3. Volume 1 — part 3

Dalwi, a Hindu, who had been sent on to hold the gates of access to the Bir and Dhur Samundar, was directed by the Rai Rayan to attend on the Musulraan camp, and “ he was anxious to see the conquest of the whole of Dhur Samundar by the fortunate devotees of the Ka’ba of religion.” The Muhammadan army

1 _il Sokhta," literally “burnt,” but also signifying consumed by trouble.]

2 Here spelt with an h in the first syllable.

3 [Dwara-samudra was the capital of the Bellala rajas, and Vira Narasinha was the name of the prince who was overthrown in this invasion. See Wilson’s Mackenzie Collection, Int., p. cxiii. ; Buchanan’s Mysore, iii., pp. 391, 474; Thomas, Prinsep’s Useful Tables, p. 276.]

remained for three days, and on the 17th departed “from the Imanab&d Deogir to the Kharababad of Paras Deo Dalvi,1 2 in five stages, in which three large rivers were crossed,” Sini, Godavari, and Binhur,3 and other frightful rivers ; and “ after five days arrived at Bdndri, in the country ( ikta ’) of Paras Deo Dalvi, who was obedient to his exalted Majesty, and desired that, by the force of the arms of the victorious Mu- hammadan soldiers, Bir Dhul and Bir Pandy& 3 might be re- duced, together with the seas which encircle them, into one cup.”4 Here he stayed to make inquiries respecting the countries in advance, when he was informed that the two Rais of Ma’bar, the eldest named Bir Pandyd, the youngest Sundar Pandya,5 who had up to that time continued on friendly terms, had advanced against each other with hostile intentions, and that Billal Deo, the Rai of Dhur Samundar, on learning this fact, had marched for the purpose of sacking their two empty cities, and plundering the merchants ; but that, on hearing of the advance of the Mu- hammadan army, he had returned to his own country.

On Sunday, the 23rd, after holding a council of his chief officers, he took a select body of cavalry with him, and pressed on against Bill&l Deo, and on the 5th of Shawwal reached the fort of Dhur Samund,6 after a difficult march of twelve days over the hills and valleys, and through thorny forests.

1 Dalwi is perhaps meant for an inhabitant of Tuluva, the modern Canara.

2 No doubt the present Sina and Bhima, but the position of the Godavari is transposed.

3 [This should signify Bir (Yfra) the Raja of D wara-samudra, and Yira the Raja of Phndya; but there was evidently a confusion in the mind of the writer as to persons and places, as seen in this passage. In another place he says “ the fort which is called Bir and Dhdr Samundar.” Wassaf calls the Pandya r&ja “Tira Pandi,” and makes a pun on this name, calling him “ tira-bakht," showing that he did not know the real name ( suprd , p. 53).]

4 There is great punning here about wells (bir) and buckets (dalvi), which is

impossible to render into English so as to make it comprehensible.

6 The author spells it both “ samundar ” and “samund,” — here he makes it rhyme with kund and tund ; in another place he puns upon “ samundar ” as the name of a salamander.

“The fire-worshipping” Rax, when he learnt that “his idol temple was likely to be converted into a mosque,” despatched Kxsu Mai to ascertain the strength and cii’cumstances of the Musulmans, and he returned with such alarming accounts that the Rax xxext morning despatched Balak Deo Naxk to the royal canopy, to repx’esent that “ your slave Billal Deo is ready to swear allegiance to the mighty emperor, like Laddar Deo and Ram Deo, and whatever the Sulaiman of the time may order, I am X’eady to obey. If you desire horses like demons, and elephants like afrits , and valuables like those of Deogix', they are all present. If you wish to destroy the four walls of this fort, they are, as they stand, no obstacle to your advance. The fort is the fort of the king ; take it.” The commander replied that he was sent with the object of con- verting him to Muhammadanism, or of making him a Zimml , and subject to pay tax, or of slaying him, if neither of these terms were assented to. When the Rax received this reply, he said he was ready to give up all he possessed, except his sacred thread.

On Friday, the 6th of Shawwal, the Rax sent Balak Deo Naxk, Narain Deo, and Jxt Mai, with some other basiths , to bow before the royal canopy, and they were accoxxxpanied by six elephants. Next day some horses followed. On Sunday, “ Billal Deo, the sun-worshipper, seeing the splendour of the sword of Islam over his head, bowing down his head, descended from his fortress, and came before the shadow of the shadow of God ; and, trembling and heartless, prostrated himself on the earth, and rubbed the forehead of subjection on the ground.” He then returned to fetch his treasures, and was engaged all night in taking them out, and next day brought them before the royal canopy, and made them over to the king’s treasurer.

The commander remained twelve days in that city, “ which is four month’s distance from Dehli,” and sent the captured elephants and hox'ses to that capital.

On Wednesday, the 18tli of Shawwal, the Malik “ beat his drums, and loaded his camels for his expedition to Ma’bar, and after five days arrived at the mountains which divide Ma’bar from Dhur Samundar. In this range there are. two passes — one Sarmali, and the other Tabar. After traversing the passes, they arrived at night on the banks of the river Kanobari, and bivouacked on the sands. Thence they departed for Birdhul, and committed massacre and devastation all around it. The Rai Bir showed an intent of flying for security to his islands in the ocean, but as he was not able to attempt this, his attendants counselled him to fly by land. With a small amount of treasure and property, he deserted the city, and fled to Kandur, and even there he dare not remain, but again fled to the jungles.

Thither the Malik pursued “ the yellow-faced Bir,”1 and at Kandur was joined by some Musulmans who had been subjects of the Hindus, now no longer able to offer them protection. They were half Hindus, and not strict in their religious obser- vances, but “ as they could repeat the kalima, the Malik of Islam spared their lives. Though they were worthy of death, yet, as they were Musulmans, they were pardoned.”

After returning to Birdhul, he again pursued the Raja to Kandur, and took one hundred and eight elephants, one of which was laden with jewels. The Rai again escaped him, and he ordered a general massacre at Kandur. It was then ascertained that he had fled to Jalkota, “an old city of the ancestors of Bir.” There the Malik closely pursued him, but he had again escaped to the jungles, which the Malik found himself unable to penetrate, and he therefore returned to Kandur, where he searched for more elephants. Here he heard that in Brahmastpuri there was a golden idol, round which many elephants were stabled. The Malik started on a night expedition against this place, and in the morning seized no less than two hundred and fifty ele- phants. He then determined on razing the beautiful temple to the ground, — “ you might say that it was the Paradise of Shad- 1 The Kin is here frequently called Bir.

dad, which, after being lost, those hellites had found, and that it was the golden Lanka of Ram,” — “ the roof was covered with rubies and emeralds,” — “ in short, it was the holy place of the Hindus, which the Malik dug up from its foundations with the greatest care,” “ and the heads of the Brahmans and idolaters danced from their necks and fell to the ground at their feet,” and blood flowed in torrents. “ The stone idols called Ling Mahadeo, which had been a long time established at that place, — quibus, mulieres infidelium pudenda sua affricant,1 — these, up to this time, the kick of the horse of Islam had not attempted to break.” The Musulmans destroyed all the lings, “and Deo Narain fell down, and the other gods who had fixed their seats there raised their feet, and jumped so high, that at one leap they reached the fort of Lanka, and in that affright the lings themselves would have fled had they had any legs to stand on.” Much gold and valuable jewels fell into the hands of the Musulmans, who re- turned to the royal canopy, after executing their holy project, on the 13th of Zi-1 ka’da, 710 H. (April, 1311 a.d.). They destroyed all the temples at Bxrdhul, and placed the plunder in the public treasury.

After five days, the royal canopy moved from Birdhul on Thursday, the 17th of Zx-1 ka’da, and arrived at Kham, and five days afterwards they arrived at the city Mathra (Madura), the dwelling-place of the brother of the Rai Sundar Pandya. They found the city empty, for the Rai had fled with the Ranis, but had left two or three elephants in the temple of Jagnar (Jag- ganath).” The elephants were captured and the temple burnt.

When the Malik came to take a muster of his captured ele- phants they extended over a length of three parasangs, and

1 Allusive to a practice, which it is unnecessary to particularize more closely, which is said to be still much observed amongst the Khattris, and which Hindis in general repudiate, attributing it at the same time to the Saraogis.

amounted to five hundred and twelve, besides five thousand horses, Arabian and Syrian, and five hundred mans of jewels of every description — diamonds, pearls, emeralds, and rubies.

On Sunday, the 4th of Zi-1 hijja, 710 h. Malik Kafur, accom- panied by his army, returned towards Dehli with all the plunder, and arrived in safety on Monday, the 4th of Jumada-s Sani, 711 h. Sultan ’Alau-d din held a public darbdr in front of the Golden Palace, and all the nobles and chiefs stood on the right and on the left, according to their rank. Malik Naib Kafur Hazar-dinari, with the officers who had accompanied him, were presented to the Sultan, before whom the rich booty was ex- hibited. The Sultan was much gratified, loaded the warriors with honour, and the darbdr was dissolved.

This History is very much quoted by subsequent authors, and is the chief source from which Firishta draw's his account of the period. Barni takes up the History of India just where the Tabakdt-i Nasiri leaves it ; nearly a century having elapsed with- out any historian having recorded the events of that interval. In his Preface, after extolling the value of history, he gives the following account of his own work. [“ Having derived great benefit and pleasure from the study of history, I was desirous of writing a history myself, beginning with Adam and his two sons. * * * But while I was intent upon this design, I called to mind the Tabakdt-i Nasiri , written with such marvellous ability by the Sadar-i Jahan , Minhaju-d din Jauzjani. * * * I then said to myself, if I copy what this venerable and illustrious author has written, those who have read his history will derive no advantage from reading mine ; and if I state any thing con- tradictory of that master’s writings, or abridge or amplify his statements, it will be considered disrespectful and rash. In addi- tion to which I should raise doubts and difficulties in the minds of his readers. I therefore deemed it advisable to exclude from this history everything which is included in the Tabakdt-i Nasiri , * * * and to confine myself to the history of the later kings of Dehli. * * * It is ninety-five years since the Tabakdt-i Nasiri , and during that time eight kings have sat upon the throne of Dehli. Three other persons, rightly or wrongfully, occupied the

throne for three or four months each ; hut in this history I have recorded only the reigns of eight kings, beginning with Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Balban, who appears in the Tdbakat-i Nasiri under the name of TJlugh Khan.]

“ First. — Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Balban, who reigned twenty years.

“ Second. — Sultan M’uizzu-d din Kai-kubad, son of Sultan Balban, who reigned three years.

“ Third. — Sultan Jalalu-d din Firoz Khilji, who reigned seven years.

“Fourth. — Sultan ’Alau-d din Khilji, who reigned twenty years.

“Fifth. — Sultan Kutbu-d din, son of Sultan ’Alau-d din, who reigned four years and four days.

“Sixth. — Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Tuglilik, who reigned four years and a few months.

“ Seventh. — Sultan Muhammad, the son of Tuglilik Shah, who reigned twenty years.

“Eighth. — Sultan Firoz Shah, the present king, whom may God preserve.

“ I have not taken any notice of three kings, who reigned only three or four months. I have written in this book, which I have named Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi , whatever I have seen during the six years of the reign of the present king, Firoz Shah, and after this, if God spares my life, I hope to give an account of subse- quent occurrences in the concluding part of this volume. I have taken much trouble on myself in writing this history, and hope it will be approved. If readers peruse this compilation as a mere history, they will find recorded in it the actions of great kings and conquerors ; if they search in it the rules of adminis- tration and the means of enforcing obedience, even in that respect it will not be found deficient ; if they look into it for warnings and admonitions to kings and governors, that also they will find nowhere else in such perfection. To conclude, whatever I have written is right and true, and worthy of all confidence.”

Ziau-d din Barni, like many others, who have written under the

eye and at the dictation of contemporary princes, is an unfair nar- rator. Several of the most important events of the reigns he cele- brated have been altogether omitted, or slurred over as of no con- sequence. Thus many of the inroads of the Muglials in the time of ’Alau-d din are not noticed, and he omits all mention of the atro- cious means of perfidy and murder, by which Muhammad Tughlik obtained the throne, to which concealment he was no doubt in- duced by the near relationship which that tyrant bore to the reigning monarch. With respect, however, to his concealment of the Mughal irruptions, it is to be remarked, as a curious fact, that the Western historians, both of Asia and Europe, make no mention of some of the most important. It is Firishta who notices them, and blames our author for his withholding the truth. Firishta’s sources of information were no doubt excellent, and the general credit which his narrative inspires, combines with the eulogistic tone of Ziau-d din Barni’s history in proving that the inroads were actually made, and that the author’s con- cealment was intentional. The silence of the authorities quoted by De Guignes, D’Herbelot, and Price, may be ascribed to their defective information respecting the transactions of the Mughal leaders to the eastward of the Persian boundary.

The author did not live to complete his account of Firoz Shah, but towards the close of his work lavishes every kind of enco- mium, not altogether undeserved, upon that excellent prince. Notwithstanding that Firishta has extracted the best part of the Tdrikli-i Firoz SJiahi, it will continue to be consulted, as the reigns which it comprises are of some consequence in the history of India. The constant recurrence of Mughal invasions, the expeditions to the Dekkin and Telingana, the establishment of fixed prices for provisions, and the abortive means adopted to avert the effects of famine, the issue of copper money of arbitrary value, the attempted removal of the capital to Deogir, the wanton massacres of defenceless subjects, the disastrous results of the scheme to penetrate across the Himalaya to China, the public buildings, and the mild administration of Firoz ; all these

measures, and many more, invest the period with an interest which cannot be satisfied from the mere abstract given by Fi- rishta.

[Barni is very sparing and inaccurate in his dates. He is also wanting in method and arrangement. He occasionally introduces divisions into his work, but in such a fitful irregular way that they are useless. In his latter days “ he retired to a village in the suburbs of Dehli, which was afterwards the burial place of many saints and distinguished men. He was reduced to such extreme poverty that no more costly shroud than a piece of coarse matting could be furnished for the funeral obsequies.” His tomb is not far from that of his friend, the poet Amir Khusru.1

[Sir H. Elliot had marked the whole of Barm’s history for translation, intending probably to peruse it and expunge all trivial and uninteresting passages. The translation had been undertaken by a distinguished member of the Bengal Civil Ser- vice, but when required it was not forthcoming. After waiting for some time, the editor, anxious to avoid further delay, set to work himself, and the whole of the translation is from his pen.2 It is somewhat freer in style than many of the others, for although the text has been very closely followed, the sense has always been preferred to the letter, and a discretion has been exercised of omitting reiterated and redundant epithets. All passages of little or no importance or interest have been omitted, and their places are marked with asterisks. The Extracts, therefore, contain the whole pith and marrow of the work, all that is likely to prove in any degree valuable for historical pur- poses. Barm’s history of the eighth king, Fxroz Shah, is incom- plete, and is of less interest than the other portions. In the weakness of old age, or in the desire to please the reigning monarch, he has indulged in a strain of adulation which spoils

1 Col. Lees. Jour., R.A.S., vol. iii., new series, p. 445.

2 When a portion of the translation was already in type, and the editor was at work on the last reign, a letter arrived from India with translations of the histories of the second and sixth of the eight kings — too late to be of any service.

his narrative. The Tarikh-i Firoz Skaki of Shams-i Siraj, which will follow this work, is specially devoted to the reign of that king. Shams-i Siraj has therefore been left to tell the history of that monarch. But the two writers have been com- pared, and one or two interesting passages have been extracted from Barni’s work.

[The translation has been made from the text printed in the Bibliotheca Indica, and during the latter half of the work two MSS., borrowed by Sir H. Elliot, have been also constantly used,1 These MSS. prove the print, or the MSS. on which it was based, to be very faulty. A collation would furnish a long list of errata and addenda. One of the two MSS. gives the original text apparently unaltered;2 3 but the other has been revised with some judgment. It sometimes omits and some- times simplifies obscure and difficult passages, and it occasionally leaves out reiterations ; but it is a valuable MS., and would have been of great assistance to the editor of the text.]

Zia-Barni, the author of this history, and an earnest well- wisher of the Muhammadans, declares that what he has written upon the life and actions of Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Balban he himself heard from his father and grandfather, and from men who held important offices under that sovereign.

Ghiyasu-d din Balban ascended the throne in 662 3 H. He

was one of the Shamsi slaves, and belonged to the band of Turk slaves which was known as “The Forty.'” * * * Before he became king the glory of the State had greatly declined from

1 These MSS. being carefully secured by Lady Elliot, could not be obtained while she was absent from home. They have since been examined in respect of several passages in the earlier parts of the translation.

2 This is said to be “ a perfect copy, and the autograph of the author. It belongs to the Nawwab of Tonk, by whose father it was plundered from Boolandshahr.” It is a good MS., but, so far from being an autograph, the colophon gives the name of the scribe and the date of the transcription, 1019 (1610 a.d.).

what it had been in the days of Sultan Shamsu-d din, who was the equal of the Sult&n of Egypt, and the compeer of the kings of ’Irak, Khurasan, and Khwarizm. For thirty years after him, during the reigns of his sons, the affairs of the country had fallen into confusion through the youth and sensuality (of his imme- diate successors), and through the mildness and humility of Sultan Nasiru-d din. The treasury was empty, and the royal court had but little in the way of wealth and horses. The Shamsi slaves had become Khans, and divided among them the wealth and power of the kingdom, so that the country w'as under their control.

During the ten years after the death of Sultan Shamsu-d din four of his children sat upon the throne. They were young and unequal to the duties of government. Their lives were passed in pleasure and neglect of their duties. The Turk slaves, called “ The Forty,” thus obtained power in the government of the country, and grew in strength and dignity. The free-born maliks and noble officials who had served the Shamsi throne with honour and renown were all removed.

After the lapse of ten years, during which three of Sultan Shamsu-d din’s children reigned, his youngest son, Nasiru-d din (after whom the Tabakdt-i Nasiri is named), came to the throne. He was a mild, kind, and devout king, and passed much of his time in making copies of the Holy Book. During the twenty years of his reign Balban was Deputy of the State, and bore the title of ITlugh Khan. He, keeping Nasiru-d din as a puppet ( namuna ), carried on the government, and even while he was only a Khan used many of the insignia of royalty.

In the reign of Shamsu-d din the fear inspired by the slaughter and ravages of Changiz Khan, the accursed Mughal, caused many renowned maliks and amirs , who had long exercised autho- rity, and many intelligent waz'irs , to rally round the throne of Shamsu-d din. * * * His Court thus became the equal of that of Mahmud or of Sanjar, and the object of universal confidence. After the death of Shamsu-d din his Forty Turk slaves grew

powerful. The sons of the late Sultan did not bear themselves like princes, and were unfitted for the duties of royalty, which, saving only those of the prophetic office, are the highest and most important in the world. Under the influence of these Turk Slaves all the great men, and the sons of those great men who had been maliks and ivaztrs, were upon some pretence or other set aside, and after their removal the Shamsi Slaves became the leading men of the State, and acquired the dignity of Khun. * * * These Shamsi slaves had been fellow slaves, and when they became all at once great and powerful, no one would give prece- dence or acknowledge inferiority to another. In possessions and display, in grandeur and dignity, they vied with each other, and in their proud vaunts and boasts every one exclaimed to the other, “ What art thou that I am not, and what wilt thou be that I shall not be ?” The incompetence of the sons of Shamsu-d din, and the arrogance of the Shamsi slaves, thus brought into contempt that throne which had been among the most dignified and exalted in the world.

Sultan Gfhiyasu-d din Balban was a man of experience in matters of government. From being a malik he became a khan , and from being a khan he became king. When he attained the throne he imparted to it new lustre, he brought the administra- tion into order, and restored to efficiency institutions whose power had been shaken or destroyed. The dignity and author- ity of government were restored, and his stringent rules and resolute determination caused all men, high and low, through- out his dominions, to submit to his authority. Fear and awe of him took possession of all men’s hearts, but his justice and his consideration for his people won the favour of his subjects and made them zealous supporters of his throne. During the thirty years from the death of Shamsu-d din, the incompetency of that monarch’s sons and the overweening power of the Shamsi slaves had produced a vacillating, disobedient, self- willed feeling among the people, which watched for and seized upon every opportunity. Fear of the governing power, which

is the basis of all good government, and the source of the glory and splendour of states, had departed from the hearts of all men, and the country had fallen into a wretched condition. But from the very commencement of the reign of Balban the people became tractable, obedient, and submissive ; self-assertion and self-will were thrown aside, and all refrained from insubordi- nation and insolence.

In the first year after his accession, the ripe judgment and experience of Balban was directed in the first place to the organi- zation of his army, for the army is the source and means of government. The cavalry and infantry, both old and new, were placed under the command of malik-s of experience, of chiefs who held the first rank in their profession, and were brave, dignified, and faithful. * * * * In the first and second year he assumed great state, and made great display of his pomp and dignity. * * * Musulmans and Hindus would come from distances of one or two hundred kos to see the splendour of his equipage, which filled them with amazement. * * * No sovereign had ever before

exhibited such pomp and grandeur in Dehli. * * * * For the twenty-two years that Balban reigned he maintained the dignity, honour, and majesty of the throne in a manner that could not be surpassed. Certain of his attendants who waited on him in private assured me that they never saw him otherwise than full- dressed. Durino; the whole time that he was Khan and Sultan, extending over nearly forty years, he never conversed with per- sons of low origin or occupation, and never indulged in any familiarity, either with friends or strangers, by which the dignity of the Sovereign could be lowered. He never joked with any one, nor did he allow any one to joke in his presence ; he never laughed aloud, nor did he permit any one in his Court to laugh. * * * As long as he lived no officer or acquaintance dared to re- commend for employment any person of low position or extraction.

In the administration of justice he was inflexible, showing no favour to his brethren or children, to his associates or attendants ; and if any of them committed an act of injustice, he never failed

to give redress and comfort to the injured person. No man dared to be too severe to his slaves or handmaids, to his horse- men or his footmen. Malik Bak-bak, father of Malik Kira Beg, was a slave of Sultan Balban ; he was Sar-jdnddr, and one of the privileged attendants at Court. He held a jdgir of four thousand horse, and the fief of Badaun. In a fit of drunkenness, while at Badaun, he caused one of his domestic attendants to be beaten to death with scourges. Some time afterwards, the Sultan went to Badaun, and the man’s widow complained to the Sultan. He immediately ordered that this Malik Bak-bak, chief of Badaun, should be scourged to death in the presence of the widow. The spies ( barid ) who had been stationed to watch the fief of Badaun, and had made no report, were handed over the Rate of the town. Haibat Khan, father of Malik Kiran ’Ala, was the slave and kara-beg of Sultan Balban. He also while intoxicated killed a man. The dead man’s friends brought the matter before the Sultan, who ordered that Haibat Khan should receive five hundred lashes in his presence, and should then be given to the widow. Addressing the woman, he said, “ This murderer was my slave, I give him to you : with your own hands stab him with a knife till you kill him.” Haibat Khan employed some friends to intercede with the woman, and after much humiliation and w'eeping they succeeded in purchasing his release for 20,000 tankas. Haibat Khan never after went out of his house until the day of his death. * * *

In his efforts to secure justice he appointed confidential spies (bands) in all the fiefs, and throughout his territories ; he also appointed them for great cities, and for important and distant towms. And that they might discharge their duties with efficiency and honesty he did not give them too large a field of observation. He never failed to attend to what came to his knowdedge through these spies, and had no respect for persons in administering justice. These spies were greatly feared by the nobles and officials, and neither they nor their sons or dependants dared to distress any innocent person. * * *

Sultan Balban, while he was a Khan , was addicted to wine drinking, and was fond of giving entertainments : two or three times in a week he would give banquets and gamble with his guests. * * * But after he came to the throne he allowed him- self no prohibited indulgences. He repented of all his former drunken bouts, gave up wine, and never mentioned the name of either wine or wine-drinkers. * * *

The intimate friends of the Sultan, such as ’Adil Khan, Tabar Khan, and others of the old Shamsi Slaves, who, through the protection of the Sult&n, still occupied exalted positions, often said to him — Sovereigns, like Kutbu-d din Aibak and Shamsu-d din, our former patrons, conquered Jhain,1 Malwd, Ujjain, Gujarat, and other distant countries, and carried off treasure and valuables, and elephants and horses from the Rais and Ranas. “ How is it that with your well equipped and disciplined army you do not undertake any distant campaign, and never move out of your territory to conquer other regions ?” The Sultan replied, “ The thoughts which you have expressed have also been very active in my mind, but you have not considered the hordes of Changiz Khan, and the evil they have brought upon the women and children, the flocks and herds of my frontiers. These Mughals have established themselves in Ghazni, in Turmuz, and in Mawarau-n Nahr. Hulaku, the grandson of Changiz Khan, with a vast horde, has subdued ’Irak and occupied Baghdad. These accursed wretches have heard of the wealth and prosperity of Hindustan, and have set their hearts upon conquering and plundering it. They have taken and plundered Lahor, within my territories, and no year passes that they do not come here and plunder the villages.2 They watch the opportunity of my departure on a distant campaign to enter my cities and ravage the whole Doab. They even talk about the conquest and sack of Delili. I have devoted all the revenues of my kingdom to the

1 The printed text always gives this name as “Jahaban,” but the MSS. have “Jhain,” the name used by Firishta.

2 “ Talwandiha ” villages. See supra, p. 70.

equipment of my army, and I hold all my forces ready and pre- pared to receive them. I never leave my kingdom, nor will I go to any distance from it. In the reigns of my patrons and pre- decessors there was none of this difficulty of the Mughals ; they could lead their armies where they pleased, subdue the dominions of the Hindus, and carry off gold and treasures, staying away from their capitals a year or two. If this anxiety, which ad- monishes me that I am the guardian and protector of Musulmans, were removed, then I would not stay one day in my capital, but would lead forth my army to capture treasures and valuables, elephants and horses, and would never allow the Rais and Rdnas to repose in quiet at a distance. With the army that I possess I would take all the spirit out of the opponents and enemies of the Faith.” * * *

The Sultan frequently observed to his associates that elephants and horses were the strength of Hindustan, and that one elephant was worth five hundred horsemen. * * * In the first year of the reign, sixty-three elephants were sent by Tatar Khan, son of Arslan Khan, from Lakhnauti to Dehli, which greatly pleased the people, and was the occasion of great public rejoicing. * * * He took great pleasure in hunting, and followed it with much zest during the winter. By his orders the country for twenty kos round Dehli was preserved, and no one was allowed to take game. * * * He used to go out in the morning, and always returned at night, even if it were midnight. A thousand horse- men belonging to the palace guard, each man of whom was ac- quainted with his person, accompanied him ; besides a thousand old and trusty footmen and archers. Reports of the hunting expeditions of the Sultan were carried to Hulaku, at Baghdad, and he said, “ Balban is a shrewd ruler and has had much ex- perience in government. He goes out apparently to hunt * * * but really to exercise his men and horses, so that they may not be wanting when times of danger and war arrive. * * *

Towards the end of the first year of his reign he employed himself in harrying the jungles, and in routing out the Mi-

wattis j1 whom no one had interfered with since the days of Shamsu-d din. * * * The turbulence of the Miwattis had in- creased, and their strength had grown in the neighbourhood of Dehli, through the dissolute habits and negligence of the elder sons of Shamsu-d din, and the incapacity of the youngest, Nasiru-d din. At night they used to come prowling into the city, giving all kinds of trouble, depfiving the people of their rest ; and they plundered the country houses in the neighbourhood of the city. * * * In the neighbourhood of Dehli there were large and dense jungles, through which many roads passed. The disaffected in the Doab, and the outlaws towards Hindustan grew bold and took to robbery on the highway, and they so beset the roads that caravans and merchants were unable to pass. The daring of the Miwattis in the neighbourhood of Dehli was carried to such an extent that the western gates3 of the city were shut at afternoon prayer, and no one dared to go out of the city in that direction after that hour, whether he travelled as a pilgrim or with the display of a sovereign. At afternoon prayer the Miwattis would often come to the Sar-liauz, and assaulting the water-carriers and the girls who were fetching water, they would strip them and carry off their clothes. These daring acts of the Miwattis had caused a great ferment in Dehli.

In the year of his accession, the Sultan felt the repression of the Miwattis to be the first of his duties, and for a whole year he was occupied in overthrowing them and in scouring the jungles, which he effectually accomplished. Great numbers of Miwattis were put to the sword. The Sultan built a fort at Gopal-gir, and established several posts in the vicinity of the city, which he placed in the charge of Afghans, with assignments of land (for their maintenance). In this campaign one hundred thousand of the royal army3 were slain by the Miwattis , and the

1 The printed test and the MSS. say “ Miwans,” but Firishta has “Miwattis," and he is no doubt correct. The copyists must have misunderstood the name, or possibly they have modified the orthography. 2 [ Dartcazahae simat-i Kiblah.~\

more probability, that he put a hundred thousand men (of the enemy) to the sword.

Sultan with his sword delivered many servants of God from the assaults and violence of the enemy. From this time the city was delivered from the attacks of the Miicattis.

After the Sultan had thus routed out the Miicattis , and cleared away the jungle in the neighbourhood of the city, he gave the towns and country within the Doab to some distinguished chiefs, with directions to lay waste and destroy the villages of the marauders, to slay the men, to make prisoners of the women and children, to clear away the jungle, and to suppress all lawless proceedings. The noblemen set about the work with strong forces, and they soon put down the daring of the rebels. They scoured the jungles and drove out the rebels, and the ryots were brought into submission and obedience.

The Sultan afterwards marched out twice to open the roads to Hindustan, and proceeded to the neighbourhood of Ivampil and Pattiali. There he remained five or six months, putting the rebels to the sword. The roads to Hindustan were thus cleared, so that caravans and merchants could pass, and great spoil in slaves, horses, and cattle was secured. Kampil, Pattiali, and Bhojpur, had been the strongholds of the robbers who had in- fested the roads to Hindustan, so the Sultan erected in these places three strong forts, in which he placed Afghan garrisons. He set apart cultivable lands for the garrisons, and under the protection of these forces robbery was suppressed, and the roads to Hindustan were made safe. Sixty years have passed since these events, but the roads have ever since been free from robbers. In this campaign he also repaired the fort of Jalali, which he garrisoned with Afghans, and appropriated the land of the place to its support. The den of the robbers was thus converted into a guard-house, and Musulmans and guardians of the way took the place of highway robbers. It remains standing to this day.

While the Sultan was engaged in these duties news arrived from Kateher1 that disturbances had broken out in that district,

that the houses of the ryots had been plundered, and that the districts of Badaun and Amroha were also disturbed. The mutiny had grown so much and had acquired such strength that the chiefs of Badaun and Amroha were in great trouble and were unable to keep order. The Sultan immediately returned from Kampil and Pattiali to Dehli, where great rejoicings were made. His mind was bent upon suppressing the disturbances at Kateher, so he ordered the main body of his army ( kalb ) to be prepared for service, and he spread the report that he was going to the hills on a hunting excursion. He left the city with his army without the royal tent-equipage, and made all haste to the scene of opera- tions. In two nights and three days he crossed the Granges at Kateher, and sending forward a force of five thousand archers, he gave them orders to burn down Kateher and destroy it, to slay every man, and to spare none but women and children, not even boys who had reached the age of eight or nine years. He re- mained for some days at Kateher and directed the slaughter. The blood of the rioters ran in streams, heaps of slain were to be seen near every village and jungle, and the stench of the dead reached as far as the Ganges. This severity spread dismay among the rebels and many submitted. The whole district was ravaged, and so much plunder was made that the royal army was enriched, and the people of Badaun even were satisfied. Woodcutters were sent out to cut roads through the jungles, and the army passing along these brought the Hindus to submission. From that time unto the end of the glorious1 reign no rebellion made head in Kateher, and the countries of Badaun, Amroha, Sambal, and Kanwari continued safe from the violence and tur- bulence of the people of Kateher.

The Sultan having thus extirpated the outlaws, returned vic- torious to his capital, where he remained some time. After the suppression of the freebooters, and the construction of roads in every direction, by which all fear of highway robbers was removed, the Sultan resolved upon making a campaign in the Jud rnoun- 1 “ Jalali,” meaning, perhaps, the reign of Jalalu-d din.

tains. He accordingly marched thither with a suitable force, and inflicted chastisement upon the hills of Jud and the vicinity. The country was plundered, and a large number of horses fell into the hands of the soldiers, so that the price of a horse in the army came to be forty tankas. * * *

Two years after the Sultan returned from his Jud expedition he marched to Lahor, and ordered the rebuilding of the fort which the Mughals had destroyed in the reigns of the sons of Shamsu-d din. The towns and villages of Lahor, which the Mughals had devastated and laid waste, he repeopled, and ap- pointed architects and managers (to superintend their restoration.)

While on this campaign it was again brought to his notice that the old Shamsi military grantees of land were unfit for service, and never went out. * * * On returning to Dehli he ordered the muster-master to make out a list of them, with full particulars, and to present it to the throne for instructions. It then appeared that about two thousand horsemen of the army of Shamsu-d din had received villages in the Doab by way of pay. * * * Thirty or forty years and even more had passed since the establishment of this body, many of the grantees were old and in- firm, many more had died, and their sons had taken possession of the grants as an inheritance from their fathers, and had caused their names to be recorded in the records of the ’Ariz (Muster-master). Some who had no children sent their slaves as their representa- tives. All these holders of service lands called themselves pro- prietors, and professed to have received the lands in free gift from Sultan Shamsu-d din. * * * Some of them went leisurely to perform their military duties, but the greater part stayed at home making excuses, the acceptance of which they secured by presents and bribes of all sorts to the deputy muster-master and his officials.

When the list was brought to the Sultan, in the year of his return from Lahor, he divided the grantees into three classes. The first consisted of the old and worn-out, upon whom he set- tled pensions of forty or fifty tankas , and resumed their villages.

2nd. Those who were in the prime of life, or were young, on whom an allowance proportionate to their service was settled : their villages were not to be taken from them, but the surplus revenues were to be collected by the government revenue officers. 3rd. The children and orphans, who held villages, and sent deputies to perform their military service. The grants were to be taken from these orphans and widows, but a suitable allowance ■was to be made for their food and raiment.

These orders caused great dismay among the old Sham-si grantees, of whom there wrere many in the city, and a loud outcry arose in every quarter. A number of them assembled and went to the house of Maliku-1 umara Fakliru-d din kottcal , weeping, and complaining that more than fifty years had elapsed since the reign of Shamsu-d din, and that they had regarded the lands granted to them by that sovereign as having been given in free- gift (in’ am). * * * The hotical felt for them, * * and, going to the Court, he stood thoughtful and dejected before the Sultan, who, observing his state, inquired what was the matter. The kotwdl replied, I have heard that the Muster-master is turning off all the old men, and that the officers of the exchequer are resuming the lands which support them. This has filled me with sorrow and fear, for I am an old man and feeble, and if old men are to be rejected in the Day of Judgment, and are to find no place in heaven, what will become of me ? * * * The Sultan was moved with compassion, and sending for the revenue officers, he directed that the villages should be confirmed to the grantees, and that the orders passed respecting them should be treated as inoperative. I, the author, very well remember that many of these grantees lived and rendered service at the Court of Sultan Jalalu-d din, always invoking blessings on Sultan Balban and Malik Fakhru-d din.

Four or five years after the accession of the Sultan, Sher Khan, his cousin, a distinguished Khan, who had been a great barrier to the inroads of the Mughals, departed this life. I have heard from reliable sources that the Khan did not come to Delili, and

that the Sultan caused him to be poisoned. A grand tomb was erected to his memory at Bhatnir. He was one of the most distinguished and respected of the Forty Shamsi slaves, all of whom bore the title of Khan. He repaired the forts of Bhatinda and Bhatnir, and held charge of the districts of Sannam, Lahor, Dipalpur, and other territories exposed to the inroads of the Mughals. He maintained several thousand horse, and had many times utterly routed the Mughals. He had caused the khutba to be read in the name of the Sultan Nasiru-d din at Ghazni, and the terror of his name and the greatness of his power de- tered the Mughals from assailing the frontiers of Hindustan. But notwithstanding his services, he felt a strong apprehension that there was an intention to get rid of all the old Shamsi slaves upon some pretext or other, so he kept away from Dehli. He did not even come there when Sultan Balban succeeded, and so the Sultan, although the Khan was his cousin, caused him to be poisoned. After his death the Sultan bestowed Samana and San- nam on Tamar Khan, who also was one of the Forty Shamsi slaves. The other possessions of the late Khan were given to other noble- men. Slier Khan had coerced and brought under his control the Jats, the Khokhars, the Bhattis, the Minas, the Mandahars, and other similar tribes ; he had also shown himself able to give a good account of the Mughals. The nobles who succeeded him in his territories were unequal to these duties ; the Mughals made head against them, and these frontier countries were exposed to their ravages. What the late Khan had effected in one decade, no one of his successors was able to accomplish.

When Sultan Balban had secured himself in his dominions, and had removed all his rivals and opponents, and when he had appointed his own followers to the possessions of Slier Khan, he gave a royal canopy to his eldest son, proclaimed him his heir apparent, and made him governor of all Sind and the other dependent frontier districts. ■ He then sent him with a large body of nobles and officials to Multan. The prince was a young man possessed of many excellent qualities ; he was known in those

days by the name of Muhammad Sultan, but the Sultan, on giving him this appointment, bestowed on him the title of Ka’am-1 Mulk. He is commonly known as Khan-i shahid, “the Martyr Khan.” In the early years of his father’s reign he had held the territory of Kol and some districts dependent thereto. Here he exhibited many virtues and excellent qualities. Several of the old Shamsi slaves had given the name of Muhammad to their sons, and these all became famous. Thus there was Mu- hammad Kishli Khan, who had no rival in archery in Khurasan or Hindustan. * * * Among these Muhammads, the son of Sultan Balban, named Muhammad Sultan, was pre-eminently distinguished. His father loved him dearer than his life. The Court of the young prince was frequented by the most learned, excellent, and accomplished men of the time. His attendants used to read (to him) the Shah-namah , the Dhcan-i Sanai , the Diwan-i Khakdni , and the Khamsah of Shaikh Nizami. Learned men discussed the merits of these poets in his presence. Amir Khusru and Amir Hasan were servants at his Court, and at- tended upon him for five years at Multan, receiving from the prince allowances and grants of land. The Prince fully appreci- ated the merits and excellencies of these two poets, and delighted to honour them above all his servants. I, the author of this work, have often heard from Amir Khusru and Amir Hasan that they had very rarely seen a prince so excellent and virtuous as the “ Martyr Prince.” * * At his entertainments they never heard him indulge in foolish dirty talk, whether wine was drunk or not ; and if he drank wine he did so with moderation, so as not to become intoxicated and senseless. * * *

The Martyr Prince twice sent messengers to Shiraz for the express purpose of inviting Shaikh S’adi to Multan, and for- warded with them money to defray the expenses of the journey. His intention was to build a kh&nkali (monastery) for him in Multan, and to endow it with -villages for its maintenance. Khwaja S’adi, through the feebleness of old age, was unable to accept the invitations, but on both occasions he sent some

verses in his own hand, and made his apologies also in writing. * * *

Every year the Prince used to come to see his father, bringing treasure and presents, and after staying a few days at Court he returned to his government. On the last occasion of their meeting the Sultan addressed him in private, telling him that he had grown old, * * that he had made him his heir-apparent, and now intended making a will for his guidance. * * He called for pen and ink, and giving them into his son’s hands, com- manded attention to his dictation. * * * When the Sultan had finished his testament 1 of counsel, he sent the Prince back to Multan.

In the same year that the Sult&n made this testament he sent his younger son, Bughra Khan, also entitled Nasiru-d din, to Samana, having placed under his charge Samana, Sannam, and all their dependencies. This prince was a fine young man, but in qualities he was not to be compared with his elder brother. When the Sultan sent him to his government he commanded him to increase the allowances to the old soldiers, and to enlist twice as many more new men. He also ordered him to promote the in- dustrious and faithful officials, and to give them grants of land. He further directed him to be particularly careful in appointing officers for his army, so that he might be ready to repel any ad- vances of the Mughals.

Bughra Khan was inferior to his elder brother in intelligence ;

the Sultan therefore directed him not to be hasty in business, but to consult with his officers and trusty followers on all matters of importance concerning the army and country. All matters beyond his capacity were to be referred direct to the Sultan, and all orders upon such questions which the Sultan might pass were to be scrupulously enforced, without failure or excess. The Sultan forbad the use of wine to Bughra Khan. He ob- served that Samana was an important territory, and its army most useful ; and he threatened him that if he indulged in wine 1 An epitome of this Testament is given in Briggs’s Firiskta.

and in unseemly practices, neglecting the interests of the army and the country under his charge, he would assuredly remove him, and give him no other employment. The Sultan also sent spies (band) to watch over his proceedings, and took great pains to obtain information of his doings. The son accordingly con- ducted himself honourably and gave up improper indulgences.

At this time the Mughal horse crossed the Biyah, and the Sultan sent against them the Martyr Prince from Multan, Bughra Khan from Samana, and Malik Barbak Bektars1 2 from Dehli. They marched to the Biyah, driving back the Mughals, and obtaining many victorios over them, so that the enemy were unable to advance beyond the Biyah. In each of these three armies there were about seventeen or eighteen thousand horse.

Fifteen or sixteen years had passed since the accession of Balban, during which the country had been quiet, and no adver- sary or disaffected person had disturbed the peace. * * * News at length reached Dehli that the perfidious Tughril had broken out in rebellion at Lakhnauti. Tughril was a Turk, and a very active, bold, courageous, and generous man. Sultan Balban had made him viceroy of Lakhnauti and Bengal. Shrewd and know- ing people had given to Lakhnauti the name of Bulghakpur (the city of strife), for since the time when Sultan Mu’izzu-d din Muhammad Sam conquered Dehli, every governor that had been sent from thence to Lakhnauti took advantage of the distance, and of the difficulties of the road, to rebel. If they did not rebel themselves others rebelled against them, killed them, and seized the country. The people of this country had for many long years evinced a disposition to revolt, and the disaffected and evil disposed among them generally succeeded in alienating the loyalty of the governors.

Tughril Khan, on being appointed to Lakhnauti, was successful in several enterprises. He attacked Jajnagar3 and carried oft’

2 The printed text has II aj inagar, an obvious blunder. The MSS. correctly give

“Jajnagar.” Briggs, following Dow, says, “Jajnagar is on the banks of the Ma-

great spoil in valuables and elephants. Traitors and rebels then made advances to him, and represented that the Sultan was old, and his two sons were engaged in guarding against the Mughals. That no year passed without the Mughals forcing their way into Hindustan and seizing upon different towns. The Court of Dehli had quite enough to do in repelling these attacks, and neither the Sultan nor his sons could leave this all important duty to come to Lakhnauti. The nobles of Hindustan had no leader, they were wanting in soldiers and retainers, in elephants and wealth, and they were quite incapable of marching to Lakh- nauti and opposing Tughril. So they urged him to revolt and make himself king. Tughril listened to and was led astra}r by these evil advisers. He was young, self-willed, and daring ; “ ambition had long laid its egg in his head,” and he was heed- less of the royal revenge and chastisement. The spoil and ele- phants which he had captured at Jajnagar he kept for himself, and sent none to Dehli. He assumed royal insignia, and took the title of Sultan Mughisu-d din, which title was used in the khutba and on his coins. He was profuse in his liberality, so the people of the city and the environs were his friends. Money closed the eyes of the clear-sighted, and greed of gold kept the more politic in retirement. The army and the citizens lost all fear of the supreme power, and joined heart and soul with Tughril.

The rebellion of Tughril was a sore trouble to Balban, for the rebel had been one of his cherished slaves ( banda ). In his anger and sorrow he lost his rest and appetite ; and as the news of Tughril’ s introducing his name into the khutba , his striking of coins, and his largesses reached Dehli, he became more and more incensed. He was so engrossed with this rebellion that no

hanuddi, and was the capital of Orissa,” and there is still a town called Jajpur in Cuttack. But the J&jnagar here mentioned was evidently east of the Brahmaputra, and corresponds to Tippera. The Sunar-ganw, presently mentioned as on the road to Jajnagar, is described by Rennell as being once a large city and now a village on a branch of the Brahmaputra, 13 miles S. E. of Dacca.— Firishta I. 260; Rennell ’s Memoir ; Stewart's Bengal, 72.

other business received any attention ; night and day he was on the alert for further news about it. At first he sent against the rebel Abtagin, “the long haired,” who was known as Amir Khan. This chief was an old slave of Balban ; he had re- ceived his training among military men, and had for many years held the fief of Oudh. He was named Commander-in- chief, and along with him were sent Tamar Khan Shamsi, Malik Taju-d din, son of Katlagh Khan Shamsi, and other nobles of Hindustan.

Amir Khan, with the army of Hindustan, crossed the Sarau,1 and marched towards Laklmauti; and Tughril, with a large force numbering many elephants, advanced to meet him. The two armies came in sight of each other, and a number of people as- sembled to support the traitor Tughril. His profuse liberality had induced many of the inhabitants of that country to assist him, and had won over also a large number of the troops sent from Dehli against him. He attacked Amir Khan and defeated him. The troops of Dehli fled, and were cruelly treated by the Hindus. The victorious troops of Tughril pursued, and many of the de- feated force, being poor and greedy, and unmindful of the Sultan’s chastisement, deserted the army of Amir Khan, and joined Tughril. When the news of this defeat reached the Sultan, his rage and shame increased a hundred-fold. All fear of the anger of God left his bosom, and he gave way to needless severity. He ordered Amir Khan to be hanged over the gate of Oudh. This condign punishment excited a strong feeling of opposition among the wise men of the day, who looked upon it as a token that the reign of Balban was drawing to an end.

Next year the Sultan sent another army against Lakhnauti, under a new commander. The defeat of Amir Khan had made Tughril bolder, and his power and state had greatly increased. He marched out of Lakhnauti, attacked the army of Dehli, and totally defeated it. Many of this force also deserted to Tughril, allured by his gold. The news of this second defeat over- 1 Eere written Sarati, and afterwards Saru, meaning the Sarju or Gogra.

whelmed the Sultan with shame and anger, his life was em- bittered, and he devoted all his attention and energy to effect the defeat of Tughril. He resolved to march against the rebel in person, and ordered a large number of boats to be collected on the Ganges and the Jumna. He then set forth, as if for a hunting excursion to Samana and Sannam (the fiefs of his son Bughra Khan), and, dividing these districts, he placed them under the charge of the chiefs and troops of those districts. Malik Sunj Sarjdnddr was made Ndib of Samana, and commander of its forces. Bughra Khan was directed to collect his own forces, and to follow in the rear of his father’s army. The Sultan then left Samana, and, proceeding into the Doab, he crossed the Ganges, and took his course to Lakhnauti. He wrote to his son at Multan, directing him to be careful of his country, and to give a good account of the Mughals, adding that he had placed the forces of Samana at his disposal. The Sultan wrote also to Maliku-1 umara Kotwal of Dehli, one of his most trusty ad- herents, appointing him to act as his lieutenant at Dehli during his absence, and placing the whole business of the State and the various officials under his charge. In announcing this appoint- ment the Sultan told him that he had marched against Tughril, and that he was fully resolved to pursue him, and never turn back until he had exacted vengeance.

The Sultan summoned all the forces of the neighbourhood where he was, and marched for Lakhnauti, his rage and shame causing him to disregard the rainy season. Proceeding into Oudli he ordered a general levy, and two lakhs of men of all classes were enrolled. An immense fleet of boats was collected, and in these he passed his army over the Sarau. The rains nowr came on, and although he had plenty of boats the passage through the low-lying country was difficult, and the army was delayed ten or twelve days, toiling through the water and mud, and the pour- ing rain. Meantime Tughril had received intelligence of the ad- vance of the Sultan. He then said to his friends and supporters, “ If any one besides the Sultan had come against me, I would

have faced him, and fought it out. But as the Sultan has left his duties at Dehli, and has come against me iu person, I cannot withstand him.” When intelligence of the passage of the Sarau reached Tughril, he immediately prepared for flight, and as the Sultan’s march was retarded by the rains he had plenty of time. Many people joined him through fear of the Sultan’s vengeance ; and he carried off with him treasure and elephants, a picked body of troops, his officers, relations, and adherents, with their wives and children. He also worked upon many people by holding out to them the terrors of the Sultan’s vengeance, so that they collected their money and followed him. He took the road to Jajnagar, and halted at a dry place, one day’s journey from Lakhnauti. Few persons of importance were left in the city, and the people were all well disposed to him, having the fear of the Sultan on the one hand, and the hope of Tugliril’s favour on the other. The Sultan was thirty or forty kos from Lakhnauti, and Tughril continued his march to Jajnagar. He deluded the people who accompanied him by telling them that he would stay for a time at Jajnagar, but that the Sultan would be unable to remain long at Lakhnauti. As soon as he should hear of the Sultan’s departure they would plunder Jajnagar, and return rich and safe to Lakhnauti, for no one whom the Sultan could leave there would be able to oppose their return. On their approaching the place the Sultan’s deputy would retire.

Several days were passed by the Sultan at Lakhnauti in arming and newly organizing his forces ; but he set off with all possible speed towards Jajnagar in pursuit of the rebel. The author’s maternal grandfather, Sipdh-saldr Hisamu-d din, wakil- dar of Malik Bar-bak, was made governor of Lakhnauti, with directions to send on to the army, three or four times every week, full particulars of the news which might arrive from Dehli. Balban marched with all speed, and in a few days arrived at Sunar-ganw. The B-ai of that place, by name Danuj B,ai, met the Sultan, and an agreement was made with him that he should guard against the escape of Tughril by water.

The Sultan many times publicly declared that he would never give up the pursuit of the rebel. They were playing for half the kingdom of Dehli ; and if Tughril took to the water he would pursue him, and he would never return to Dehli, or even men- tion it, until the blood of the rebel and his followers had been poured out. The people of the army well knew the fierce temper and implacable resolution of the Sultan. They despaired of ever returning, and many of them drew up their wills and sent them to their homes. * * * The army marched about seventy kos, and arrived in the vicinity of Jajnagar ; but Tughril had pursued a different route, and not a man of his army had been seen. The Sultan therefore sent Malik Barbak Bektars1 Sultani, at the head of seven or eight thousand horse, who marched ten or twelve kos in advance of the main force, and every day scouts were sent on before this advance party to get intelligence of Tughril. Thus they proceeded. But although scouts were sent out in all directions, no trace could be found of the rebel, till one day Muhammad Sher-andaz, the chief of Kol, his brother Malik Mukaddir, and “ Tughril-kush,” all brave and renowned soldiers, who had been sent forward ten or twelve kos in advance to reconnoitre and make inquiries, fell in with a party of corn dealers, who were returning home after completing their dealings with Tughril. These men were immediately seized, and Malik Sher-andaz ordered two of them to be beheaded. This act so terrified the rest that they gave the desired information. Tugh- ril was encamped at less than half a kos distance, near a stone- built reservoir,2 and intended next day to enter the territory of J ajnagar. Malik Sher-andaz sent two of these grain dealers in charge of two Turk! horsemen to Malik Barbak, announcing the discovery, and urging his advance. The reconnoitring party proceeded and found the tents of Tughril pitched near a band, with all his force encamped around. All seemed secure and free

1 This name is always so given in the Printed Text and in the MSS., but Firishta has “ Birlas.”

from apprehension ; some were washing their clothes, others were drinking wine and singing. The elephants were browsing on the branches of the trees, and the horses and cattle were grazing — everywhere a feeling of security prevailed. The leaders of the reconnoitring force remarked to each other that if they were discovered the traitor would take to flight. His elephants and treasure might fall into their hands, but he himself would escape. If this occurred, what could they say to the Sultan, and what hope would there he of their lives. They therefore resolved that it was best to take the boldest course, to rush at once into the enemy’s camp and attack the tent of the traitor. He might, possibly be taken and be beheaded before his forces could rally to the rescue ; and his army might take to flight, under the impres- sion that they were attacked by the army of the Sultan, and not by a mere handful of thirty or forty horsemen. So the brave fellows drew their swords, and shouting the name of Tughril, dashed into the camp. They reached his tent ; but Tughril had heard the clamour, and, passing through his scullery, he mounted a horse without a saddle, and made off to a river which ran near. The whole army of Tughril, under the impression that the Sultan was upon them, fled in terror and dismay. Mu- kaddir and “ Tugliril-kusli ” pursued Tughril, who made all speed to the river. When he reached it, Tughril-kush drew an arrow, shot him in the side and brought him down. Mukaddir instantly dismounting, cut off his head, and cast his body into

the river. Concealing the head under his clothes he went to ©

the river and washed his hands. The officers of Tughril came up shouting, “ Your Majesty,” and seeking for him on every side. Just then Malik Barbak arrived with his army and dis- persed the forces of Tughril. Mukaddir and Tughril-kush placed the head of the traitor before Malik Barbak, who instantly wrote a despatch of victory to the Sultan. The sons and daughters of Tughril, his attendants, companions, and officers, all fell into the hands of the victors. The men of this victorious force obtained such booty in money, goods, horses, arms, slaves,

and handmaids, as to suffice them and their children for many years. Two or three thousand men and women were taken prisoners.

When news of the victory and of the death of Tughril reached the Sultan, he halted, and Malik Barbak returned, bringing with him the booty and prisoners that had fallen into his hands. The Malik recounted all the particulars of the victory, and the Sultan was very angry with Muhammad Sher-andaz, saying that he had committed an error, which might have been of serious consequences to him and the army of Dehli. But as all had ended well, the Sultan, after these censures, bestowed robes and rewards upon all the men of the reconnoitring party, according to their rank and position, and raised their dignities. Upon Muhammad Sher-andaz he bestowed especial favour; to the man who shot the arrow he gave the title of “ Tughril-kush,”1 Slayer of Tughril ; and to Mukaddir, who had cut olf the traitor’s head he gave a robe and suitable rewards. * * * This achievement increased a hundred-fold the awe felt of Balban by his subjects.

The Sultan returned to Lakhnauti, and there ordered that gibbets should be erected along both sides of the great bazar , which was more than a kos in length. He ordered all the sons and sons-in-law of Tughril, and all men who had served him or borne arms for him, to be slain and placed upon the gibbets. Tughril had shown great favour to a certain kalandar , * * * and the Sultan went so far as to kill him and gibbet him, with all his followers. The punishments went on during the two or three days that the Sultan remained at Lakhnauti, and the beholders were so horrified that they nearly died of fear. I, the author, have heard from several old men that such punishment as was inflicted on Lakhnauti had never been heard of in Dehli, and no one could remember anything like it in Hindustan. A number

1 The Text in every instance speaks of Malik Mukaddir and Tughril-kush as two distinct persons, and this passage is decisive as to the author’s opinion. Firishta, however, who evidently used Barni’s account, is just as distinct in saying that Mukaddir was the man who shot and killed Tughril, and that it was he who was called “ Tughril-kush.”

of prisoners who belonged to Dehli and its neighbourhood were ordered to be put in fetters and carried to Delhi, there to receive their punishment.

The Sultan remained some days longer at Laklinauti. He placed the country under the charge of his younger son, Bughra Ivhan, to whom he granted a canopy and other royal insignia. He himself appointed the officials and feudatories (ikta’dars) ; but he gave to Bughra Khan all the spoils of Tughril Khan, excepting the elephants and gold which he took with him to Dehli. He called his son to him in private, and made him take an oath that he would recover and secure the country of Bengal, and that he would not hold convivial parties, nor indulge in wine and dissipation. He then asked his son where he was lodging, and he replied in the palace of the old kings near the great Lazar. Bughra Khan was also called Mahmud, and the Sultan said to him, “Mahmud, didst thou see?” The prince was surprised at the question, and made no answer. Again the king said, “ Mahmud, didst thou see \ ” The prince was amazed, and knew not what answer to give. The Sultan repeated the ques- tion a third time, and then added, “ You saw my punishments in the bazar V’ The prince bowed and assented. The Sultan went on to say, “ If ever designing and evil-minded persons should incite you to waver in your allegiance to Dehli, and to throw off its authority, then remember the vengeance which you have seen exacted in the bazar. Understand me and forget not, that if the governors of Hind or Sind, of Malwa or Gujarat, or Laklinauti, or Sunar-ganw shall draw the sword and become rebels to the throne of Dehli, then such punishment as has fallen upon Tughril and his dependents will fall upon them, their wives and children, and all their adherents. Another day he spoke to his son in private before some of his principal associates [im- pressing upon him the responsibilities of his station , and warning him against pleasure and dissipation] .

The Sultan then took his departure for Dehli, and Bughra Khan accompanied him for some marches. On the day before

Bughra Khan was to return the Sultan halted, and after morning- prayer he called several of his old friends and Bughra Khan into his presence. He directed the latter to summon his secretary to come with writing materials, and told them to sit down before him, for he was about to deliver some counsels to his son. Then addressing his friends he said, “ I know that whatever principles of government I may enforce upon this my son, he, through his devotion to pleasure, will disregard. Still, my paternal affection impels me to write down some counsels for him, in the presence of you who are old men, who have seen much, and have gained great experience. God give my son

After the Sultan had concluded his counsels to his son, and the secretary had committed them to writing, he gave him a robe of honour, tenderly embraced him, and shedding tears over him bade him farewell. Bughra Khan then returned to Lakh- nauti, and the Sultan, with his army, pursued his journey towards Dehli. On reaching the Saru he halted, and he issued an order that no one who had gone with the army from Dehli to Lakhnauti should remain at the latter place without permission, and that no one should proceed from Lakhnauti to Delhi without his consent. After an inspection of the men of his army, he crossed the river and continued his journey. * * * He passed through Badaun, and crossed the Ganges at the ferry of Ghaniir. The people of Dehli of all classes came forth to meet him # * * and he entered his capital after being absent three years. [Re- joicings, public thanks, and rewards.']

After the rewards were distributed, the Sultan ordered a row of gibbets to be erected on both sides of the road from Badaun to Talpat (Pilibhit ?), and that the inhabitants of Dehli and its environs, who had joined Tughril, and had been made prisoners at Lakhnauti, should be suspended thereon. This direful order spread dismay in the city ; for many of the inhabitants of the town and environs had relations and connections among the

prisoners. * * * The public sorrow became known to the Jcazt of the army, who was greatly shocked. He proceeded on the evening of the Sabbath, and throwing himself at the feet of the Sultan interceded for the unhappy prisoners. The Sultan was moved by his importunity, aud ordered that the majority of the prisoners, who were of no name and repute, should be set at liberty ; that some of the better known should be banished to the neighbouring towns, and that those belonging to the city should be retained in prison for a time. The most notorious among them were ordered to be mounted on buffalos, and to be paraded round the city for an exemplary punishment. After a while, through the intercession of the Jcazi, they all obtained their release. * * *

The Sultan’s eldest son, who was called Khan of Multan, and ruled over Sind, brought to Dehli the tribute money and horses for the whole three years during which the Sult&n had been absent, and presented his reports to his father. The Sultan was greatly pleased, his affection and kindness to his son was in- creased tenfold, and he sent him back to his government loaded with honours. * * *

In the year 684 H. (a.d. 1285) the Khan of Multan, the eldest son and heir apparent of the Sultan, and the mainstay of the State, proceeded to Labor and Deobalpur (Dipalpur) to oppose the accursed Samar, the bravest dog of all the dogs of Changiz Khan. By the will of fate, the prince with many of his nobles and officers fell in battle, and a grievous disaster thus hap- pened to the throne of Balban. Many veteran horsemen perished in the same battle. This calamity caused great and general mourning in Multan. * * * From that time the deceased prince was called “ the Martyr Prince.” Amir Khusru was made prisoner by the Mughals in the same action, and obtained his freedom with great difficulty. He wrote an elegy on the death of the prince. * * *

When the news of this defeat and the death of the prince reached the Sultan, he was quite broken down with sorrow. The army was a well-appointed one, and “the Martyr Prince” was

the son whom he had loved dearer than his life, and whom he had destined to be his successor. The Sultan was now more than eighty years old, and although he struggled hard against the effects of his bereavement, they day by day became more apparent. By day he held his court, and entered into public business as if to show that his loss had not affected him ; but at night he poured forth his cries of grief, tore his garments, and threw dust upon his head. When the particulars of the prince’s death arrived, the Sultan bestowed Multan, with the other terri- tories, the canopy, and all the ensigns of royalty which he had given to the late prince, on Kai-Khusru, his son. This prince was very young, but he was greatly favoured by the Sultan, who sent him to Multan with a large retinue of nobles and officers. The reign of Balban now drew to a close, and he gradually sank under his sorrow.

Biographical notices of the nobles and great men of the reign of

To return to my history. When the Sultan grew weak and ill from grief for his lost son, he summoned his younger son, Bughra Khan, from Lakhnauti, and said to him, “ Grief for your brother has brought me to my dying bed, and who knows how soon my end may come l This is no time for you to be absent, for I have no other son to take my place. Kai-Khusru and Ivai-Kubad, your sons,1 whom I have cherished, are young, and have not experienced the heat and cold of fortune. Youthful passions and indulgence would make them unfit to govern my kingdom, if it should descend to them. The realm of Dehli would ao-ain be-

come a child’s toy, as it was under the successors of Shamsu-d din. If you are in Lakhnauti when another mounts the throne in Dehli, you must be his subordinate ; but if you are estab- lished in Dehli, whoever rules in Lakhnauti must submit to you. Think over this ; do not leave my side ; cast away all desire of going to Lakhnauti.” Bughra Khan was a heedless prince ;

he did not know that in the management of a kingdom questions are constantly arising and dangers threatening. He had been two or three months in Dehli, and his father’s health had slightly improved. He wanted to go to Lakhnauti, so he found a pretext for doing so, and set off thither without leave from his father.

Bughra Khan had a son named Kai-Kubad, who had been brought up by the Sultan, and now stayed by his side. The Khan had not reached Lakhnauti when the Sultan became worse. He knew that he was stricken by death, and gave up all hope of surviving. Three days before his death, he summoned to his presence Maliku-l-umara Kotwal of Dehli, Khwaja Husain Basri the wazir , and some other of his favourite servants, and said, You are old and are versed in matters of government : you know how things go on when kings die, and I know that my end is near. * * * After I am gone, you must set upon the throne Kai-Khusru, son of my eldest son, the martyr prince, whom, after his father’s death, I named as my successor, and who is worthy of the throne. He is young and incapable of ruling as yet, but what can I do? Mahmud (Bughra Khan) has shrunk from the work, and people shut their eyes at him. He is gone to Lakh- nauti, intent upon other views. The throne will not stand without a king, and I see no course but that of my making my will in favour of Kai-Khusru. He dismissed his friends, and three days afterwards he died. The kotwal and his people were strong, and, as confidants of the late king, had great power in the city. For a private reason, which it would be unseemly to expose,1 they had been unfriendly to the martyr prince, and they were apprehensive of danger if Kai-Khusru succeeded, so they sent him at once to Multan. They then took Kai-Kubad, the son of Bughra Khan, and placed him on the throne with the title of Mu’izzu-d din. The corpse of Sultan Balban was taken out of the Red Palace at night, and was buried in the house of rest, and thus ended one who for so many years had ruled with dignity, honour, and vigour. * * *

From the day that Balban, the father of his people, died, all security of life and property was lost, and no one had any confi- dence in the stability of the kingdom. Mu’izzu-d din had not reigned a year before the chiefs and nobles quarrelled with each other ; many were killed upon suspicion and doubt ; and the people, seeing the troubles and hardships which had befallen the country, sighed for a renewal of the reign of Balban.

Sultanu-l Karam Mu’izzu-d Dunya wau Din Kai-Kubad.

The author of this history, Zia-Barni, was a child in the reign of Sultan Mu’izzu-d din Kai-Kubad, grandson of Sultan Balban, and the details which he has written he learned from his father, Muyidu-1 Mulk, and from his preceptors, who were men of note at the time. Kai-Kubad1 ascended the throne in the year 685 H. (1286 A.D.)2 He was then seventeen or eighteen years old, and was a young man of many excellent qualities. He was of an equable temper, kind in disposition, and very handsome ; but he was fond of pleasure and sensual gratifications. From his childhood till the day he came to the throne, he had been brought up under the eye of the Sultan, his grandfather. Such strict tutors had been placed over him that he never had the idea of indulging in any pleasure, or the opportunity of gratifying any lust. His tutors, in fear of the Sultan, watched him so carefully that he never cast his eyes on any fair damsel, and never tasted a cup of wine. Night and day his austere guardians watched over him. Teachers instructed him in the polite arts and in manly exercises, and he was never allowed to do any unseemly act, or to utter any improper speech. When, all at once, and without previous expectation, he was elevated to such a mighty throne, * * * all that he had read, and heard, and learned, he immediately forgot ; his lessons of wisdom and self-restraint

1 Barm generally uses the title Mu’izzu-d din, hut I have preferred the shorter and more distinctive name.

2 Properly 686, as proved in the Printed Text by a verse quoted from Amir KhusrO’s Kirdnu-s Sadain.

■were thrown aside, and he plunged at once into pleasure and dissipation of every kind. * * * His ministers, likewise, the young nobles of his court, and his companions and friends, all gave themselves up to pleasure. The example spread, and all ranks, high and low, learned and unlearned, acquired a taste for wine drinking and amusements.

Kai-Kubad gave up residing in the city, and, quitting the Red Palace, he built a splendid palace, and laid out a beautiful garden at Kilu-garhi, on the banks of the Jumna. Thither he retired, with the nobles and attendants of his court, and when it was seen that he had resolved upon residing there, the nobles and officers also built palaces and dwellings, and, taking up their abode there, Kilu-garhi became a populous place [ and the resort of all the votaries and ministrants of pleasure^ Night and day the Sultan gave himself up entirely to dissipation and enjoyment.

Malik Nizamu-d din, nephew and son-in-law of Maliku-1 umara Kotwal of Dehli, now rose to the highest offices. He became Dad-hak , or chief administrator of justice, and Naib-i ninth, or deputy ruler of the State, and the government of the country was in his hands. Malik Kiw&mu-d din, who held the office of secretary, an accomplished and eloquent man, thoroughly versed ni correspondence and the duties of secretary, was made ’ Umdatu-l mulk and Ndib-wahildar. Nizamu-d din was an active, ready, and crafty man, and his rise to power gave srreat offence to the nobles and servants of the late kins:, who were strong and numerous, and still held important positions. His head was filled with ambitious designs, while the Sultan was engrossed with pleasure and conviviality. The old and expe- rienced courtiers, who had felt the heat and cold of varying fortune, perceived that the minister bore them no good will, and formed themselves into various parties. The nobles, heads of great families, found their position at court shaken, and some of them conceived a craving for an extension of their power. Nizamu-d din sharpened his teeth in the pursuit of his ambition, and argued with himself thus : “ Sultan Balban was a wary old

wolf, who held possession of Dehli for sixty years, and kept down the people of the kingdom with a firm grasp. He is gone, and his son, who was fitted to be a king, died before him ; Bughra Khan remains contented at Lakhnauti, and the roots of empire which the old man planted are day by day growing weaker. The Sultan, in his devotion to pleasure, has not a thought for his government. If I get rid of Kai-Khusru, the son of “the Martyr Prince,” and can remove some of the old nobles from the person of the sovereign, the realm of Dehli will fall with ease into my hands.” With such thoughts and crooked designs, he began to play his game against Kai-Khusru ; so he said to the Sultan, “ Kai-Khusru is your partner in the kingdom, and is endued with many kingly virtues. The nobles are very friendly towards him, and look upon him as the heir-apparent of Sultan Balban. If several of Balban’s nobles support him, one day they will set you aside and raise him to the throne. It would there- fore be politic for you to summon him from Multan, and to make away with him on the road. This truculent suggestion wras adopted, and messengers were sent for Kai-Khusru. Nizam u-d din took advantage of the Sultan’s drunkenness to obtain his sanction for the murder of the prince. He then despatched his emissaries, who murdered the prince at Rohtak.

This murder excited great dread of the minister among all those nobles who remained in office. The glory and honour of the maliks was shattered, and fear seized upon them all. Nizamu-d din became more overbearing. He brought a charge against Khwaja Khatir, wazir of the Sultan, and had him placed upon an ass, and paraded through the whole city. This punishment increased the terror which all the nobles and officers felt. He next resolved upon removing the chief nobles and heads of illus- trious families ; so he said to the Sultan, “ These newly-made Musulmans, who hold offices and appointments near your ma- jesty, are in league together. You have made them your com- panions and associates, but they intend to deal treacherously with you ; and, introducing themselves by degrees into the

palace, they will turn you out and seize upon the kingdom. These Mughal nobles hold meetings in their houses and consult together. They are all of one race, their followers are numerous, and they have grown so strong that they will raise a rebellion. Shortly after he reported to the Sultan some words which had come to liis ears, as having been uttered by these Mughals while in a state of intoxication, and he obtained from him permission to seize and kill them. One day he had them all seized in the palace, the principal of them were slain and cast into the Jumna, and their houses and property wrere plundered. Several de- scendants of slaves,1 also, who were men of high rank in the time of JBalban, having formed acquaintances and friendship with these new Musulmans, were made prisoners and confined in distant forts. Their families, which had long taken root in the land, were scattered.

Next after these Malik Shahik, amir of Multan, and Malik Tuzaki, who was the holder of the fief of Baran, and held the office of Muster-master-general — men of high rank and import- ance in the reign of Balban — were both of them got rid of by stratagem. These proceedings made the designs of Nizamu-d din sufficiently clear to all men of the court and city ; and his house became the resort of the principal men of the place. He had obtained such an ascendancy over Kai-Kubad, that when- ever any one belonging to the city or otherwise made allusion to the ambitious designs of Nizamu-d din, or, in a fair and open way, brought any evil practice to his notice, the Sultan used to say to his minister, “ So and so has spoken this about you ; ” or he would have the person seized, and giving him over to Nizamu-d din, w'ould say, “ This man wanted to make mischief between us.”

The ascendancy of Nizamu-d din reached such a pitch that his wife, who was the daughter of Maliku-1 umara, became known as “honorary mother” of the Sultan, and the directress of his female apartments. The sight of his power caused all the 1 “ Maula zadagan."

great men and chiefs of the city and country to anxiously watch his proceedings and guard against his hostility with all caution. With every device in their power, they endeavoured to obtain his favour, and to be reckoned among his adherents. Kotwal Maliku-1 Umara Fakhru-d din, father-in-law and uncle of Niz&mu-d din, often spoke to him in private, and remonstrated with him on his ambitious designs and his destruction of the nobles, saying, “ I and my father have been kotwals of Delhi for eighty years, and as we have never meddled with affairs of State, we have remained in safety, * * * bauish this vision of royalty from your mind, for royalty has no relation with us. * * * Supposing you kill this drunken insensate king by some vil- lainous contrivance, the infamy of such an action will remain upon you and your children till the day of judgment.” * * * This admonition of the kotwal’ s became generally known, * * * and raised him very high in public estimation.

Nizamu-d din profited nothing by these counsels; his ambition to acquire the regal power made him blind and deaf. Every day he made some new move in the game, and sought to remove the Khiljis, who were obstacles in his road to sovereignty. Fate, how- ever, derided these crude designs, and smiled upon the Khiljis. The Sultan himself became aware that Nizamu-d din desired to remove him, and in fact his designs were patent to every one in Dehli.

While Kai-Kubad was sitting on the throne in Dehli, his father, Bughra Khan, at Lakhnauti, had assumed the title of Nasiru-d din, and had struck coins and caused the khutba to be read in his own name. A correspondence was kept up between the father and son, and messengers were constantly passing, carrying presents from one to the other. The father was in- formed of his son’s devotion to pleasure, and of Nizamu-d din’s designs, * * * so he wrote letters of advice and caution to his son, * * * but the Sultan, absorbed in his pleasures, * * * paid no heed to his father’s remonstrances, and took no notice of his minister’s designs. Neither did he give the least attention to the business of the kingdom.

When Bughra Khan1 heard that his son * * * paid no heed to his letters, he resolved to go and see him, and he wrote him a letter announcing his intention. * * * This letter awakened the Sultan’s affection * * * and several letters passed. * * * It was at length arranged that the Sultan would go to Oudh, and that his father should come from Lakhnauti and meet him on the banks of the Saru. The Sultan’s intention was to proceed privately {jaridah) to the Saru, but his minister opposed this, * * * ob- serving that “the journey was long, and that he ought to travel in state with an army. * * * Old writers had said that in pursuit of dominion fathers will slay their sons, and sons their fathers. Ambition for rule stifles both paternal and filial affec- tion. * * * The Sultan’s father had struck coins and caused the khutba to be read in his name — besides, he was the rightful heir to the kingdom, and who could foresee what would happen at the interview. The Sultan ought to proceed with his army in all state and grandeur. * * * The Rais and Ranas would then come to pay their respects ; but if he travelled with haste, all reverence for the kingly office wrould be lost.” * * * His advice was taken by the Sultan, and he directed his army and travel- ling equipage to be prepared.

In due time the Sultan set out in all regal state, with a suit- able army, and marching into Oudh he pitched his camp on the banks of the Saru. When Bughra Khan heard that the Sultan had brought a large army, he understood that Nizamu-d din had instilled fear into the heart of his son ; but he set forth from Lakhnauti with an army and elephants, and arrived at the Saru, where the two armies encamped on opposite sides of the river, within sight of each other. For two or three days officers passed from both sides, carrying messages between father and son. The order of the interview was at length settled. Bughra Khan was to pay honour and homage to the king of Uehli. He was to cross the river to see his son seated on his throne, and to kiss his hands (in token of inferiority). The Khan said, “ I have no

1 He is now called “Nasiru-d din,” but it seems preferable to retain his old name.

inclination to pay homage to my own son ; but he sits upon the throne of Dehli in my father’s seat, and that exceeds in grandeur all the thrones of the earth. * * * If I do not show it due honour, its glory will be shattered, and evil will come both upon me and my son. * * * I will therefore fulfil all the requirements of etiquette.” He directed the astrologers to fix upon an auspicious hour for the interview. On the appointed day the Sultan’s court was arranged, and he sat upon his throne to hold a levee. Bughra Khan alighted, and came within the privileged circle. He bowed his head to the earth, and three times kissed the ground, as required by the ceremonial of the court. But when he approached the throne, the Sultan could no longer bear the degradation of his father ; he threw aside all kingly grandeur, and, descending from the throne, cast himself at his father’s feet.

• • • Father and son burst into tears and embraced each other,

• • • and the Sultan rubbed his eyes upon his father’s feet. This sight drew tears also from the eyes of the beholders. The father took his son’s hand and led him to the throne, intending himself to stand before it for awhile ; but the Sultan came down, and conducting his father to the throne, seated him there on his own right hand. Then, coming down, he bent his knees, and sat respectfully before him. * * * Afterwards they had some con- versation together in private, and then Bughra Khan retired across the river to his own camp. * * *

One day, Bughra Khan, after telling his son a story about Jamshid, said, “ Oh, my dear son, how far wilt thou carry thy addiction to pleasure and dissipation, and how long wilt thou disregard the sayings of great and powerful kings ?” * * * When the Khan had finished his counsels he wept, and pressing his son to his bosom bade him farewell ; and as he did so, he secretly whispered to him his advice that he should remove Nizamu-d din as soon as possible, otherwise that man' would one day seize an opportunity to remove him from the throne. So saying, and shedding many tears, he parted from his son. * * * When he reached his own camp he said to his friends, “ I have

said farewell to my son and to the kingdom of Dehll ; for I know full well that neither my son nor the throne of Dehll will long exist.1’

Kai-Kubad returned through Oudh, towards Dehll, and for some days he was mindful of his father’s advice, and abstained from sensual amusements. * * * The tenor of that advice was

known to all men in the army. * * * He kept aloof from

women, till one day a lovely girl met him on the road [ decked in the most alluring styti], and addressed some lines of poetry to him. * * * The Sultan was overpowered by her charms, he could not resist * * * but called for wine ; and, drinking it in

her presence, recited some verses, to which she replied also in

verse. * * * His father’s counsels were forgotten, and he gave himself up to pleasure in the society of that “vow-breaker” [ and plunged deeper into his old habits ]. From Oudh to Dehll all his journey was one round of dissipation and pleasure. When he arrived at Kllu-garh! public rejoicings were held. * * *

I, Ziau-d din Barnl, author of this work, heard from Kazl Sharfu-d din that Sultan Kai-Kubad was so engrossed by his dissolute pursuits, that his government would not have endured for a single week, but for Malik Nizamu-d din and Malik Kiwamu-d din, both of whom were old Shams! and Balbani nobles. They were wise, experienced men, who possessed ability, and encouraged ability. * * * Nizamu-d din was also very gene- rous, * * * and it was a thousand pities that so many excellent qualities should all have been spoilt by his ambition to attain the throne. * * * Soon after the Sultan returned from Oudh, his constitution began to give way, and his excessive indulgence in sensual pleasures made him very feeble and pale. He thought upon the advice of his father, and resolved upon removing Nizamu-d din, without reflecting that there was no one to take his place, and that troubles and difficulties would arise. So he ordered Nizamu-d din to proceed to Multan to arrange the affairs of that dependency. The minister perceived that the Sultan was acting upon advice received from his father, or some

other person, and fearing the intrigues of his rivals he delayed his departure. The Sultan’s associates and attendants were aware that he was resolved upon removing Nizamu-d din, so after obtaining the Sultan’s consent, they put poison into his wine, and he died. The fact of his having been poisoned was well known in Dehli. What little order had been maintained in the government was now entirely lost. People were without employ, and flocked to the gates of the palace ; and as no order was maintained there, no security was anywhere to be found.

At this time Jalalu-d din was Naib of Samana and Sar- jdndar of the court. He was brought from Sam&na, and the fief of Baran was conferred upon him ; and he received the title of Siyasat Khan. Malik Aitamur Kachhan was made Barbak, and Malik Aitamur Surkha obtained the office of Waktl-dar . Both had been slaves ( banda ) of Sultan Balban. They now divided the control of the palace between them, and both were led away by ambition. t Several of the Balban officials, who had been set aside by Nizamu-d din, again entered into employ- ment, and rose into notice.

The affairs of the court now fell into the greatest confusion, and no regularity was observed in any business. The Sultan was struck with paralysis, and was confined to his couch. He daily grew worse, and was quite incapable of attending to business. The nobles desired some leading spirit who would take the control of public affairs ; but they were all too much upon a level, and could not endure that any one should rise above the rest, and should have entire command of the reins. There was no hope of the Sultan’s recovery, so the old Balban officers, the maliks , the amirs , the officials, heads of tribes, etc., met together, and although the Sultan’s son was of tender years, they brought him forth from the harem and seated him upon the throne. It was resolved to appoint a regent, so that the throne might be pre- served to the family of Balban, and might not pass from the Turk to any other race. With this object the Sultan’s child

was seated on the throne, under the title of Sultan Shamsu-d din. The old Balbani officers were his supporters, and they received offices, titles, and grants of land. The young Sultan was taken to the Cliabiitara-i Nasiri, which became his Court, and there the nobles and great men attended upon him.

Sultan Kai-Kubad was lying sick and powerless at Kilu- ghari, attended by his doctors. At the same time Jalalu-d din, who was 'A'riz-i mamalik (Muster-master-general), had gone to Bahar-pur, attended by a body of his relations and friends. Here he held a muster and inspection of the forces. He came of a race different from that of the Turks, so he had no confidence in them, nor would the Turks own him as belonging to the number of their friends. Aitamur Kachhan and Aitamur Surkha wakil-dar conspired to denounce and remove several nobles of foreign extraction. They accordingly drew up a list, at the head of which they placed the name of Jalalu-d din. The latter very prudently collected his adherents, and all the Khilji malilts and amirs, drew together, and formed a camp at Bahar-pur. Several other nobles joined him. Aitamur Kachhan now proceeded to Bahar-pur, in order to entice Jalalu-d din to the Shamsi palace, where he intended to kill him. Jalalu-d din was aware of the plot, and intercepted and slew Aitamur Kachhan, as he was on the way to invite him. The sons of Jalalu-d din, who were all daring fellows, went publicly at the head of 500 horse to the royal palace, seized upon the infant Sultan, and carried him off’ to their father. Aitamur Kachhan1 pursued them, but he was wounded with an arrow, and fell. The sons of Maliku-1 umara Kotwal were captured and taken to Bahar-pur, where they were kept as hostages. Great excitement followed in the city ; the people, high and low, small and great, poured out of the twelve gates of the city, and took the road for Bahar-pur to the rescue of the young prince. They were all troubled by the ambition of the Khiljis, and were strongly opposed to Jalalu-d din’s ob-

1 So says the Text, and the two MSS. agree : but as Kachhan was dead, Surkha must be here intended, and Firishta has it so.

taining the crown ; but the kotwal, on account of his sons, allayed the popular excitement, and brought back the citizens. The crowd dispersed at the Badaun gate.

Several maliks and amirs of Turk extraction now joined Jalalu-d din at his camp, and the Khilji force increased. Two days after these occurrences a malik , whose father had been put to death by order of Sultan Kai-Kub&d, was sent to Kilu-ghari, with instructions to make an end of him. This man entered Kilu-ghari, and found the Sultan lying at his last gasp in the room of mirrors. He despatched him with two or three kicks, and threw his body into the Jumna. Malik Clihaju, brother’s son of Sultan Balban, and rightful heir to the throne, received the grant of Karra, and was sent off thither.

Friends and opponents now came to terms with Jalalu-d din, who was escorted from Baharpur by a large body of horse, and was seated on the throne in Kilu-ghari. He immediately pro- ceeded to strengthen his position by bringing in his friends, and distributing the offices. But the majority of the people of Dehli was opposed to him, and through fear of the populace he did not go to the city, there to take his seat upon the old throne of his predecessors'. Some time elapsed before he ventured there, or before the people went to Kilu-ghari to offer their congratula- tions. They hated the Khilji maliks , and would not look upon them. There were many officers and nobles, representatives of old families in Dehli at that time. By the death of Sultan Kai- Kubad M’uizzu-d din the Turks lost the empire.

SuLTANU-L HALIM JaLALU-D DUNYA WAU-D DIN FlROZ SHAH

Zia-Barni, the author of this history, declares that the events and affairs of the reign of Jalalu-d din, and the other matters about which he has written from that period unto the end of his work, all occurred under his own eyes and observation.

Sultan Jalalu-d din Firoz Khilji ascended the throne in the

palace of Kilu-ghari, in the year 688 H.1 (1289 a.d.). The people of the city (of Dehli) had for eighty years been governed by sovereigns of Turk extraction, and were averse to the succession of the Khiljis ; for this reason the new Sultan did not go into the capital. The great men and nobles, the learned men, the officials, and the celebrities with whom the city was then filled, went out to pay their respects to the new Sultan, and to receive robes. In the course of the first year of the reign the citizens and soldiers and traders, of all degrees and classes, went to Kilu-ghari, where the Sult&n held a public darbar. They were struck with admiration and amazement at seeing the Khiljis occupying the throne of the Turks, and wondered how the throne had passed from the one to the other.

The Sultan, not being able to go into Dehli, made Kilu-ghari his capital, and fixed his abode there. He ordered the palace, which Kai-Kubad had begun, to be completed and embellished with paintings ; and he directed the formation of a splendid garden in front of it on the banks of the Jumna. The princes and nobles and officers, and the principal men of the city, were commanded to build houses at Kilu-ghari. Several of the traders were also brought from Dehli, and bazars were estab- lished. Kilu-ghari then obtained the name of “ New-town.” A lofty stone fort was commenced, and the erection of its defences was allotted to the nobles, who divided the work of building among them. The great men and citizens were averse to building houses there, but as the Sultan made it his residence, in three or four years houses sprung up on every side, and the markets became well supplied.

Some time passed, and still the Sultan did not go into the city, but the authority of his government acquired strength. The excellence of his character, his justice, generosity, and devotion, gradually removed the aversion of the people, and

1 The editors of the text again correct the date by quoting the Miflahu-l Futuh of Amir Khusrh, which makes the year to be 689. Firishta gives it 687.

hopes of grants of land assisted in conciliating, though grudgingly and unwillingly, the affections of his people.

The eldest son of the Sultan was styled Khan-i Khanan, the second son Arkali Khan, and the youngest Kadar Khan. For each of these a palace was provided. The Sultan’s brother was entitled Yaghrish Khan, and he was made ’A'riz-i mamdlik (Muster-master-general) ; ’Alau-d din and Ulugh Khan, brother’s sons and sons in law of the Sultan, were made, one Amir Tuzak, and the other Akhur-baki (master of the horse). * * * Khwaja Khatir, the best of ministers, was made prime minister, and Malikul-1 urnara, of long standing renown, was confirmed as kotical. The populace was appeased and gratified, and the Sultan, with great pomp and a fine retinue, went into the city and alighted at the palace ( daulat-khana ). He offered up his

thanksgivings and took his seat upon the throne of *his predeces- sors. He then called his nobles and friends around him and ad- dressed them [in terms of thanksgiving and gratulationd] * * *

In the second year of the reign, Malik Chhaju, nephew of Balban, raised the white canopy in Karra, and had the khutba read in his name. Malik ’AH, sar-janddr, son of a slave ( mauld-zada ) of Sultan Balban, who held the grant of Oudh, joined him. Several other old adherents of Balban, who held territories towards Hindustan, also supported him. He assumed the title of Sultan Mughisu-d din, and the khutba was read in his name throughout Hindustan. Assembling an army, he marched towards Dehli to claim the throne of his uncle, with the expectation that the people of the city would join him. Many of the inhabitants of Dehli and the environs, mindful of the benefits they had received from his ancestors, heard of his approach with satisfaction and joy, and recognized him as the rightful heir to the throne ; for they said that no Khilji had ever been a king, and that the race had no right or title to Dehli.

The Sultan marched from Kilu-ghari, attended by his adherents and the Khilji nobles, who rallied thick around him. Taking with him an army in whose fidelity he had confidence,

he advanced towards Chhaju. When he approached Badaun, he deputed his eldest son, Khan-i Jahan, to be his deputy in Dehli during- his absence ; and he placed his second son, Arkali Khan, one of the most renowned warriors of the time, at the head of a force, and sent him on in advance against the insurgents. Arkali Khan marched ten or twelve kos before the Sultan and crossed the river of Kulaibnagar(P) 1 The Sultan remained at Badaun. Malik Chhaju continued to advance. The rdwats and paths of Hindustan flocked around him like ants or locusts, and the most noted of them received betel from him, and promised to fight against the standards of the Sultan. When the two armies came in sight, the royal forces discharged their arrows. The spiritless rice-eating Hindustanis made a great noise, but lost all their powers ; and the valiant soldiers of the royal army drew their swords and rushed upon them. Malik Chhaju, his nobles and all the Hindustanis, took to flight and dispersed. There was a mawas2 in the neighbourhood into which Chhaju crept, and a few days after the chief of that mawas sent him to Sultan Jalalu-d din. The chiefs, adherents, and officers of Chhaju, and the paths who had been the leaven of his army, were all taken prisoners. Arkali Khan put yokes upon their necks and sent them bound to the Sultan. I, the author of this Tdrikh-i Firoz-S/id/n, heard from Amir Khusru, who was an attendant of the Court, that when the rebellious mallhs and amirs were brought before the Sultan, he held a public darbdr. Malik Amir ’Ali, sar-jdndar , Malik Ulughchi, and other nobles were conducted into his presence, riding upon camels, with yokes upon their shoulders, their hands tied behind their necks, covered with dust and dirt, and their garments all soiled. It was expected that the Sultan would have them paraded in this state all through the army as examples, but as soon as he s&w them he

1 So in the print — “ db-Kuldb (Gulab ?) tagar" in one MS., and “ Kuldik ” in the other.

2 A natural stronghold or fortress. See Thornton “Mewassee;” and vol. ii. of this work, p. 362.

put his handkerchief before his eyes and cried with a loud voice, “ What is this!” He ordered them to be dismounted and un- fastened immediately. Those among them who had held offices in former reigns were separated from the rest, and were con- ducted into* an empty tent, where they were washed, perfumed, and dressed in clean garments by the Sultan’s attendants. The Sultan went into his private apartments and ordered wine to be set out. He then called these captive nobles in as his guests, and they were so overwhelmed with shame that they kept their eyes fixed on the ground and did not speak a word. The Sultan spoke kindly to them and endeavoured to console them, telling them that, in drawing their swords to support the heir of their old benefactor, they had taken an honest rather than a dishonest course.

This leniency of the Sultan towards the captive nobles did not please the Khilji nobles, and they wdiispered to each other that the Sultan did not know how to rule, for instead of slaying the rebels he had made them his companions. Malik Ahmad Chap, deputy lord chamberlain, a personal attendant and coun- sellor of the Sultan, told him that a Kin" should rei"n and observe the rules of government, or else be content to relinquish the throne. He had shewn great attention to those prisoners who deserved death, and had made them his guests. He had removed the fetters of rebels who all deserved punishment, and had set them free. Malik Chhaju, who for several months had caused the k/iutba to be read in his name in Hindustan, and who had struck coins, he had sent in a litter to Multan, with orders to keep him secluded, but to supply him with wine, fruit, food, and garments, and whatever he required. When such an offence, the worst of all political offences, had been passed over without punishment, how could it be expected but that other rebellions would break out and disturbances arise. The punish- ments awarded by kings are warnings to men. Sultan Balban, who never forgot his dignity and power, visited rebellious and political offences with the greatest severity, and how much blood

did he shed \ If the Sult&n and his followers were to fall into their hands, no name or trace of the Khiljis would be left in Hindustan.

The Sultan replied, “ Oh Ahmad, I am aware of what you say. I have seen the punishment of rebellion before*you saw it, but what can I do ? I have grown old among Musulmans, and am not accustomed to spill their blood. My age exceeds seventy, and I have never caused one to be killed ; shall I now, in my old days, for the short life that remains, which has never continued to others and will not be prolonged for me, act against the principles of the law and bring Muhammadans to the block ? * * * As regards these nobles who have been made prisoners, I have reflected, and have come to the conclusion that if I look over their rebellion and spare their lives, they are men, and will be ashamed before God and man for the course they have pursued. I am sure they will feel their obligation to me, and will never again form designs against my throne or excite rebellion. * * * If I go to Multan, I will, like Sher Khan, fight against and give a good account of the Mughals, because they have invaded Musulman territory ; but if I cannot reign without shedding the blood of Musulmans, I renounce the throne, for I could not endure the wrath of God.”

When the Sultan returned from Bad&un after the suppression of the rebellion of Malik Chhaju, he bestowed Karra on ’Alau-d din his nephew (brother’s son) and son in law, whom he had brought up. ’Alau-d din proceeded to his territory, and in the same year he found there many of the officers and friends of Malik Chhaju who had taken part in his rebellion. Them he set free and took into his service. These disaffected persons began at once to suggest to ’Alau-d din, that it was quite possible to raise and equip a large force in Karra, and through Karra to obtain Dehli. Money only was needed : but for want of that Malik Chhaju would have succeeded. Get only plenty of money, and the acquisition of Dehli would be easy. ’Alau-d din was at variance with his mother in law, Malika-i Jahan, wife

of Sultan Jalalu-d din, and also with his wife, so he was anxious to get away from them. The crafty suggestions of the Karra rebels made a lodgment in his brain, and, from the very first year of his occupation of that territory, he began to follow up his design of proceeding to some distant quarter and amassing money. To this end he was constantly making inquiries about other countries from travellers and men of experience.

On the Sultan’s returning to Kilu-ghari, public rejoicings were held * * * after which he devoted himself assiduously to the business of his kingdom. * * * But the nobles and great men spoke of him with disparagement, saying that he knew not how to rule, and had none of the awe and majesty of kings.

• • • His business was to fight against the Mughals, and

such work would suit him, for he w7as not wanting in courage and warlike accomplishments. But he knew nothing about government. * * * Two things were required in kings. 1. Princely expenditure and boundless liberality. * * 2. Dignity,

awe, and severity, by which enemies are repulsed and rebels put down. * * * These two qualities were wanting in him. * * * Thieves were often brought before him, from whom he took an oath that they would never steal again, and he then set them free, observing to those around him that he could not slay a bound man, and although he could do it in battle, it was against his feelings. * * * In his reign some thags were taken in the city, and a man belonging to that fraternity was the means of about a thousand being captured. But not one of these did the Sultan have killed. He gave orders for them to be put into boats and to be conveyed into the Lower country to the neighbourhood of Lakhnauti, where they were to be set free. The thags would thus have to dwell about Lakhnauti, and would not trouble the neighbourhood (of Dehli) any more. * * *

Men complained of the clemency and humanity of the Sultan

• • • and a party of wicked, ungrateful nobles used to talk over their cups of killing him and setting him aside. This was all reported to the Sultan, but he sometimes dismissed it

lightly, and at others used to say, “ Men often drink too much, and then say foolish things ; do not report drunken stories to me.” One day a party was held in the house of Malik Taju-d din Kuchi, a nobleman of some distinction. When the wine had got into the heads of the guests and they were intoxicated, they said to Taju-d din : “You are fit to be a king, but the Sultan is not. If there is any Khilji fit to be a king, it is Ahmad Chap, not Jalalu-d din.” This and similar absurdities they uttered. All who were present promised to aid Taju-d din in acquiring the crown. One of them said he would finish the Sultan with a hunting knife,1 and another drew his sword and said he would make mince-meat of him. Many other foolish vaunts were uttered, all of which were duly reported to the Sultan. He had heard a good deal of these proceedings before, and had made light of them ; but on the present occasion, when he learned the extravagant boasts which had been uttered at Taju-d din’s party, he could endure no longer, and had all the topers brought before him. He upbraided them severely, and while men were wondering where it would end, he grew hot, and, drawing a sword, threw it down before them, and exclaimed, “Ah drunken negroes, who brag together, and talk, one of killing me with an arrow, and another of slaying me with a sword ! Is there one among you who is man enough to take this sword and fight it out fairly with me ? See ! here I sit ready for him, let him come on ! ” Malik Nusrat Sabah, principal inkstand bearer, a witty nobleman, was among them, who had uttered many absurd things. He now replied, and said, “ Your Majesty knows that topers in their cups utter ridiculous sayings. We can never kill a Sultan who cherishes us like sons, as you do, nor shall we ever find so kind and gracious a master; neither will you kill us for our absurd drunken ravings, because you will never find other nobles and gentlemen like us.” The Sultan himself had been drinking wine. His eyes filled with tears at these words of

1 Nim-shikdri." Tir is sometimes substituted for ntm, as in tbe next place where it is mentioned.

Nusrat Sabah, and he pardoned them all. He gave Nusrat Sabah a cup of wine and made him his guest. The other evil- minded and evil-speaking nobles he dismissed to their estates, commanding them to stay there for a year and not to enter the city. * * * Jalalu-d din always treated his nobles, officers, and subjects, with the greatest kindness and tenderness. He never visited their offences with blows, confinement, or other severity, but treated them as a parent does his children. If he got angry with any of them, he threatened them with his second son, Arkali Khan, who was a hot-tempered man. * * * In the reign of Balban, while Jalalu-d din was Sar-jandar, he held the territory of Kaithal1 and the deputyship of Samana. His officers in Samana demanded revenue from a village belong- ing to Maulana Siraju-d din Sawi. * * * The Maulana was very angry, and wrote a work which he called Khilji-nama, in which he lampooned Jalalu-d din. * * * On the latter becoming sovereign, the Maulana * * * came to court with a rope round his neck, despairing of his life, * * * but the Sultan called him forward, embraced him, gave him a robe, enrolled him among his personal attendants, restored his vil- lage, and added another, confirming them both to him and his descendants. * * *

After he became Sultan, he reflected that he had warred many years against the Mughals, and so he might be appropriately called in the khutba “ al Mujaliid ft sabil-alldh.” He accord- ingly instructed Malika-i Jahan, the mother of his children, to suggest to the Kdzis and heads of religion, when they came to pay their respects to her, that they should ask the Sultan to allow this title to be used. * * * Soon after they came to offer congratulations * * * and Malika-i Jahan sent a message to the heads of religion. * * * Shortly afterwards they made the proposition to the Sultan. His eyes filled with tears, and he acknowledged that he had directed Malika-i Jahan to make the suggestion, but he had since reflected that he was 1 Here written “ Kathal.”

not worthy of the title * * * as he had fought for his own gratification and vanity; * * * and so he refused to accept it.

Jalalu-d din was a great appreciator and patron 6f talent.

• • • On the day that he was made ’ A'riz-i mamdlik , he presented Amir Khusru with twelve hundred tankas * * * and when he became Sultan, he made the amir one of his chosen attendants, and appointed him keeper of the Kuran. He invested him with such robes as are given to great nobles, and girded him with a white sash.

But for all the gentleness and kindness and mercy of Sultan Jalalu-d din, in his reign Sidi Maula was cast under the feet of an elephant: after which event the Jalali throne and family began to decline. Sidi Maula was a darwesh from the Upper country ( icilayat-i mulk-i bald), who came to Dehli in the reign of Balban. He had peculiar notions about religion, and wras remarkable for his expenditure and for his food. He did not go to public prayers in the mosque, though he offered prayers.

• • • He kept no servant or handmaid, and indulged no passion. He took nothing from any one, but yet he expended so much that people were amazed, and used to say that he dealt in magic. On the open ground in front of his door he built a magnificent kkankah , and expended thousands upon it. There great quantities of food were distributed, and travellers resorted thither. Twice a day, such bounteous and various meals wrere provided as no khan or malih could furnish. * * * He went to pay a visit to Shaikh Farid at Ajodhan * * * and when he was about to leave, the Shaikh said, “ I give thee a bit of advice, which it will be well for thee to observe. Have nothing to do with maliks and amirs , and beware of their intimacy as dangerous ; no darwesh ever kept up such an intimacy, but in the end found it disastrous.” * * * In the reign of Jalalu-d din, his expenditure and his society grew larger. The Sultan’s eldest son, Klian-i Khanan, wras his friend and follower, and called himself the Sidi ’s son. * * * Kazi Jalal Kashani, a Kdzi of some repute, but a mischievous

man, used to stay for two or three nights together at the khankah , and converse in private with the Sidi. * * * It at length became known that this Kazi and several (discontented and needy) nobles used to go to the khankah and sit with the Sidi in the evening and talk sedition. They resolved that when the Sultan went in state to the mosque on the Sabbath he should be killed, and that Sidi Maula should then be proclaimed khalifa , and should marry the daughter of Sultan Nasiru-d din. Kazi Jalal Kashani was to have the territory of Multan [ and the other conspirators were to he provided for~. One of the persons present carried information to the Sultan. The Sidi and all the other conspirators were arrested and brought before the Sultan. They strenuously denied the charge, and it was not the custom in those days to extort confession by beating. The Sultan and the people were satisfied of their guilt, but they denied it, and so nothing could be done. Orders were given for the preparation of a large fire in the plain of Bahar-pur. * * * The Sultan (with a large following) went there, and orders were given for placing the accused upon the pile, so that fire might elicit the truth. Before carrying out the order the opinion of the learned lawyers was asked, and they replied that the ordeal by fire was against the law * * * and that the evidence of one man was not sufficient to convict any one of treason. The Sultan accordingly set aside the ordeal. Kazi Kashani, the chief of the conspiracy, was sent as Kazi to Badaun. The nobles were banished to different countries, and their properties were confiscated. Hatya Paik, the destined assassin, was sentenced to suitable punishment, and Sidi Maula was carried bound to the front of the palace, where the Sultan expostulated with him. Shaikh Abu Bakr Tusi was present with a number of his followers, and the king turned to them and said, “ Oh darweshes avenge me of the Maula.” One of them fell upon the Sidi and cut him several times with a razor. Arkali Khan was on the top of the palace, and he made a sign to an elephant driver, who drove his elephant over the Sidi and killed him.

This most humane King could not endure the plotting of a darwesh, and gave an order which broke through their prestige and sanctity. I, the author, well remember that on the day of the Sidi’s death, a black storm arose which made the world dark. Troubles afterwards arose in the State. * * * In the same year there was a scarcity of rain, there was dearth in Dehli, and grain rose to a jital per sir. In the Siwalik also the dearth was greatly felt. The Hindus of that country came into Dehli with their families, twenty or thirty of them together, and in the extremity of hunger drowned themselves in the Jumna. The Sultan and nobles did all they could to help them. In the following year such rain fell as but few people could remember.

I now return to my narrative of the events of Jal&lu-d din’s reign. In the year 689 h. (1290 a.d.), the Sultan led an army to Rantambhor. Khan-i Jahan his eldest son was then dead, and he appointed his second son Arkali Khan to be his vicegerent at Kilu-ghari in his absence. He took the 1 of Jhain,

destroyed the idol temples, and broke and burned the idols. He plundered Jhain and Malwa, and obtained great booty, after which his army rested. The Rai of Rantambhor, with his Raicats and followers, together with their wives and children, all took refuge in the fort of Rantambhor. The Sultan wished to invest and take the fort. He ordered manjaniks 2 to be erected, tunnels ( sabat ) to be sunk, and redoubts ( gargach ) to be constructed, and the siege to be pressed. He arrived from Jhain, carefully reconnoitred the fort, and on the same day returned to Jhain. Next day he called together his ministers and officers, and said that he had intended to invest the fort, # to bring up another army, and to levy forces from Hindustan. But after reconnoitring the fort, he found that it could not be taken without sacrificing the lives of many Musulmans * * *

1 It is difficult to say what is here intended. The printed text has ^ ,

One MS. says J , and the other , Jhain must be Ujjain.

2 The word used is “ maghribihd ” western (engines).

and that he did not value the fort so much as the hair of one Musulm&n. If he took the place and plundered it after the fall of many Muhammadans, the widows and orphans of the slain would stand before him and turn its spoils into bitterness. So he raised the siege, and next day departed for Dehli. When he announced his intention of retreating, Ahmad Chap protested and said. * * * * The Sultan replied at length. * * * He concluded by saying “ I am an old man. I have reached the age of eighty years, and ought to prepare for death. My only concern should be with matters that may be beneficial after my decease.” * * *

In the year 691 h. (1292 a.d.), ’Abdu-llah, grandson of the accursed Halu (Hulaku), invaded Hindustan with fifteen tumans of Mughals (150,000 !). The Sultan assembled his forces, and marched from Dehli to meet them, with a large and splendid army. When he reached Bar-ram,1 the outposts of the Mughals were descried, and the two armies drew up in face of each other with a river between them. Some few days were passed in arraying their forces, and the advanced parties of the opposing forces had several skirmishes in which the Musulmans were victorious, and made some prisoners, who were conducted to the Sultan. Shortly after the van of the Mughal army crossed the river. The van of the Musulmans hastened to meet them, and a sharp conflict ensued, in which the Musulman forces were victorious. Many Mughals were put to the sword, and one or two commanders of thousands, and several centurions were made prisoners. Negotiations followed, and it was agreed that war was a great evil, and that hostilities should cease. The Sultan and ’Abdu-llah, grandson of Halu the accursed, had an interview. The Sultan called him son, and he addressed the Sultan as father. Presents were exchanged, and after hostilities had ceased, buying and selling went on between the two armies. ’Abdu-llah departed with the Mughal army, but Ulghu, grandson of Changiz Khan, the accursed, with several nobles, commanders 1 Briggs says “ Beiram,” but thinks it an error.

of thousands and centurions, resolved to stay in India. They said the creed and became Muhammadans, and a daughter of the Sultan was given in marriage to Ulghu. The Mughals who followed Ulghu, were brought into the city with their wives and children. Provision was made for their support, and houses were provided for them in Kilu-ghari, Ghiyaspur, Indarpat, and Taluka. Their abodes were called Mughalpur. The Sultan continued their allowances for a year or two, but the climate and their city homes did not please them, so they departed with their families to their own country. Some of their principal men remained in India, and received allowances and villages. They mixed with and formed alliances with the Musulmans, and were called “ New Musulmans.”

Towards the end of the year, the Sultan went to Mandur, re- duced it to subjection, plundered the neighbourhood, and returned home. Afterwards he marched a second time to Jhain, and after once more plundering the country, he returned in triumph.

\Alau-d din at this time held the territory of Karra, and with permission of the Sult&n he marched to Bhailasan (Bhilsa). He captured some bronze idols which the Hindus worshipped, and sent them on cars with a variety of rich booty as presents to the Sultan. The idols were laid down before the Badaun gate for true believers to tread upon. ’Alau-d din, nephew and son in-law of the Sultan, had been brought up by him. After sending the spoils of Bhailasan to the Sultan, he was made 1 Ariz-i mamalik , and received the territory of Oudli in addition to that of Karra. When ’Alau-d din went to Bhailasan (Bhilsa), he heard much of the wealth and elephants of Deogir. He in- quired about the approaches to that place, and resolved upon marching thither from Karra with a large force, but without informing the Sultan. He proceeded to Dehlx and found the Sultan more kind and generous than ever. He asked for some delay in the payment of the tribute for his territories of Karra and Oudh, saying that he had heard there were countries about Chanderi where peace and security reigned, and where no appre-

hension of the forces of Dehli was felt. If the Sultan would grant him permission he would march thither, and would acquire great spoil, which he would pay into the royal exchequer, together with the revenues of his territories. The Sultan, in the innocence and trust of his heart, thought that ’Alau-d din was so troubled by his wife and mother-in-law that he wanted to conquer some country wherein he might stay and never return home. In the hope of receiving a rich booty, the Sultan granted the required permission, and postponed the time for the payment of the revenues of Karra and Oudh.

’Alau-d din was on bad terms with his mother in law, Malika-i Jahan, wife of the Sultan, and with his wife, the daughter of the Sultan. He was afraid of the intrigues of the Malika-i Jahan, who had a great ascendancy over her father. He was averse to bringing the disobedience of his wife before the Sultan, and he could not brook the disgrace which would arise from his deroga- tory position being made public. It greatly distressed him, and he often consulted with his intimates at Karra about going out into the world to make a position for himself. When he made the campaign to Bhailasan, he heard much about the wealth of Deogir. * * * He collected three or four thousand horse, and two thousand infantry, whom he fitted out from the revenues of Karra, which had been remitted for a time by the Sultan, and with this force he marched for Deogir. Though he had secretly resolved upon attacking Deogir, he studiously concealed the fact, and represented that he intended to attack Chanderi. Malik ’Alau-1 mulk, uncle of the author, and one of the favoured followers of ’Alau-d din, was made deputy of Karra and Oudh in his absence.

’Alau-d din marched to Elichpur, and thence to Ghati- lajaura. Here all intelligence of him was lost. Accounts were sent regularly from Karra to the Sultan with vague state- ments,1 saying that he was engaged in chastising and plundering

1 “ Ardjif” — “false rumours,’’ but here and elsewhere it seems to rather mean, vague unsatisfactory news.

rebels, and that circumstantial accounts would be forwarded in a day or two. The Sultan never suspected him of any evil designs, and the great men and wise men of the city thought that the dissensions with his wife had driven him to seek his fortune in a distant land. This opinion soon spread. When ’Alau-d din arrived at Ghati-lajaura, the army of Ram-deo, under the command of his son, had gone to a distance. The people of that country had never heard of the Musulmans ; the Mahratta land had never been punished by their armies ; no Musulman king or prince had penetrated so far. Deogir was exceedingly rich in gold and silver, jewels and pearls, and other valuables. When Ram-deo heard of the approach of the Mu- hammadans, he collected what forces he could, and sent them under one of his ranas to Ghati-lajaura. They were defeated and dispersed by ’Alau-d din, who then entered Deogir. On the first day he took thirty elephants and some thousand horses. Ram deo came in and made his submission. ’Alau-d din carried off an unprecedented amount of booty. * * *

In the year 695 h. (1296 a.d.), the Sultan proceeded with an army to the neighbourhood of Gwalior, and stayed there some time. Rumours ( araj'if ) here reached him that ’Alau-d din had plundered Deogir and obtained elephants and an immense booty, with which he was returning to Karra. The Sultan was greatly pleased, for in the simplicity of his heart he thought that what- soever his son and nephew had captured, he would joyfully bring to him. To celebrate this success, the Sultan gave entertain- ments, and drank wine. The news of ’Alau-d din’s victory was confirmed by successive arrivals, and it was said that never had so rich a spoil reached the treasury of Dehli. Afterwards the Sultan held a private council, to which he called some of his most trusty advisers * * * and consulted whether it would be advisable to go to meet ’Alau-d din or to return to Dehli. Ahmad Chap, Naib-bdrbak, one of the wisest men of the day, spoke before any one else, and said, “ Elephants and wealth when held in great abundance are the cause of much strife.

Whoever acquires them becomes so intoxicated that he does not know his hands from his feet. ’Alau-d din is surrounded by many of the rebels and insurgents who supported Malik Chhaju. He has gone into a foreign land without leave, has fought battles and won treasure. The wise have said ‘ Money and strife ; strife and money ’ — that is the two things are allied to each other. * * * My opinion is that we should march with all haste towards Ohanderi to meet ’Alau-d din and intercept his return. When he finds the Sultan’s army in the way, he must necessarily present all his spoils to the throne whether he likes it or not. The Sultan may then take the silver and gold, the jewels and pearls, the elephants and horses, and leave the other booty to him and his soldiers. His territories also should be increased, and he should be carried in honour to Dehli.” * * * The Sultan was in the grasp of his evil angel, so he heeded not the advice of Ahmad Chap * * * but said “ what have I done to ’Alau-d din that he should turn away from me, and not present his spoils?” The Sultan also consulted Malik Fakhru-d din Kuchi (and other nobles). The Malik was a bad man ; he knew that what Ahmad Chap had said was right, but he saw that his advice was displeasing to the Sultan, so he advised * * * that the Sult&n should return to Dehli to keep the Bamazan. * * * The guileless heart of the Sultan relied upon the fidelity of ’Alau-d din, so he followed the advice of Fakhru-d din Kuchi, and returned to Kilu-ghari. A few days after intelligence arrived that ’Alau-d din had returned with his booty to Karra. ’Alau-d din addressed a letter to the Sultan announcing his return with so much treasure and jewels and pearls, and thirty-one elephants, and horses, to be presented to his majesty, but that he had been absent on campaign without leave more than a twelve- month, during which no communications had passed between him and the Sultan, and he did not know, though he feared the machinations of his enemies during his absence. If the Sultan would write to reassure him, he would present himself with his brave officers and spoils before the throne. Having despatched

this deceitful letter, he immediately prepared for an attack upon Lakhnauti. He sent Zafar Kh&n into Oudh to collect boats for the passage of the Saru, and, in consultation with his adherents, he declared that as soon as he should hear that the Sultan had marched towards Karra, he would leave it with his elephants and treasure, with his soldiers and all their families, and would cross the Sard and march to Lakhnauti, which he would sieze upon, being sure that no army from Dehli would follow him there. * * * No one could speak plainly to the Sultan, for if any one of his confidants mentioned the subject he grew angry, and said they wanted to set him against his son. He wrote a most gracious and affectionate letter with his own hand, and sent it by the hands of some of his most trusted officers. When these messengers arrived at Karra, they saw that all was in vain, for that ’Alau-d din and all his army were alienated from the Sultan. They endeavoured to send letters informing the Sultan, but they were unable to do so in any way. Meanwhile the rains came on, and the roads were all stopped by the waters. Almas Beg, brother of ’Alau-d din, and like him a son-in-law of the Sultan, held the office of Akhur-bak (Master of the horse). He often said to the Sultan “ People frighten my brother, and I am afraid that in his shame and fear of your majesty he will poison or drown himself.” A few days afterwards ’Alau-d din wrote to Almas Beg, saying that he had committed an act of disobedience, and always carried poison in his handkerchief. If the Sultan would travel jarida ( i.e . speedily, with only a small retinue), to meet him, and would take his hand, he should feel re-assured ; if not, he would either take poison or would march forth with his elephants and treasures to seek his fortune in the world. His expectation was that the Sultan would desire to obtain the treasure, and would come with a scanty following to Karra, when it would be easy to get rid of him. * * * Almas Beg showed to the Sultan the letter which he had received from his brother, and the Sultan was so infatuated that he believed this deceitful and treacherous letter. Without further consideration he ordered

Almas Khan to hasten to Karra, and not to let his brother depart, promising to follow with all speed. Almas Beg took a boat and reached Karra in seven or eight days. When he arrived, ’Alau-d din ordered drums of joy to be beaten, saying that now all his apprehensions and fears were removed.

The crafty counsellors of ’Alau-d din, whom he had promoted to honours, advised the abandonment of his designs upon.Lakh- nauti, saying that the Sultan, coveting the treasure and elephants, had become blind and deaf, and had set forth to see him in the midst of the rainy season — adding, “ after he comes, you know what you ought to do.” The destroying angel was close behind the Sultan, he had no apprehension, and would listen to no advice. He treated his advisers with haughty disdain, and set forth with a few personal attendants, and a thousand horse from Kilu-ghari. He embarked in a boat at Dhamai, and proceeded towards Karra. Ahmad Chap, who commanded the army, was ordered to proceed by land. It was the rainy season, and the waters were out. On the 15th Ramazan, the Sultan, arrived at Karra, on the hither side of the Ganges.

’Alau-d din and his followers had determined on the course to be adopted before the Sultan arrived. He had crossed the river with the elephants and treasure, and had taken post with his forces between Manikpur and Karra, the Ganges being very high. When the royal ensign came in sight he was all prepared, the men were armed, and the elephants and horses were harnessed. ’Alau-d din sent Almas Beg in a small boat to the Sultan, with directions to use every device to induce him to leave behind the thousand men he had brought with him, and to come with only a few personal attendants. The traitor Almas Beg, hastened to the Sultan, and perceived several boats full of horsemen around him. He told the Sultan that his brother had left the city, and God only knew where he would have gone to if he, Almas Beg, had not been sent to him. If the Sultan did not make more haste to meet him he would kill himself, and his treasure would be plundered. If his brother were to see these armed men with the

Sultan he would destroy himself. The Sultan accordingly directed that the horsemen and boats should remain by the side of the river, whilst he, with two boats and a few personal attendants and friends, passed over to the other side. When the two boats had started, and the angel of destiny had come still nearer, the traitor, Almas Beg, desired the Sultan to direct his attendants to lay aside their arms, lest his brother should see them as they approached nearer, and be frightened. The Sult&n, about to become a martyr, did not detect the drift of this insidious proposition, but directed his followers to disarm. As the boats reached mid-stream, the army of ’Alau-d din was perceived all under arms, the elephants and horses harnessed, and in several places troops of horsemen ready for action. When the nobles who accompanied the Sultan saw this, they knew that Almas Beg had by his plausibility brought his patron into a snare, and they gave themselves up for lost. * * * Malik Khuram wakildar asked * * * what is the meaning of all this ? and Almas Beg, perceiving that his treachery was detected, said his brother was anxious that his army should pay homage to his master.

The Sultan was so blinded by his destiny, that although his own eyes saw the treachery, he would not return ; but he said to Almas Beg, “ I have come so far in a little boat to meet your brother, cannot he, and does not his heart induce him to advance to meet me with due respect.” The traitor replied, “My brother’s intention is to await your majesty at the landing place, with the elephants and treasure and jewels, and there to present his officers.” * * * The Sultan trusting implicitly in them who were his nephews, sons-in-law, and foster-children, did not awake and detect the obvious intention. He took the Kuran and read it, and proceeded fearless and confiding as a father to his sons. All the people who were in the boat with him saw death plainly before them, and began to repeat the chapter appropriate to men in sio'ht of death. The Sultan reached the shore before afternoon prayer, and disembarked with a few followers. ’Alau-d din

advanced to receive him, he and all his officers showing due respect. When he reached the Sultan he fell at his feet, and the Sultan treating him as a son, kissed his eyes and cheeks, stroked his beard, gave him two loving taps upon the cheek, and said “ I have brought thee up from infancy,1 why art thou afraid of me ?” * * * * The Sultan took ’Alau-d din’s hand, and at that moment the stony-hearted traitor gave the fatal signal. Mu- hammad Salim, of Samana, a bad fellow of a bad family, struck at the Sultan with a sword, but the blow fell short and cut his own hand. He again struck and wounded the Sultan, who ran towards the river, crying, “Ah thou villian, ’Alau-d din! what hast thou done ? ” Ikhtiyaru-d din Hud ran after the betrayed monarch, threw him down, and cut off his head, and bore it dripping with blood to ’Alau-d din. * * * * Some of those persons who accompanied the Sultan had landed, and others remained in the boats, but all were slain. Villainy and treachery, and murderous feelings, covetousness and desire of riches, thus did their work.2 * * * *

The murder was perpetrated on the 17th Ramazan, and the venerable head of the Sultan was placed on a spear and paraded about. When the rebels returned to Karra- Manikpur it was also paraded there, and was afterwards sent to be exhibited in Oudh. * * * * While the head of the murdered sovereign was yet dripping with blood, the ferocious conspirators brought the royal canopy and elevated it over the head of ’Alau-d din. Casting aside all shame, the perfidious and graceless wretches caused him to be proclaimed king by men who rode about on elephants. Although these villains were spared for a short time, and ’Alau-d din for some years, still they were not forgotten, and their punishments were only suspended. At the end of three or four years Ulugh Khan (Almas Beg), the deceiver, was gone, so was Nusrat Khan, the giver of the

1 The Sultan’s exact words are expressive enough, but are somewhat too precise and familiar for European taste.

• The writer goes on condemning the murder in strong terms.

signal, so also was Zafar Khan, the breeder of the mischief, my uncle, ’Alau-1 Mulk, kotwal, and * * * and * * * The hell-hound Salim, who struck the first blow, was a j^ear or two afterwards eaten up with leprosy. Ikhtiyaru-d din, who cut off the head, very soon went mad, and in his dying ravings cried that Sultan Jalalu-d din stood over him with a naked sword, ready to cut off his head. Although ’Alau-d din reigned suc- cessfully for' some years, and all things prospered to his wish, and though he had wives and children, family and adherents, wealth and grandeur, still he did not escape retribution for the blood of his patron. He shed more innocent blood than ever Pharaoh was guilty of. Fate at length placed a betrayer in his path, by whom his family was destroyed, * # # and the retribution which fell upon it never had a parallel even in any infidel land. * * *