fort, like the Simurgh upon Caucasus, and several thou- sand other Gabrs, were also present, like so many mountain vultures.” “The Western mangonels were placed under the orders of Malik Kamalu-d din Garg (the wolf) ;

“ For in slaying lions he excelled As much as the wolf in killing sheep.”

Some of the garrison, in attempting to escape to the jungles, were pursued and killed. “ On Tuesday, the 23rd of Rabfu-1 awwal, Sutal Deo, the Savage, was slain. When the affair with those savages was brought to completion, the great king left Malik Kamalu-d din Garg, to hunt the hogs of that desert,” and he himself returned to Dehli.

On the 25th of Jumada-1 awwal, a.h. 709, Malik Naib Kafur, the minister, was despatched on an expedition to Tilang, and “ accompanied by the royal red canopy, through the kindness of the Sun of Sultans, he departed towards the sea and Ma’bar.” “ The army marched stage by stage for nine days, when the lucky star of the chief of Wazirs, at a fortunate moment, arrived at Mas’udpur, so called after the son of King Mas’ud. There the army halted for two days, and, on the 6th of the second Jumad, he took his departure with all the chiefs.” The diffi- culties of the road described, through hills and ravines and forests. “The obedient army went through this inhospitable tract, file after file, and regarded this dreadful wilderness as the razor-bridge of hell.

“ In six days the army crossed five rivers, the Jun, the Chambal, the Kunwari, the Niyas,1 and Bahuji, which were all crossed by fords, and arrived at Sultanpur, commonly called Irijpur, where the army halted four days.” “ After thirteen days, on the first of the month of Rajab, they arrived at Klian- dhar ; in such a wilderness, the month of God advanced to meet the army of Islam.” Here they remained fourteen days. “At this fortunate season, all the Imams, Maliks, the pious and celebrated persons in the army, assembled before the royal canopy and offered up prayers for the king.

“ The army again advanced, and, like a raging deluge, passed through torrents and water courses — now up, now down. Every day it arrived at a new river.” “ There were means of crossing all the rivers, but the Net-bad da was such that you might say it was a I’emnant of the universal delude. As the miraculous power of the saintly Sultan accompanied the army, all the whirlpools and depths became of themselves immediately dry on the arrival of the army, and the Musulmans passed over with ease, so that in the space of eight days after crossing that Tigris they arrived at Nilkanth.” “As Nilkanth was on the borders of Deogir, and included in the country of the Rai It ay an, Ram Deo, the minister, acting under the orders of his Majesty, directed that it should be secured against being plundered by the army, which was as destructive as ants and locusts. No one, therefore, was able to carry off doors, enclosures, dwellings, and grain stores, or to cut down the growing crops. The drums which sounded to march were detained here two days, while enquiries were made about the stages in advance, and on Tues- day, the 26th of Rajab, the army again moved forward.”

The difficulties of the next sixteen marches described. — Stones, hills, streams, ravines, and pathways “narrower than a guitar- string,” “ After crossing three plains and hills with fortitude and determination, they arrived at a place within the borders of

1 [This name may also be read as Bambas. The Kunwari is the Kuhari of the maps, and the Niyas and Bahuji must be the rivers now known as the Sind and Betwa.]

Bijanagar, which wTas pointed out as containing a diamond-mine.” It was in a Doab, or Interamnia, one river being the Yashar, the other the Baruji.

About this time, he arrived at the fort of Sarbar, “ which is considered among the provinces of Tilang.” The commander, without delay, “ gave orders that the fort should be invested ; from without the archers shot arrows, from within the Hindus exclaimed ‘ strike ! strike ! ( mar mar)' ” When, in consequence of the fire-arrows shot by the Musulmans, the houses in the fort began to burn, “ Every one threw himself, with his wife and children, upon the flames, and departed to hell.” While the fire was yet blazing, an attack was made on the fort, and those that escaped the flames, became the victims of the sword. The Naib ’Arz-i mamalik, by name Siraj-i din, when he saw that the moment of victory had arrived, called upon Ananir, the brother of the commander of the fort, who had made his escape, to sur- render the fort with all its treasures. The defenders who still survived fled in terror.

On Saturday, the 10th of Sha’ban, the army marched from that spot, “ in order that the pure tree of Islam might be planted and flourish in the soil of Tilang, and the evil tree, which had struck its roots deep, might be torn up by force.”

On the 14th of the month, they arrived at Kunarpal, when Malik Naib Barbak sent out a detachment of a thousand men to seize some prisoners from whom information might be obtained. As the army had arrived near Arangal, two chiefs were sent on with forty mounted archers to occupy “the hill of An Makinda, for from that all the edifices and gardens of Arangal can be seen.” Here he himself encamped a few days afterwards.

“ The wall of Arangal was made of mud, but so strong that a spear of steel could not pierce it ; and if a ball from a western catapult were to strike against it, it would rebound like a nut which children play with.” “At night Khwaja Nasiru-1 Mulk Siraju-d Daulat distributed the troops to their several destina- tions, and sent every detachment to occupy its proper place, so that

the fort might be invested in every direction, and that his soldiers might find shelter from the naphtha and fire of those within.

“When the blessed canopy had been fixed about a mile from the gate of Arangal, the tents around the fort were pitched to- gether so closely that the head of a needle could not get between them.” “ To every tamin (tribe or division) was allotted one thousand and two hundred yards of land, and the entire circuit of the wall was twelve thousand and five hundred and forty and six yards.” “ Orders were issued that every man should erect behind his own tent a hath- gar , that is a wooden' defence. The trees were cut with axes and felled, notwithstanding their groans ; and the Hindiis, who worship trees, could not at that time come to the rescue of their idols, so that every cursed tree which was in that capital of idolatry was cut down to the roots ; and clever carpenters applied the sharp iron to shape the blocks, so that a wooden fortress was drawn around the army, of such stability, that if fire had rained from heaven their camp would have been unscathed.”

A night attack was made on the camp by three thousand Hindu horse, under the command of Banak Deo, the chief ( mukaddam ) of that country. It was unsuccessful, and “ the heads of the Bawats rolled on the plain like crocodiles’ eggs,” the whole party being slain, or taken prisoners. From the latter it was learnt that “in the town of Damdhum, six parasangs from Tilang, three powerful elephants were kept.” A thousand men, under Karrah Beg, were detached to seize them, and they were brought into camp and reserved for the royal stables.

The Naib Amir gave daily orders to attack the chiefs of Laddar Deo, and he also ordered the “ western stone-balls ” to be thrown at the wall from every direction “ to demolish it, and reduce it to powder.” The manjaniks from without had more effect than the arradas from within ; “ the stones of the Musulmans all flew high, owing to the power of the strong cable, but the balls of the Hindus were shot feebly, as from a Brahman’s thread.”

“ When the stories and redoubts ( sabdt o gargaj ) were com- pleted, and had attained such a height that the garrison of the fort were placed suddenly on a lower elevation,1 the ditch of the wall which was in front of the army of Islam,” and which was of very great depth, had to be crossed. This was filled to the mouth with earth. “ One face of the fort, which was one hundred cubits in length, was so battered down by heavy stones that it no longer covered the Hindus and afforded them protection. On another face also, the balls of the western engines which were in the outwork had, by the breaches they had made, opened several gates. All those breaches were so many gates of victory, which heaven had opened for the royal army.

“As the earth which was battered down from the wall filled up the ditch from the very bottom to the middle of the wall, and the walls of the earthen fortress were pounded into dust by the stones discharged at them, the commander was about to make a sloping ascent to the breach, so wide and open that a hundred men could go on it abreast. But as it would have taken several days to make this slope, and victory was herself urgent that she should be secured by rapid action, the wise minister summoned his prudent Maliks to a council, and it was unanimously deter- mined that, before making an ascent to the breach, an assault should be attempted.”

On the night of the 11th of Ramazan, “the minister of ex- alted rank issued orders that in every division high ladders, with other apparatus, should be kept ready in the middle of the night, and whenever the drum should beat to action every one should advance from his entrenchment and carry the ladders towards the fort —

“ That the work of victory might be exalted step by step.”

During the attack, the catapults were busily plied on both sides. “ If one ball from an engine without the walls was dis- charged, it fell as two balls within, but from the engines within,

1 We find this kind of outwork constructed by Changiz Khan, in his siege of Bfimikn.

although two balls might be discharged at a time, no misfortune befell the proclaimers of unity. Praise be to God for his exalta- tion of the religion of Muhammad ! It is not to be doubted that stones are worshipped by the Gabrs, but as stones did no service to them, they only bore to heaven the futility of that worship, and at the same time prostrated their devotees upon earth.” Three bastions of the outer wall were taken and occu- pied by the Musulmans.

On Sunday, the 13th, “ a day dedicated to the sun,” the attack was renewed, and cries of 1 “ huzza huzz, and Tchuzza hhuzz ,” the acclamation of the triumph of holy warriors arose. “They took fire with them, and threw it into the places of retreat of the Gabrs, who worshipped fire.” By Wednesday, the whole of the outer wall was in possession of the Musulmans. They then saw the inner fortress, which was built of stone. “ You miodit have said it was the fort of Nai, in which the air is as much lost as in a reed.” When the army reached the inner ditch, they swam across it, and commenced a vigorous attack on one of the stone bastions, which so alarmed Rai Laddar Deo that he offered terms of capitulation. He despatched confidential messengers to offer an annual payment of tribute, and sent a golden image of him- self, with a golden chain round its neck, in acknowledgment of his submission. “ When the messengers 2 3 of the Rai came before the red canopy, which is the honoured harbinger of victory and triumph, they rubbed their yellow faces on the earth till the ground itself acquired their colour, and they drew out their tongues in eloquent Hindui, more cutting than a Hindi sword, and they delivered the message of the Rai.”

“ The idol-breaking Malik comprehended the gilding of the

1 An early eastern use of Huzza ! huzza ! The same exclamations occur in the Miftahu-l Futuh.

2 The Hindi word basith is here used. It is one of those chosen by the author for

illustration in his well-known vocabulary called “ Elialik bari.”

Hindus, and paid no regard to their glozing speech, and would not look towards that golden image ; ” but he (“ a part of the second Alexander ”) ordered his officers to take the gold that was brought and suspend operations against the fort. He demanded, in reply, everything that the Ear’s country produced, from “ vegetables, mines, and animals. On this condition the fort- taking Malik stretched forth his right hand, and placed his sword in his scabbard, and struck his open hand, by way of admonition, so forcibly on the backs of the basiths that he made them bend under the blow. They hastened to the fort, trembling like quick- silver. The Rai was engaged all night in accumulating his treasures and wealth, and next morning his officers returned witli elephants, treasures, and horses, before the red canopy, which is the dawn of the eastern sun ; and the Malik, having- summoned all the chiefs of the army, sat down in a place which was found in front of the exalted throne, and every other officer found a place in the assembly according to his rank. The com- mon people and servants assembled in a crowd. He then sent for the basiths of the Rai, and directed them to place their faces on the ground before the canopy, the shadow of God ; and the elephants were placed in front of that assembly, to be exhibited for presentation.”

The Malik took the entire wealth of the Rai which was brought, and threatened a general massacre, if it should be found that the Rai had reserved anything for himself. An engagement was then entered into that the Rai should send jizya annually to Dehli. The Malik left Arangal on the 16th of Shawwal (March, 1310 a.d.) with all his booty, and “a thousand camels groaned under the weight of the treasure.” He arrived at Dehli on the 11th of Muharram, a.h. 710, and on Tuesday, the 24th, in an assembly of all the chiefs and nobles on the terrace of Nasiru-d din, the plunder was presented, and the Malik duly honoured.

“ They raised a black pavilion on the Chautara Nasira, like the Ka’ba in the navel of the earth, and kings and princes of Arabia and Persia took up their stations around it, while various other

celebrated chiefs, who had fled to the city of- Islam, came with pure intentions to offer allegiance, and honoured the dust which adhered to their foreheads when prostrating themselves upon the earth before his majesty.” “ You would have said that the people considered that day a second ’Id, when the returning pilgrims, after traversing many deserts, had arrived at the sacred dwelling of the king. The common people went roaming about, and there was no one to prevent their enjoying that blessed sight. They obtained the rewards resulting from pilgrimage, but a greater reward than that attending other pilgrimages was, that, on whatsoever person the fortunate sight of the king fell, that person was a recipient of his kindness and favour.”

“ The tongue of the sword of the Khalifa of the time, which is the tongue ofthe flame of Islam, has imparted light to the entire dark- ness of Hindustan by the illumination of its guidance ; and on one side an iron wall of royal swords has been raised before the infidel Magog-like Tatars, so that all that God-deserted tribe drew their feet within their skirts amongst the hills of Ghazni, and even their advance-arrows had not strength enough to reach into Sind. On the other side so much dust arose from the battered temple of Somnat that even the sea was not able to lay it, and on the right hand and on the left hand the army has conquered from sea to sea, and several capitals of the gods of the Hindus, in which Satanism has prevailed since the time ofthe Jinns, have been demolished. All these impurities of infidelity have been cleansed by the Sultan’s destruction of idol-temples, beginning with his first holy expedition against Deogir, so that the flames of the light of the law illumine all these unholy countries, and places for the criers to prayer are exalted on high, and prayers are read in mosques. God be praised ! ”

“ But the country of Ma’bar, which is so distant from the city of Dehli that a man travelling with all expedition could only reach it after a journey of twelve months, there the arrow of any

holy warrior had not yet reached ; but this world-conquering king determined to carry his army to that distant country, and spread the light of the Muhammadan religion there.11 Malik Naib Barbak was appointed to command the army for this ex- pedition, and a royal canopy was sent with him. The Malik represented that on the coast of Ma’bar were five hundred elephants, larger than those which had been presented to the Sultan from Arangal, and that when he was engaged in the conquest of that place he had thought of possessing himself of them, and that now, as the wise determination of the king had combined the extirpation of idolaters with this object, he was more than ever rejoiced to enter on this grand enterprise.

The army left Dehli on the 24th of Jumada-1 akhir, a.h. 710 (Nov. 1810 a.d.) and after marching by the bank of the Jun (Jumna) halted at Tankal for fourteen days. While on the bank of the river at that place, the D'vwan of the ’A'riz-i Mamalik took a muster of the army. “ Twenty and one days the royal soldiers, like swift grey-hounds, made lengthened marches, while they were making the road short, until they arrived at Kanliun ; from that, in seventeen more days, they arrived at Gur-ganw. During these seventeen days the Ghats were passed, and great heights and depths were seen amongst the hills, where even the elephants became nearly invisible.” “ And three large rivers had to be crossed, which occasioned the greatest fears in their passage. Two of them were equal to one another, but neither of them equalled the Nerbadda.”

“ After crossing those rivers, hills, and many depths, the R&i of Tilang sent twenty-three powerful elephants for the royal service.” “For the space of twenty days the victorious army remained at that place, for the purpose of sending on the ele- phants, and they took a muster of the men present and absent, until the whole number was counted. And, according to the command of the king, they suspended swords from the standard poles, in order that the inhabitants of Ma’bar might be aware that the day of resurrection had arrived amongst them ; and that

all the burnt 1 Hindus would be despatched by the sword to their brothers in hell, so that fire, the improper object of their wor- ship, migdit mete out proper punishment to them.”

“ The sea-resembling army moved swiftly, like a hurricane, to Ghurganw.2 Everywhere the accursed tree, that produced no reli- gion, was found and torn up by the roots, and the people who were destroyed were like trunks carried along in the torrent of tire Jihun, or like straw tossed up and down in a whirlwind, and carried forward. When they reached the Tawi (Tapti),they saw a river like the sea. The army crossed it by a ford quicker than the hurricane they resembled, and afterwards employed itself in cutting down jungles and destroying gardens.”

“ On Thursday, the 13th of Ramazan, the royal canopy cast its shadow on Deogir, which under the aid of heaven had been protected by the angels, and there the army determined to make all preparations for extirpating Billal Deo and other Deos (demons). The Rai Rayan, Ram Deo, who had heard safety to Satan pro- claimed by the dreadful Muhammadan tymbals, considered him- self safe under the protection secured to him ; and, true to his allegiance, forwarded with all his heart the preparations necessary for the equipment of the army sent by the Court, so as to render it available for the extermination of rebels and the destruction of the Bir and Dhur Samundar.”3 The city was adorned in honour of the occasion, and food and clothes plentifully supplied to the Musulm&ns.