4. Volume 1 — part 4

When intelligence of the murder of Sultan Jalalu-d din reached Abmad Chap, the commander of the army, he returned to Dehli. The march through the rain and dirt had greatly depressed and shaken the spirits of the men, and they went to their homes. The Malika-i Jahan, wife of the late Sultan, was a woman of determination, but she was foolish and acted very imprudently. She would not await the arrival from Multan of Arkall Khan, who was a soldier of repute, nor did she send for him. Hastily and rashly, and without consultation with any one, she placed the late Sultan’s youngest son, Ruknu-d din Ibrahim, on the throne. He was a mere lad, and had no knowledge of the world. With the nobles, great men, and officers she proceeded from Kilu-ghari to Dehli, and, taking possession of the green palace, she distributed offices and fiefs among the maliks and amirs who were at Dehli, and began to carry on the government, receiving petitions and issuing orders. When Arkali Khan heard of his mother’s unkind and improper proceedings, he was so much hurt that he remained at Multan, and did not go to Dehli. During the life of the late Sultan there had been dis- sensions between mother and son, and when ’Alau-d din, who

remained at Karra, was informed of Arkali Khan’s not coming to Dehli, and of the opposition of the Malika-i Jahan, he saw the opportunity which this family quarrel presented. He re- joiced over the absence of Arkali Khan, and set off for Dehli at once, in the midst of the rains, although they were more heavy than any one could remember. Scattering gold and col- lecting followers, he reached the Jumna. He then won over the maliks and amirs by a large outlay of money* and those unworthy men, greedy for the gold of the deceased, and caring nothing for loyalty or treachery, deserted the Malika-i Jahan and Ruknu-d din and joined ’Alau-d din. Five months after start- ing, ’Alau-d din arrived with an enormous following within two or three kos of Dehli. The Malika-i Jahan and Ruknu-d din Ibrahim then left Dehli and took the road to Multan. A few nobles, faithful to their allegiance, left their wives and families and followed them to Multan. Five months after the death of Jalalu-d din at Karra, ’Alau-d din arrived at Dehli and ascended the throne. He scattered so much gold about that the faithless people easily forgot the murder of the late Sultan, and rejoiced over his accession. His gold also induced the nobles to desert the sons of their late benefactor, and to support him. * * *

Iskandar-i sani Sultanu-V azam ’ Alau-d dunya wau-d din Muhammad Shah Tughlilt.

Sultan ’Alau-d din ascended the throne in the year 695 H. (1296 a.d.). He gave to his brother the title Ulugh Khan, to Malik Nusrat Jalesari that of Nusrat Khan, to Malik Huzab- baru-d din that of Zafar Khan, and to Sanjar, his wife’s brother, who was amir-i majlis, that of Alp Khan. He made his friends and principal supporters amirs , and the amirs he promoted to be maliks. Every one of his old adherents he elevated to a suitable position, and to the Khans , maliks , and amirs he gave money, so that they might procure new horses and fresh servants. Enormous treasure had fallen into his hands, and he had com- mitted a deed unworthy of his religion and position, so he deemed

it politic to deceive the people, and to cover his crime by scatter- ing honours and gifts upon all classes of people.

He set out on his journey to Dehli, but the heavy rains and the mire and dirt delayed his march. His desire was to reach the capital after the rising of Canopus, as he felt very appre- hensive of the late Sultan’s second son, Arkali Khan, who was a brave and able soldier. News came from Dehli that Arkali Khan had not come, and ’Alau-d din considered this absence as a great obstacle to his (rival’s) success. He knew that Ruknu-d din Ibrahim could not keep his place upon the throne, for the royal treasury was empty and he had not the means of raising new forces. ’Alau-d din accordingly lost no time, and pressed on to Dehli, though the rains were at their height. In this year, through the excessive rain, the Ganges and the Jumna became seas, and every stream swelled into a Ganges or a Jumna; the roads also were obstructed with mud and mire. At such a season ’Alau-d din started from Karra with his elephants, his treasures, and his army. His khans, maliks, and amirs were commanded to exert themselves strenuously in enlisting new horsemen, and in providing of all things necessary without delay. They were also ordered to shower money freely around them, so that plenty of followers might be secured. As he was marching to Dehli a light and moveable manjanik was made. Every stage that they marched five mans of gold stars1 were placed in this manjanik , which were discharged among the spectators from the front of the royal tent. People from all parts gathered to pick up “the stars,” and in the course of two or three weeks the news spread throughout all the towns and villages of Hindustan that ’Alau-d din was marching to take Dehli, and that he was scattering gold upon his path and enlisting horsemen and followers without limit. People, military and unmilitary, flocked to him from every side, so that when he reached Badaun, notwithstanding the rains, his force amounted to fifty-six thousand horse and sixty thousand foot. * * * *

When ’Alau-d din arrived at Baran, he placed a force under Zafar Khan, with orders to march by way of Kol, and to keep pace while he himself proceeded by way of Badaun and Baran. Taju-d din Kuchi, and * * and * * other maliks and amirs who were sent from Dehli to oppose the advancing forces, came to Baran and joined ’Alau-d din, for which they received twenty, thirty, and some even fifty mans of gold. All the soldiers who were under these noblemen received each three hundred tankas , and the whole following of the late Jalalu-d din was broken up. The nobles who remained in Dehli wavered, while those who had joined ’Alau-d din loudly exclaimed that the people of Dehli maligned them, charging them with disloyalty, with having deserted the son of their patron and of having joined themselves to his enemy. They complained that their accusers were unjust, for they did not see that the kingdom departed from Jalalu-d din on the day when he wilfully and knowingly, with his eyes wide open, left Dehli and went to Karra, jeopardizing his own head and that of his followers. "What else could they do but join ’Alau-d din?

When the maliks and amirs thus joined ’Alau-d din the Jalali party broke up. The Malika-i Jahan, who was one of the silliest of the silly, then sent to Multan for Arkali Khan. She wrote to this effect — “ I committed a fault in raising my youngest son to the throne in spite of you. None of the maliks and amirs heed him, and most of them have joined ’Alau-d din. The royal power has departed from our hands. If you can, come to us speedily, take the throne of your father and protect us. You are the elder brother of the lad who was placed upon the throne, and are more worthy and capable of ruling. He will acknowledge his inferiority. I am a woman, and women are foolish. I com- mitted a fault, but do not be offended with your mother’s error. Come and take the kingdom of your father. If you are angry and will not do so, ’Alau-d din is coming with power and state ; he will take Dehli, and will spare neither me nor you.” Arkali Khan did not come, but wrote a letter of excuse to his mother,

saying, “Since the nobles and the army have joined the enemy, what good will my coming do?” When ’Alau-d din heard that Arkali Khan would not come, he ordered the drums of joy to be beaten.

’Alau-d din had no boats, and the great height of the Jumna delayed his passage. While he was detained on the banks of the river, Canopus rose, and the waters as usual decreased. He then transported his army across at the ferries, and entered the plain of Judh.1 Ruknu-d din Ibrahim went out of the city in royal state with such followers as remained to oppose ’Alau-d din, but in the middle of the night all the left wing of his army deserted to the enemy with great uproar. Ruknu-d din Ibrahim turned back, and at midnight he caused the Badaun gate (of Dehli) to be opened. He took some bags of gold tankas from the treasury, and some horses from the stables. He sent his mother and females on in front, and in the dead of the night he left the city by the Ghazni gate, and took the road to Multan. Malik Kutbu-d din ’Alawi, with the sons of Malik Ahmad Chap Turk, furnished the escort, and proceeded with him and the Malika-i Jakan to Multan. Next day ’Alau-d din marched with royal state and display into the plain of Siri,2 where he pitched his camp. The throne wras now secure, and the revenue officers, and the elephant keepers with their elephants, and the kotuals with the keys of the forts, and the magistrates and the chief men of the city came out to ’Alau-d din, and a new order of things was established. His wealth and power were great ; so whether individuals paid their allegiance or whether they did not, mat- tered little, for the lchutba was read and coins were struck in his name.

Towards the end of the year 695 h. (1296) ’Alau-d din entered Dehli in great pomp and with a large force. He took his seat upon the throne in the daulat-klidna-i julus , and proceeded to the Kushk-i Val (red palace), where he took up his abode.

1 The print has “ Jhdh.” One MS. writes “Khhd;” the other omits the name.

2 See Cunningham’s Archajological Report for 1862-3, page 38.

The treasury of ’Alau-d din was well filled with gold, which he scattered among the people, purses and bags filled with tankas and jitals were distributed, and men gave themselves up to dis- sipation and enjoyment. [ Public festivities followed .] ’Alau-d din, in the pride of youth, prosperity, and boundless wealth, proud also of his army and his followers, his elephants and his horses, plunged into dissipation and pleasure. The gifts and honours which he bestowed obtained the good will of the people. Out of policy he gave offices and fiefs to the maliks and amirs of the late Sultan. Ivhwaja Khatir, a minister of the highest re- putation, was made ivazir , etc., etc. * * * Malik ’Alau-1 Mulk, uncle of the author, was appointed to Karra and Oudh, and Muyidu-1 Mulk, the author’s father, received the deputyship and khwajagi of Baran. * * * People were so deluded by the gold which they received, that no one ever mentioned the horrible crime which the Sultan had committed, and the hope of gain left them no care for anything else. * * * *

After ’Alau-d din had ascended the throne, the removal of the late king’s sons engaged his first attention. Ulugh Khan and Zafar Khan, with other maliks and amirs , were sent to Multan with thirty or forty thousand horse. They besieged that place for one or two months. The kotical and the people of Multan turned against the sons of Jalalu-d din, and some of the amirs came out of the city to Ulugh Khan and Zafar Khan. The sons of the late Sultan then sent Shaikhu-1 Islam Shaikh Kuknu-d din to sue for safety from Ulugh Khan, and received his assurances. The princes then went out with the Shaikh and their amirs to Ulugh Khan. He received them with great re- spect and quartered them near his own dwelling. News of the success was sent to Delali. There the drums were beaten. Kabas 1 were erected, and the despatch was read from the pulpit and was circulated in all quarters. The amirs of Hindustan then became submissive to ’Alau-d din, and no rival remained. Ulugh Khan and Zafar Khan returned triumphant towards 1 Booths erected for the distribution of food and drink on festive occasions.

Dehli, carrying with them the two sons of the late Sultan, both of whom had received royal canopies. Their maliks and amirs were also taken with them. In the middle of their journey they were met by Nusrat Khan, who had been sent from Dehli, and the two princes, with Ulghu Khan, son in law of the late Sultan, and Ahmad Chap, N&ib-amir-i hajib , were all blinded. Their wives were separated from them, and all their valuables and slaves and maids, in fact everything they had was seized by Nusrat Khan. The princes1 were sent to the fort of Hansi, and the sons of Arkali Khan were all slain. Malika-i Jahan, with their wives, and Ahmad Chap were brought to Dehli and confined in his house.

In the second year of the reign Nusrat Khan was made tcazir. ’Alau-1 Mulk, the author’s uncle, was summoned from Karra, and came with the maliks and amirs and one elephant, bringing the treasure which ’Alau-d din had left there. He was become exceedingly fat and inactive, but he was selected from among the nobles to be koticdl of the city. In this year also the property of the maliks and amirs of the late Sultan was confiscated, and Nusrat Khan exerted himself greatly in collecting it. He laid his hands upon all that he could discover, and seized upon thou- sands, which he brought into the treasury. Diligent inquiry was made into the past and present circumstances of the victims. In this same year, 696 h. (1296), the Mughals crossed the Sind and had come into the country. Ulugh Khan and Zafar Khan were sent with a large force, and with the amirs of the late and the present reign, to oppose them. The Musulman army met the accursed foe in the vicinity of Jalandhar3 and gained a victory. Many were slain or taken prisoners, and many heads were sent to Dehli. The victory of Multan and the capture of the two princes had greatly strengthened the authority of ’Alau-d din ; this victory over the Mughals made it still more secure. * * * The maliks of the late king, who deserted their benefactor and joined ’Alau-d din, and received gold by mans and obtained employ-

1 Both the MSS. say “ sons,” while the print incorrectly uses the singular.

2 So in the print; but the MSS. have “ Jadawa o Manjur” and “ Jarat-mahhd.”

ments and territories, were all seized in the city and in the army, and thrown into forts as prisoners. Some were blinded and some were killed. The wealth which they had received from ’Alau-d din, and their property, goods, and effects were all seized. Their houses were confiscated to the Sultan, and their villages were brought 'under the public exchequer. Nothing was left to their children ; their retainers and followers were taken in charge by the amirs who supported the new regime, and their establish- ments were overthrown. Of all the amirs of the reign of Jalalu-d din, three only were spared by ’Alau-d din. * * * These three persons had never abandoned Sultan Jalalu-d din and his sons, and had never taken money from Sultan ’Alau-d din. They alone remained safe, but all the other Jalali nobles were cut up root and branch. Nusrat Khan, by his fines and confiscations, brought a kror of money into the treasury.

At the beginning of the third year of the reign, Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan, with their amirs , and generals, and a large army, marched against Gujarat. They took and plundered Nahrwala and all Gujarat. Karan, Rai of Gujarat, fled from Nahrw&la and went to Ram Deo of Deogir. The wives and daughters, the treasure and elephants of Rai Karan, fell into the hands of the Muhammadans. All Gujarat became a prey to the invaders, and the idol which, after the victory of Sultan Mahmud and his destruction of (the idol) Manat, the Brahmans had set up under the name of Somnath, for the worship of the Hindus, was removed and carried to Dehli, where it was laid down for people to tread upon. Nusrat Khan proceeded to Kambaya1 (Cambay), and levied large quantities of jewels and precious articles from the merchants of that place, who were very wealthy. He also took from his master (a slave afterwards known as) Kafur Hazar-dinari, who was made Halik-naib, and whose beauty captivated ’Alau-d din. Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan returned with great booty ; but on their way they provoked their

1 The printed text has i •• A , hut there can be no doubt that Cambay is the place.

soldiers to revolt by demanding from them a fifth of their spoil, and by instituting inquisitorial inquiries about it. Although the men made returns (of the amount), they would not believe them at all, but demanded more. The gold and silver, and jewels and valuables, which the men had taken, were all demanded, and various kinds of coercion were employed. These punishments and prying researches drove the men to desperation. In the army there were many amirs and many horsemen who were “ new Muhammadans.” They held together as one man, and two or three thousand assembled and began a disturbance. They killed Malik A’zzu-d din, brother of Nusrat Khan, and amir-i hajib of Ulugh Khan, and proceeded tumultuously to the tent of Ulugh Khan. That prince escaped, and with craft and cleverness reached the tent of Nusrat Khan; but the mutineers killed a son of the Sultan’s sister, who was asleep in the tent, whom they mistook for Ulugh Khan. The disturbance spread through the whole army, and the stores narrowly escaped being plundered. But the good fortune of the Sultan prevailed, the turmoil sub- sided, and the horse and foot gathered round the tent of Nusrat Khan. The amirs and horsemen of “the new Musulmans” dispersed ; those who had taken the leading parts in the disturb- ance fled, and went to join the Hals and rebels. Further in- quiries about the plunder were given up, and Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan returned to Dehli with the treasure, and ele- phants, and slaves, and spoil, which they had taken in Gujarat.

When intelligence of this outbreak of the new Muhammadans reached Dehli, the crafty cruelty which had taken possession of ’Alau-d din induced him to order that the wives and children of all the mutineers, high and low, should be cast into prison. This was the beginning of the practice of seizing women and children for the faults of men. Up to this time no hand had ever been laid upon wives and children on account of men’s misdeeds. At this time also another and more glaring act of tyranny was committed by Nusrat Khan, the author of many acts of violence at Dehli. His brother had been murdered, and in revenge he ordered the

wives of the assassins to be dishonoured and exposed to most disgraceful treatment ; he then handed them over to vile persons to make common strumpets of them. The children he caused to be cut to pieces on the heads of their mothers. Outrages like this are practised in no religion or creed. These and similar acts of his filled the people of Dehli with amazement and dismay, and every bosom trembled.

In the same year that Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan were sent to Gujarat, Zafar Khan was sent to Siwistan, which Saldi,1 with his brother and other Mughals, had seized upon. Zafar Khan accordingly proceeded to Siwistan with a large army, and besieged the fort of Siwistan, which he took with the axe and sword, spear and javelin, without using either Westerns ( maghribe ), manjamks or balistas (’ arddah ), and without resorting to mines ( sabat ), mounds ( pashib ), or redoubts ( gargaj ). This fort had been taken by the Mughals, and they maintained such a con- tinuous discharge of arrows that no bird could fly by. For all this Zafar Khan took it with the axe and sword. Saldi and his brother, with all the Mughals and their wives and children, were taken prisoners, and sent in chains to Dehli. This victory inspired awe of Zafar Khan in every heart, and the Sultan also looked askance at him in consequence of his fearlessness, general- ship, and intrepidity, which showed that a Rustam had been born in India. Ulugh Khan, the Sultan’s brother, saw that he had been surpassed in bravery and strategy, and so conceived a hatred and jealousy of Zafar Khan. In the same year he (Zafar Khan) received the fief of Santana, and as he had become famous tire Sultan, who was very jealous, began to revolve in his mind what was best to be done. Two modes of dealing with him seemed open for the Sultan’s choice. One was to send him, with a few thousand horse, to Lakhnauti to take that country, and leave him there to supply elephants and tribute to tlie Sultan ; the other was to put him out of the way by poison or by blinding.

At the end of this year Katlagh Khwaja, son of the accursed 1 So in the print, and supported by one MS. The other has “ SadarL”

Zud,1 with twenty tumans of Mughals, resolved upon the invasion of Hindustan. He started from Mawarau-n Nahr, and passing the Indus with a large force he marched on to the vicinity of Dehli. In this campaign Dehli was the object of attack, so the Mughals did not ravage the countries bordering on their march, nor did they attack the forts. * * * Great anxiety prevailed in Dehli, and the people of the neighbouring villages took refuge within its walls. The old fortifications had not been kept in repair, and terror prevailed, such as never before had been seen or heard of. All men, great and small, were in dismay. Such a concourse had crowded into the city that the streets and markets and mosques could not contain them. Everything became very dear. The roads were stopped against caravans and merchants, and distress fell upon the people.

The Sultan marched out of Dehli with great display and pitched his tent in Siri. Maliks , amirs , and fighting men were summoned to Dehli from every quarter. At that time the author’s uncle, ’Alau-1 Mulk, one of the companions and ad- visers of the Sultan, was kotical of Dehli, and the Sultan placed the city, his women and treasure, under his charge. * * * * ’Alau-1 Mulk went out to Siri to take leave of the Sultan, and in private consultation with him [ advised a temporising policy. ] The Sultan listened and commended his sincerity. He then called the nobles together and said * * * you have heard what ’Alau-1 Mulk has urged * * * now hear what I have to say. * * * If I were to follow your advice, to whom could I show my face ? how could I go into my harem ? of what account would the people hold me ? and where would be the daring and courage which is necessary to keep my turbulent people in sub- mission ? Come what may I will to-morrow march into the plain of Kill. * * *

'Alau-d din marched from Siri to Kill and there encamped. Katlagh Khwaja, with the Mughal army, advanced to encounter

1 Firishta (vol. i., p. 329) says “son of Amir Daud Khan, king of Mawarau-n nahr.”

him. In no age or reign had two such vast armies been drawn up in array against each other, and the sight of them filled all men with amazement. Zafar Khan, who commanded the right wing, with the amirs who were under him, drew their swords and fell upon the enemy with such fury that the Mughals were broken and forced to fall back. The army of Islam pursued, and Zafar Khan, who was the Rustam of the age and the hero of the time, pressed after the retreating foe, cutting them down with the sword and mowing off their heads. He kept up the pur- suit for eighteen kos , never allowing the scared Mughals to rally. TJlugh Khan commanded the left wing, which was very strong, and had under him several distinguished amirs. Through the animosity which he bore to Zafar Khan he never stirred to support him.

Targhi, the accursed, had been placed in ambush with his tuman. His Mughals mounted the trees and could not see any horse moving up to support Zafar Khan. When Targhi ascertained that Zafar Khan had gone so far in pursuit of the Mughals without any supporting force in his rear, he marched after Zafar Khan, and, spreading out his forces on all sides, he surrounded him as with a ring, and pressed him with arrows. Zafar Khan was dismounted. The brave hero then drew his arrows from the quiver and brought down a Mughal at every shaft. At this juncture, Katlagh Khwaja sent him this message, “ Come with me and I will take thee to my father, who will make thee greater than the king; of Dehli has made thee.” Zafar Khan heeded not the offer, and the Mughals saw that he would never be taken alive, so they pressed in upon him on eveiy side and despatched him. The amirs of his force were all slain, his elephants were wounded, and their drivers killed. The Mughals thus, on that day, obtained the advantage, but the onslaught of Zafar Khan had greatly dispirited them. Towards the end of the night they retreated, and marched to a distance of thirty kos from Dehli. They then continued their retreat by marches of twenty kos , without resting, until they reached their own

confines. The bravery of Zafar Khan was long remembered among the Mughals, and if their cattle refused to drink they used to ask if they saw Zafar Khan.1 No such army as this has ever since been seen in hostile array near Dehli. ’Alau-d din returned from Kill, considering that he had won a great victory : the Mughals had been put to flight, and the brave and fearless Zafar Khan had been got rid of without disgrace.

In the third year of his reign ’Alaud-d din had little to do beyond attending to his pleasures, giving feasts, and holding festivals. One success followed another ; despatches of victory came in from all sides; every year he had two or three sons born, affairs of State went on according to his wish and to his satis- faction, his treasury was overflowing, boxes and caskets of jewels and pearls were daily displayed before his eyes, he hail numerous elephants in his stables and seventy thousand horses in the city and environs, two or three regions were subject to his sway, and he had no apprehension of enemies to his kingdom or of any rival to his throne. All this prosperity intoxicated him. Vast desires and great aims, far beyond him, or a hundred thousand like him, formed their germs in his brain, and he entertained fancies which had never occurred to any king before him. In his exaltation, ignorance, and folly, he quite lost his head,2 form- ing the most impossible schemes and nourishing the most extra- vagant desires. He was a man of no learning and never asso- ciated with men of learning. He could not read or write a letter. He was bad tempered, obstinate, and hard-hearted, but the world smiled upon him, fortune befriended him, and his schemes were generally successful, so he only became the more reckless and arrogant.

During the time that he was thus exalted with arrogance and presumption, he used to speak in company about two projects that he had formed, and would consult with his companions and asso-

1 See D’Ohsson Hist, des Mongols, iv., 560.

2 Lit., “hands and feet.” Here, and occasionally elsewhere, I have been obliged to prune the exuberant eloquence of the author.

ciates upon the execution of them. One of the two schemes which he used to debate about he thus explained, “ God Almighty gave the blessed Prophet four friends, through whose energy and power the Law and Religion were established, and through this establishment of law and religion the name of the Prophet will endure to the day of judgment. Every man who knows himself to be a Musulman, and calls himself by that name, conceives himself to be of his religion and creed. God has given me also four friends, Ulugh Khan, Zafar Khan, Nusrat Khan, and Alp Khan, who, through my prosperity, have attained to princely power and dignity. If I am so inclined, I can, with the help of these four friends, establish a new religion and creed ; and my sword, and the swords of my friends, will bring all men to adopt it. Through this religion, my name and that of my friends will remain among men to the last day like the names of the Prophet and his friends.” * * * Upon this subject he used to talk in his wine parties, and also to consult privately with his nobles. * * * His second project he used to unfold as follows ; “ I have wealth, and elephants, and forces, beyond all calculation. My wish is to place Dehli in charge of a vicegerent, and then I will go out myself into the world, like Alexander, in pursuit of conquest, and subdue the whole habitable world.” Over-elated with the success of some few projects, he caused himself to be entitled “the second Alexander” in the khutba and on his coins. In his convivial parties he would vaunt, “ Every region that I subdue I will intrust to one of my trusty nobles, and then proceed in quest of another. Who is he that shall stand against me?” His companions, although they saw his * * * folly and arro- gance, were afraid of his violent temper, and applauded him. * * * These wild projects became known in the city ; some of the wise men smiled, and attributed them to his folly and ignorance ; others trembled, and said that such riches had fallen into the hands of a Pharaoh who had no knowledge or sense. * * *

My uncle ’Alau-l Mulk, kotwal of Dehli, through his extreme corpulence, used to go (only) at the new moon to wait upon the

Sultan, and to take wine with him. On one occasion the Sultan began to consult him about these two extravagant delusions. ’Alau-l Mulk had heard how the king used to talk about these pro- jects at his feasts, and how the guests used to coincide with him, and refrain from speaking the truth through fear of his hot tem- per and violence. When the questions were put to him by the Sultan, he said, “ If your Majesty will order the wine to be re- moved, and all persons to withdraw except the four nobles, Ulugh Khan, Zafar Khan, Nusrat Khan, and Alp Khan, I will then open my mind to your Majesty.” The Sultan gave the order * * * and ’Alau-l Mulk, after apologizing for his boldness, said “Religion, and law, and creeds, ought never to be made subjects of discussion by your Majesty, for these are the con- cerns of prophets, not the business of kings. Religion and law spring from heavenly revelation ; they are never established by the plans and designs of man. From the days of Adam till now they have been the mission of Prophets and Apostles, as rule and government have been the duty of kings. The prophetic office has never appertained to kings, and never will, so long as the world lasts, though some prophets have discharged the func- tions of royalty. My advice is that your Majesty should never talk about these matters. * * * Your Majesty knows what rivers of blood Changiz Khan made to flow in Muhammadan cities, but he never was able to establish the Mughal religion or institutions among Muhammadans. Many Mughals have turned Musulmans, but no Musulman has ever become a Mughal.” * * * The Sultan listened, and hung down his head in thought. His four friends heartily approved what ’Alau-l Mulk had said, and looked anxiously for the Sultan’s answer. After awhile he said * * * “ From henceforth no one shall ever hear me speak such words. “ Blessings be on thee and thy parents, for thou hast spoken the truth, and hast been loyal to thy duty. But what dost thou say about my other project ? ” ’Alau-l Mulk said, “ The second design is that of a great monarch, for it is a rule among kings to seek to bring the whole world under their sway * * * but these are

not the days of Alexander * * * and where will there be found a wazir like Aristotle ?” * * * The Sultan replied, “ What is the use of my wealth, and elephants and horses, if I remain con- tent with Dehli, and undertake no new conquests ? and what will be said about my reign?” ’Alau-1 Mulk replied that “there were two important undertakings open to the King, which ought to receive attention before all others * * * One is the conquest and subjugation of all Hindustan, of such places as Rantambhor, Chitor, Chanderi, Malwa, Dhar, and TTjjain, to the east as far as the Saru, from the Siwalik to Jalor, from Multan to Damrila,1 from Palam to Lohor and Deopalpur ; these places should all be reduced to such obedience that the name of rebel should never be heard. The second and more important duty is that of closing the road of Multan against the Mu^hals.” * * * Before closing his speech, ’Alau-1 Mulk said “ What I have recom- mended can never be accomplished unless your Majesty gives up drinking to excess, and keeps aloof from convivial parties and feasts. * * * If you cannot do entirely without wine, do not drink till the afternoon, and then take it alone without com- panions.” * * * When he had finished the Sultan was pleased, and commending the excellence of the advice which he had given, promised to observe it. He gave him a brocaded robe of honour with a gold waistband weighing half a man, ten thousand tankas, two horses fully caparisoned, and two villages in iridm. The four Khans who were present added to these gifts three or four thousand tankas , and two or three horses with trappings. The advice which ’Alau-1 Mulk had given was greatly praised by all the wazirs and wise men of the city. This happened while Zafar Khan was alive, upon his return from Siwistan, before he went to fight with Katlagh Khwaja.

’Alau-d din now first resolved upon the capture of Rantambhor, which was near Dehli. This fort had been taken, and was held by Hamir Deo, grandson of Rai Pithaura of Dehli.2 Ulugh

2 Pithaurh was killed in 1192, and here we are in 1299 a.d. Nabasa , the word used, probably here means loosely “ descendant.”

Khan, who held Bavana, was ordered to Rantambhor, and Nusrat Khan, who held Karra that year, was ordered to collect all the forces of Karra, and that part of Hindustan, and to march to the assistance of Ulugh Khan. They captured Jhain,1 and invested Rantambhor. One day Nusrat Khan approached the fort to direct the construction of a mound ( pashtb ), and a redoubt ( gar - gaj). A stone discharged from a Maghribi in the fort struck him, and so wounded him that he died two or three days after. When this intelligence was brought to the Sultan, he departed from Dehli in great state for Rantambhor.

The Sultan proceeded from Dehli towards Rantambhor, and halted for some days at Til-pat.2 He went out daily to hunt and a nargah3 was drawn. One day he was benighted, and alighted with only ten horsemen at the village of Badili, where he remained for the night. Next day before sunrise he gave orders to close up the circle. The huntsmen and horsemen went forth to draw it together, and the Sultan remained sitting on a stool with only a few attendants, waiting until the beasts were driven up. At this time Akat Khan, the Sultan’s brother’s son, who held the office of Wakildar, rose up against the Sultan. Conceiving that if he killed the monarch he might, as his nephew, aspire to the throne, he plotted with sundry new Musul- man horsemen, who had been long in his service. These men now approached the Sultan, shouting tiger ! tiger ! and began to discharge arrows at him. It was winter, and the Sultan was wearing a large over-coat. He jumped up just as he was, and seizing the stool on which he had been sitting, he made a shield of it. He warded off several arrows ; two pierced his arm, but none reached his body. A slave of the Sultan, by name Manik, threw himself before his master, and made his own body a shield. He was struck by three or four arrows, The paths (foootmen) who stood behind the Sultan now covered him with their bucklers. Akat Khan galloped up with his confede-

1 Here it is evident that Jhhin was close to Rantambhor, so that it cannot be Ujjain as suggested in p. 146 snpra. 2 See Elliot’s Glossary, II., 122.

3 A large circle or sweep made by hunters for driving the game together.

rates, intending to cut off the Sultan’s head ; but finding the paths standing firm with their swords drawn, they dared not alight to lay hands on him. The paths cried out that the Sultan was dead. Akat Khan was young, rash, and foolish. He had made a violent attack on his sovereign, but he lacked the decision and resolution to carry it through, and cut off the Sultan’s head.* In his folly and rashness he took another course. Believing what the paths said, he went with all speed to the plain of Til-pat, and seated himself on the throne of ’Alau-d din, proclaiming to the people of the court with a loud voice that he had slain the Sultan. The people could not believe that the horsemen would have come to the royal residence, or that Akat Khan would have dared to seat himself on the throne and hold a court if the Sultan had not been killed. A tumult broke out in the army, and everything was getting into confusion. The elephants were accoutred and brought before the royal tent. The attendants of the court assembled and took up their respective positions, * * * and the chief men of the army came to pay their respects to the new sovereign. They kissed the hand of that evil doer and did homage. Akat Khan, in his egregious folly, attempted to go into the harem, but Malik Dinar armed himself and his fol- lowers, and, taking his stand at the door, told Akat Khan that he should not enter until he produced the head of ’Alau-d din.

When ’Alau-d din was wounded his Turk horsemen dispersed, raising a clamour. About sixty or seventy men, horse and foot, remained with him. After Akat Khan had left, the Sultan recovered his senses ; he was found to have received two wounds in the arm, and to have lost much blood. They bathed the wounds and placed his arm in a sling. When he reflected on what had happened, he came to the conclusion that Akat Khan must have had many supporters among the malihs, amirs , and soldiers, for he would never have ventured on such a step without strong support. He therefore determined to leave his army, and to proceed with all speed to his brother, Ulugh Khan, at Jliain, in order to concert with him measures for securing his position.

Malik Hamidu-d din, naib-icakil-dar , son of Umdatu-1 Mulk, opposed this plan, and advised the Sultan to proceed at once to his army. * * * The Malik’s reasoning convinced the Sultan, and he started at once for the army. As he went along every trooper whom he fell in with joined him, so that on reaching the army he had an escort of five or six hundred men. He immediately showed himself on a rising ground, and being re- cognized, the assembly at the royal tent broke up, and his at- tendants came forth with elephants to receive him. Akat Khan rushed out of the tents and fled on horseback to Afghanpur. The Sultan then came down, entered his tents, and, seating him- self upon the throne, held a public court. He sent two officers in pursuit of Akat Khan, who came up with him at Afghanpur, and beheaded him. His head was carried to the Sultan, who ordered it to be exhibited to the army on a spear,- and then to be sent to Dehli for exhibition, after which it was to be sent to Ulugh Khan at Jhain, with an account of the Sultan’s escape. Katlagh Khwaja, younger brother of Akat Khan, was also killed. * * * The Sultan remained some days with the army, diligently seeking out all who had connived at or had been aware of Akat Khan’s attempt. Those who were discovered were scourged to death with thongs of wire, their property was confiscated, and their wives and children sent prisoners to various forts. The Sultan then proceeded to Rantambhor, and after punishing the rest of those who were concerned in Akat Khan’s conspiracy, he devoted himself to the business of the siege. Bags were made and distributed to the soldiers, who filled them with sand and threw them into the holes (ghar). The traverses of the pashib were formed, the redoubts (gargaj) raised, and stones were discharged from the maghribis. The besieged 1 battered the pasldb with stones from their maghribis, and

1 There is a line omitted from the print here. The following is a literal transla- tion of Firishta’s account : (“ The Sultan) having assembled numerous forces from all quarters distributed bags among them. Each man filled his bag with sand, and cast it into the trench ( darra ), which they call raran, until they obtained command (over the walls), and struck down the defenders inside.”

scattered fire from the summit of the fort. Many men were killed on both sides. The territories of Jliain were attacked and subdued as far as Dhar.

After the conspiracy of Akat Khan was suppressed, news was brought to the army that ’TJmar Khan and Mangu Khan, taking advantage of the Sultan’s absence and the difficulties of the siege of Rantambhor, had broken out in revolt and had obtained a fol- lowing among the people of Hindustan. The Sultan sent some officers against them, who made them prisoners before they had effected anything, and carried them to Rantambhor. The Sultan’s cruel implacable temper had no compassion for hi3 sister’s children, so he had them punished in his presence. They were blinded by having their eyes cut out with knives like slices of a melon. Their families and dependants were overthrown. Of the horse and foot who had supported them, some fled, and others fell into the hands of the amirs of Hin- dustan and were imprisoned.

While the Sultan was prosecuting the siege of Rantambhor, a revolt of some importance broke out at Dehli. * * * There was a person named Haji, a maula or slave of the late Kotwal , Amiru-1 umara Fakhru-d din. He was a man of violent, fearless, and malignant character * * * and he was charged with the guard of the exchequer.1 A man called Turmuzi was kotical of the city and greatly oppressed the people. * * * ’Alau-d din Ayaz, father of Ahmad Ayaz, was kotwal of the New Fort. Haji Maula, seeing the city empty, and the in- habitants distressed by the violence and tyranny of Turmuzi the kotwal * * * knowing also that not a man could be spared from the army * * * he thought the people would support him. He secured the support of the old kotwali officers, and excited a somewhat formidable revolt. It was the month of Ramazan, and

1 Tbe words are . The two MSS., however, read Jy

This word is not intelligible. The context seems to imply that the Maula was stationed in the city, otherwise Khalsah-i ratal might signify “ the government lands of Ratol.”

the sun was in Gemini. The weather was very hot, and at mid- day people kept indoors taking their siesta, so there were few in the streets. At this time Haji Maula, writh several armed followers, went to the house of kotwal, carrying with them as a blind a letter which he pretended to have received from the Sultan. The kotwal was taking his nap, and had none of his men with him. When he was called he roused himself, put on his slippers, and came to the door. Haji Maula instantly gave the signal, and his followers cut off the unsuspecting victim’s head. He then brought out the pretended royal farman, and, showing it to the crowd, he said that he had killed the koticdl in obedience to orders received from the Sultan. The people were silent. The keepers of the gates were creatures of Haji Maula, so they closed them. After killing kotrval Turmuzi, he sent to summon ’Alau-d din Avaz, intending to kill him also. * * * But Ayaz had been informed of the outbreak, so, instead of coming out, he gathered his followers round him, placed guards, and refused to open the gates of the New Fort. Haji Maula then proceeded with his riotous followers to the Bed Palace, seated himself upon a balcony, and set free all the prisoners, some of whom joined his followers. Bags of gold tankas were brought out of the treasury and scattered among the people. Arms also were brought from the armoury, and horses from the royal stables, and distributed among the rioters. Every one that joined them had gold tankas thrown into his lap. There was an ’Alawi (descendant of ’All) in Dehli who was called the grandson of Shah Najaf,1 who, by his mother’s side, was grandson of Sultan Sbamsu-d din. The Maula set off from the Bed Palace with a party of horse, and went to the house of the poor ’Alawi. They carried him off by force and seated him on the throne in the Bed Palace. The principal men of the city were brought by force and made to kiss his hand. * * * These riotous proceed-

1 A very doubtful passage. The print says : w. cf . A , £ .

One MS. writes w~.cs . . g* &*** J 1 A . The other MS. omits

ings went on for seven or eight days, and intelligence was several times conveyed to the Sultan, but he kept it secret, and it did not become known to the army.

On the third or fourth day of the riot, Malik Hamidu-d din, Amir of Koh, with his sons and relations, all valiant men, opened the Ghazni gate and went into the city. They proceeded towards the gate of Bhandar-kal, and arrows began to fly between them and the rioters, who became desperate and obtained gold from Haji Maula. After Hamidu-d din, the Amir of Koh, had been in the city two days, he and his loyal followers prevailed over the rebels. A party of the friends of Zafar Khan, who had come from Amroha, joined him. He then entered the gate of Bhan- dar kal, and a struggle ensued between him and the shoemakers, and between him and Haji Maula. The Amir of Koh alighted from his horse, dashed Haji Maula to the ground, and sat upon his breast. Swords and clubs were aimed at him all round and he was wounded, but he never quitted his fallen foe till he had despatched him. After this the victors proceeded to the Bed Palace. They decapitated the miserable ’Alawi and carried his head about the city on a spear.

A despatch announcing the death of Haji Maula was sent to the Sultan at Rantambhor. Intelligence of the revolt and of the anarchy prevailing at Dehli had in several ways reached the Sultan, but he had resolved upon the reduction of the fort, and so he would not be shaken from his purpose and leave it to go to Dehli. All his forces were engaged in pressing the siege, and were severely tried and distressed. But such was the fear felt for the Sultan that no one dared to set off for Dehli or any other place. In the course of five or six days every one in the city who had supported Haji Maula, or had taken money from him, was cast into prison. The gold which had been distributed among the people was brought back again to the treasury. A few days after, Tllugh Khan arrived from Rantambhor and took up his residence in the Muizzi palace. The rioters were brought before him and he decreed their punishments, so that blood ran in

streams. The sons and grandsons of the old kotwal Maliku-1 umara had no guilty knowledge of the revolt, but they and every one belonging to that family were put to death. No name or trace of them was left — a sad warning to politicians.

From the revolt of the “new Musulmans ” in Gujarat to that of Haji Maula, four insurrections had successively troubled Sultan ’Alau-d din. These roused him from his dreams of security and pride, and he exerted all his powers for the re- duction of Rantambhor. He held privy consultations with * * * arguing with them and inquiring into the causes of the insur- rections, declaring that if the real reasons could be ascertained he would remove them, so that no revolt should afterwards occur. After considering for some nights and days, these great men agreed that the causes were four. 1. The Sultan’s disregard of the affairs (both) of good and bad people. 2. Wine. Parties are formed for wine-drinking, and those who attend them talk openly of what passes in these meetings. They strike up friend- ships and excite disturbances. 3. The intimacy, affection, alli- ances, and intercourse of maliks and amirs with each other. So that if anything happens to one of them, a hundred others get mixed up in it. 4. Money, which engenders evil and strife, and brings forth pride and disloyalty. If men had no money, they would attend to their own business, and would never think of riots and revolts. And if rioters and rebels had no money, they could never count upon the assistance of low and turbulent people.1

Some time after this revolt, the Sultan succeeded in reducing

1 These “ counsels of the wise,” which so frequently appear, are, in most cases, only expositions of the author’s own opinions. I have translated these replies in order that it may be seen how a subsequent writer deals with them. Firishta uses the passage. The first reason he quotes verbatim, but the other three he modifies and embellishes. The fourth reason, as he gives it, is : “ Abundance of money and wealth. For whenever men of low origin acquire the material means of greatness, vain imaginations spring up in them, and they lay pretensions to royalty.” This is further improved by Firishta’s translator, who says, “ The last, and not the least, cause they thought arose from the unequal division of property : they considered that the wealth of a rich empire, if confined to a few persons, only rendered them, as governors of provinces, more like independent princes than subjects of the state.” —Briggs, I., 345.

Rantambhor, but with much bloodshed and difficulty. He slew Hamir deo, the Rai, and all the “new Musulmans ” who had fled from the rebellion in Gujarat, and had taken refuge with him. The fort and all its territories and appurtenances were placed under the charge of Ulugh Khan, and the Sultan returned to Dehli. He was angry with the citizens and had exiled many of their chiefs ; so he did not enter the city, but stopped in the suburbs (’ umranat ).

Four or five months after the Sultan left Rantambhor, Ulugli Khan collected a large force with the intention of attacking Tilang and Ma’bar, but his time was come, and the angel of destiny took him to the blessed city. His corpse was conveyed to Dehli and buried in his own house. The Sultan grieved for him and made many offerings for his soul.

The Sultan next directed his attention to the means of pre- venting rebellion, and first he took steps for seizing upon pro- perty. He ordered that, wherever there was a village held by proprietary right (milk), in free gift (in’ am), or as a religious en- dowment ( tcakf ), it should by one stroke of the pen be brought back under the exchequer. The people were pressed and amerced, money was exacted from them on every kind of pretence. Many were left without any money, till at length it came to pass that, excepting maliks and amirs, officials, Muitanls, and bankers, no one possessed even a trifle in cash. So rigorous was the confisca- tion that, beyond a few thousand tankas , all the pensions, grants of land (in'1 dm wa mafruz), and endowments in the country were appropriated. The people were all so absorbed in obtaining the means of living, that the name of rebellion was never mentioned. Secondly, he provided so carefully for the acquisition of intelligence, that no action of good or bad men was concealed from him. No one could stir without his knowledge, and whatever happened in the houses of nobles, great men, and officials, was communi- cated to the Sultan by his reporters. Nor were the reports neglected, for explanations of them were demanded. The system of reporting went to such a length, that nobles dared not speak

aloud even in the largest palaces,1 and if they had anything to say they communicated by signs. In their own houses, night and day, dread of the reports of the spies made them tremble. No word or action which could provoke censure or punishment was allowed to transpire. The transactions in the bazars , the buying and selling, and the bargains made, were all reported to the Sultan by his spies, and were kept under control. Thirdly, he prohibited wine-drinking and wine-selling, as also the use of beer and intoxicating drugs. Dicing also was forbidden. Many prohibitions of wine and beer were issued. Vintners and gam- blers and beer-sellers were turned out of the city, and the heavy taxes which had been levied from them were abolished. The Sultan directed that all the china and glass vessels of his banquet- ing room should be broken, and the fragments of them were thrown out before the gate of Badaun, where they formed a heap. Jars and casks of wine were brought out of the royal cellars, and emptied at the Badaun gate in such abundance, that mud and mire was produced as in the rainy season. The Sultan himself entirely gave up wine parties. He directed the maliks to mount elephants and to go to the gates of Dehli, through the streets and wards, bazars and sarats, proclaiming the royal command that no one should drink, sell, or have anything to do with wine. Those who had any self-respect immediately gave up drinking ; but the shameless, the dissolute, and vile characters used to make and distil wine2 in the distilleries, and to drink and sell it clandestinely at a great price. They put it into leather bottles, and conveyed it hidden in loads of hay, fire- wood, and such like. By hundreds of tricks and devices, and by all sorts of collusion, wine was brought into the city. Informers searched diligently, and the city gate-keepers and spies exerted themselves to seize the wine, and apprehend the contrabandists. When seized, the wine was sent to the elephant-stables and given to those animals. The sellers, the

1 “ Hazar-sutun,” a palace of 1000 columns.

2 Sharab, wine ; but it evidently includes spirits.

importers, and drinkers of wine, were subjected to corporal punishment, and were kept in prison for some days. But their numbers increased so much that holes for the incarceration of offenders were dug outside the Badaun gate, which is a great thoroughfare. Wine-bibbers and wine-sellers were placed in these holes, and the severity of the confinement was such that many of them died. Many others were taken out half dead, and were long before they recovered their health and strength. The terrors of these holes deterred many from drinking. Those who were unable to give up their habit went out to the fords of the Jumna, and to villages ten or twelve kos distant to procure their liquor. In Ghiyaspur, Indarpat, Kilughari, and towns four or five kos from Dehli, wine could not be sold or drunk publicly. Still some desperate men used to keep it, drink it, and even sell it privately. They thus disgraced themselves and got confined in the pits. The prevention of drinking being found to be very difficult, the Sultan gave orders that if the liquor was distilled privately, and drunk privately in people’s own houses ; if drinking parties were not held, and the liquor not sold, then the informers were not to interfere in any way, and were not to enter the houses or arrest the offenders. After the prohibition of wine and beer in the city, conspiracies diminished, and apprehension of rebellion disappeared.

Fourthly, the Sultan gave commands that noblemen and great men should not visit each other’s houses, or give feasts, or hold meetings. They were forbidden to form alliances without con- sent from the throne, and they were also prohibited from allow- ing people to resort to their houses. To such a length was this last prohibition carried that no stranger was admitted into a nobleman’s house. Feasting and hospitality fell quite into dis- use. Through fear of the spies, the nobles kept themselves quiet; they gave no parties and had little communication with each other. No man of a seditious, rebellious, or evil reputation was allowed to come near them. If they went to the sarais, they could not lay their heads together, or sit down cosily and tell their troubles. Their communications were brought

down to a mere exchange of signs. This interdict prevented any information of conspiracy and rebellion coming to the Sultan, and no disturbance arose.

After the promulgation of these interdicts, the Sult&n requested the wise men to supply some rules and regulations for grinding down the Hindus, and for depriving them of that wealth and property which fosters disaffection and rebellion. There was to be one rule for the payment of tribute applicable to all, from the khiita to the bulahar ,l and the heaviest tribute was not to fall upon the poorest. The Hindu was to be so reduced as to be left un- able to keep a horse to ride on, to carry arms, to wear fine clothes, or to enjoy any of the luxuries of life. To effect these important objects of government two regulations were made. The first was that all cultivation, whether on a small or large scale, was to be carried on by measurement at a certain rate for every biswa . Half (of the produce) was to be paid without any diminution, and this rule was to apply to khutas and balahars, without the slightest distinction. The khutas wrere also to be deprived of all their peculiar privileges. The second related to buffaloes, goats, and other animals from which milk is obtained. A tax for pasturage, at a fixed rate, was to be levied, and was to be de- manded for every inhabited house, so that no animal, however wretched, could escape the tax. Heavier burdens were not to be placed upon the poor, but the rules as to the payment of the tribute were to apply equally to rich and poor. Collectors, clerks, and other officers employed in revenue matters, who took bribes and acted dishonestly, were all dismissed. Sharaf Kai naib icazir-i mamalik, an accomplished scribe and a most honest and intelligent man, who had no rival either in capacity or in- tegrity, exerted himself strenuously for some years in enforcing these regulations in all the villages and towns. * * * They were so strictly carried out that the chaudharis and khuts and mukaddims were not able to ride on horseback, to find weapons, to <ret fine clothes, or to indulge in betel. The same rules for

the collection of the tribute applied to all alike, and the people were brought to such a state of obedience that one revenue officer would string twenty k/iuts, mukaddims, or chaudharis together by the neck, and enforce payment by blows. No Hindu could hold up his head, and in their houses no sign of gold or silver, tankas or jitals , or of any superfluity was to be seen. These things, which nourish insubordination and rebellion, were no longer to be found. Driven by destitution, the wives of the khuts and mukaddims went and served for hire in the houses of the Musul- mans. Sharaf Kai, naib-wazir , so rigorously enforced his demands and exactions against the collectors and other revenue officers, and such investigations were made, that every single j'ltal against their names was ascertained from the books of the patwaris (village accountants). Blows, confinement in the stocks, im- prisonment and chains, were all employed to enforce payment. There was no chance of a single tanka being taken dishonestly, or as bribery, from any Hindu or Musulman. The revenue col- lectors and officers were so coerced and checked that for five hundred or a thousand tankas they were imprisoned and kept in chains for years. Men looked upon revenue officers as something worse than fever. Clerkship was a great crime, and no man would give his daughter to a clerk. Death was deemed preferable to revenue employment. Ofttimes fiscal officers fell into prison, and had to endure blows and stripes.

’Alau-d din was a king who had no acquaintance with learning, and never associated with the learned. When he became kin<r, he came to the conclusion that polity and government are one thing, and the rules and decrees of law are another. Royal commands belong to the king, legal decrees rest upon the judg- ment of kdzis and muftis. In accordance with this opinion, whatever affair of state came before him, he only looked to the public good, without considering whether his mode of dealing with it was lawful or unlawful. He never asked for legal opinions about political matters, and very few learned men visited him. * * Kazi Muglnsu-d din, of Bayanah, used to go to

court and sit down in private audience with the amirs. One day, when the efforts were being made for the increase of the tribute and of the fines and imposts, the Sultan told the Kdzi that he had several questions to ask him, and desired him to speak the plain truth. The Kdzi replied, “ The angel of my destiny seems to be close at hand, since your Majesty wishes to question me on matters of religion ; if I speak the truth you will be angry and kill me.” The Sultan said he would not kill him, and commanded him to answer his questions truly and candidly. The Kdzi then promised to answer in accordance with what he had read in books. The Sultan then asked, “ How are Hindus designated in the law, as payers of tribute ( khardj-guzar ) or givers of tribute (khardj-dih) ?” The Kdzi replied, “ They are called payers of tribute, and when the revenue officer demands silver from them, they should, without question and with all humility and respect, tender gold. If the officer throws dirt into their mouths, they must without reluctance open their mouths wide to receive it. .By doing so they show their respect for the officer. The due subordination of the zimmi (tribute-payer) is exhibited in this humble payment and by this throwing of dirt into their mouths. The glorification of Islam is a duty, and contempt of the Religion is vain. God holds them in contempt, for he says, ‘Keep them under in subjection.’ To keep the Hindus in abasement is especially a religious duty, because they are the most inveterate enemies of the Prophet, and because the Prophet has commanded us to slay them, plunder them, and make them captive, saying, ‘Convert them to Islam or kill them, enslave them and spoil their wealth and property.’ No doctor but the great doctor (Hanifa), to whose school we belong, has assented to the imposition of the jizya (poll tax) on Hindus. Doctors of other schools allow no other alternative but ‘ Death or Islam.’” The Sultan smiled at this answer of the Kazi’s , and said, “ I do not understand any of the statements thou hast made ; but this I have discovered, that the khuts and mukaddims ride upon fine horses, wear fine clothes, shoot with Persian bows, make war

upon each other, and go out hunting ; but of the kliardj (tribute), jizya (poll tax), kart (house tax), and chart (pasture tax), they do not pay one jital. They levy separately the Khut’s (land- owner’s) share fi’om the villages, give parties and drink wine, and many of them pay no revenue at all, either upon demand or without demand. Neither do they show any respect for my officers. This has excited my anger, and I have said to myself, ‘ Thou hast an ambition to conquer other lands, but thou hast hundreds of leagues of country under thy rule where proper obedience is not paid to thy authority. How, then, wilt thou make other lands submissive ? ’ I have, therefore, taken my measures, and have made my subjects obedient, so that at my command they are ready to creep into holes like mice. Now you tell me that it is all in accordance with law that the Hindus should be reduced to the most abject obedience.” Then the Sul- tan said, “ Oh, doctor, thou art a learned man, but thou hast had no experience ; I am an unlettered man, but I have seen a great deal ; be assured then that the Hindus will never become submissive and obedient till they are reduced to poverty. I have, therefore, given orders that just sufficient shall be left to them from year to year, of corn, milk, and curds, but that they shall not be allowed to accumulate hoards and property.”

Secondly. — The Sultan next put the following question : “ Is there any reference made in the Law to revenue officers and clerks who are guilty of dishonesty, peculation, or receiving bribes V’ The Kdzi answered, “ There is no mention made of this, nor have I read of it in any book ; but if revenue officers are insuf- ficiently paid,1 and they appropriate the revenue belonging to the treasury, or receive bribes, then the ruler can inflict punishment upon them, either by fine or imprisonment ; but it is not allow- able to cut off hands for robbing the treasury.” The Sultan said, “ I have given orders to recover from the various revenue officers whatever they have misappropriated or received in excess, pun-

1 Kadar i kifdyat na-ydband. The negative seems superfluous, and it is rejected by Nizamu-d din and by Firiskta.

ishing them with sticks, pincers, the rack, imprisonment, and chains. I now hear that alienations of the revenue 1 and bribery- have diminished. I have ordered such stipends to be settled on the various revenue officers as will maintain them in re- spectability, and if, notwithstanding, they resort to dishonesty and reduce the revenue, I deal with them as thou hast seen.” Thirdly, The Sultan put this question, “ That wealth which I acquired while I was a malik, with so much bloodshed at Deogir, does it belong to me or to the public treasury?” The Kazi replied, “ I am bound to speak the truth to your Majestjr. The treasure obtained at Deogir was won by the prowess of the army of Islam, and whatever treasure is so acquired belongs to the public treasury. If your Majesty had gained it yourself alone in a manner allowed by the law, then it would belong to you.” The Sultan was angry with the Kazi and said, “ What sayest thou ? Let thy head beware of what thou utterest. That wealth which I won at the risk of my own life and of the lives of my servants, from Hindus whose names had never been heard of in Delhi, and before I became king, that wealth I have retained and have not brought it into the public treasury. How can treasure won like this belong to the state?” The Kazi answered, “Your Majesty has put to me a question of law ; if I were not to say what I have read in the book, and your Majesty, to test my opinion, were to ask some other learned man, and his reply, being in opposition to mine, should show that I had given a false opinion, to suit your Majesty’s pleasure, what confidence would you have in me, and would you ever afterwards consult me about the law?” Fourthly, The Sultan asked the Kazi what rights he and his children had upon the public treasury. The Kazi replied, “ The time of my death is at hand,” and upon the Sultan inquiring what he meant, he said, “ If I answer your question honestly you will slay me, and if I give an untrue reply I shall hereafter go to hell.” The Sultan said, “ State whatever the law decrees, I will not kill thee.” The Kazi replied, “ If your Majesty will

follow the example of the most enlightened Khalifas, and will act upon the highest principle, then you will take for yourself and your establishment the same sum as you have allotted to each fighting man : two hundred and thirty-four tankas. If you would rather take a middle course and should think that you would be disgraced by putting yourself on a par with the army in general, then you may take for yourself and your establishment as much as you have assigned to your chief officers, such as Malik Klran, etc. * * If your Majesty follows the opinions of politicians,1 then you will draw from the treasury more than any other great man receives, so that you may maintain a greater ex- penditure than any other and not suffer your dignity to be lowered. I have put before your Majesty three courses, and all the krors of money and valuables which you take from the treasury and bestow upon your women you will have to answer for in the day of account.” The Sultan was wroth, and said, “ Fearest thou not my sword when thou tellest me that all my great expenditure upon my harem is unlawful ? ” The Kdzi re- plied, “ I do fear your Majesty’s sword, and I look upon this my turban as my winding-sheet ; but your Majesty questions me about the law, and I answer to the best of my ability. If, how- ever, you ask my advice in a political point of view, then I say that whatever your Majesty spends upon your harem no doubt tends to raise your dignity in the eyes of men ; and the exalta- tion of the king’s dignity is a requirement of good policy.”

After all these questions and answers, the Sultan said to the Kazi, “ You have declared my proceedings in these matters to be unlawful. Now see how I act. When troopers do not appear at the muster, I order three years pay to be taken from them.2 I place wine-drinkers and wine-sellers in the pits of incarceration. If a man debauches another man’s wife, I effectually prevent him

1 ’ Ulama-i dunya, wise-men of the world.

of this is l" -llijli i_. <tSL ij, which Briggs translates, “I

am in the habit of stopping one month’s pay for three successive years.”

from again committing such an offence, and the woman I cause to be killed.1 Rebels, good and bad, old hands or novices ( tar

0 khask), I slay ; their wives and children I reduce to beggary and ruin. Extortion I punish with the torture of the pincers and the stick, and I keep the extortioner in prison, in chains and fetters, until every jttal is restored. Political prisoners

1 confine and chastise. Wilt thou say all this is unlaw- ful?” The Kdzl rose and went to the entrance of the room, placed his forehead on the ground, and cried with a loud voice, “ My liege ! whether you send me, your wretched servant, to prison, or whether you order me to be cut in two, all this is unlawful, and finds no support in the sayings of the Prophet, or in the expositions of the learned.”

The Sultan heard all this and said nothing, but put his slippers on and went into his harem. Kazi Mughisu-d din went home. Next day he took a last farewell of all his people, made a propi- tiatory offering, and performed his ablutions. Thus prepared for death he proceeded to the court. The Sultan called him forward, and showed him great kindness. He gave him the robe he was wearing, and presented him with a thousand tankas , saying, “Al- though I have not studied the Science or the Book, I am a Mu- sulman of a Musulman stock. To prevent rebellion, in which thousands perish, I issue such orders as I conceive to be for the good of the State, and the benefit of the people. Men are heedless, disrespectful, and disobey my commands; I am then compelled to be severe to brin" them into obedience. I do not know whether

this is lawful or unlawful ; whatever I think to be for the good of the State, or suitable for the emergency, that I decree. * * *

After the Sult&n returned from Rantambhor to Dehli, he dealt very harshly with the people, and mulcted them. Shortly after- wards Ulugh Khan died while on his journey to the city. Malik ’Azzu-d din Biirkhan became ivazir in the New City ( shahr-i mu ), and the tribute of the New City was assessed by measurement at a certain rate per bisica, as in the environs of the capital. The Sultan

then led forth an army and laid siege to Chitor, which he took in a short time, and returned home. New troubles now arose on ac- count of the Mughals in Mawarau-n nahr. They had learned that the Sultan had gone with his army to lay siege to a distant fort, and made but slow progress with the siege, while Dehli remained empty. Targhi assembled twelve tumans of cavalry, with which he marched with all speed to Dehli, and reached that neighbour- hood very soon. At this time the Sultan was engaged in the siege of Chitor. Malik Fakhru-d din Juna, dadbak-i liazrat , and Malik Jhaju of Karra, nephew of Nusrat Khan, had been sent with all the officers and forces of Hindustan against Arangal. On their arrival there the rainy season began, and proved such a hin- drance that the army could do nothing, and in the beginning of winter returned, greatly reduced in numbers, to Hindustan.

The Sultan now returned from the conquest of Chitor, where his army had suffered great loss in prosecuting the siege during the rainy season. They had not been in Dehli a month, no muster of the army had been held, and the losses had not been repaired, when the alarm arose of the approach of the Mughals. The accursed Targhi, with thirty or forty thousand horse,1 came on ravaging, and encamped on the banks of the Jumna, preventing all ingress and egress of the city. Affairs were in this extraordinary position ; the Sultan had just returned from Chitor, and had had no time to refit and recruit his army after his great losses in the siege ; and the army of Hindustan had returned from Arangal to the districts of Hin- dustan dispirited and reduced in numbers. The Mughals had seized the roads, and were so encamped that no reinforce- ments could reach the city from the army of Hindustan. There were no forces in Multan, Samana, and Deopalpur sufficient to cope with the Mughals, and join the Sultan at Siri. The army of Hindustan was pressed to advance ; but the enemy was too

1 j\j& • Firishta says “ 120,000,” and our author has above rated

them at the same number, viz. “twelve tumans." Perhaps he here intended to say, “ three times forty thousand.”

strong, and they remained in Kol and Baran. All the passages of the Jumna were in the hands of the enemy. The Sultan, with his small army of horse, left the capital and encamped at Siri, where the superior numbers and strength of the enemy compelled him to entrench his camp. Round the entrenchments he built block houses, and other erections, to prevent the enemy from forcing a way in, and he kept his forces constantly under arms and on the watch to guard against the dreaded attack, and to delay any great engagement. In every division of the army, and in each line of entrenchment, there were five elephants fully armed, supported by a body of infantry. The Mughals came up on every side, seeking opportunity to make a sudden onslaught and overpower the army. Such fear of the Mughals and anxiety as now prevailed in Dehli had never been known before. If Targhi had remained another month upon the Jumna, the panic would have reached to such a height that a general flight would have taken place, and Dehli would have been lost. It was difficult to procure water, fodder, and fuel from without, for the convoys of grain were prevented from reaching the city, and the utmost terror prevailed. The enemy’s horse approached the suburbs, and quartered themselves in the neighbourhood, where they drank wine, and sold at a low price grain and other articles plundered from the royal stores, so that there was no great scarcity of grain.1 Two or three times the advanced guards met and combats ensued, but without advantage to either party. By the mercy of God the Mughal was unable to find any means of forcing the camp, and overpowering the royal army. After two months the prayers of the wretched prevailed, and the accursed Targhi retreated towards h's own country.

This escape of the royal army and the preservation of Dehli seemed, to wise men, one of the wonders of the age. The Mughals had sufficient forces to take it ; they arrived at the most opportune time ; they made themselves masters of the roads, and hemmed in the royal army and its appurtenances. The Sultan’s

army had not been replenished, and no reinforcements reached it. But for all this the Mughals did not prevail.1

After this very serious danger, ’Alau-d din awoke from his sleep of neglect. He gave up his ideas of campaigning and fort- taking, and built a palace at Siri. He took up his residence there, and made it his capital, so that it became a flourishing place. He ordered the fort of Dehli to be repaired, and he also ordered the restoration of the old forts which lay in the track of the Mughals. Additional forts were directed to be raised wher- ever they were required. To these forts he appointed veteran and prudent commandants. Orders were given for the manu- facture of manjaniks and 'aradas (balistas), for the employment of skilful engineers, for a supply of arms of every kind, and for the laying in of stores of grain and fodder. Samana and Deobalpur were ordered to be garrisoned with strong selected forces, and to be kept in a state of defence; the fiefs in the track of the Mughals were placed under amirs of experience, and the whole route was secured by the appointment of tried and vigilant generals.

The Sultan next turned his attention to the increase of his forces, and consulted and debated with wise men by night and by day as to the best means of opposing and overcoming the Mughals. After much deliberation between the Sultan and his councillors, it was decided that a large army was necessary, and not only large, but choice, well armed, well mounted, with archers, and all ready for immediate service. This plan, and this only, seemed to recommend itself as feasible for opposing the Mughals. The Sultan then consulted his advisers as to the means of raising such a force, for it could not be maintained without heavy expen- diture, and what was arranged for one year might not be con- tinuous. On this point he said, “ If I settle a large amount of pay on the army, and desire to maintain the pay at the same rate every year, then, although the treasury is now full, five or six years will clear it out, and nothing will be left. Without

1 Bami was evidently deeply impressed with, the peril of Dehli, and is fond of recounting the odds against it. See D’Ohsson, iv. 561.

money government is impossible. I am very desirous of having a large army, •well horsed, well accoutred, picked men and archers, ready for service year after year. I would pay them 234 tankas regularly, and I would allow seventy-eight tankas to those who keep two horses, requiring in return the two horses, with all necessary appointments. So also as regards the men of one horse, I would require the horse and his accoutrements. In- form me, then, how this large army can be regularly maintained on the footing I desire.” His sagacious advisers thought care- fully over the matter, and after great deliberation made a unani- mous report to the Sultan. “ The ideas which have passed through your Majesty’s mind as to maintaining a large and per- manent army upon a low scale of pay are quite impracticable. Horses, arms, and accoutrements, and the support of the soldier and his wife and family, cannot be provided for a trifle. If the necessaries of life could be bought at a low rate, then the idea which your Majesty has entertained of maintaining a large army at a small expense might be carried out, and all apprehension of the <;reat forces of the Mughals would be removed.” The Sultan then consulted with his most experienced ministers as to the means of reducing the prices of provisions without resorting to severe and tyrannical punishments. His councillors replied that the necessaries of life would never become cheap until the price of grain was fixed by regulations and tariffs. Cheapness of grain is a universal benefit. So some regulations were issued, which kept down the price for some years.

Regulation I. — Fixing the price of grain.

This scale of prices was maintained as long as ’Alau-d din lived, and grain never rose one dang , whether the rains were abundant

Mash (a vetch), Nukhud (a vetch) Moth (a vetch),

or scanty. This unvarying price of grain in the markets was looked upon as one of the wonders of the time.

Regulation II. — To secure the cheapness of grain,1 Malik Kabul Ulugh Khan, a wise and practical man, was appointed con- troller of the markets. He received a large territory and used to go round (the markets) in great state with many horse and foot. He had clever deputies, friends of his own, who were appointed by the crown. Intelligent spies also were sent into the markets.

Regulation III. — Accumulation of corn in the king's granaries. — The Sultan cave orders that all the Khalsa villages of the Doab should pay the tribute in kind. The corn was brought into the granaries of the city (of Dehli). In the country depen- dent on the New City half the Sultan’s portion (of the produce) was ordered to be taken in grain. In Jhain also, and in the vil- lages of Jhain, stores were to be formed. These stores of grain were to be sent into the city in caravans. By these means so much royal grain came to Dehli that there never was a time when there were not two or three royal granaries full of grain in the city. When there was a deficiency of rain, or when for any reason the caravans did not arrive, and grain became scarce in the markets, then the royal stores were opened and the corn was sold at the tariff price, according to the wants of the people. Grain was also consigned to the caravans from New City. Through these two rules, grain never was deficient in the markets, and never rose one clang above the fixed price.

Regulation IY. — The Caravans. — The Sultan placed all the carriers2 of his kingdom under the controller of the markets. Orders were o-iven for arresting the head carriers and for brincino; them in chains before the controller of the markets, who was directed to detain them until they agreed upon one common mode of action and gave bail for each other. Nor were they to be released until they brought their wives and children, beasts of

1 “ To maintain the tariff.” Tabakdt-i Akbari.

2 Kdrawaniydn , here used as the Persian equivalent of the Hindustani banjara, corn dealers and carriers.

burden and cattle, and all their property, and fixed their abodes in the villages along the banks of the Jumna. An overseer was to be placed over the carriers and their families, on behalf of the controller of the markets, to whom the carriers were to submit. Until all this was done the chiefs were to be kept in chains. Under the operation of this rule, so much grain found its way into the markets that it was unnecessary to open the royal stores, and grain did not rise a clang above the standard.1

Regulation V. — Regrating. — The fifth provision for securing the cheapness of grain was against regrating. This was so rigidly enforced that no merchant, farmer, corn-chandler, or any one else, could hold back secretly a man or half a man of grain and sell it at his shop for a dang or a diram above the regulated price. If regrated grain were discovered, it was forfeited to the Sultan, and the regrater was fined. Engagements were taken from the governors and other revenue officers in the Doab that

no one under their authority should be allowed to regrate, and if any man was discovered to have regrated, the deputy and his officers were’ fined, and had to make their defence to the throne.

Regulation "VT. — Engagements were taken from the pro- vincial revenue officers and their assistants, that they would provide that the corn-carriers should be supplied with corn by the raiyats on the field at a fixed price. The Sultan also gave orders that engagements should be taken from the chief diwan , and from the overseers and other revenue officers in the countries of the Doab, near the capital, that they should so vigorously collect the tribute that the cultivators should be unable to carry away any corn from the fields into their houses and to regrate. They were to be compelled to sell their corn in the fields to the corn- carriers at a low price, so that the dealers should have no excuse for neglecting to bring the corn into the markets. A constant

1 The TabaJcdt-i Akbari gives these rules very succinctly and clearly. This fourth Regulation is thus given : — “ Malik Kabul was commanded to summon all the grain- sellers of the kingdom and to settle them in the villages on the banks of the Jumna, so that they might convey grain to Dehll from all parts of the country, and prevent the price rising above the royal standard.”

supply was thus secured. To give the villagers a chance of profit, they were permitted to carry their corn into the market and sell it at the regulation price.

Regulation YII. — Reports used to be made daily to the Sultan of the market rate and of the market transactions from three distinct sources. 1st. The superintendent made a report of the market rate and of the market transactions. 2nd. The bands, or reporters, made a statement. 3rd. The manhis , or spies, made a report. If there was any variance in these reports, the superintendent received punishment. The various officials of the market were well aware that all the ins and outs of the market were reported to the Sultan through three different channels, and so there was no opportunity of their deviating from the market rules in the smallest particular.

All the wise men of the age were astonished at the evenness of the price in the markets. If the rains had fallen (regularly), and the seasons had been (always) favourable, there would have been nothing so wonderful in grain remaining at one price; but the extraordinary part of the matter was that during the reign of ’Alau-d din there were years in which the rains were deficient, but instead of the usual scarcity ensuing, there was no want of corn in Dehli, and there was no rise in the price either in the grain brought out of the royal granaries, or in that imported by the dealers. This was indeed the wonder of the age, and no other monarch was able to effect it. Once or twice when the rains were deficient a market overseer reported that the price had risen half a jital, and he received twenty blows with the stick. When the rains failed, a quantity of corn, sufficient for the daily supply of each quarter of the city, was consigned to the dealers every day from the market, and half a man used to be allowed to the ordinary purchasers in the markets. Thus the gentry and traders, who had no villages or lands, used to get grain from the markets. If in such a season any poor reduced person went to the market, and did not get assistance, the overseer received his punishment whenever the fact found its way to the king’s ears.

For the purpose of securing low prices for piece goods, gar- ments, sugar, vegetables, fruits, animal oil, and lamp oil, five Regulations were issued. * * *

For securing a cheap rate for the purchase of horses, slaves, and cattle, four Regulations were issued. * * *

Regulation IV. — * * * The price of a serving girl was fixed from 5 to 12 tankas , of a concubine at 20, 30, or 40 tankas. The price for a male slave was 100 or 200 tankas , or less. If such a slave as could not in these days be bought for 1000 or 2000 tankas came into the market, he was sold for what he would fetch, in order to escape the reports of the informers. Hand- some lads fetched from 20 to 30 tankas; the price of slave- labourers was 10 to 15 tankas , and of young domestic slaves 17 or 18 tankas. * * * *

Great pains were taken to secure low prices for all things sold at the stalls in the markets, from caps to shoes, from combs to needles, etc., etc. Although the articles were of the most trifling value, yet the Sultan took the greatest trouble to fix the prices and settle the profit of the vendors. Four Regulations were issued. * * *

The fourth Regulation for securing cheapness provided severe punishments ; blows, and cutting off flesh from the haunches of those who gave short weight. * * * The market people, however, could not refrain from giving short weight. They sold their goods according to the established rate, but they cheated the purchasers in the weight, especially ignorant people and children. When the Sultan turned his attention to the subject, he discovered that the market people, as usual, were acting dishonestly * * * He therefore used to send for some of the poor ignorant boys, who attended to his pigeon-houses, and to give them ten or twenty dirams to go into the market and buy bread and various other articles for him. * * * When the boys had purchased the arti- cles, and brought them to the Sultan, the inspector of the market was sent for, and he had to weigh the things in the presence of the Sultan, If the weight was less than required by the Sultan’s

scale of prices, the inspector took the lad and went to the shop of the dealer who had given short weight, and placed the purchased article before him. The inspector then took from his shop what- ever was deficient, and afterwards cut from his haunches an equal weight of flesh, which was thrown down before his eyes. The certainty of this punishment kept the traders honest, and re- strained them from savins: short weight, and other knavish tricks. Nay, they gave such good weight that purchasers often got some- what in excess.1

The various Regulations * * * of ’Alau-d din came to an end at his death, for his son, Kutbu-d din, was not able to maintain a thousandth part of them.

After the prices of goods and provisions were brought down, the pay of the soldier was fixed at the rate of 234 tankas, and the man of two horses at seventy-eight tankas more. All the men were inspected by the ’driz-i mamalik (Muster-master) ; those who were skilled in archery and the use of arms passed, and they received the price for their horse, and the horse was branded according to rule.

When the tariffs had been settled and the army had been increased and newly organized, the Sultan was ready for the Mughals. Whenever they made an attack upon Dehli and its vicinity, they were defeated, driven back, and put to the sword. The arms of Islam were everywhere triumphant over them. Many thousands were taken prisoners, and were brought into Dehli with ropes round their necks, where they were cast under the feet of elephants. Their heads were piled up in pyramids, or built into towers. So many thousands were slain in battle and in the city that horrid stenches arose. Such was the superiority of the men of Islam over the Mughals, that one or two horsemen w'ould tie by the neck and bring in ten Mughal prisoners, and one Musulman horseman would drive a hundred Mughals before him.

1 Here the printed text differs from, and is inferior in accuracy to, the MSS. in several particulars.

On one occasion ’All Beg and Tartak1 were the leaders of the Mughal forces, men who had acquired some repute. ’Ali Beg was said to be a descendant of Changiz Khan, the accursed. N\ ith thirty or forty thousand horse they skirted the mountains and advanced into the territory of Amroha. The Sultan sent against them Malik Kayak Akhur-beg. The opposing forces met in the territory of Amroha, and God gave the victory to the army of Islam. ’Ali Beg and Tartak were both taken alive, and many thousand Mughals were put to the sword. The force was entirely routed, and the battle-field was covered with heaps of slain like shocks of corn. Ropes were fastened round the necks of 'Ali Beg and Tartak, and they were conducted to the Sultan with many other Mughal prisoners. Twenty thousand horses belonging to the slain Mughals were taken into the roval stables. A grand court was held by the Sultan in the Chautara Subhani. From the court at this place a double row of soldiers was formed as far as Indarpat. Such numbers of men were assembled on that day that a pitcher of water fetched twenty jitals to half a tanka. ’All Beg, Tartak, and other Mughal prisoners, were brought forward with their accoutrements. The prisoners were cast under the feet of elephants in the presence of the court, and streams of blood flowed.

In another vear a battle was fought in Kliikar between the army of Islam and the Mughals, under the accursed Kank. The Mughals were defeated, and Kank was brought prisoner to ’Alau-d din, and thrown under the feet of elephants. On an- other occasion great numbers of Mughals were slain, partly in battle, partly afterwards in the city. A tower was built of their heads in front of the gate of Badaun, and remains to this day a memento of ’Alau-d din. At another time three or four Mughal amirs, commanders of tumans , with thirty or forty thousand horse, broke into the Siwalik, and engaged in slaughter and plunder.

1 The MSS. have “Taryak” and “ Ziyak.” In the text of Firishta he is called “ Taryal,” hut in the translation “ Khnaja Tash,” which is in accordance with D'Ohsson (Hist, des Mongols, iv. 571). The Tabakat-i Akbari has “ Rasmak."

An army was sent against them with orders to seize upon the road by which the Mughals must return to the river, and there to en- camp, so that when the thirsty Mughals attempted to approach the river they would receive their punishment. These orders were carried out. The Mughals having wasted the Siwalik. had moved some distance off. When they and their horses returned weary and thirsty to the river, the army of Islam, which had been waiting for them some days, caught them as they expected. They begged for water, and they and all their wives and children were made prisoners. Islam gained a great victory, and brought several thousand prisoners with ropes on their necks to the fort of Xaraniya. The women and children were taken to Dehli, and were sold as slaves in the market. Malik Khass-hajib was sent to Xaraniya, and there put every Mughal prisoner to the sword. Streams ran with their foul blood.

In another year Ikbalmanda came with a Mughal army, and the Sultan sent an army against him from Dehli. The army of Islam was again victorious, and Ikbalmanda was slain with many thousands of his followers. The Mughal commanders of thou- sands and hundreds, who were taken prisoners, were brought to Dehli, and thrown under the feet of elephants. On the occa- sion when Ikbalmanda was slain no man returned alive, and the Mughals conceived such a fear and dread of the army of Islam, that all fancy for coming to Hindustan was washed clean out of their breasts. Till the end of the reign of Kutbu-d din the name of Hindustan was never mentioned among them, nor did they venture to approach it. Fear of the army of Islam prevented them from attaining their heart’s desire, even in their dreams ; for in their sleep they still saw the sword of Tslam hanging over them. All fear of the Mughals entirely departed from Dehli and the neighbouring provinces. Perfect security was everywhere felt, and the rciiyats of those territories, which had been exposed to the inroads of the Mughals, carried on their agriculture in peace.

Ghazi Malik, who afterwards became Sultan Tughlik Shah,

had obtained great renown in Hindustan and Khurasan. He held the territories of Debalpur and Lahor, and, until the end of the reign of Kutbu-d din, he pi’oved a barrier to the inroads of the Mughals, occupying, in fact, the position formerly held by Shir Khan. Every winter he led out a chosen force from Debal- pur, and marching to the frontiers of the Mughals he challenged them to come forth. The Mughals were so dispirited that they dared not even make any military display upon their frontiers. No one now cared about them, or gave them the slightest thought. * * *

Wherever Sultan ’Alau-d din looked around upon his terri- tories, peace and order prevailed. His mind was free from all anxiety. The fort of Siri was finished, and it became a popu- lous and flourishing place. Devoting his attention to political matters, he made ready his army for the destruction of the Rais and zamindars of other lands, and for the acquisition of elephants and treasure from the princes of the South. He withdrew several divisions of his army, which had been employed in guarding against the advance of the Mughals, and formed them into an army, which he sent against Deogir, under the command of Malik Naib Kafur Hazar-dinari, accompanied by other maliks and amirs , and the red canopy. He also sent Kliwaja Haji, deputy ’ariz-i mamalik, to attend to the administration of the army, the collection of supplies, and the securing of elephants and the spoil. No army had marched from Dehli to Deogir since the Sultan himself attacked it before he ascended the throne. Ramdeo had rebelled, and for several years had not sent his tribute to Dehli. Malik Naib Kaffir reached Deogir and laid the country waste. He made Ramdeo and his sons prisoners, and took his treasures, as well as seventeen elephants. Great spoil fell into his hands, * * * and he returned with it triumphant to Dehli, carrying with him Ramdeo. The Sultan showed great favour to the Rai, gave him a canopy, and the title of Rai-rdydn (King of kings). He also gave him a lak of tankas , and sent him back in great honour, with his children, wives, and

dependents to Deogir, which place he confirmed in his possession. The Rai was ever afterwards obedient, and sent his tribute regu- larly as long as he lived.

Next year, in the year 709 h. (1309 a.d.), the Sultan sent Malik Naib Kafur with a similar force against Arangal. The Sultan gave him instructions to do his utmost to capture the fort of Arangal, and to overthrow Rai Laddar Deo.1 If the Rai consented to surrender his treasure and jewels, elephants and horses, and also to send treasure and elephants in the following year, Malik Naib Kafur was to accept these terms and not press the Rai too hard. He was to come to an arrangement and retire, without pushing matters too far, lest Rai Laddar Deo should get the better of him. If he could not do this, he was, for the sake of his own name and fame, to bring the Rai with him to Dehli. * * *

Malik Naib Kafur and Khwaja Haji took leave of the Sultan and marched to Rabari, a village in the fief of the Malik. There the army assembled, and marched towards Deogir and Arangal. The maliks and amirs of Hindustan, with their cavalry and infantry, joined at Chanderi, where a review was held. On ap- proaching Deogir, Rai-rayan Ramdeo came forth to meet the army, with respectful offerings to the Sultan and presents to the generals. While the army was marching through the territories of Deogir, Ramdeo attended every day at head quarters. So long as it remained encamped in the suburbs of the city, he showed every mark of loyalty, and to the best of his ability supplied Naib Kafur and his officers with fodder, and the army with materiel. Every day he and his officers went out to the camp, rendering every assistance. He made the bazar people of Deogir attend the army, and gave them strict orders to supply the wants of the soldiers at cheap rates. The army remained in the suburbs of Deogir for some days, resting from its fatigues. When it marched, Ramdeo sent men forward to all the villages on the route, as far

1 A whole line is here omitted from the printed test, and there are other minor errors. The date is given as 909 instead of 709.

as the borders of Arangal, with orders for the collection of fodder and provisions for the army, and giving notice that if a bit of rope1 was lost they would have to answer for it. He was as dutiful as any raiyat of Dehli. He sent on all stragglers to rejoin the army, and he added to it a force of Mahrattas, both horse and foot. He himself accompanied the march several stages, and then took leave and returned. All wise and experienced men noticed and applauded his devotion and attention.

When Malik Naib Kafur arrived in Tilang, he found the towns and villages in his way laid waste. The mukadditns and rats perceived the superiority of the army of Islam, and so they abandoned their forts and went and took refuge in Arangal.

The fort of Arangal was of mud, and tolerably large. All the active men of the country had assembled there. The Hat, with the mukadditns and (inferior) rats and connections,2 went with their elephants and treasure into the stone fort. Malik Naib Kafur invested the mud fort, and there were fights every day between the besiegers and the besieged. The Maghribis (western manjaniks ) were played on both sides, and on both sides many were wounded. This went on for some days, till the daring and adventurous men of the army of Islam planted their scaling ladders and fixed their ropes. Then, like birds, they escaladed the towers of the mud fort, which was stronger than the stone one, and, cutting down the defenders with their swords, spears, and axes, they made themselves masters of the fort. They next invested the stone fort most closely. Laddar Deo perceived that all hope was gone, and that the fort was tottering to its fall. He therefore sent some great brahmans and distinguished basiths ,3

1 <*"■ - , in the printed text. One MS. has for the latter word ^\j f

3 The printed text has “bhatan,” but one of the MSS. has bhasithdn, which agrees with Amir Khusrti ( supra p. 83). The other MS. omits the word.

with presents to Malik Kafur, to beg for quarter, promising to give up all the treasures and elephants and horses, jewels and valuables, that he had, and to send regularly every year a certain amount of treasure and a certain number of elephants to Dehli. Malik Kafur agreed to these terms, and raised the siege of the fort. He took from Laddar Deo all the treasure which he had accumulated in the course of many years, — a hundred elephants, seven thousand horse, and large quantities of jewels and valu- ables. He also took from him a writing, engaging to send annually treasure and elephants. In the early part of the year 710 he started to return, loaded with booty, and, passing through Deogir, Dh&r and Jhain, he at length arrived in Dehli. * * *

It was the practice of the Sultan, when he sent an army on an expedition, to establish posts on the road, wherever posts could be maintained, beginning from Tilpat, which is the first stage. At every post relays of horses were stationed, and at every half or quarter kos runners were posted, and in every town or place where horses were posted, officers and report writers were appointed. Every day, or every two or three days, news used to come to the Sultan reporting the progress of the army, and intelligence of the health of the sovereign was carried to the army. False news was thus prevented from being circulated in the city or in the army. The securing of accurate intelli- gence from the court on one side, and the army on the other, was a great public benefit. * * *

Towards the end of the year 710 h. (1310 a.d.) the Sultan sent an army under Malik Naib Kafur against Dhur-samundar and Ma’bar. The Malik, with Khwaja Haji, Ndib-i ’d?'iz, took leave of the Sultan and proceeded to Rabarl, where the army collected. They then proceeded to Deogir, where they found that Ramdeo was dead, and from Deogir to the confines of Dhur-samundar. At the first onslaught Billal Rai fell into the hands of the Muhammadans, and Dhur-samundar was captured. Thirty-six elephants, and all the treasures of the

place, fell into the hands of the victors. A despatch of victory was then sent to Dehli, and Malik Naib Kafur marched on to Ma’bar, which he also took. He destroyed the golden idol temple (but-khanah-i zar'm ) of Ma’bar, and the golden idols which for ages ( karnha ) had been worshipped by the Hindus of that country. The fragments of the golden temple, and of the broken idols of gold and gilt, became the rich spoil of the army. In Ma’bar there were two Rais, but all the elephants and treasure were taken from both, and the army turned home- wards flushed with victory. A despatch of victory was sent to the Sultan, and in the early part of 711 h. (1311 a.d.) the army reached Dehli, bringing with it six hundred and twelve elephants, ninety-six thousand mans of gold, several boxes of jewels and pearls, and twenty thousand horses. Malik Naib Kafur pre- sented the spoil to the Sultan in the palace at Siri on different occasions, and the Sultan made presents of four mans , or two mans , or one man , or half a man of gold to the maliks and amirs. The old inhabitants of Dehli remarked that so many elephants and so much gold had never before been brought into Dehli. No one could remember anything like it, nor was there anything like it recorded in history.

At the end of this same year twenty elephants arrived in Dehli from Laddar Deo Rai of Tilang, with a letter stating that he was ready to pay at Deogir, to any one whom the Sultan would commission to receive it, the treasure which he had en- gaged to pay, thus fulfilling the terms of the treaty made with Malik Kafur.

In the latter part of the reign of ’Alau-d din several important victories were gained, and the affairs of the State went on accord- ing to his heart’s desire, but his fortune now became clouded and his prosperity waned. Cares assailed him on many sides. His sons left their places of instruction and fell into bad habits. He drove away his wise and experienced ministers from his presence, and sent his councillors into retirement. He was desirous that all the business of the State should be concentrated in one office,

and under the officers of that office;1 and that the control of all matters, general or special, should be in the charge of men of his own race ( zat ). Mistakes were now made in political matters; the Sultan had no Aristotle or Buzurjmihr to point out the pros and cons of any question, and to make the true course clear to him.

At the time when the Sultan so resolutely opposed himself to the inroads of the Mughals, several of the amirs of the “ New Musulmans” who had no employ, and whose bread and grants of revenue had been resumed or curtailed by the revenue officers, grumbled, and conceived certain crude ideas. The Sultan heard that some of the chiefs of the New Musulmans were complaining of their poverty and wretchedness, and were talking about him with ill feeling, saying that he dealt harshly with his people, oppressing them with fines and exactions to fill his own treasury, that he had forbidden the use of wine, beer, and strong drinks, and that he had levied heavy tribute from the country, and reduced the people to distress. They thought, therefore, that if they raised a revolt all the New Musulmans, their countrymen, would join them, and that the prospect of escaping from the severity and oppression of ’Alau-d din would be pleasing to others as well. There had been no revolt for some time, and so none would be expected. Their plan was to seek an opportunity when the Sultan went out hawking in a light dress, and when he and his followers were eager in pursuit of the game, with their arms thrown aside. Two or three hundred New Musulmans in one compact band were then to rush upon the Sultan, and carry off him and his personal attendants. This conspiracy became known to the Sultan. He was by nature cruel and implacable, and his only care was the welfare of his kingdom. No consideration for religion, no regard for the ties of brotherhood or the filial rela-

1 One MS. here omits about ten lines ; the other differs a little from the printed text, and runs: AjU. } }\

It is evident that the Sulthn sought to establish a centralizing

tion, no care for the rights of others, ever troubled him. He disregarded the provisions of the law, even in the punishments which he awarded, and was unmoved by paternity or sonship. He now gave his commands that the race of “New Musulmans,” who had settled in his territories, should be destroyed, and they were to be so slain that they all perished on the same day, and that not one of the stock should be left alive upon the face of the earth. Upon this command, worthy of a Pharaoh or a Nimrod, twenty or thirty thousand “New Musulmans” were killed, of whom probably only a few had any knowledge (of the intended revolt). Their houses were plundered, and their wives and chil- dren turned out. In most of the years which have been noticed disturbances ( ibdhatiyan ) broke out in the city ; but by the Sultan’s command every rioter was most perseveringly pursued, and put to death with the most severe punishment. Their heads were sawn in two and their bodies divided. After these punish- ments breaches of the peace were never heard of in the city.

The generals and ministers of ’Alau-d din, by their courage, devotion, and ability, had secured the stability of the State during his reign, and had made themselves remarkable and bril- liant in the political and administrative measures of that time, such as * * *.

• • • During the reign of ’Alau-d din, either through his agency or the beneficent ruling of Providence, there were several remarkable events and matters which had never been witnessed or heard of in any age or time, and probably never will again.

1. The cheapness of grain, clothes, and necessaries of life. * * *

2. The constant succession of victories. * * * 3. The destruc-

tion and rolling back of the Mughals. * * * 4. The maintenance of a large army at a small cost. * * * 5. The severe punish-

ment and repression of rebels, and the general prevalence of loyalty. * * * 6. The safety of the roads in all directions. * * * 7. The honest dealings of the bazar people. * * * 8. The erec-

tion and repair of mosques, minarets, and forts, and the excava- tion of tanks. * * * 9. That during the last ten years of the

reign the hearts of Musulmans in general were inclined to recti- tude, truth, honesty, justice, and temperance. * * * 10. That

without the patronage of the Sultan many learned and great men flourished. * * * [. Notices of some of the most distinguished men ; 26 pages. ]

The prosperity of ’Alau-d din at length declined. Success no longer attended him. Fortune proved, as usual, fickle, and destiny drew her poniard to destroy him. The overthrow of his throne and family arose from certain acts of his own. First, He was jealous and violent in temper. He removed from his service the administrators of his kingdom, and filled the places of those wise and experienced men with young slaves who were ignorant and thoughtless, and with eunuchs without intelligence. He never reflected that eunuchs and worthless people cannot conduct the business of government. Having set aside his wise and able administrators, he turned his own attention to dis- charging the duties of minister, a business distinct from that of royalty. His dignity and his ordinances hence fell into dis- respect. Secondly, He brought his sons prematurely, before their intelligence was formed, out of their nursery.1 To Khizr Khan he gave a canopy and a separate residence, and he caused a document to be drawn up, appointing Khizr Khan his heir apparent, and he obtained the signatures of the nobles thereto. He did not appoint any wise and experienced governors over him, so the young man gave himself up to pleasure and de- bauchery, and buffoons and strumpets obtained the mastery over him. In the case of this son, and of his other sons, the Sultan was precipitate, and they gave entertainments and had uproari- ous parties in his private apartments. Many improper proceed- ings thus became the practice under his rule. Thirdly, He was infatuated with Malik Naib Kafur, and made him commander of his army and wazir. He distinguished him above all his other helpers and friends, and this eunuch and minion held the chief place in his regards. A deadly enmity arose between this

Malik Naib Kafur and Alp Khan,1 the father-in-law and ma- ternal uncle of Khizr Khan. Their feud involved the whole State, and day hy day increased. Fourthly, The Regulations of the government were not enforced. His sons gave themselves up to dissipation and licentious habits. Malik Naib Kafur and Alp Khan struggled against each other ; and the Sultan was seized with dropsy, that worst of diseases. Day by day his malady grew worse, and his sons plunged still deeper into dissipa- tion. Under his mortal disorder the violence of his temper was increased tenfold. He summoned Malik Naib Kafur from Deogir, and Alp Khan from Gujarat. The traitor, Malik Naib Kafur, perceived that the feelings of the Sultan were turned against his wife and Khizr Khan. He acted craftily, and induced the Sultan to have Alp Khan killed, although he had committed no offence and had been guilty of no dishonesty. He caused Khizr Khan to be made prisoner and sent to the fort of Gwalior, and he had the mother of the prince turned out of the Red Palace. On the day that Alp Khan was slain and Khizr Khan was thrown into bonds, the house of ’Alau-d din fell. A serious revolt broke out in Gujarat, and Kamalu-d din Garg, who was sent to quell it, was slain by the rebels. Other risings occurred and were spread- ing and the rule of the Sultan was tottering when death seized him. Some say that the infamous2 Malik Naib Kafur helped his disease to a fatal termination. The reins of government fell into the hands of slaves and worthless people ; no wise man re- mained to guide, and each one did as he listed. On the sixth Shawwal, towards morning, the corpse of ’Alau-d din was brought out of the Red Palace of Siri, and was buried in a tomb in front of the Jami’ Masjid.

On the second day after the death of ’Alau-d din, Malik Naib

1 Firishta gives the name as “Ulugh Khan” (Aluf Khan in the translation), but Alp Khan is right. See supra , p. 157.

2 The author’s words are too explicit to he reproduced. The filthy practices al- luded to are everywhere spoken of in plain terms, without the slightest attempt at disguise. They, or rather the perpetrators of them, are condemned, but the many familiar names for them, show that they were but too common.

Kafur assembled the principal nobles and officers in the palace, and produced a will of the late Sultan which he had caused to be executed in favour of Malik Shahabu-d din, removing Khizr Khan from being heir apparent. With the assent of the nobles he placed Shahabu-d din upon the throne, but as the new sovereign was a child of only five or six years old, he was a mere puppet in the hands of schemers. Malik Naib Kafur himself undertook the conduct of the government. * * * In the earliest days of his power he sent the traitor, Malik Sumbul, to put out the eyes of Khizr Khan at Gwalior, and he promoted this villain to be Bar-bale. He also sent his barber to blind Shadi Khan, full brother of Khizr Khan, in the palace of Siri, by cutting his eyes from their sockets with a razor, like slices of melon. He took possession of the palace of the heir apparent, Khizr Khan, and sent his mother, the Malika-i Jahan, into miser- able retirement. Then he seized all her gold, silver, jewels and valuables, and exerted himself to put down the partisans of Khizr Khan, who were rather numerous. He ordered Mubarak Khan, afterwards Sultan Kutbu-d din, who was of the same age as Khizr Khan, to be confined to his room, and intended to have him blinded. It never occurred to this wretched man, nor did any one point out to him that his setting aside of the queen and princes would alienate all the old supporters of the throne, and that no one would put any trust in him. * * * His great object was to remove all the children and wives of the late Sultan, all the nobles and slaves who had claims upon the throne, and to fill their places with creatures of his own. * * *

While he was thus engaged in endeavouring to remove all the family of the late Sultan, he resolved that when the chief nobles of the throne came together from different parts of the country, he would seize them in their houses and kill them. But God be thanked that it entered into the hearts of some paths, slaves of the late king, who had charge of the Hazar-sutun, that they ought to kill this wicked fellow. The officers had observed that every night after the company had retired, and the doors of the

palace were shut, Malik Naib Kafur used to sit up all night, plotting with his creatures the destruction of the late Sultan’s family ; they therefore resolved that they would slay the rascal, and thus obtain an honourable name. So -one night, when the people were gone, and the doors were locked, these paiks went with drawn swords to his sleeping room, and severed his wicked head from his foul body. They also killed all his confederates who were in concert with him. Thus thirty-five days after the death of’Alau-d din, Malik Naib Kafur was decapitated, and Kliizr Khan and Shadi Khan were avenged.

In the morning, when the nobles and officers attended at the palace and learned that the wretch was dead, and saw that he was mere clay, they gave thanks to God, and with a feeling of renewed life congratulated each other. The same paiks wTho had done the deed brought forth Mubarak Khan from the chamber in which Malik Kafur had confined him, and had intended to blind him, and placed him in the situation of director ( naib ) to Shahabu-d din, instead of Malik Kafur. They thought and boasted to themselves that they could remove and kill one of the two princes, and make the other one Sultan. Mubarak Khan acted as director for Shahabu-d din several months, and managed the government. He was seventeen or eighteen years old, and he made friends of many of the maliks and amirs. He then seated himself upon the throne with the title of Kutbu-d din, and sent Shahabu-d din a prisoner to Gwalior, where he had him deprived of sight. The paiks who had killed Malik Kafur now talked in vaunting tones at the door of the palace, boasting of havin'; slain the Malik, and of having raised Kutbu-d din to the throne. They claimed to have seats below the maliks and amirs , and to receive robes before them. * * * They collected at the door of the palace, and went in before all to the audience chamber. Sultan Kutbu-d din, at the very beginning of his reign, -was therefore compelled to give orders that these paiks should be separated, and sent to different places, where they were killed, and an end put to their pretensions. * * *

Sultanu-s Shahid Kdtbu-d dunya wau-d din.

Sultan Kutbu-cl din, son of Sultan ’Alau-d din, ascended the throne in the year 7171 H. (1317 a.d.). He gave to Malik Dinar, the keeper of the elephants, the title Zafar Khan, to Muhammad Maulana, his maternal uncle, the title Slier Khan.

• • • There was a young Parwari, named Hasan, who had been brought up by Malik Shadi, the Natb-h&jib. The Sultan took an inordinate liking for this youth. In the very first year of his reign he raised him to distinction, and gave him the title of Khusrfi Khan. He was so infatuated and so heedless of conse- quences, that he placed the army of the late Malik Naib Kaffir under this youth, and gave to him the fiefs held by that malik. His passion and temerity carried him so far that he raised the youth to the office of wazir, and he was so doting that he could never endure his absence for a moment. The trouble which had prevailed in the land, from the beginning of the sickness of ’Alau-d din to the death of Malik Naib Kaffir, began to abate on the accession of Kutbu-d din. People felt secure, and were relieved from the apprehension of death, and the nobles were released from the dread of death and punishment.

When Kutbu-d din came to the throne he was much given to dissipation and pleasure. Still he was a man of some excellent qualities. When he escaped from the danger of death and blind- ing, and was delivered from evils of many kinds ; when he was relieved from despair of the future and became ruler, on the day of his accession he gave orders that the (political) prisoners and exiles of the late reign, amounting to seventeen or eighteen thousand in number, should all be released in the city and in all parts of the country. The amnesty was circulated by couriers iu every direction, and the miserable captives broke forth in praises of the new sovereign. Six months’ pay was given to the army, and the allowances and grants to the nobles were increased.

• • • The Sultan from his good nature relieved the people of

1 Note in the text. Amir KhusrU, in his Masnawi Nuh sipihr, mates the year to be 716.

the heavy tribute and oppressive demands; and penalties, extor- tion, beating, chains, fetters, and blows were set aside in revenue matters. Through his love of pleasure, and extravagance, and ease,1 all the regulations and arrangements of the late reign fell into disuse ; and through his laxity in business matters all men took their ease, being saved from the harsh temper, severe treat- ment, and oppressive orders of the late king. Gold and gilt, silver and silver-gilt, again made their appearance indoors and out of doors in the streets. Men were no longer in doubt and fear of hearing, “ Do this, but don’t do that ; say this, but don’t say that ; hide this, but don’t hide that ; eat this, but don’t eat that ; sell such as this, but don’t sell things like that ; act like this, but don’t act like that.” * * * After the accession of Kutbu-d din all the old Regulations were disregarded, the world went on to the content of men of pleasure, and an entirely new order of things was established ; all fear and awe of the royal authority vanished. * * * The Sultan plunged into sensual indulgences openly and publicly, by night and by day, and the people followed his example. Beauties were not to be obtained. * * * The price of a boy, or handsome eunuch, or beautiful damsel, varied from 500 to 1000 and 2000 tankas.

Of all the Regulations of the late Sultan, that prohibiting wine was the one maintained by the new sovereign. But such was the disregard of orders and contempt of restrictions that wine- shops were publicly opened, and vessels of wine by hundreds came into the city from the country. The necessaries of life and grain rose in price, the old regulations and tariffs were unheeded, and piece goods were sold at prices fixed by the vendors. The Mult&nis engaged in their own business, and in every house drums and tabors were beaten, for the bazar people rejoiced over the death of ’Alau-d din. They now sold their goods at their own price, and cheated and fleeced people as they listed. They reviled the late Sult&n, and lauded the new one. The wages of labourers rose twenty-five per cent., and servants who had re-

ceived ten or twelve tankas now got seventy, eighty, and a hundred tankas. The doors of bribery, extortion, and malversa- tion were thrown open, and a good time for the revenue officers came round. Through the diminution of their tribute, the Hindus again found pleasure and happiness, and were beside themselves with joy. They who had plucked the green ears of corn because they could not get bread, who had not a decent garment, and who had been so harassed by corporal punish- ments that they had not even time to scratch their heads, now put on fine apparel, rode on horseback, and shot their arrows. Through all the reign of Kutbu-d din, not one of the old Rules and Regulations remained in force, no order was maintained, new practices sprung up, the doors were kept closed and spies were useless, and no regularity or authority was maintained in the revenue department. The people were delivered from their distress, and every man engaged in pleasure according to the extent of his means. * * *

Through the indolence and liberality of Kutbu-d din, and through the abeyance of the old Regulations, licentiousness spread among the Musulmans, and disaffection and rebellion appeared among the Hindus. He plunged deeply into pleasure and de- bauchery ; the world likewise sported in the same. * * * During (his reign of) four years and four months, the Sultan attended to nothing but drinking, listening to music, debauchery and pleasure, scattering gifts, and gratifying his lusts. If the Mughals had come up during his reign ; if a rival had made pretensions to the throne ; if any serious rebellion or sedition had broken out in any quarter, no one can tell what might have happened to Dehli through the Sultan’s negligence, heedlessness, and dissipation. But in his reign there was no deficiency in the crops, no alarm from the Mughals, no irreparable calamity from above visited the earth, no revolt or great disturbance arose in any quarter, not a hair of any one was injured, and the name of grief or sorrow never entered the breast, or passed from the tongue of any one. His whole life was passed in extreme dis-

sipation and utter negligence : debauchery, drunkenness, and shamelessness proved his ruin. * * *

In the first year of the reign a numerous army was sent to put down the revolt of Alp Khan, who had slain Kamalu-d din Garg, and had stirred up such a disturbance that Gujarat had shaken off its allegiance. ’Ainu-1 Mulk Multani was sent with an army to Gujarat. This officer was a very intelligent, ex- perienced, and practical man. He marched with the army of Dehli and several distinguished amirs to Gujarat, and defeated the forces of the revolters. They were entirely subdued, and the management of ’Ainu-1 Mulk, and the valour of the army of Dehli, once more reduced Nahrwala and all the country of Gu- jarat to obedience. This army took the field again, and defeated several of the promoters and leaders of this revolt, who were compelled to flee to Hindus in distant parts.

Sultan Kutbu-d din married the daughter of Malik Dinar, to whom he had given the title of Zafar Khan. The Khan was one of the old servants ( bandagan ) of ’Alau-d din, an intelligent and prudent man, who had seen changes of fortune, and had drawn experience from them. He was now made governor ( icali ) of Gujarat, and proceeded thither with amirs , officers, and a veteran army. In four months he brought the country into such sub- jection, that the people forgot Alp Khan and his ascendency. All the rats and mukaddims of the country waited upon him, much money was acquired, and a select army was maintained always ready for service.

Although the Sultan did not maintain the Rules and Regu- lations of the late reign, the old servants of the State continued in their various posts, and retained their great fiefs. Hence all the territories of the State were made secure in the first year of the reign, no sedition or rebellion occurred in any quarter, nor did any distress or anarchy make its appearance. The accession of the new king was universally accepted.

In the year 718 h. (1318 a.d.) the Sultan marched with his ynaliks and amirs at the head of an army against Deogir, which,

upon the death of Malik Naib Kafur, had thrown oft' its subjec- tion, and had been taken possession of by Harpal Deo and Ram Deo. In the heedlessness of youth he did not nominate a wise and experienced man to act as his vicegerent during his absence ; but he selected a youthful slave, named Shahin, who had been called Barilda during the reign of ’Alau-d din, and whom he now entitled Wafa-e Mulk. In his extreme rashness and utter disregard of appearances, he placed Dehli and the treasures of Dehli under this lad, without giving a moment’s thought to dis- turbances or other things that might happen in his absence. On arriving at Deogir, Harpal Deo and the other Hindus who had joined him were unable to withstand the army of Islam, and they and all the mukaddims dispersed, so that the Sultan recovered the fort without fighting and spilling of blood. The Sultan then sent some officers in pursuit of Harpal Deo, who was the leader of the rebels, and had excited the revolt. He was captured, and the Sultan ordered him to be flayed, and his skin to be hung over the gate of Deogir. The rains came on and the Sultan remained with the army for a time at Deogir. All the Mahrattas were once more brought into subjection. The Sultan selected as governor of Deogir, Malik Yak Lakhi, an old, servant ( banda ) of ’Alau-d din, who for many years was naib of the bands (spies) ; and he appointed feudatories, rulers, and revenue-col- lectors over the territories of the Mahrattas.

When Canopus appeared the Sultan resolved upon returning to Dehli. He then granted a canopy to Khusru Khan, and raised him to a dignity and distinction higher than had ever been attained by Malik Naib Kafur. In fact, his infatuation for this infamous and traitorous Parw&ri exceeded that of ’Alau-d din for Malik Naib Kafur. He sent him at the head of an army with maliks and amirs into Ma’bar ; and as ’Alau-d din gave full powers to Naib Kafur, sent him with an army into a distance, and placed in his hands the means of conquest, so, in like manner, Kutbu-d din sent the vile Malik Khusru into Ma’bar. Malik Khusru wTas a base, designing, treacherous, low-born fellow. * * He rose from

one dignity to another, and received the title of Khusru Khan. He was also made commander-in-chief, and all the affairs of the army were in his hands. * * * But the vile wretch had often thought of cutting down the Sultan with his sword when they were alone together. * * * When he marched from Deogir to Ma’bar, he used to hold secret councils at night with some of his fellow Hindus, and with several disaffected adherents of Malik Naib Kafur, whom he had taken as friends, about making a revolt ; and thus intriguing, he arrived in Ma’bar. The Sultan himself returned towards Dehli, drinking and indulging in dissi- pation.

Malik Asadu-d din, son of Malik Yagharsh Khan, uncle of Sult-dn ’Alau-d din, was a brave and renowned warrior. He saw the king given up to debauchery, and utterly regardless of the affairs of his kingdom. Youths of new-made fortunes, without experience, and knowing nothing of the world, were chosen by the Sultan as his advisers, and men of wisdom and counsel were set aside. All alike were heedless, haughty, and unsuspicious. Malik Asad, seeing all this, conspired with some malcontents of Deogir, and formed a plot to seize the Sultan, at Ghati-sakun, when drinking ig his harem, unattended by guards. Some horse- men with drawn swords were to rush in and kill him, and after that the royal canopy was to be raised over Malik Asad, as brother and heir of ’Alau-d din. It was presumed that after the death of the Sultan there would be no opposition to Malik Asad’s eleva- tion, but that all people would support him. This was the plot which the conspirators had conceived and matured. While on the march they saw that ten or twelve resolute horsemen might enter the harem and kill the Sultan, but his time was not j'et come; * * * and one evening one of the conspirators came in to the Sultan and gave full information of the plot. The Sultan halted at Ghati-sakun, and there arrested Malik Asad and his brothers, with all the party of conspirators who were leagued with them. After some investigation, they were all beheaded in front of the royal tent. Following the custom of his father, the Sultan, in

his ruthlessness, ordered the arrest at Dehli of twenty-nine indi- viduals, sons of Yagharsh Khan. These were all of tender years, and had never left their homes. They had no knowledge what- ever of the conspiracy, but they were all seized and slaughtered like sheep. Their wealth, which their father, the uncle of the late Sultan, had amassed in a long course of time, was brought into the royal treasury, and the women and girls of the family were turned into the streets and left homeless.

The Sultan escaped from this plot by the decree of G-od ; but he learned no wisdom from it, made no change in his conduct, and gave up none of his dissolute drunken habits. As he pursued his journey homewards, he arrived at Jhain, from whence he sent Shadi Kath, chief of his guards ( silahdar ), to the fort of Gwalior, with orders to put to death at one fell swoop Khizr Khan, Shadi Khan, and Malik Shahabu-d din, sons of the late ’Alau-d din, who had been deprived of sight, and were dependent on him for food and raiment. According to his orders Shadi Kath slew the poor blind wretches, and carried their mothers and wives to Dehli. Acts of violence and tyranny like this became the practice. * * * The good qualities which the Sultan had possessed were now all perverted. He gave way to wrath and obscenity, to severity, revenge, and heartlessness. He dipped his hands in innocent blood, and he allowed his tongue to utter disgusting and abusive words to his companions and attendants. * * * After he returned from Deogir, no human being, whether friend or stranger, dared to boldly advise him upon the affairs of his realm. The violent, vindictive spirit which possessed him led him to kill Zafar Khan, the governor of Gujarat, who had committed no offence ; and thus with his own hands to uproot the foundation of his own supremacy. A short time after, he caused to be decapitated Malik Shahin, one of his vile creatures, to whom he had given the title of Wafa-e Mulk, and whom he had once made his vicegerent. * * He cast aside all regard for decency, and presented himself decked out in the trinkets and apparel of a female before his assembled com-

pany. He gave up attendance on public prayer, and publicly broke the first of the month of Ramazan. Malik ’Ainu-1 Mulk Multani was one of the greatest nobles of the time ; but he caused him and Malik Karabeg, who held no less than fourteen offices, to be assailed with such filthy and disgusting abuse, by low women, from the roof of the palace of the Hazar-sutun, as the occupants of that palace had never heard before. In his recklessness he made a Gujarati, named Tauba, supreme in his palace, and this low-born bhand would call the nobles by the name of wife or mother, would defile and befoul their garments, and sometimes made his appearance in company stark naked, talking obscenity. * * *

After the execution of Zafar Khan, he conferred the government of Gujarat upon his favourite Hisamu-d din,1 maternal uncle of the traitor Khusru Khan, and sent him to Nahrwala with amirs, officers, and men of business. All the army and attendants of Zafar Khan were placed under this fellow, an ill-conditioned Parwari slave, whom the Sultan had often thrashed. This base-born upstart proceeded to Gujarat, and collecting his kindred and connections among the Parwaris, he stirred up a revolt. But the nobles of Gujarat collected their forces and adherents, made him prisoner, and sent him to Dehli. The Sultan, in his in- fatuation for his brother, gave him a slap on the face, but soon after set him at liberty, and made him one of his personal atten- dants. When the nobles of Gujarat heard of this they were confounded, and felt disgusted with the Sultan. After the re- moval of this brother of Khusru Khan, the government of Gujarat was given to Malik Wahidu-d din Kuraishi, who, in comparison, was a worthy and fit person ; and he received the title of Sadaru-1 Mulk. * * *

Malik Yak Laklii, governor of Deogir, revolted; but when the intelligence reached the Sultan, he sent a force against him, from Delhi, which made him and his confederates prisoners. When they were brought to the Sultan, he had the ears and nose of Yak 1 Here he is called “ barddar i madar,” elsewhere “ baradar,” of Khusru.

Laklu cut off, and publicly disgraced him. His confederates also received punishment. Malik ’Ainu-1 Mulk, Taju-1 Mulk, and Yamkhiru-1 Mulk were sent as governor and assistants to Deogir, and these being good men, their appointments excited surprise. They soon settled the district, regulated the forces, and made arrangements for the payment of the tribute. * * * When Khusru Khan marched from Deogir to Ma’bar, it was seen that he acted in the same way as Malik Naib Kafiir had done. The Rais of Ma’bar fled with their treasures and valu- ables ; but about a hundred elephants, which had been left in two cities, fell into the hands of Khusru Khan. On his arriving in Ma’bar the rains came on, and he was compelled to remain. There was in Ma’bar a merchant, named Taki Klian, a Sunni by profession, who had acquired great wealth, which he had purified by paying the alms prescribed by his religion. Relying on the fact of the invading army being Musulman, he did not flee. Khusru Khan, who had nothing in his heart but rapacity and villany, seized this Musulman, took his money from him by force, and put him to death, declaring the money to belong to the treasury. Whilst he remained in Ma’bar he did nothing but plot with his confidants as to the best means of seizing and putting to death those nobles who supported the reign- ing dynasty ; and he consulted with them as to the course he should pursue, whom of the army he should make his friends, and whom he should get rid of. He fixed his attention upon certain of the old Maliks, such as Malik Tamar of Chanderi, Malik Afghan, and Malik Talbagha Yaghda of Karra, who had considerable forces at their command, and he made some ad- vances to them. His treacherous designs and rebellious inten- tions reached the ears of the old nobles, and they perceived, from many other signs and appearances, that the flames of rebellion were about to break forth. So the loyal nobles Malik Tamar and Malik Talbagha Yaghda sent to tell him that they had heard of his doing his utmost to get up a rebellion, and that he wished to remain where he was, and not return to Dehli ; but

they added that they would not allow him to remain, and that he had better make up his mind to return whilst there remained a show of amity between them, and without their having to seize him. By many devices and menaces they induced him to return, and did all they could think of and contrive to bring him and his army to Dehli. Their expectation was that the Sultan, on learning the facts, would show them great favour, and would punish Khusru Khan and his fellow-conspirators. The Sultan was so infatuated, and so strongly desired the presence of Khusru Klian, that he sent relays of bearers with a litter to bring him with all haste from Deogir in the course of seven or eight days. * * * Khusru Khan told the Sultan that some maliks, who were his enemies, had charged him with treason, and were weaving a tissue of lies against him. Then he insinuated some counter-charges into the ears of the Sult&n, who was so deluded as to believe what he represented. * * * The army afterwards arrived, and Malik Tamar and Malik Talbagha made a report of the designs of the Khan. * * * Fate blinded the Sultan, and he would not believe. * * * He grew angry with the accusers. He ordered Malik Tamar to be degraded, and not to be allowed to enter (the palace) ; and he took from him the territory of Chanderi, and gave it to the Parwari boy. Malik Talbagha Yaghda, who had spoken more plainly about the plans of the traitor, was deprived of sight, beaten on the mouth, stripped of his offices, territories, and retainers, and put in prison. Whoever spoke of their fidelity, or testified to the treachery of Khusru Khan, received condign punishment, and was imprisoned or banished. All the atten- dants of the court plainly perceived that to speak against him would be to court the same chastisement. The wise men of the court and city saw that the Sultan’s end was approaching. * * * After Khusru Khan had crushed his accusers, he prosecuted his schemes with all his energy. The Sultan had quarrelled with Bahau-d din, his secretary, about a woman, and this man, eager for revenge, was won over by the traitor. Before proceeding fur-

ther with his designs, Khusru represented to the Sultan that he had been made a great man by his Majesty’s favour, and had been sent on an important command into a distant country. The maliks and amirs had their relations and friends and adherents around them, but he had none ; he therefore begged that he might be allowed to send unto Bahlaw&l and the country of Gujarat for some of his own connections. The Sultan, in his doting and heedlessness, gave the permission. Khusru then brought some Gujaratis, called Parwaris,1 and, pretending they were his kinsfolk, kept them near him, giving them horses and clothes, and entertaining them in grand state. The villain, in prosecution of his designs, used to call the chiefs of these Par- waris and some other conspirators round him every night, in the rooms of Malik NMb Kafur, to plot with him, and each of them used to propose the plan which his malignity suggested for killing the Sultan. Just at this time the Sultan went on a hunting excursion to Sarsawa, and the Parwaris proposed to execute their design in the field; but some of their leaders op- posed this, arguing that if they slew the Sultan in the field, all his armed followers would collect and destroy the assassins. * * It seemed preferable to accomplish their purpose in the palace, and make that building their protection. They might then, after the deed was done, call the maliks and amirs together and make them accomplices, or kill them on their refusal. * * *

After the Sultan returned from his excursion, the favourite made another request. He said that when he returned home from the palace at early dawn, the doors were locked, and those kinsfolk who had come from Gujarat to enjoy his society could not then see him. If some of his men were entrusted with the key of the postern gate ( dar-i chak), he might bring his friends into the lower apartments and hold converse with them. The Sultan, in his infatuation, did not perceive the design, and the keys were given over. Every night, after the first or second watch, armed Parwaris, to the number of 300, used to enter by the postern, and 1 Barddran in the print, hut Barawan and Bardwan in the MSS.

assemble in the lower apartments. The guards of the palace saw the entry of armed men, and had their suspicions ; and men. of sense all perceived that this entry of the Parwaris boded evil.

• • • But no human being dared to utter a word to the Sultan, even to save his life. * * * Kazi Ziau-d din, generally called Kazi Khan, * * venturing his life, spoke to the Sult&n [ acquainting him with the facts, and urging him to make an investigation']. The Sultan was incensed at the words of the Kazi, grossly abused him, and spurned his honest counsels. Just then Khusru came in, and the Sultan [ told him what the Kazi had said]. The in- famous wretch then began to weep and lament, saying, that the great kindness and distinction which the Sultan had bestowed upon him had made all the nobles and attendants of the Court his enemies, and they were eager to take his life. The Sultan

• • • said that if all the world were turned upside down, and if all his companions were of one voice in accusing Khusru, he would sacrifice them all for one hair of his head. * * * When a fourth of the night was past and the first watch had struck, * * Randhol, the maternal uncle ( niyd ) of Khusru, and several Parwaris, entered the Hazar-sutun with their swords, which they hid under a sheet.

• • • A Par war! named Jahariya, who had been appointed to kill the Sultan, approached Kazi Ziau-d din, and pierced him with a spear, which he drew from under the sheet. * * An out- cry arose in the palace, and J ahariya hastened, with some other armed Parwaris, to the upper rooms. The whole palace was filled with Parwaris, and the uproar increased. The Sultan heard it, and asked Khusru what it was. * * He went and looked, and told the Sultan that his horses had broken loose, and were running about in the courtyard, where men were en- gaged in catching them. Just at this time Jahariya, with his followers, came to the upper story, and despatched the officers and door-keepers. The violent uproar convinced the Sultan that treason was at work, so he put on his slippers and ran towards the harem. The traitor saw that if the Sultan escaped to the women’s apartments, it would be difficult to consummate the plot.

Prompt in his villany, he rushed after the Sultan and seized him behind by the hair, which lie twisted tightly round his hand. The Sultan threw him down and got upon his breast, but the rascal would not release his hold. They were in this position when Jahariya entered at the head of the conspirators. Kliusru called out to him to be careful. The assassin stuck the Sultan in the breast with a spear, dragged him off Kliusru, dashed him to the ground, and cut off his head. All persons that were in the palace or upon the roof were slain by the Parwaris, who filled all the upper story. The watchmen fled and hid themselves. The Parwaris lighted torches ; they then cast the headless trunk of the Sultan into the court-yard. The people saw it, and knew what had happened. Every one retired to his home in fear. Randhol, Jahariya, and other of the assassins, proceeded to the harem. They killed the widow of ’Alau-d din, mother of Farid Khan and ’Umar Khan, and committed atrocities which had never been paralleled among infidels and heathens. * * * After killing all there were to kill, the whole palace was in the hands of the Parwaris. Lamps and torches were lighted in great numbers, and a Court was held. Though it was midnight, Malik ’Ainu-d din Multani, Malik Wahidu-d din Kuraishi, Malik Fakhru-d din Juna afterwards Sultan Muhammad Tughlik, and other nobles and great men were sent for, and were brought into the palace and made accomplices in what passed. When day broke the palace was full inside and out with Parwaris and Hindus. Kliusru Khan had prevailed, the face of the world assumed a new complexion, a new order of things sprung up, and the basis of the dynasty of ’Alau-d din was utterly razed. * * *

As morning broke, Kliusru, in the presence of those nobles whom he had brought into the palace, mounted the throne under the title of Sultan Nasiru-d din. * * * He had no sooner beo-uii

to reign, than he ordered all the personal attendants of the late Sultan, many of whom were of high rank, to be slain. Some were despatched in their houses, others were brought to the palace and were beheaded in private. Their wives, women, children,

and handmaids were all given to the Parwaris and Hindus. The house of Kazi Ziau-d din, with all that it contained, was given to Randhol, the maternal uncle of Khusru. The wife and chil- dren of the Kazi had fled in the early part of the night. The brother of Khusru received the title of Khan-i Khanan, Randhol was made Rai-rayan, * * * and Bahau-d din received the title of ’Azamu-1 Mulk. To keep up a delusive show, and to implicate the great men of the preceding reigns, ’Ainu-1 Mulk Multani, who had no kind of connection with the usurper, was entitled ’Alam Khan ; the office of diwdn was conferred on Taju-1 Mulk. * * * In the course of four or five days preparations were made for idol worship in the palace. J&hariya, the murderer of Kutbu-d din was decked out in jewels and pearls; and horrid Parwaris sported in the royal harem. Khusru married the wife of the late Sultan Kutbu-d din ; and the Parwaris, having gained the upper hand, took to themselves the wives and handmaids of the nobles and great men. The flames of violence and cruelty reached to the skies. Copies of the Holy Book were used as seats, and idols were set up in the pulpits of the mosques. * * * It was Khusru’s design to increase the power and importance of the Parwaris and Hindus, and that their party should grow ; he therefore opened the treasury and scattered money about. * * * Calling himself Sultan Nasiru-d din, the base-born slave had his title repeated in the khutba, and impressed upon coins. For the few months (that he reigned) he and his satellites thought only of overthrowing the adherents of the late Sultans, and they had no awe of any malik or amir except of Ghazi Malik, afterwards Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Tughlik Shah.

This nobleman held the territory of Deobalpur, and dwelt there in his palace. When he heard of the overthrow of the dynasty of ’Alau-d din, he writhed- like a snake. To induce him to come into the city and into their toils, they tried every art with his son (Muhammad Fakhru-d din Juna, afterwards) Sultan Muhammad Tughlik. They made Juna master of the horse, and gave him in arms and robes of honour. But he

had been a friend of the late Sultan, and was deeply wounded by his death. He was also sorely annoyed by the ascendancy of the Parwaris, and by having to meet Hindus who patron- ized him. But he could do nothing, for Khusru had deluded the people, and had made them his own by scattering his gold. Ghiyasu-d din in Deobalpur * * * deplored the fate of the sons and ladies of his patron, ’Alau-d din, and pondered night and day over the means of exacting vengeance from the Parwaris and Hindus. But he was afraid of the Hindus hurting his son Fakhru-d din Juna, and so could not move out of Deobalpur to destroy them. In those dreadful days the infidel rites of the Hindus were highly exalted, the dignity and the importance of the Parwaris were increased, and through all the territory of Islam the Hindus rejoiced greatly, boasting that Dehli had once more come under Hindu rule, and that the Musulmans had been driven away and dispersed. * * *

When more than two months had passed after the overthrow of the house of ’Alau-d din, and the degradation of all its con- nections and dependents before the eyes of several of its great nobles, Malik Fakhru-d din began to take heart, and courage- ously to resolve upon exacting vengeance. One afternoon he mounted his horse, and, with a few slaves, confiding himself to God, he fled from Khusru. * * * At evening his flight became known, * * * and filled Khusru and his followers with dismay. * * * A body of horse was sent after him, but Fakhru-d din, the hero of Fran and Turan, reached Sarsuti, and his pursuers, not being able to overtake him, returned dispirited to Dehli. Before he reached Sarsuti,1 his father, Ghazi Malik (afterwards Sultan Ghiyasu-d din), sent Muhammad Sartaba with two hundred horse, and he had taken possession of the fort of Sarsuti. With these horsemen Fakhru-d din proceeded to his father, whom, to his great joy, he reached in safety at Deo- balpur. Malik Ghazi’s hands were now free to wreak vengeance on the Parwaris and Hindus for the murder of his patron, and 1 “ Sarbarkindh” in one MS., “ Narainah" in the other — perhaps for Taharhindh.

he immediately prepared to march against the enemy. Khusru appointed his brother, whom he had made Khan-i Khanan, and Yusuf Sufi, now Yusuf Khan, to command his army. He gave his brother a royal canopy, and sent them with elephants and treasure towards Deobalpur. So these two foolish ignorant lads went forth, like newly-hatched chickens just beginning to fly, to fight with a veteran warrior like Malik Ghazi, whose sword had made Khurasan and the land of the Mughals to tremble. * * * They reached Sarsutl ; but such was their inexperience and want of energy, that they could not drive out Malik Ghazi’s horse. So they turned their backs upon the place, and in their folly,

• • • marched to encounter the hero, who twenty times had routed the Mughals. Like children in their parents’ laps, they went on helplessly all in confusion. * * *

On the other hand, Ghazi Malik had called in the assistance of Malik Bahrain Abiya of Uch, one of the faithful, and he arrived at Deobalpur with his horse and foot, and joined Ghazi. When intelligence of the enemy’s march from Sarsuti reached them,

• • • Ghazi drew his forces out of Deobalpur, and passing the town of Daliya,1 he left the river behind, and came face to face with the enemy. Next day he gave battle. * * * The enemy broke at the first charge, and was thrown into utter confusion. The canopy and baton of Khusru’s brother, and the elephants and horses and treasure, fell into the hands of the victors. Many chiefs and officers were killed, and many were wounded and made prisoners. The two lads who called themselves Khans

• • • fled, without stopping, to Khusru. This defeat so terrified Khusru and his followers that hardly any life was left in their bodies. * * *

For a week after the victory Malik Ghazi remained on the field of victory, and after collecting the spoils and arranging his forces, he proceeded towards Dehli. * * * Khusru Khan and his followers, in dismay, left Siri, and marched out into the field to the Hauz-i ’Alai, where he posted himself op- 1 “ Dalili ” in the print.

posite Lahrawat, with gardens in front and the citadel in his rear. He brought out all the royal treasures from Kilu- ghari and Dehli, making a clean sweep of the whole, like one spurned by fortune or worsted in gambling. The records and accounts he caused to be burned, * * * and everything in the public treasury he distributed as pay or gifts to his forces. Furious at the thought of anything valuable falling into the hands of the chief of Islam, he did not leave a dang or diram behind. * * * The soldiers, who were faithful to their creed, and had no thought of drawing a sword against Malik Ghazi and the army of Islam, took the money of the wretched fellow, heaped hundreds of curses upon him, and then went to their homes. * * * Ghazi Malik, with his army and friends, arrived near Dehli, and encamped in the suburb of Indarpat. On the night preceding the expected battle, ’Ainu-1 Mulk Multani deserted Khusru Khan, and went towards Ujjain and Dhar. This defection quite broke down the spirits of Khusru and his followers.

On Friday, a day of joy and victory to the Musulmans, but of woe to the Hindus and infidels, Ghazi Malik led forth his forces from Indarpat against the foe. Khusru, on the other sid^, sent forward his elephants, and, with his Parwaris, Hindus, and the Musulmans who stood by him, advanced to the plain of Lahrawat, where both armies drew up in order of battle. Skirmishes en- sued, in which the side of Ghazi Malik had the advantage. Malik Talbagha Nagori, who had attached himself heart and soul to Khusru Khan, and drew his sword against the army of Islam, was overthrown, and his severed head was brought to Ghazi Malik. Shayista Khan, formerly known as the son of Karrat Kimar, and now ’ ariz-i mamdlik, seeing all was over, led away his force towards the desert, but plundered the baggage of Ghazi Malik at Indarpat as he pursued his flight. The main armies still confronted each other, but in the afternoon * * * Ghazi Malik advanced against the centre of Khusru’s force. The effeminate wretch could not bear the attack of men. He

fled, and, leaving his army, he took the road to Tilpat. * * * His Parwaris were separated from him, and not one remained with him when he reached that place. He fell back from thence and concealed himself for the night in a garden which formerly belonged to Malik Sliadi, his patron. After the defeat and dispersion of the Parwaris and Hindus, they were cut down wherever they were found, and their arms and horses were seized. Those who, in parties of three or four, fled from the city towards Gujarat, were likewise slain and plundered. On the day after the battle Khusru was brought out of the garden of Malik Shadi and was beheaded.

That night, while Ghazi Malik was at Indarpat, most of the nobles and chief men and officers came forth from the city to pay their respects, and the keys of the palace and of the city gates were brought to him. On the second day after the battle he proceeded with a great following from Indarpat to the palace of Siri. He seated himself in the Hazar-sutun, and, in the presence of the assembled nobles, wept over the unhappy fate which had be- fallen Kutbu-d 'din and the other sons of ’Alau-d din, his patron, * * and gave thanks to God for the victory he had gained. Then he cried with a loud voice, “ I am one of those who have been brought up under ’Alau-d din and Kutbu-d din, and the loyalty of my nature has roused me up against their enemies and de- stroyers. I have drawn my sword, and have taken revenge to the best of ray power. Y e are the nobles of the State ! If ye know of any son of our patron’s blood, bring him forth imme- diately, and I will seat him on the throne, and will be the first to tender him my service and devotion. If the whole stock has been clean cut off, then do ye bring forward some worthy and proper person and raise him to the throne ; I will pay my allegi- ance to him. I have drawn my sword to avenge my patrons, not to gain power and ascend a throne.” * * * The assembled nobles unanimously replied that the usurpers had left no scion of the royal stock in existence. The murder of Kutbu-d din and the supremacy of Khusru and the Parwaris had caused disturbances,

and had stirred up rebels in every direction. Affairs were all in confusion. They then added, “ Thou, O Ghazi Malik, hast claims upon us. For many years thou hast been a barrier to the Mughals and hast prevented their coming into Hindustan. Now thou hast done a faithful work, which will be recorded in history; thou hast delivered the Musulmans from the yoke of Hindus and Parwaris ; thou hast avenged our benefactors, and hast laid every one, rich and poor, under obligation. * * * All we who are here present know no one besides thee who is worthy of royalty and fit to rule.” All who were present agreed with one acclaim, and, taking him by the hand, they conducted him to the throne. He then took the title of Sultan Ghiyasu-d din, * * * and every one paid him due homage. * * *

SuLTANU-L GhAzi GhIYASU-D DUNYA WAU-D DIN TuGHLIK Shahu-s Sultan.

Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Tughlik Shah ascended the throne in the palace of Siri in the year 720 H. (1320 a.d.) * * * In the course of one week the business of the State was brought into order, and the disorders and evils occasioned by Khusru and his unholy followers were remedied. * * * The people in all parts of the country were delighted at his accession. Rebellion and dis- affection ceased, peace and obedience prevailed. * * * On the day of his accession, he ordered all the surviving relatives of ’Alau-d din and Kutbu-d din to be sought out, and he treated these ladies with all due respect and honour. The daughters of ’Alau-d din he married into suitable families. He severelv punished the men who unlawfully married Khusru to the widow of Kutbu-d din three days after her husband’s murder. The maliks , amirs, and other officers of his predecessors, he confirmed in their possessions and appointments. When he attained the throne, his nobleness and generosity of character made him dis- tinguish and reward all those whom he had known and been con- nected with, and all those who in former days had showed him

kindness or rendered him a service. No act of kindness was passed over. * * * His eldest son1 showed great elevation of character. To him he gave the title of Ulugh Khan, with a royal canopy, and he declared him his heir apparent, To his four other sons he gave the titles respectively of Bahram Khan, Zafar Khan, Mahmud Khan, and Nusrat Khan. Bahram Abiya he honoured with the name of brother, and the title Kishlu Khan. To him also he entrusted Multan and Sindh. Malik Asadu-d din, his brother’s son, he made Naib Barbak, and Malik Bahau-d din, his sister’s son, he made ’ariz-i mamalik (muster- master), with the territory of Samana. * * * The excellence of his government is said to have inspired this verse of Amir Khusru’s —

“ He never did anything that was not replete with wisdom and sense.

He might be said to wear a hundred doctors’ hoods under his crown.”

• • • In the generosity of his nature, he ordered that the land revenues of the country should be settled upon just principles with reference to the produce. * * * The officers of the Exchequer were ordered not to assess more than one in ten, or one in eleven upon the ikta’s, and other lands, either by guess or computation, whether upon the reports of informers or the statements of valuers. They were to be careful that cultivation increased year by year. Something was to be left over and above the tribute, so that the country might not be ruined by the weight of taxa- tion, and the way to improvement be barred. The revenue was to be collected in such a way that the raiyats should increase their cultivation ; that the lands already in cultivation might be kept so, and some little be added to them every year. So much was not to be exacted at once that the cultivation should fall off, and no increase be made in future. Countries are ruined and are kept in poverty by excessive taxation and the exorbitant demands of kings. The Hindus were to be taxed so that they might not be blinded with wealth, and so become discontented

Barm follows the general practice of using the regal title by anticipation.

and rebellious ; nor, on the other hand, be so reduced to poverty and destitution as to be unable to pursue their husbandry.1 * * *

In the year 721 h. (1321 a.d.) the Sultan sent his eldest son, Ulugh2 Khan, with a canopy and an army against Arangal and Tilang. Several of the nobles and officers, both of the old and new dynasty, were sent with him. The prince set out with great pomp, and when he arrived in Deogir, the officers and forces of that place joined, and marched with him to Tilang. Awe of the majesty of the Sultan, and fear of Ulugh Khan, drove Laddar Deo and all the rats and mukaddims to seek shelter in the fortresses ; they never dreamed of opposing the Khan (in the field). He arrived at Arangal, and invested the mud fort. He then sent some of his officers to spoil the land of Tilang, to collect plunder, and bring in forage. They brought in spoil and fodder in abundance, and the army pushed on the siege in full confidence. The mud fort and the stone fort of Arangal were both garrisoned with numerous Hindus, who had gathered in muniments from all quarters. Maghribis , ’ arddas , and manjaniks were brought into use. Sharp conflicts daily oc- curred. Fire was discharged3 from the fort, and many were killed on both sides ; but the army of Islam had the advantage, the garrison was reduced to distress, and the mud fort was on the point of being taken. They resolved to surrender, and Laddar Deo the Rai, with mukaddims, sent basiths to Ulugh Khan to make terms. They offered treasure and elephants and jewels and valuables, and begged that the Khan would accept these with tribute, as Malik Naib Kafur had done in the reign of ’Alau-d din, and would then retire. The Khan would grant no terms, but resolutely determined to reduce the fort and capture the Raf. So the basiths returned disappointed and dejected.

When the besieged were thus reduced to extremities, and

1 Many pages follow in eulogy of the character and government of Ghiyasu-d din, hut these are expressed in such general terms as not to be of much interest.

2 The printed text and one of the two MSS. here fall into the error of writing this title, “ Alaf Khan,” as it always appears in Briggs and Elphinstone,