6. Volume 1 — part 6

Before this time, in the days of the old kings, this country had been entered in the revenue accounts as belonging to the division ( shikk ) of Hansi ; but now that Hisar Firozah had been built, the Sultan ordered that from henceforth the division should be called Hisar Firozah, and that the districts ( ikta’at ) of Hansi, Agrowah,3 Fath-abad, and Sarsuti, as far as Salaurah and Kliizr- abad, with some other districts, should all be included in the division of Hisar Firozah.4 * * *

1 All three MSS. agree that the canals were brought from two rivers, but the MS. of the India Office Library alone mentions the Sutlej. The cause of the omission is palpable : two lines commence with the word Jim , and one of these has been passed over.

4 This simply means that the new town of Hisar Firozah was made the sadar or chief place of the revenue division, instead of Hansi. The word shikk is not a common revenue term, but its meaning is that of “ division, separating,” and there can be no doubt of the sense in which it is here employed. Mr. Beames in the Glossary (II., 17) quotes and translates the passage with some doubt. The verb which he comments upon is given correctly in one MS., “ mi nabishtand which is certainly preferable to the inappropriate “ mi-nishinad,” which he adopts from the MS. 1002 of the East India Library.

Sixth Makacldama. — Settlement of the Sovereign’s rental (istikdmat-i amlak)}

Firoz Shah thus established two cities by land and by water — the city of Fath-abad, of which an account has been given in a former chapter, and the city of Hisar Firozah, which has just been described. Numerous water-courses were brought into these places, and an extent of from eighty to ninety kos in these districts was brought (under cultivation), in which there were many towns and villages, as the kashas of Janid1 2 and Daha- tarath, and the town of Hansi and its dependencies. In every town and village great advantage was derived from the supply of water. The king therefore convened a general assembly of judges, lawyers, and doctors, and demanded of them an opinion upon this question : “ If a man with great labour and expendi- ture of money conducts water into certain districts, so that the inhabitants thereof realize a large profit, ought he or not to receive any return for his trouble and outlay ?” They were unanimously of opinion that the benefactor was entitled to the right of sharb ,3 that is to say, ten per cent. The Sultan ac- cordingly realized his sharb , and included it in his rent-roll.

Like unto former kings, he brought many waste lands4 into cultivation, and subject to the payment of rent ; but the pro- ceeds of such lands were devoted to the learned and religious, among whom they were apportioned, and the public treasury was by this means relieved. The king’s rental was thus increased from two sources, from the sharb , and secondly from the newly culti- vated lauds.5 A sum of about two lacs of tankas was in this way added to the king’s revenue. No king of Dehli had ever

1 The word amlak is used to designate the sovereign’s private rental as distinct from the revenue of the public treasury.

2 The name “ Janid ” is found only in the MS. of the East India Library.

3 Sharaba, an Arabic verbal root, means “to drink,” as a noun, “water” or “ drinking.” Here it has a technical meaning.

5 Karydt-i ahyai, “living villages,” as opposed to the “dead lands” before mentioned.

been in the receipt of such an income as Sultan Firoz now enjoyed, and the sovereign’s financial business had so greatly increased that separate officers were appointed for the control of the private income of the Sultan, and the public revenue of the State was kept distinct.

When the rainy season came on, and the rains were at their height, officers were appointed to examine the banks of all the water-courses, and report how far the inundations extended. The author’s father was several times appointed on this duty. The Sultan was greatly pleased when he heard of the spread of the waters. If any village in his estate went to ruin, he dis- missed the officers in disgrace, and so during his reign the country was thriving and prosperous.

Seventh Mukaddama. — Interview of the Sultan with the preceptor of the Author at Hansi.

Sultan Firoz proceeded from Hisar Firozah to Hansi, in order to have an interview with the author’s preceptor, JSTuru-d din, who had succeeded to the spiritual supremacy ( sijjdda ) lately vacated by the death of Kutbu-d din. [ The Sultan’s object was to induce the Shaikh to remove to Hisar Firozah , but he declined , because Hansi had been the home of his ancestors and the abode of his predecessors .] In these latter days the accursed (Mughals) have captured the city of Dehli and have plundered and laid waste the possessions of Musulmans ; but through the protection of the Shaikh, the town of Hansi remained in safety, and the people of Hisar Firozah, who there took refuge, also found security.

Eighth Mukaddama. — The building of Firozdbad on the river

• • • The Sultan having selected a site at the village of Gawin, on the banks of the Jumna, founded the city of Firoz- abad, before he went to Lakhnauti the second time. Here he

commenced a palace, * * * and the nobles of his court having also obtained ( giriftand ) houses there, a new town sprang up, five kos distant from Dehli. Eighteen places were included in this town, the kasha of Indarpat, the sarai of Shaikh Malik Yar Paran, the sarai of Shaikh Abu Bakr Tusi, the village of Gawin, the land of Khetwara, the land of Lahrawat, the land of Andhawali, the land of the sarai of Malika, the land of the tomb of Sultan Raziya, the land of Bhari, the land of Mahrola, and the land of Sultanpur. So many buildings were erected that from the kasha of Indarpat to the Kushk-i shikar, five kos apart, all the land was occupied. There were eight public mosques, and one private mosque. * * * The public mosques were each large enough to accommodate 10,000 supplicants.

During the forty years of the reign of the excellent Sultan Firoz, people used to go for pleasure from Dehli to Firozabad, and from Firozabad to Dehli, in such numbers, that every kos of the five kos between the two towns swarmed with people, as with ants or locusts. To accommodate this great traffic, there were public carriers who kept carriages, mules ( sutur ), and horses, which were ready for hire at a settled rate every morning after prayers, so that the traveller could make the trip as seemed to him best, and arrive at a stated time. Palankin-bearers were also ready to convey passengers. The fare of a carriage was four silver jitals for each person ; of a mule ( sutur ), six ; of a horse, twelve ; and of a palanldn, half a tanka. There was also plenty of porters ready for employment by any one, and they earned a good livelihood. Such was the prosperity of this district ; * * but it was so ravaged by the Mughals, that the inhabitants were scattered in all directions. This was the will of God, and none can gainsay it.

Ninth Nukaddama. — Arrival of Zafar Khan from Sunar-ganw to seek the protection of Firoz Shah.

Zafar Khan was son-in-law of the king of Sunar-ganw, who was called Sultan Fakhru-d din. The capital, Sunar-ganw, is

before Pandwab.1 After Sultan Firoz returned the first time from Bengal, Sultan Shamsu-d din, in pursuit of revenge, em- barked in boats, and in the course of a few days reached Sun&r- ganw. Fakhru-d din, who was commonly called Fukhr&, was living without any thought of danger at Sunar-ganw, where he was taken alive and slain immediately by Shamsu-d din, who established himself in his territory. All the friends and allies of Fakhru-d din were scattered ; but Zafar Khan was at that time engaged in the country collecting the revenues and examining the accounts of the collectors. When he was informed of what had happened, he was greatly alarmed, and fled from the territory of Sunar-ganw. He embarked in a boat and departed by the river, and afterwards, pursuing the most difficult roads, he at length, after many hardships, arrived at Thatta, and from thence pro- ceeded to Dehli. He was then conducted to Hisar Firozah to pay his homage and tell his story to Sultan Firoz. * * * The author’s father was then in attendance on the Sultan, and, ac- cording to his account, Zafar Khan was greatly amazed at the splendour of the court, because he had never seen the like at Lakhnauti. He made an offering of an elephant, and paid his compliments.

The Sultan having very graciously made many inquiries of him, consoled him and told him that, after all his troubles and sufferings, he should at length gain his object, and should receive the double of what he had lost at Sunar-ganw. * * * Robes were presented to Zafar Khan and his followers. On the first day he received 30,000 tankas to get his clothes washed,2 his title, Zafar Khan, was confirmed to him, and the sum of four lacs of tankas was granted to him and his friends. One thousand horse

[> This sentence is doubtful. One MS. has “ Takhtgah-i Sunnr-gdnw az takhtgah-i Pandwah peshtar ast two others have “ az takhtgah-i Pandwah wa Sunar-ganw peshtar ast," which seems to be nonsense ; and a fourth has “Pandwah wa Satkah .” The application of peshtar is not obvious ; it may relate to time, place, or estimation, but it most likely means that Sunar-ganw was a more ancient capital than Pandwah, which had been only lately established.]

and large numbers of footmen were assigned to him. He was first appointed deputy-tmzir, and subsequently became wazir. * * *

On another day, when the Sultan held a court, he perceived Zafar Khan to be downcast and pensive, * * * and he inquired the reason why he was so oppressed. * * * He replied that * * he was sore distressed, but that if the Sultan would consider his case, his mind would be set at ease. The Sultan directed him to proceed at once to Khan-i Jahan in Dehli, whither he him- self would follow. The Khan accordingly took leave of the Sultan and proceeded to Dehli, where he was received with great kindness and respect by the Klian-i Jahan, and was lodged in the Green Palace belonging to his majesty. The Sultan soon followed him to Dehli, and, after consulting with the Khan-i Jahan, directed him to make every suitable preparation for avenging the claims of Zafar Khan.

When Sultan Shamsu-d din heard of the preparations that were making against him, he was dismayed, and felt that he could not remain in the islands of Ikdala. He deemed it expedient to re- move to Sunar-ganw, which was in the very centre of Bengal, and there secure himself against the enemy. He accordingly pro- ceeded thither, but the inhabitants of that place were instant in their supplications to Sultan Firoz Shah for relief from the tyrant.

Tenth Mukaddama. — Sultan Firoz’ s second expedition to Lakhnauti.

• • • As on the first occasion when the Sultan marched to Lakhnauti, his army (was large and) consisted of 70,000 cavalry, innumerable infantry, 470 warlike elephants, and many barrier- breaking boats ( Jcishtihd-i band-kusha). The warlike fervour was so great at the time that many volunteers assembled in Dehli, and were sent on by the Sultan to the army. There were two outer tents (dihliz), and two reception tents (bargah) ; two sleeping tents, and two tents for cooking and domestic work. There were also one 1

1 The authorities differ here ; three of my four MSS. read “ ham sad o hashtdd, also one hundred and eighty the fourth has “ nuliam sad o hashtdd, nine hundred and eighty;” which agrees with Lieut. Lewis’s translation in the Dehli Archeological Journal.

hundred and eighty standards of various kinds, eighty-four ass- loads of drums and trumpets ( tabal o damamah ), and camels, asses, and horses in great numbers.

With this brave and well-appointed army the Sultan marched towards Bengal, and Klian-i J ahan was left behind as deputy in Dehli. The Khan-i ’azam Tatar Khan accompanied the l’oyal standards some marches, but was then sent back to Hisar Firozah. The author learned the cause of this dismissal from his father, who was then one of the royal attendants ( khawdss ). The Sultan at the beginning of his reign, as is the practice of kings, used to indulge in wine from time to time. After starting on his campaign the Sultan encamped with his army and showed the utmost care and attention to its discipline. But it so hap- pened that one morning they placed some wine before him. It is a remarkable fact that the wines which Firoz Shah used to drink were of various colours and different flavours ; some were yellow as saffron, some red as the rose, some were white ; and the taste of all was like sweet milk. Thus the personal at- tendants of this great king used to serve him with wines of dif- ferent colours. One morning after prayers the Sultan called for a glass to moisten his throat, and it so happened that Tatar Khan came to wait upon him just at the same time. His arrival was announced to the Sultan, who was greatly annoyed at being thwarted in his enjoyment ; so he desired his son Fath Khan to see Tatar Khan, and to put him off with some excuse. But Tatar Khan was not to be denied ; in spite of all excuses he would not go away, but went in and sat down, saying that he had a statement to make. The Sultan was thus compelled to invite him in.

At that time the Sultan was lying half-naked (chun nihang ) on his couch; but before the Khan came in, he wrapped a garment around him, and, rising from his couch, sat down on a coverlet. The wine and cups he pushed under the bed, and covered all with a sheet. When Tatar Khan entered, he spied what was hidden under the bed, and his suspicions were aroused. He was so troubled by the sight that his lips failed to utter the usual salutation. The

Sultan spoke not a word, neither did he. At length Tatar Khan began to speak (seriously) as if beginning a sermon ( ddstdn ), saying, that they were about to march against the enemy, and the time was one for repentance, self-abasement, and prayer. The Sultan inquired what he meant, and asked if anything untoward had hap- pened, and the Khan said he perceived certain articles under the bed. The Sultan replied that he liked to take a little now and then ; and Tatar Khan expressed his deep regret that the Sultan should indulge in such a practice. Thereupon the Sultan swore an oath that he would drink no more wine while the Khan was with the army. Tatar Khan gave thanks to God and went away. The Sultan sat brooding over the matter and thought the Khan had spoken to him in a disrespectful and unkind manner. After some days the Sultan bethought him that they were not near Hisar-Firozah, the neighbourhood of which town was in a disturbed state; he therefore sent Tatar Khan thither to re- store order and quiet, and the Khan accordingly took his de- parture.

The Sultan then marched through Kanauj and Oudh to Jaunpur. Before this time there was no town of any extent (shahr-i abadan ) there, but the Sultan, observing a suitable site, de- termined upon building a large town. He accordingly stayed there six months, and built a fine town on the banks of the Kowah,1 to which he determined to give the name of Sultan Muhammad Shah, son of Tughlik Shah, and as that sovereign bore the name of Jaunan, he called the place Jaunanpur (Jaunpur). An ac- count of this foundation was sent to Khwaja-i Jahan at Dehli. Jaunpur was made a (capital) city in the reign of the Sultanu-sh Shark Khwaja-i Jahan,2 and I intend to give a full account of this King of the East in my memoirs ( 'manakib ) of the reign of Sultan Muhammad, son of Firoz. After this delay of six months, he marched for Bengal, and in due time arrived there.

Sultan Shamsu-d din was dead, and had been succeeded by Sultan Sikandar, who, fearing the invading force, fled with all 1 The Gumt'i. 2 See Stewart’s “History of Bengal,” p. 96.

his forces into the islands ( jazdir ) of Ikdala. Firoz Shah sur- rounded these islands, and by his command all his forces built themselves wooden huts,1 and prepared for battle.

Eleventh Mukaddama. — Sultan Sikandar takes refuge in his fortress. — Fall of a bastion of the fort.

The Sultan having blockaded the islands of Ikdala, as above stated, ’arradas (small balistas) and manjaniks were erected on both sides, arrows and darts were discharged, the business of the siege went on, and conflicts occurred every day. The besieged were unable to come out of their fortress, and strict guard was kept on both sides by night and day. Suddenly one of the prin- cipal bastions of the fort of Sikandariya fell down, because it was unable to bear the men and the immense weight placed upon it. A great cry arose from the besiegers before the place and the besieged within, and both sides prepared for battle. When the alarm reached the ears of the Sultan, he looked inquiringly upon his attendants, and Prince Fath Khan suggested that the Bengal army had made a sally from Ikdala. The Sult&n immediately called for his dress, and, girding on his arms, he rode to the scene of the uproar. There he was met by the impetuous Hisamu-1 Mulk, who told him that the chief tower had fallen under the pressure of the crowds placed upon it, and urged him to make an immediate assault and capture the place. The Sultan thought over the proposition, and after serious reflection he replied to Hisamu-d din, that although it was very desirable that the place should be captured, still, if it were taken by sudden assault, thousands of worthy and respectable women would be subjected to violence and indignity at the hands of grace- less men, and he was therefore resolved to wait awhile and trust in Providence. All the army expected the order for the assault, but accepted patiently the royal decision.

During the night “ the King of the Blacks ” mounted “ the eastern roof,” and urging his Bengalis to work energetically, they

laboured all night, and, restoring the ruined fort, were again pre- pared for the attack. The author has been informed by trust- worthy people that the fort of Ikdala was built of mud, so that it was soon repaired and made ready for action. Fighting re- commenced and went on, of which no description can be given. Provisions at length grew short in the fort, which made the Bengalis anxious, and both parties being heartily tired of fight- ing, the Almighty disposed the two kings for peace.

Twelfth Mukaddama. — Conclusion of Peace between Sultan Sikandar and Sultan Firoz , with the presentation of forty elephants.

Sultan Sikandar and his people being in great distress, he con- sulted with his ministers as to the best course to be pursued to escape from their difficulties. They being unanimous, said that the people of Bengal had never been very friendly with the people of the Upper provinces,1 because the decrees of fate had so ruled ; but if the Sultan would give his consent, they, his servants and well-wishers, would send a person to the ministers of Sultan Firoz Shah and make propositions of peace. Sult&n Sikandar kept silence, and his advisers retired, observing that “Silence is one of the signs of assent.” His ministers accord- ingly sent a clever, confidential agent to the ministers of Sultan Firoz to open negotiations for peace, representing that * * * the combatants on both sides were Muhammadans, and that these contentions were productive of evil to the professors of Islam ; it therefore behoved the ministers of Sultan Firoz to make him disposed for peace, as Sultan Sikandar was already inclined.

When these overtures were made to the ministers of Firoz Shah, they assembled together, and, after carefully considering the matter, they agreed that the propositions were reasonable, and that they would recommend them to his acceptance. These wise men accordingly repaired to his presence, and made known

1 Faro-dast, “ the lower country,” meaning Bengal ; and bdld-dast, “ the upper country,” meaning the provinces dependent on Dehli.

to him the proposals of Sultan Sikandar. He entertained the proposal, and said that as his adversary was reduced to distress, and was disposed to peace, it behoved him to listen to the pro- position in conformity to the Divine precept that “ Peace is good,” and so stop the sword in its ravages on the people of Islam. After some consideration he replied, that he would accept the proposition, on condition that the Khan-i ’azam, Zafar Khan, should be placed on the throne in Sunar-ganw. When the ministers heard this resolution of the Sultan, they * * * sent Haibat Khan as envoy, to settle the terms of peace.

The ministers of Sultan Sikandar met and received the envoy ; but although Sultan Sikandar was fully acquainted with all the negotiations which had been carried on, he pretended to be in ignorance. Haibat Khan was, according to trustworthy statements, a countryman of his, and had two sons in his service. When he set forth the terms on which peace might be made, Sultan Sikandar replied, that Sultan Firoz had been kind to him, and that he was very averse to carrying on war and slaughter with him. Haibat Khan conducted himself like an accomplished ambassador; what he had to say he said well, tenderly, and warmly. When he perceived that Sikandar also spoke in favour of peace, he said that the chief reason why Sult&n Firoz had undertaken the campaign was the establishment of Zafar Khan in the country of Sunar- ganw. Sultan Sikandar accepted the proposed terms, and agreed to surrender Sunar-g&nw to Zafar Khan. But he added, that if this were the object of the campaign, much unnecessary trouble had been undertaken ; for if an order had been sent to him from Deldi, he would have placed Zafar Khan in possession of the place.

Haibat Khan returned to Sultan Firoz in high spirits, and made an exact report of all that had passed, including Sikandar’s consent to allow Zafar Khan to occupy Sunar-ganw. The Sultan was satisfied, and expressed his desire to remain at peace with Sikandar, and to look upon him as a nephew. [ Haibat Khan suggested that some presents should he given to Sultan Sikandar

and~\ the Sultan sent into the fort of Ikdala, by the hands of Malik Kabul, otherwise called Toraband, a crown worth 80,000 tankas , and 500 valuable Arab and Turki horses, with an ex- pression of his wish that henceforth they might never again draw the sword. The Sultan then advanced two marches, while Malik Kabul proceeded to the fort. It is credibly reported that the ditch of the fort of Iskandariya was twenty gaz broad. When Malik Kabul reached it, to show his daring, he made his horse take a leap, and the high-spirited animal carried him over in safety, to the great amazement and admiration of the Bengalis. When Malik Kabul was received, he walked seven times round the throne of Sikandar, and placed the crown upon his head and the robes upon his breast [expressing in strong terms the hope of peace and friendship between the two kings~. Sultan Sikandar asked him what his name was, and he replied, in the Hindi language, “ Toraband.” The Sultan again spoke and asked if his master had other servants like him, and the Khan replied, that he was a slave in the second palace, and that 10,000 men as good as he kept night watch over the palace of his sovereign. At which Sultan Sikandar was much amazed.

Sultan Sikandar, to show his satisfaction, sent forty elephants and other valuable presents, expressing, at the same time, his desire that every year there might be a similar interchange of brotherly and friendly feeling between them. So long as these two sovereigns lived, presents and souvenirs were exchanged, as was well known to their subjects; but when they died, the people of the two kingdoms did the best they could (rdh-i khud giriftand )•

When the forty elephants were sent to Sultan Firoz, the Sultan of Bengal sent one also for Malik Kabul. Firoz Shall was greatly pleased, and, in gratifying language, he told Malik Kabul that Sultan Sikandar had done well in restoring Sunar- ganw to Zafar Khan, and that he did not intend to interfere further about it. He then sent for Zafar Khan, and directed him to proceed to Sunar-ganw, offering to remain for a time where he was, with his whole force to sustain him. Zafar Khan

consulted with his friends, and they all agreed that it would be impossible for him to stay at Sunar-ganw, for all his relations and friends had perished. He therefore returned to the Sultan and said that he and his family were so happy and secure under the government of Dehli, that he had given up all desire of Sunar-ganw, and had resolved to retain his present position in peace. For all the Sultan’s persuasion he would not return. Sultan Firoz then, to the joy of his friends, went back to his garden, and sent off dispatches to Khan-i Jahan. After some time, the Sultan proceeded to Jaunpur, and from thence he went towards Jajnagar, accompanied by the forty elephants from Lakhnauti.

Thirteenth Mukaddama. — March of Sultan Firoz from Jaunpur

When Sultan Firoz reached Jaunpur in returning from his campaign against Bengal, he determined to proceed to Jajnagar, and his officials made every preparation for the march. The Sultan left his baggage2 at Karra, and proceeding from thence he hastened to Jajnagar, which place he reached by making suc- cessive marches through Bihar. The country of Jajnagar was very prosperous and happy. The author’s father, who was in the royal suite, informed the writer that it was in a very flourish- ing state, and the abundance of corn and fruit supplied all the wants of the army and animals, so that they recovered from the hardships of the campaign. Sultan Firoz rested at Banarasi, an ancient residence of the arrogant Rais. At that time the Rai of Jajnagar, by name Adaya, had deemed it expedient to quit Baranasi, and to take up his residence elsewhere; so Sultan Firoz occupied his palace. The writer has been informed that there were two forts in Banarasi, each populated with a large number

1 The Jajnagar of Cuttack, see supra, pp. 112 and 234.

2 Two MSS. have b~f jA Jl tzj ili “the King of

Bengal ” proceeded to Karra, which agrees with Lieut. Lewis’s translation in the Dehli Journal. The other two MSS. say ,

“ the Sultan left his baggage train at Karra,” which is undoubtedly correct, and is confirmed by a subsequent passage in the fifteenth Mukaddama, page 316.

of people. The Rais were Brahmans, and it was held to be a religious duty that every one who succeeded to the title of Rai at Jajnagar should add something to these forts. They had thus grown very large.

The cowardly Rai of Jajnagar, when he heard of the approach of the Sultan’s army, embaiked on board a boat in great alarm, and took refuge on the water. All his country was thrown into confusion — some of the inhabitants were made prisoners, others fled to the hills. Their horses ( burda ) and cattle became the spoil of the army. Those who accompanied the Sultan relate that the numbers of animals of every kind were so great that no one cared to take them. Two jitals was the price of a horse (burda) ; 1 as for cattle, no one would buy them. Sheep were found in such countless numbers, that at every halt great num- bers were slaughtered. If any were not required, they were left behind, because a plentiful supply was sure to be found at the next sta^e. The author has mentioned these matters to show

the prosperity of the country. He has further been informed that the inhabitants had spacious houses and fine gardens ; they had even gardens and walks within their houses, and fruit trees, flowers, etc., were cultivated therein. * * *

The Sultan left Banarasi with the intention of pursuing the Rai of Jajnagar, who had fled to an island in the river, having let loose a fierce elephant to occupy the attention of his enemies, and to divert them from pursuing him. This elephant was very wild, and would allow no other elephant to approach him. For three days the army was actively engaged in endeavouring to take him alive, but failed. By the Sultan’s order he was then slain, and the Sultan with his army entered the fort. News was then brought that in the jangal there were seven elephants, and one old she-elephant, which was very fierce. The Sultan resolved upon endeavouring to capture these elephants before continuing the pursuit of the Rai.

1 In page 350, Yol. II., I assigned the meaning of “horse” to burda, instead of ‘ ‘ prisoner.” That interpretation is here confirmed.

Fourteenth Mukaddama. — Elephant hunt. Submission of the Rai of Jajnagar.

\TIunt of the Elephants .] After some days the elephants were tired and were cut off from their pasture. The elephant-drivers then went into the jangal , and climbed up the trees ; when the animals, weak with thirst and hunger, passed slowly under the trees, the drivers dropped down upon their backs, and, putting ropes and chains upon them, captured the whole eight.

After the hunt was over, the Sultan directed his attention to the Rai of Jajnagar, and entering the palace wdiere he dwelt he found many fine buildings. It is reported that inside the Rafs fort there was a stone idol which the infidels called Jagan- nath, and to which they paid their devotions. Sultan Firoz, in emulation of Mahmud Subuktigin, having rooted up the idol, carried it away to Dehli, where he subsequently had it placed in an ignominious position. The Sultan then resolved upon pursuing the Rai into his island ; but the Rai sent some of his Brahmans ( patar ) to wait upon the Sultan. As Sultans consult with their clear-sighted ministers, so do rats, ranas, and zamindars take counsel with their mahtas 1 on matters of war. In the country of Jajnagar the mahtas are called patars ; and the Rai of Jajnagar had twenty patars , otherwise called mahtas, under whose advice he conducted all the affairs of his State. In great fear, the Rai sent five of these patars to wait on the Sultan, and make his submission ; when they represented, with much respect, that the Rai had long been a dependent and subject of the Sultan, and they desired to ascertain the Sultan’s intentions.

When the Sultan had heard what they had to say, he replied that his intentions had been friendly. He had received certain information that elephants were as numerous as sheep in the jangal round the Rai’s dwelling, and he had proceeded thither for the purpose of hunting. When he approached, the Rai fled in alarm, and took refuge in his islands. What was the cause of

1 This word is written mahta and matha in the different MSS. It is evidently the Hindi mahant or mahat. Patar is common in Orissa.

this flight? After explanations, the Rai sent twenty mighty elephants as an offering, and agreed to furnish certain elephants yearly in payment of revenue. The Sultan then sent robes and insignia by the mahtas to the Rai, he granted robes to them also, and then they returned home. After this the Sultan started on his return, taking with him, from the two countries of Lakhnauti and Jajnagar, seventy-three elephants, having stayed two years and seven months in those territories.

Fifteenth Mukaddama. — Return of Firoz S hah from Jajnagar by difficult roads.

After the Sultan had started on his return to Dehli, the guides lost their way, and proceeded over mountains and plains and along the banks of a river like the Jihun. The author’s father, who accompanied the march, stated that the army ascended and descended mountain after mountain, and passed through jangals and hills until they were quite in despair and utterly worn out with the fatigues of the arduous march. No road was to be found, nor any grain. Provisions became very scarce, and the army was reduced to the verge of destruction. For six months no news of the Sultan reached Dehli, and the Khan-i Jahan was in great alarm. Day after day he rode about the environs of the city, and fear of him kept the country at peace. At the end of six months, a road was discovered, and the Sultan de- termined to send a messenger to Dehli. He gave public notice that all who wished to write to their families and friends might take this opportunity. This gave great satisfaction, and every man of the army, from the highest to the lowest, wrote some account of his condition. The letters were sent to the tent of the Sultan, and the number of them was so great that a camel- load of letters was sent to Dehli. When they reached the city, the Khan-i Jahan made great public rejoicing, the letters were piled in a heap before the palace, and all who expected letters were directed to come forward and receive them.

The Sultan’s army having at length traversed the mountains

and jungles, and having crossed the river, after enduring great privations and practising many expedients, came out into the open country. They thanked God for their deliverance, and the Sultan hastened to rejoin his baggage-train ( bungdh ). When the Sultan was at Jajnagar, he left the baggage train at Karra, where it still remained. A farman was sent to Dehli announcing the return of the Sultan, and the Khan-i Jahan made suitable preparations for his reception.

Sixteenth Mukaddama. — Arrival of the Sultan at Dehli. Erection of kabbas ( pavilions for public rejoicings ).

_Rejoicings at Dehli.~\ The author has been informed that the town of Firozabad was not yet populous, and neither the kushk (palace) nor the fort was erected, yet one kabba was erected there. On the day the Sultan entered Dehli, * * * the seventy-three elephants, in gorgeous trappings, preceded him like a flock of sheep * * * into the Kuslik-i Humayun, without any drivers. * * The Sultan employed himself at Dehli in State affairs. Among his other qualities, he had a remarkable fondness for history. Just at this time Maulana Ziau-d din Barni, the author of the Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi died, and the Sultan expressed to every learned man the great desire he felt for an historical record of the events of his own reign. When he despaired of getting such a work written, he caused the following lines, of his own composition ( az zaban-i khwesli), to be inscribed in letters of gold on the walls (’ imatrat ) of the Kushk-i Shikar-rav, and on the domes of the Kushk-i nuzul, and the walls Qimarat') of the minarets of stone which are within the Kushk-i Shikar-rav at Firozabad : —

“ I made a great hunt of elephants, and I captured so many :

“ I performed many glorious deeds ; and all this I have done “ That in the world and among men ; in the earth and among mankind, these verses

“ May stand as a memorial to men of intelligence, and that the people of the world, and the wise men of the age, may follow the example.” 1

1 The Sulthn’s verses certainly do not rise above the level of his exploits.

Seventeenth Mukaddama. — Happiness of the people in the reign of

After his return from Lakhnautl, the Sultan was much oc- cupied with building. He completed, with much care, the knshk at Firozabad, and also commenced a kushk in the middle of that town. After the lapse of two half years, every man of the army now returned to his home. The Sultan passed his time in three ways : 1. In hunting ; * * * 2. In directing the affairs of State ; * * * 3. In building ; * * * Through the attention which the Sultan devoted to administration, the country grew year by year more prosperous and the people more happy. He assigned thirty-six lacs of tankas for learned and religious men, and about a 100 lacs in pensions and gifts to the poor and needy. [Every class of the community shared in the general prosperity. ] One day the Sult&n went hunting, and in pursuit of his quarry, having separated from his followers, he went to a garden where he met a woman [ whose conversation showed him the necessity of more strict attention to the duties of revenue ad - ministration ]. During the forty years that Firoz Shah reigned, all his people were happy and contented ; but when he de- parted, and the territory of Dehli came into the hands of others, by the will of fate, the people were dispersed and the learned were scattered. At length the inhabitants, small and great, all suffered from the inroads of the Mughals. The aged author of this work has written a full account thereof in his Description of the Sack of Dehli _Zikr-i kliarabi J)elili.

Eighteenth Mukaddama. — Conquest of Nagarkot ( Kdngra ).

After his return from Lakhnauti, Sultan Firoz determined upon a hunting expedition in the neighbourhood of Daulatabad, and started thither with a suitable train of attendants and tent equipage. He arrived at Bhayana, where he rested for a while, and State affairs then necessitated his return to Dehli. After- wards he marched with his army towards Nagarkot, and, passing

by the valleys of Nakkack null garlil,1 lie arrived witk kis army at Nagarkot, wkick lie found to ke very strong and secure. Tke Rai sliut kimself up in kis fort, and tke Sultan’s forces plundered all kis country. Tke idol, Jwala-mukki, muck worskipped by the infidels, was situated in the road to Nagarkot. This idol is said to have been placed in a secluded room, where it was worshipped by tke Hindus. Some of the infidels have re- ported that Sultan Firoz went specially to see this idol and held a golden umbrella over its head. Rut tke author was informed by his respected father, who was in tke Sultan’s retinue, that tke infidels slandered tke Sultan, who was a religious, God- fearing man, who, during the whole forty years of his reign, paid strict obedience to the law, and that such an action was impossible. The fact is, that when he went to see the idol, all the rats, ranas, and zamindars who accompanied him were summoned into his presence, when he addressed them, saying, “ 0 fools and weak-minded, how can ye pray to and worship this stone, for our holy law tells us that those who oppose the decrees of our religion will go to hell ? ” The Sultan held the idol in the deepest detestation, but the infidels, in the blind- ness of their delusion, have made this false statement against him. Other infidels have said that Sultan Muhammad Shah bin Tughlik Shah held an umbrella over this same idol, but this also is a lie ; and good Muhammadans should pay no heed to such statements. These two Sultans were sovereigns specially chosen by the Almighty from among the faithful, and in the whole course of their reigns, whenever they took an idol temple they broke and destroyed it ; how, then, can such assertions be true ? These infidels must certainly have lied !

The Rai of Nagarkot withdrew into the keep of his stronghold, which was invested by the royal forces in double, nay, even in ten- fold lines. Manjaniks and ’ arradas were erected on both sides, and

1 This is not very intelligible ; the original words are^ j

j ^*“15. It may be read “ Mkhach of the nine forts.”

so many stones were discharged that they clashed in the air and were dashed to pieces. For six months the siege went on, and both sides exhibited great courage and endurance. At length fortune inclined to the Sultan. He was one day examining the fortress, when he perceived the Rai standing on the top of his citadel. There he stood, in an attitude of humility, and stretch- ing forth his hand in sign of distress, he clasped his hands and bowed in subjection. When the Sultan observed this, he#drew a handkerchief from his bosom, and, waving it kindly towards the Rai, he signed for him to come down. The Mahtas of the Rai assembled [ and counselled surrender ] . So the Rai, throwing off his pride, came down from his fort, and, making apologies, cast himself at the feet of the Sultan, who with much dignity placed his hand on the back of the Rai, and having bestowed on him robes of honour and an umbrella, sent him back to his fort. So the Rai returned laden with presents which he had received from the royal treasury, and accompanied by several fine horses which had been given to him. Thus, by the favour of God, the Sultan became master of Nagarkot. When he left the fort, to return to his capital, the Rai sent many offerings and horses of priceless worth. * * *

Kism III. — Concerning the affairs of Thatta and the

SUBMISSION OF THE Jam AND BaBINIYA. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE TAS-I GhARIYAL.

First Mukaddama. — Resolution of the Sultan with Khdn-i Jahdn

• • • Four whole years passed after the Sultan’s return from Lakhnauti, during which he stayed principally at Dehli and attended to the affairs of his people, though from time to time he turned his thoughts towards the concerns of the people of Thatta. Whenever he spoke of this place he used to stroke his beard, and exclaim that it was a hundred thousand pities that his predecessor, Sultan Muhammad Shah Tughlik,

had failed in conquering it. From these indications the nobles and attendants clearly perceived that his thoughts were bent upon an expedition to that country. One day, in private consultation with his wazir, Khan-i Jahan, he disclosed the secret thoughts of his heart, saying, “ What sort of men are they of Thatta, and are they exempt from apprehension, because they opposed the late Sultan when he entered their territory, and h# ended his life before the contest was concluded ? Often, during his illness, he looked at me and said, ‘ Would that God would turn my sickness into health, so that I might subdue these people of Thatta ! If God should please to take me, still this desire will remain constant in my heart.’ ” Sultan Firoz recalled to the mind of the Khan-i Jahan how Sultan Muhammad had died without accomplishing this dearest wish of his heart ; and went on to say that as God had made him the successor to Muhammad, had not, then, the duty of exacting vengeance de- volved upon him ? The minister carefully pondered over the matter, and replied that the Sultan’s views were right and ex- pedient. Two objects might be gained : First, it was a duty to carry out the testaments and precepts of predecessors ; children and brethren are bound to be zealous in avenging their deceased relatives, and this duty is more especially incumbent on kings. Secondly, it is an obligation on kings that every year they should strive to subdue fortresses, for, as Sa’di says,

“ If a holy man eats half his loaf, he will give the other half to a beggar ;

“ But if a king conquers all the world, he will still seek another world to conquer.”

The minister being thus in accord with the wishes of the Sultan, he ordered the necessary preparations to be made for an expedition to Thatta. The ministers accordingly proceeded to inquire into the number of soldiers present and absent, and made a report of the numbers of horse and foot who were present, and of those who were absent. The report soon spread abroad that the Sultan meditated an expedition against Thatta. He had undertaken in the course of his reign several enterprizes, which had gratified his people, and they now eagerly came for-

ward to join his array. When the muster was called, four, ten, and eleven fold of irregulars (ghair-icajh) appeared;1 and the regulars (wajh-dar) through long tranquillity attended in great numbers -with horses and arms. So the Sultan started for Thatta, accompanied by his nobles and followers.

Second Mukaddama. — March of Ftroz Shah to Thatta.

Before the Sultan departed on his expedition he made pilgrim- ages to the saints and holy men who were buried near Delili, as other great kings had done before him, to invoke the assistance of their prayers. This was the usual practice of the Sultan. Whenever he -was about to make a journey for a month or two, he used to visit the shrines of holy men and famous kings, to in- voke their aid and to cast himself on their protection, not trust- ing to his own power and greatness. _Account of his devotions and charities .]

The Sultan having thus discharged his religious duties, he placed himself at the head of his brave and numerous army, and turned towards Thatta. The author intends, in his fourth book, to give an account of the many servants who joined the royal army. In those days the author’s father served in the minister’s office ( dar mahal-i diwan-i wizdrat ) among the great officials. The Sultan’s army consisted of 90,000 cavalry and 480 elephants. The Khan-i ’azam, Tatar Khan, was now dead. The wazir, Khan-i Jahan, was left as viceroy in Delili _Te?its and equip- age]. When the Sultan started, he resolved to pay a visit to the shrine of Shaikh Faridu-d din, at Ajodhan, and, on arriving at that town, he accomplished this object. When he reached the confines of Bhakkar and Siwistan, he issued an order for collecting all the boats of the country, and when as many as five thousand had been brought together, he placed them by

1 I translate this passage somewhat doubtfully with the light of the context, which evidently implies that more men were ready than were required. The words are

thousands under the command of his principal officers, and the author’s father had command of one division. The order was given to descend the river Sind, and in a few days they reached Thatta. The Sultan himself marched in company with a force alone the hither bank of the river.

Third MuJcaddama. — Descent of Sultan Firoz on Thatta .

In these days the territory of Thatta was divided into two parts, one division lying on the hither ( kirana ) or Dehli side of the river Sindh, and the other on the farther (guzard) or Thatta side; both of them populated by a numerous and warlike people. At that time the Jam, brother of Rai Unar, and Babiniya, his brother’s son, were masters of Thatta.1 They made great show of their prowess and [ collecting their forces they prepared for resist- ance]. Mud forts had also been built in both divisions of Sind. The Jam, and Babiniya the arrogant,2 made ready for battle ; the Sultan also, having approached Thatta, arrayed his forces, and a battle seemed imminent from day to day. But grain became scarce in the army of the Sultan. A pestilence also broke out among the horses, which was a very grievous calamity, and greatly disheartened the troops of every rank. Of the whole 90,000 horses which had marched with the Sultan, only one- fourth, at the utmost, remained alive. The dearness of grain caused great dismay ; the price rose from two to three tanhas a man , and even beyond that. When the men of Thatta saw these sufferings of their adversaries, the Jam and Babiniya re- solved to seize the opportunity and to make an attack.

Fourth Mukaddama. — Engagement with the army of Thatta.

The Jam, and Babiniya the arrogant, came forth from their fort with a large force of horse and foot, and drew up in array

1 [This is according to the version of the two MSS. of the East India Library. Sir H. Elliot’s and Mr. Thomas’ MSS. are here defective. They omit the name “ Unar,” and change “ Babiniya” into “Thatta,” making sheer nonsense. Firishta gives only one name, “ Jam Bauy, the son of Jam Afra” (or, according to the text, Ghafra). See Mir Ma’sum, Vol. I. of this work, p. 226.]

2 \Ehud-Mm ; this epithet is appended to his name until he made his submission.]

against the royal forces. When the Sultan heard of their advance, he also drew out his forces, and, upon examination, there proved to be hardly one-fourth cavalry. Famine also had broken down the vigour and spirit of his men. Still, like a valiant king, he made ready for battle, and arranged his forces in three divisions — a centre and two wings. The elephants were divided among the three divisions. He then put on his armour, and, baton in hand, rode through the whole array, en- couraging and cheering the men. This- raised the spirits of his people and incited their devotion.

The Sultan passed along in front of his forces speaking words of encouragement, and all men offered up their prayers for him. Although he affected not to fear the vast force of his enemies, still, in his heart, he looked with apprehension on the weakness of his own army, and prayed to God for assistance. The enemy’s numbers amounted to about 20,000 cavalry and 400,000 infantry. With all this enormous force the enemy were unable to force an action, but discharges of arrows were inter- changed. Heaven fought on the side of the Sultan, and such a storm of wind arose that the men were unable to open their eyes. Still, the brave men on both sides maintained a struggle. The Sultan, notwithstanding the weakness of his force, resolved to advance, and the whole army, making one vigorous and united charge, the enemy fled and took refuge in their fort. * * * The Sultan was thus left master of the field. He then held a council, and announced his intention to retire upon Gujarat and reinforce his army, but he added that if God spared him he would return again the following year and push his enterprize.

Fifth Mukaddama. — Retreat of Fir oz Shah from, Thatta to

_Full account of what passed at the council, and of the • de- termination to retreat into Gujarat to recruit , and return m the following year , when the crops would he ripe and grain plentiful .] The Sultan then gave orders for the- march, which

spread universal joy throughout the army. * * The Khan-i ’azam (Zafar Khan), who had under his command a large force of Bengalis, had charge of the rear. When the enemy found that the Sultan had retreated, with all his forces and bandage (as they supposed), towards Dehli, they pursued. The first day the royal army made a march of ten kos , and the enemy coming up, a sharp encounter took place between them and Zafar Khan, in which they were repulsed. The heads of several Thatta men were cut off and sent to the Sultan. All the fleet of boats fell into the hands of the enemv, but the baggage was carried off with the army to Gujarat.

Sixth Mukaddama. — Falling of the army into Kimchi-ran ( the Ran of Kacli)

When Sultan Firoz fell back victorious, grain, which was dear, became dearer ; day by day it rose higher, and the state of the horses’ feet is beyond description. Grain rose to one tanka and two tankas a sir, and even at that price was not to be obtained. Men, through craving hunger and helpless nakedness, could not pursue their way, and in their extreme distress gave up in despair. As no corn was to be procured, carrion and raw hides were devoured ; some men even were driven by extreme hunger to boil old hides, and to eat them. A deadly famine reigned, and all men saw death staring them in the face. All the horses were destroyed, and the khans and maliks were compelled to pursue their weary way on foot. Not one steed remained in the army, and by the will of God all ranks were reduced to the same state of destitution. The guides who led the way and conducted them, had maliciously misled them into a place called Kunchi-ran. In this place all the land is impregnated with salt to a degree impossible to de- scribe, and if the water was held upon the tongue it crystalized.

AVhen the army was thus reduced to the extremity of despair, the Sultan had one of the false guides beheaded. Then the others came honestly before him and said : “We have dealt falsely toward you, and have led you into a place where none but you could

have survived ; not even things which could fly in the air and drive along like the wind. This place is called Kunchi-ran, and the sea is near. The saltness of the water arises from this proximity, and the district is deadly.” When the people heard these words of their guides, they gave themselves utterly up to despair. The Sultan ordered (the guides) to find fresh water for him and his followers, and to lead them away from this salt water. The water, indeed, was so excessively salt that all men were in amazement and despair. As far as the eye could reach, all was salt water. When, after endless labours and hardships, the wretched men found fresh water, they rushed into the middle of it. So excessive was the prevalence of salt, that if a pot of fresh water was placed upon the impregnated ground, the fresh water became salt, and no one could bear it on his tongue.

When with great difficulty and exertion they escaped from that salt country they came into a desert where no bird laid an egg, or flapped its wing, where no tree was to be seen, and where no blade of grass grew. If even a lethal weed had been wanted it could not have been found. No other desert, however fearful, could be compared with this. [ Despair of the men and distress of the Sultan. ] Four calamities had at once assailed them : famine, the necessity of walking on foot, the terrors of the deadly desert, and separation from beloved ones.

For six months no news of the army reached Dehli, where every one, small and great, was in distress, believing that the Sultan and his army were lost. Khan-i Jahan, the wazir , by his great prudence and sagacity, managed to maintain order ; and fear of him restrained all disposition to create disturbances. The fact of the disappearance of the Sultan and his army became known through all the country, and every house was filled with mourning. * * *

When Khan-i Jahan saw the perilous condition in which the country was placed, he removed all the Sultan’s valuables from the palace to his own house, and issued numerous orders to restrain any exhibition of individual power. Every day he rode

about the city displaying his own strength, but when he per- ceived that the rumour (of the king’s destruction) gathered force from day to day, he feigned to have received a despatch from the Sultan announcing the safety of the royal person. This allayed all apprehension, and was the cause of great rejoicing, after which every one went on as usual with his own business. If kings had not wise and able ministers they could never leave their kingdoms, and never engage in conquest. [ Eulogy of Klidn-i Jahdn .]

Seventh Mukaddama. — Lamentations of the soldiers, and anxiety of the Sultan in KuncM-ran.

• • • In every march thousands of men and horses died. * * * At length the Sultan in his trouble prayed earnestly for rain, * * and God in his great mercy raised clouds in the sky. On every side they rolled up swiftly, cloud upon cloud ; the rain fell, and the water-courses ran. All men drank and used the water, and were delivered from their trouble. On the same day a road of escape was discovered. * * *

As soou as he emerged from the desert the Sultan returned humble thanks to the Almighty, and then sent a despatch to Dehli for Khan-i Jahan, “ informing him of the safety of the Sultan and of all his army”1 [ tohich gave rise to great rejoicings in the capital].

Eighth Mukaddama. — Arrival of Sultan Firoz in Gujarat.

The Sultan, on escaping from the desert, marched speedily with his army into Gujarat, and his men then rested from their troubles. At that time Amir Husain, son of the late Amir Miran, Mustaufi of the State, governed the country of Gujarat with the titles Maliku-sh Shark, Prince of the East, and Nizdmu-l Midk, Administrator of the State, and Nek-nam , of

this statement with the picture of suffering"and death, previously drawn, exceeds even the ordinary stretch of Oriental license.

good repute. He was an active ruler, but when he waited on bis sovereign, the Sultan demanded with much warmth why he had sent no supplies and assistance for the relief of the army, and why he had allowed the army to perish. He was dismissed from his government, and his estates were resumed. The Sultan remained in Gujarat recruiting his army. The irregulars1 having received six, ten, and eleven ( tankas ?) from the kindness of the Sultan, in a short time they were all horsed. Under these circumstances Malik Tmadu-1 Mulk, one of the pillars of the State of Dehli, took up the case of the regulars ( wajh-ddrs ) and represented to his Majesty that the irregulars had by his bounty become mounted while the regulars, through great distress, were obliged to go on foot, and were in deep trouble and despair. Their villages were in the neighbourhood of Dehli, while they were (far away and) in great distress. They had come into this country (of Gujarat) in straggling parties,2 and how could they obtain anything from Dehli — they were indeed in a pitiable con- dition. The Sultan replied that he knew his regular soldiers (wajh-ddr) w'ere in great distress and were reduced to go on foot through the hardships they had undergone. They had rendered him their aid, but their villages were far distant, and they had the greatest difficulty to get a handful of corn. Their children, too, required maintenance, so that they were in the greatest pos- sible difficulty. Under these circumstances he directed that loans should be advanced to them from the public treasury. In ac- cordance with this order every man received an advance, some of a hundred, some of seven hundred, and some of a thousand tankas ; thus they obtained new outfits and remounts. Orders

1 The word translated “ irregulars ” is ghair wajh, “ one without pay ; ” it is opposed to the wajh-ddrs, i.e., the regulars or pay -receivers. The first sentence of this passage is ambiguous ; it runs thus :

The general sense is obvious, and is sufficiently indicated by the translation.

2 [2Z 'ashtad ba hashtad , literally “ eighty by eighty.”]

were also written to Khan-i Jahan at Dehli, that no interference of any kind should be made in the villages of the regular soldiers, and that the officers of Government should be strictly enjoined to do them no harm, so that something might come to the soldiers and that their children mifdit be maintained in

Sultan Firoz expended the whole revenue ( mdl ) of Gujarat, amounting to about two krors, in refitting his army and in the payment of his troops, so that he might march once more against Thatta. When he was on the point of departure he wrote Khan-i Jahan [ announcing his intention and directing the Khan to send him ample supplies].

Ninth Muhaddama. — Khan-i Jahan sends supplies to the Sultan in Gujarat.

When Firoz Shah was about to march for Thatta, Khan-i Jahan made great efforts to send supplies, and gave orders to the officials urging them to exert themselves in the collection of supplies, munitions and money. The vast quantities collected exceed all description ; seven lacs of tankas were expended upon only one kind of military weapon. These provisions were des- patched from day to day, and they arrived in such vast quantities in Gujarat that it was difficult to provide carriage for them. Khan-i Jahan sent with them a letter \expressing his hope for the safety and success of the Sultan in his enterprize ].

The Sultan gave orders for the march to Thatta, which was received with much joy by the army. * * Just at this time letters were received from Bahram Khan, son-in-law of Hasan Khan Kangu from Daulatabad, representing that Bahrain Khan held Daulatabad, but that a dispute had arisen between him and the son of Hasan Kaugu, he therefore solicited the Sultan to come himself and assume the seat of royalty. [ After consultation the Sultan replied that he must first conquer Thatta ; he would afterwards proceed to Daulatabad].

Postponing the affairs of Daulatabad to those of Thatta, he

left Zafar Khan in charge of Gujarat. He had at first intended to place Malik Naib Barbak in charge, and the robes and titles had all been prepared ; but the Sultan never transacted any business without referring to the Kuran for an augury, and now when he tried th efal (augury) it was against Naib Barbak, and in favour of Zafar Khan. The latter was accordingly sent for, and the robes of investiture, the estates and full powers were given to him. Such was the trust of Firoz Shah in the indica- tions of the Divine will.

Tenth Mukaddama. — March of Sultan Firoz from Gujarat

When the Sultan marched the second time for Thatta, many of his men, who had gone through the hardships of the first campaign, went off with their outfits to their homes. On being- apprized of this, the Sultan consulted his officers, who advised him to appoint sentinels, to prevent desertions. The Sultan {among other reasons for rejecting this advice] said, “If the Almighty wills that I should conquer Thatta, the presence of these men is unnecessary ; but if I am to fail, what can they do?” He then sent orders to Khan-i Jahan, directing him to look after all men who returned from the army to the city, and, for the sake of example, to apprehend and inflict the taddruk-i ma’nawi upon all those who had been regularly retained ( chakar ) and had received money from the State. They were not to be subjected to the taddruk-i khusrawi. In affairs of State the taddruk-i khusrawi , or imperial remedy, signifies execution, banishment or amercement ; but the taddruk-i ma’nawi, or moral remedy, is to expose a man to the shafts of public re- proach. This was following the precepts of the Prophet. * * * In obedience to these orders Khan-i Jahan directed his officers to apprehend every man who returned from the army. If, after due inquiry, a man proved to be a regular retainer, he was subjected to the taddruk-i ma’nawi. Some well known offenders were exposed in the bazars for a day or two to the

gaze of all men, and were then set free without further chastise- ment, and without their villages or pay being touched.

Eleventh MuJcaddama. — Descent of Sultan Firoz Shah upon Thatta in a favourable season..

At the commencement of his march to Thatta, the Sultan consulted the Shaikhu-1 Islam. * * * On this occasion the boats employed were few. When he arrived in the vicinity of Thatta, the inhabitants were all busily engaged in agricultural operations, totally ignorant of his return, which was quite unexpected. When the Sultan retreated to Gujarat, the people of Thatta made a verse, which was currently repeated among them, saying, “ By the will of God Sultan Muhammad Tughlik died in pur- suit of us, and Sultan Firoz Shah has fled before us.” The news of the Sultan’s approach reached Thatta, and it was in every Sindian’s mouth that the Kiug of Hind was approaching with large armies, and that Sultan Firoz was advancing once more in great force from Gujarat. In fear of the Sultan they destroyed their crops on the bank of the Sindh, and, crossing the river, took refuge in mud forts.1 When the Sultan arrived lie perceived that the inhabitants had destroyed all their spring crop, and that they had crossed to the other side of the river, where they were busily engaged in forming batteries and en- trenchments. The Sultan’s troops were in good case and in high spirits, although the price of grain was as high as eight and ten jitals for five sirs , because the crop was not yet ripe. When the new grain came in the price fell. Under the orders of the Sultan the troops went out in all directions, foraging in the villages for grain. The villages on the hither side (kirana) of the Sindh were numerous, and the inhabitants of some had not been able to escape over the river. These were taken prisoners, and when the fact became known to the Sultan, he issued a proclama- tion, in which he said the prisoners were a mere handful ; they

1 Jsi . Possibly a proper name, “the fort of Kali,” though more likely,

were Musulmans, and nothing was to be gained by keeping them captive, and making them slaves. Those who bad prisoners were ordered not to keep them, on pain of being deemed criminal, but to band them over to the proper authorities. About 4,000 Sindians were accordingly brought to the government office, and were directed to be kept in secure custody ; three sirs of grain being allowed to each one daily from the minister’s office. At that time mung was five tankas a man, and bread ( jarrat ) four tankas a man. According to the orders of the Sultan mung was given to the prisoners, and all bis orders in respect of them were obeyed. Behold the kindness and clemency of Firoz Shah !

Twelfth Mukaddama. — Malik Mmadu-l Mulk and Zafar Khan cross the Sindh and fight a battle with the Sindians.

When the Sultan was posted on the hither side ( 'kirdna ) of the river Sindh, the enemy, in great numbers, was on the op- posite side ( guzdrd ), and occasionally crossing over skirmishes occurred. The Sultan determined to send a force over the river and harass the enemy. Tmadu-1 Mulk and Zafar Khan were ap- pointed to the command, and were directed to cross the river. A body of Sindians, in strong force and with great bravery, dis- puted the passage of the river,1 and resisted the crossing of men in boats. After much examination and exertion the transit was found to be impracticable. Consultations were held, and it was then determined that Malik Tmadu-1 Mulk and Zafar Khan, with a strong force, should fall back, as if proceeding towards Dehli. The fleet of boats also was directed to accompany them. The plan of operations was that they were to proceed a hundred and twenty kos up the near bank of the Sindh, and effect a crossing just below Bhakkar. After the passage, they were to march back on the opposite side of the river, and give battle to the enemy. The plan succeeded, and the force marched down in to the

1 The words of this sentence down to this point, are to be found in only one of the four MSS., No. 1002 of the East India Library.

territory of the enemy.1 Upon this the enemy, horse and foot, came forth from their forts in great numbers, and a fierce battle ( Jang ) ensued which cannot be described.

Sultan Firoz was a very cautious man. The fort of Thatta was visible (from his side of the river), but from the great breadth of the stream, the land on the opposite side was not discernible. Therefore, it could not be seen how the fight with the army pro- gressed. Sultan Firoz stood watching in expectation, his eyes now lifted to heaven and now strained over the river, in order to learn what was passing. By divine inspiration he sent a trusty man across the river in a boat with orders directing his forces to desist from battle and return to him. The combatants on both sides were Musulmans, and if the fighting went on, many innocent persons would be slain. They were accordingly directed to return by the same way they had gone. When the messenger delivered these commands to ’Imadu-1 Mulk and Zafar Khan, they retreated with their whole force — marching the 120 k os up the farther or Thatta side of the river to Bhakkar, where they crossed back and rejoined the main army. The Sultan then said to Tmadu-1 Mulk, where can this handful of Thattians fly to, unless they creep into an ant-hole like a snake. My army shall remain here, and we will build a large city.

Thirteenth Mukaddama. — * Imddu-l Mulk goes to Dehli for reinforcem en ts .

Some days after the Sultan held a privy council, in which it was determined that Tmadu-1 Mulk should proceed to Dehli, in order to raise reinforcements, and then return to Thatta. On his taking leave the Sultan charged him not to give any orders to Khan-i Jahan about collecting the forces, for the Khan was not the man to slight or neglect the directions of his master in the smallest degree. Upon his arriving in the capital, he directed him to wait upon the Khan, and say that he had been sent to

1 [“ Dar zamin-i Thatthiyan — into the country of the men of Thatta.” The enemy are generally called “ T/iatthiyan,” men of Thattha.]

advise with him on the matter. The simple order of the Sultan was quite sufficient to ensure the despatch of reinforcements by the Khan.

[. Friendly and courteous reception of ^ Imadu-l Mulk. Khan-i Jahan sent a lac of tankas to ’Imadu-l Mulk for subsistence money (’alufa), and despatched demands for men to all the various dependencies of the State : to Badaun, Kanauj, Sandila, Oudh, Jaunpur, Bihar, Tirhut, Chanderi, Dhar, the interior and exterior of the Doab, Sam ana, Dipalpur, Multan, Labor, and other dependencies ( ikta’at ). Khan-i Jahan used to take his seat every day for expediting the business, and ’Imadu-l Mulk used to attend and assist him. In time the force was assembled, and was despatched under the charge of ’Imadu-l Mulk, who marched with all possible speed and joined the Sultan. When he arrived he highly praised the zeal and activity of Khan-i Jahan, and the Sultan was greatly pleased to hear this commen- dation, and to see the arrival of the reinforcements. The new men passed in review before him, and each man received a present of clothes.

When the Sindians heard of the arrival of the reinforcements from Dehli their hearts failed them, and they began to quarrel with each other. The troops of the Sultan were, by God’s grace, very well supplied with comforts, and those who had formerly deserted, being informed of this, greatly repented the step they had taken.

But a terrible famine now appeared among the enemy. As on the former occasion, famine had occurred in the army of the Sultan, when the scarcity of grain was the cause of great misery; so now on the second occasion, the dearness of grain brought dismay upon the enemy. The cause of the scarcity was that when the Sultan retreated from his first attempt on the country, the people of Thatta returned to their old homes with great satis- faction. Being free from all apprehension of any future attack they sowed all the grain which they possessed. When harvest time came, Sultan Firoz returned from Gujarat and took pos- session of the crops. The Sultan’s forces were thus well supplied,

while the price rose very high among the enemy, amounting to one ancl two tankas per sir. Every day men, of high and low degree, through hunger, deserted the enemy and crossed over the river in boats to the Sultan’s army. Thatta was verging to its fall, when the Jam and Babiniya reflected over the state of affairs, and resolved that the best course was to escape from trouble by timely submission. They accordingly, after much deliberation, notified their willingness to surrender through Saiyid Jalalu-1 hakk wau-s shara1 wau-d din Husain Bukhari.

Fourteenth Mukaddama. — Peace with the People of Thatta.

When the people of Thatta made up their minds to seek for peace, they determined upon making their overtures through Saiyid Jal&lu-d din.1 The Jam and Babiniya, after considera- tion, sent a confidential agent to TJch to make known their views. Saiyid Jalalu-d din started, and when he reached the Sultan’s camp all the army turned out to show their reverential respect.

• • • On his arrival the Sultan went forth to meet him and brought him with due honour into his camp. After they had met and shaken hands, the Saiyid said there was a holy woman in Thatta whose prayers had prevented the conquest of the place,

• • • but she had now been dead three days, and consequently the submission might be expected. The inhabitants of Thatta heard that the Saiyid was in the Sultan’s camp, and they sent messages to him representing their great distress, and the Saiyid communicated to the Sultan all the matters which in the sorrow of their hearts they had made known to him. This excited the commiseration of the Sult&n.

The state of affairs having thus been made known to the Sultan, Babiniya consulted with the Jam, and said that it had been stated to the Sultan that all the disturbance ( shor ) had arisen through him (Babiniya) ; it therefore seemed in every way most desirable that he should go first to the Sultan and make his submission; the Jam might follow, and a way might

1 Here and all through this chapter he is referred to as “ Khidmat Saiyid Jalalu-d diu.”

thus be opened for a satisfactory conclusion. This proposition of Babiniya’s1 pleased the Jam. He gave him permission to proceed, and next day Babiniya reached the royal camp.

Fifteenth Mukaddama. — Arrival of Babiniya in the camp of

The Sultan was out hunting, when he was informed that Babiniya had arrived in his camp. * * He allowed no indication of his feelings to appear in his countenance. * * Babiniya followed the Sultan to the hunting ground, where he had just killed a wolf, * * * and there he presented himself, with his turban in front of his throat and a sword upon his neck, like a repentant criminal, and, humbly approaching the Sultan, kissed his stirrup and begged forgiveness. The Sultan then graciously placed his hand on the back of Babiniya and said, “ Why were you so afraid of me ? I did not wish to hurt any one, especially you ; cheer up your spirits and dispel your anxiety, for you shall be twice the man you were before.” He then ordered an Arab horse to be presented to Babiniya, and, closing his discourse, he went on hunting again.

On the same day, and soon after Babiniya, the Jam came to make his submission, and he also, like a wise man, went out to the hunting ground. On his being brought into the presence of the Sultan, he advanced with his turban on his head, and cast him- self at the feet of the Sultan. Hanging the turban from the throat, and placing a sword upon the neck, is practised only by the offender who first approaches the sovereign, and Babiniya had already made this sign of submission. The Jam therefore retained his turban in the presence of the Sultan, but paid him due homage. The Sultan very kindly placed his hand on the back of the Jam, and spoke graciously to him. Very submis- sively the Jam expressed his surrender, and, in a line of his own composition, he said :

“ Thou art my gracious sovereign ; I am thy abashed servant.”

The Sultan treated him with great kindness and care, and to

1 His epithet of khud-kdm is now changed to nek-ndm.

him also he presented a horse. On returning to the camp, the the Jam and Babiniya received embroidered robes, and their at- tendants also received presents suited to their respective stations. The two captive chiefs were told to send for their wives and families, and accompany the Sultan to Dehli. This royal com- mand they obeyed, and, with their wives and children, followed in the train of the Sultan.

Sixteenth Mukaddama. — Return of Ftroz Shah to Dehli.

The surrender of the Jam and Babiniya spread great deligh^ throughout the royal camp, and the Sultan determined to return to Dehli. The son of the Jam, and Tamachi brother of Babi- niya, were placed over Thatta, and titles were conferred upon them. They paid four lacs of tankas in cash, by way of marking their allegiance, and agreed to pay several lacs of tankas in money and goods yearly.1 The Sultan then marched for Dehli, taking the Jam and Babiniya with all their establishment in his train. Orders were given that they were to alight in front of the royal tents, and they were supplied with white carpets from the royal stores. Malik Saifu-d din Khwaju was directed to instruct them in the etiquette of the Court, and to keep watch over them. Their followers were brought from the farther side of the river, and were placed in boats to make the journey. Saifu-d din at- tended to them, and carefully watched over them night and day.

One day an alarm was raised that the boat containing the wives and children of Babiniya had sunk, and that therefore he must hasten (to the scene of the disaster) up the bank of the river. Saifu-d din Khwaju thought that this was a stratagem to enable Babiniya to escape and return home, so he sent his son [to inform the Sultan of his suspicions, and to enquire whether he was to restrain Babiniya. The Sultan considered the point, and then said, “Go and tell your father that if Babiniya wishes to go to the

1 [This is taken from the MS. of the East India Library, No. 1002. The other three MSS. omit rather more than a line, and quite reverse the meaning. They say “ (the new governors) accepted several lacs and horses.” The three are, however, probably right in reading aspun instead of asbdb, i.e. “horses” instead of “goods.”]

river to ascertain the facts, he must go with him. If Babiniya shows any intention of going on board a boat and escaping to his home, do not attempt to prevent him, but say to him, ‘Babiniya, if you have the manliness and boldness, go !’ Then return back. I know what will happen, and so does Babiniya.1 ”

Before the messenger returned from the Sultan to his father, Saifu-1 Mulk, news reached Babiniya that the boat containing his children had not been lost. He then returned. * * * Mean- while the Sultan, with his army, was marching homewards, the men being delighted with the prospect of seeing home again after two and a-half year’s absence. He halted for a while at Multan, and from thence he sent his “ despatch of victory ” to Khan-i Jahan in Dehli, which on its arrival caused great rejoicing.

Seventeenth Mukaddama. — Khan-i Jalian proceeds to Dipalpur to

Khan-i Jahan proceeded to Dipalpur to receive his sovereign. When they met, the Khan offered his congratulations, and presented his tribute and offerings. The Sultan recounted to him all the hardships and sufferings which his army had gone through at Thatta, and on the march into Gujarat. * * * Thatta had been a source of trouble to the sovereigns of Dehli ever since the days of Sultan Mu’izzu-d din Muhammad Sam. The splendid army of Sultan ’Alau-d din had marched towards Thatta, but the difficulties of the enterprize had rendered the attempt abortive. Sultan Muhammad Shall bin Tughlik lost his life in the same country [but now the conquest had been accom- plished']. The Sultan marched from Dipalpur and arrived at Dehli, where the inhabitants turned out to meet him. [Great rejoicings]. Amid the general joy it was represented to the Sultan that the families of those men who had lost their lives and property in Kunchi-ran were in great distress. He, in con- sequence, issued orders that if any man had marched to Thatta with him and had died in Kunchi-ran, his children should receive

liis allowances, and should not be troubled hi any way. * * He also directed that those who had deserted him in Gujarat, after receiving his gifts, and had returned home, were to have their livelihood and villages continued to them. He was desirous that no one should suffer on that account.

The Jam, and Babiniya “Of good name,” had a residence appointed for themselves and families near the royal palace, where they lived in comfort. Their dwelling received the name of the “ Palace of Thatta.” An annual allowance of two lacs of tankas in cash, from the imperial treasury, was assigned to the Jam, and the same amount was also granted to Babiniya. Besides this they daily received robes and so many presents from the court that they quite forgot Thatta. On court days, when the Sultan sat on his throne, they used to attend, and, with his permission, sat down on his right hand, in the second room of mirrors, below the Chief Judge. The author intends (D.V.) to speak about this in the chapter where he describes the etiquette observed at the Sultan’s court in respect of the seats of the khans , maliks , and others.

After some years Tamachi, the brother of Babiniya, rebelled at Thatta, and the Sultan sent the Jam there to repress the out- break. On his arrival, the Jam sent Tamachi to DehlL Babi- niya remained at Dehli, in attendance on the Sultan. On the accession of Sultan Tughlik Shah he was presented with an umbrella, and was sent to Thatta, but he died on the road.

Eighteenth Mukaddama. — Invention of the Tas-i ghariyal (a clock or bell to tell the time).

Many wonderful things were invented by Sult&u Firoz in the course of his reign, and among the most wonderful was the Tds- i ghariyal. [Seven different uses of the Tas in marking time and making known the hours of prayer, etc.) It was placed on the top of the darbdr of the kuslik in Firozabad, and people crowded to see it.

Kism IY. — Return of Sultan Firoz from a Tour of In- spection, AND APPLICATION OF HIS ATTENTION TO EIGHTEEN

First Mukaddama. — Return of the Sultan from his tour.

While the Sultan was at Dehli, attending to the affairs of his kingdom, ambassadors arrived from Ma’bar to state a grievance to him. Kurbat Hasan Kangu was king in Ma’bar. When Sultan Muhammad Shah died, and Sultan Firoz succeeded, his edicts were sent into Ma’bar, but the people of that country re- belled, and, going to Daulatabad, they made Kurbat Ivangu king of Ma’bar. When this Kurbat held his court, he appeared decked out hand and foot with female ornaments, and made him- self notorious for his puerile actions. The men of Ma’bar saw this, and, being greatly incensed against him, they rebelled. A neighbouring chief, named Bakan, at the head of a body of men and elephants, marched into Ma’bar and made Kurbat Hasan Kangu prisoner. He made himself master of all Ma’bar, which had belonged to Muhammadans ; their women suffered violence and captivity in the hands of Hindus, and Bakan established himself as ruler of Ma’bar. _The Sultan reproached them for their repudiation of his authority, and for now resorting to him in their distress, and~\ told them that his army was weary and ex- hausted with the late campaign and long inarches, but that after it had rested and recruited its strength he would proceed towards Ma’bar. * * * The ambassadors were sent back with assurances of his forgiveness, and he devoted himself to business.

One day his officers came to him in private and represented that they were very desirous of making a march to Daulatabad, for the sufferings of the people there had excited their pity. Kings were generally ambitious to conquer kingdoms and extend their dominion, etc. * * * The army had rested and wras fresh and ready. There was no necessity for the Sultan to go, for he might appoint one of his most trusted officers to the command, who would root out the wretched band, and set an example to

others. There were plenty of Musulman countries round Dehli to furnish forces for the acquisition of territory ; but drawing the sword against people of Islam, had ten evils for every ad- vantage. * * * When Khan-i Jahan had finished this homily, the effect was plainly visible in the Sultan, he looked distressed and his eyes were suffused with tears, and approving their argu- ments, he said that * * he was resolved never more to make war upon men of the Muhammadan faith. * * *

Second MuTcaddama. — The Sultan s care to provide slaves (bandagan).

The Sultan was very diligent in providing slaves, and he carried his care so far as to command his great fief-holders and officers to capture slaves whenever they were at war, and to pick out and send the best for the service of the court. When the feudatories went to court, each one according to his ability took with him beautiful slaves, dressed and ornamented in the most splendid style. They also, when they paid their annual visit, brought other presents suited to their means and station — high- priced horses of the best breeds, fine elephants, valuable gar- ments of every kind, vessels of gold and silver, arms, camels and mules,— each man according to the extent of his fief, some as many as a hundred, some fifty, some twenty, and some eleven. They also brought slaves. Under an edict of the Sultan, all the preseuts which the feudatories brought were valued, and the amount was deducted from the dues payable by them to the Government. This was a regulation established by Sultan Firoz. Before his time, in the reigns of his predecessors, the feudatories brought whatever they could, but no remission in their payments was made in consideration of their presents. Sultan Firoz saw that the expenses of his feudatories were very large, and decreed that they should not be required to make presents.

From this arrangement two advantages were expected — the chieftains’ pride would be spared (the fear of being outdone), and the gifts themselves wrnuld be more worthy of the Sultan’s

notice. This regulation remained in force for forty years throughout the reign. Those chiefs who brought manv slaves received the highest favour, and those who brought few re- ceived proportionately little consideration. When the chiefs perceived the Sultan’s eagerness for slaves, and that their efforts to get them were highly appreciated, they exerted themselves in providing them, and the numbers brought every year exceed description. Great numbers of slaves were thus collected, and when they were found to be in excess, the Sultan sent them to Multan, Dipalpur, Hisar-Firozah, Samana, Gujarat, and all the other feudal dependencies. In all cases provision was made for their support in a liberal manner. In some places they were provided for in the army, and villages were granted to them ; those who were placed in cities had ample allowances, varying from 100 down to 10 tankas , which was the lowest amount. These allowances were paid in full, without any deduction, at the treasury, every six, four, or three months.

Some of the slaves spent their time in reading and committing to memory the holy book, others in religious studies, others in copying books. Some, with the Sultan’s leave, went to the temple at Mecca. Some were placed under tradesmen and were taught mechanical arts, so that about 12,000 slaves became artisans (kasib) of various kinds. Forty thousand were every day in readi- ness to attend as guards in the Sultan’s equipage or at the palace. Altogether, in the city and in the various fiefs there were 180,000 slaves, for whose maintenance and comfort the Sultan took especial care. The institution took root in the very centre of the land, and the Sultan looked upon its due regulation as one of his incumbent duties. To such an extent were matters carried that there was a distinct muster-master (majmii' -dar) of the slaves, a separate treasury for the payment of their allowances, a separate jao-shugliuri , and deputy jdo-shughuri and a distinct diwan ,

1 The signification of this is obscure, and the copyists seem to have so deemed it. The word by the majority is written r .1^. • but one varies, and gives it

that is to say, the officers for administering the affairs of the slaves ( ashab-i diwan-i bandagdn), were entirely distinct from those under the Prime Minister ( ashdb-i diwan-i ’ ala-e toisarat).

"When the Sultan went out in state the slaves accompanied him in distinct corps — first the archers, fully armed, next the swordsmen, thousands in number ( hazdr hazar ), the fighting men (bandagan-i award), the bandagdn-i moduli 1 riding on male buffa- loes, and slaves from the Hazara, mounted on Arab and Turk! horses, bearing standards and axes. These all, thousands upon thousands, accompanied the royal retinue. The slaves increased to such a degree that they were employed in all sorts of domestic duties, as water coolers, butlers [etc., etc.). In fact there was no occupation in which the slaves of Firoz Shah were not employed. None of the Sultan’s predecessors had ever collected so many slaves. The late Sultan ’Alau-d din had drawn together about 50,000 slaves, but after him no Sultan had directed his attention to raising a body of them until Sultan Firoz adopted the practice. * * * When the slaves under the great feudal chieftains became too numerous, some of them, by order of the Sultan, were given into the charge of amirs and maliks, that they might learn the duties of their respective employments. These amirs and maliks treated them like children, providing them with food and raiment, lodging them and training them, and taking every care for their wants. Each year they took their slaves to court, and reported upon their merits and abilities. These reports were received by the Sultan with great interest. Such was the care and attention which Sultan Firoz devoted to his slaves; but after his death, the heads of these his favoured servants were cut off without mercy, and were made into heaps in front of the darbar , as I will describe in my chapter on the reign of Sultan Muhammad bin Firoz.

Third Mukaddama. — Arrival of robes from the Khalifa.

The author has described how a robe was sent by the Khalifa to Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlik Shah, in the account ( zikr )

which he wrote of that Sultan. A similar robe was now sent to Firoz Tughlik with great courtesy and marks of respect. Three robes in all were sent, one for the Sultan, one for the Prince Fath Khan, and one for Khan-i Jahan. * * *

Fourth Mukaddama. — Sow Sultan Firoz used to sit in State.

There were three palaces in which Sultfin Firoz used to sit publicly in state. One wras the Mahal-i sahan-i gilin 1 (the palace of the clayey quadrangle). It was also called the Mahal-i dikh, i.e., the Mahal-i angur, or Palace of Grapes. The second was called Mahal-i chhaja-i 8 chohin. The third was the Mahal-i bar-i ’ dmm , or Palace of the Public Court, and it wras also called Sahn-i miydnagi, the central quadrangle. The first palace was appropriated to the reception of the khans , maliks, amirs , officials and distinguished literary men. The Mahal-i chhaja cliobin was for the reception of the principal personal attendants. The palace of the Sahn-i miydnagi was used for general receptions. * * *

Sultan Firoz had given up residing in Dehli, and stayed at Firozabad. When it was necessary to hold a court, he left his devotions [which are described ] and proceeded to the capital to hold his Court. [ Precedence , ceremonial, and dressf] Khan-i Jahan, the wazir of the State, used to sit on the right near the throne. The Amir-i Mu’azzam Amir Ahmad Ikbal sat higher up and a little ( yak zdnii) behind Khan-i Jahan, which position was considered to be neither higher nor lower than that of the Khan. Malik Nizainu-1 Mulk, Amir Husain, Amir Miran, who were deputies of the wazir, sat near the throne below Khan-i Jahan. [ Positions of the various officials .] In those days the humble author of this work, Shams-i Siraj ’Afif, used to go into the reception chamber, under the royal regulations, in at- tendance upon the officers of the wazir1 s department. [ Precedence and ceremonial of the Court. Reception of the Shaikhu-l Islam. ]

1 This name is rendered only by conjecture, it may be kalin, gulin, etc., etc.

2 Three of the MSS. write the word “ jhaja ,” hut this is not conclusive. The fourth has chhaja, a Hindi word, meaning “gallery,” and this is probably right. The title of the palace would so be “ Palace of the wooden gallery.”

Fifth Mukaddama. — Prosperity and happiness of the nobles.

During the reign of Firoz Shah * * * all men, high and low, bond and free, lived happily and free from care. * * * When the Sultan went to the palace, at the “grand city” of Firozabad, the Khan-i Jahan used to make preparations some days before- hand for his reception, by having the palace whitewashed and ornamented with pictures. Every possible care was taken by the Khan for the proper reception of the Sultan. [ Splendour and ceremonial of the Court. Easy condition of the people .] Things were so plentiful and cheap ; and the people were so well to do, and enjoyed such ease, that the poorest married their daughters at a very early age. Nothing in the least degree unpleasant or disagreeable happened during his reign ; how wonderful is it that, since his decease, the city of Dehli has been turned up- side down. Those who survive will ever call to mind the reign of Firoz Shah, and exclaim, “The reign of Firoz will always dwell upon the memory, and can never be forgotten.”

Sixth Mukaddama. — The plenty and cheapness in the reign of Firoz Shah.

Dy the blessing of God favourable seasons and abundance of the necessaries of life prevailed in the reign of Firoz Shah, not only in the capital, but throughout his dominions. During the whole forty years of his reign there was no appearance of scarcity, and the times were so happy that the people of Dehli forgot the reign of ’Alau-d din, although no more prosperous times than his had ever fallen to the lot of any Muhammadan sovereign. ’Alau-d din took such pains to keep down the price of the neces- saries of life, that his exertions have found a record in famous histories. To the merchants he gave wealth, and placed before them goods in abundance, and gold without measure. He showed them every kingly favour, and fixed on them regular salaries.1

1 [ Mavc&jib , salaries, allowances, or pensions].

In tlie reign of ’Alau-d din the necessaries of life were abundant through excellent management,1 but through the favour of God grain continued cheap throughout the reign of Firoz Shah, with- out any effort on his part. Grain was so cheap that, in the city of Dehli, wheat was eight j'vtals a man , and gram and barley four jitals a man. A camp follower could give his horse a feed of ten sirs of corn ( dalida ) for one jital. Fabrics of all kinds were cheap, and silk goods, both wdiite and coloured, were of moderate price. Orders were given for the reduction of the price of sweet- meats, in unison with the general fall of prices.

During the forty years of this sovereign’s reign, cheapness prevailed. If occasionally prices rose from bad seasons, or from scarcity of rain, and reached one tanka per man , it was only for a short time. The good fortune of the Sultan prevailed, so that no dearth occurred. Such was the prosperity that, throughout the Doab, from the hill of Sakrudih and Kharla to Kol, not one village remained waste, even in name, nor one span of land uncultivated. In the Doab there were fifty-two parganas flourishing, and a similar (state of prosperity) prevailed elsewhere. The like prosperity prevailed in every fief ( iktaa ) and district ( shikk ). Thus, in the district of Samana, there were four prosperous villages within one kos , and the inhabitants were happy and free from care. Such perfect happiness did the king- dom enjoy in those days.

Sultan Firoz had a great liking for the laying out of gardens, which he took great pains to embellish. He formed 1,200 gardens in the vicinity of Dehli. Such of them as were private property, or were religious endowments, after2 due investigation of the titles, he settled for with their owners. All gardens received

1 [“ Bn hihnat-i hibriydi.” These words may be translated “ by Divine wisdom,” but they are evidently used antithetically to the “ baghair koshish,” or “absence of effort” on the part of Firoz].

2 Three of the MSS. have “yJc without while the fourth (East India Library,

No. 1002) says “ after" verification of titles. The latter is certainly most probable.

abundant proofs of his care,1 and he restored thirty gardens which had been commenced by ’Alau-d din. In the neighbour- hood of Salaura he made eighty gardens, and in Chitur forty- four gardens. In every garden there were white and black grapes, of seven \namecT\ varieties. They were sold at the rate of one jital per sir. Of the various articles grown in the gar- dens, the government share of the produce amounted to 80,000 tankas , without taking into account the dues of the owners and gardeners.

The revenues of the Doab in this reign amounted to eighty lacs of tankas; and under the fostering care of this religious sovereign, the revenues of the territories of Dehli were six krors and eighty-five lacs of tankas (60,850,000). The Sultan, throughout his reign, in his great sagacity and prudence, en- deavoured to circumscribe the extent of his dominions, but still the revenues amounted to the sum stated. All this large revenue was duly apportioned out ; each Khan received a sum suitable to his exalted position, the amirs and maliks also obtained allowances according to their dignity, and the officials were paid enough to provide a comfortable living. The soldiers of the army received grants of land, enough to support them in comfort, and the irregulars (ghair wajh) received payment from the government treasury. Those soldiers who did not receive their pay in this manner were, according to necessity, supplied with assignments ( itlak ) upon the revenues. When these assignments of the soldiers ( wajh-dars ) arrived in the fiefs ( iktd’at ), the holders used to get about half of the total amount from the holders of the fiefs. It was the practice of certain persons in those days to buy up these assignments, which was an accomodation to both parties. They used to give one-third of the value for them in

1 The text is a little confused here. I have ventured upon one emendation in reading instead

of i i •• ,i 1 r. , etc., etc. All the MSS. concur in the latter reading,

the city, and receive one half in the districts. The purchasers of these assignments carried on a traffic in them, and gaining a good profit, many of them got rich and made their fortunes.

Sultan Flroz, under Divine inspiration, spread all the revenues of his territories among his people. The various districts of the fiefs were also divided. Khan-i Jahan, the wazir, exclusive of the allowances for his retainers, friends, and sons, received a sum of thirteen lacs of tankas , or instead of it sundry fiefs and districts. Other chiefs were similarly provided for, according to their merit ; some receiving eight lacs of tankas , others six lacs , and others four lacs . All the khans and malifcs grew rich in his reign, and had vast stores of wealth, and jewels and diamonds of great value. When Malik Shahin Shahna, who was naib-amir of the majlis-i khass, died, and his effects were examined, a sum of fifty lacs of tankas , in cash, was taken out of his house, besides horses, valuables, and jewels in abundance. The enormous wealth left by Tmadu-1 Mulk, Bashir-i Sultani, was well known, and is well remembered. An account of it will be given in the fifth book of this work. The Sultan being thus beneficent, all men, high and low, were devoted to him.

Seventh Mukaddama. — Affairs of the Army.

1 In the reign of Firoz Shah there was an army of 80,000 and sometimes 90,000 horse, exclusive of slaves. These men remained on service all the year. Horses of little value were often brought to the registry office ( diwan ) and were passed as serviceable. Stories about this often reached the ears of the Sultan, but he treated them as if he had never heard them. When the year drew to a close, and there remained yet many men who had not presented their horses, the clerks made a statement to his Majesty of the number of men that had not yet registered their horses. An order was then issued granting two months’ grace

1 Several passages of this chapter are very obscure, and seem to have been so con- sidered by the copyists, for the AISS. show many discrepancies and omissions.

for the production of the animals. When this term was passed a statement was again made of the men who had not produced them. In those days Malik Razi, a very venerable and righteous man, was deputy ’ariz, and administered the business of the army in a very proper manner. He used to point out to the Sultan that those men who had not brought in their horses were generally members of a troop, that their assignments ( itlak ) had been sent into the districts to realize the amount of their pay, and when that was effected they would come into the city. But before this could be accomplished the year passed by, and the poor men remained in a state of distress. Many of those who had failed were employed in other business ( masdlihi and). On hearing these kind representations the Sultan said, that if any man had been sent on business ( rnasulih ) by his commanding officer, and the year should end while he was absent, without his making any statement of the fact or presenting his horse, then if he -were discharged, it would go ill with him, and mourning would fall upon his house. The Sultan also directed that sub- stitutes should be found by the officers for all men who went away on business. The soldier himself who was absent might put in his appearance at the office of the chieftain in whose dis- trict he was ; he might also produce his new horse there, so that all inconvenience might be spared the poor soldier. Thus the kindness of the Sultan for his people was such as no father or brother could show. [Story of the Sultan overhearing a soldier complain that he was unable to produce his horse at the muster. ~\ The Sultan told him to go and arrange matters with the clerks of the office, and he replied that his difficulty was that he had not got the necessary money. The Sultan inquired how much was wanted, and the soldier said that if he had a gold tanha he could get a certificate for his horse. He then ordered a tanha to be given to him. On receiving the coin the soldier went to the office, and placing it in the hands of the clerks, he got the certificate ; he then returned to the Sultan and expressed his thanks.

Eighth Mukaddama. — Report made to the Sultan by the son of ’ lmddu-l Mulk, and the Sultan's appropriate reply.

Malik Is’hak, (son of) ’Imadu-1 Mulk, made a report to the Saltan that many of the soldier^ were old and feeble, and unfit for duty. It was therefore expedient to replace them with yo unh- and efficient men. At this period ’Imadu-1 Mulk was an old man, and Malik Is’hak discharged for him the duties of the diwan-i ’ arz . When he made this report the Sultan observed it was a very proper one : when men grew old they should be set aside, and their places should be filled by their sons or strangers ; no consideration whatever should be shown to these old men. “ Now,” said he, “ Your father is an old man, first turn him out of his office, and then I will remove all the old men from the service of the State.” Malik Is’hak was silenced.

The Sultan, in the kindness of his heart, then said : “ If I remove the old and inefficient men, and appoint their sons or strangers in their stead, the poor old men will be greatly troubled, and will be reduced to distress in their old age. I do not approve of dismissing them, and putting their sons in their places. This is not a time for encouraging disobedient children. With age the heart becomes desolate, and if the old men are turned off and their sons succeed them, these sons may prove undutiful, and the hearts of their poor old fathers may break in their distress. Let an order therefore be promulgated that, when a soldier grows old and incapable, his son shall succeed him, as his deputy ; if he has no son, his son:in-law, and failing any son-in-law, his slave shall represent him. The veteran may thus remain at home at ease, and the young ride forth in their strength.”

Addressing Is’hak, he said, “Do not make such reports. The Almighty does not take away his servants’ sustenance because they are old, how then can I, his creature, dismiss my aged servants.” All the actions and words of Sultan Firoz * * * were like unto this, and are worthy of a place in history. This humble author desires to write the Sultan’s memoirs, but his

gracious words and generous actions are so numerous that the author makes but slow progress towards his conclusion.

Ninth Mukaddcma. — Transport of stone Obelisks.

After Sultan Firoz returned from his expedition against Thatta, he often made excursions in the neighbourhood of DehlL In this part of the country there were two stone columns. One was in the village of Tobra, in the district ( shikk ) of Salaura and Khiz- rabad, in the hills ( koh-payah ) ; the other in the vicinity of the town of Mirat. These columns had stood in those places from the days of the Pandavas, but had never attracted the attention of any of the kings who sat upon the throne of Dehli, till Sultan Firoz noticed them, and, with great exertion, brought them away. One was erected in the palace ( kushk ) at Firozabad, near the Masjid-i jama and was called the Hinara-i zarin , or Golden Column, and the other was erected in the Kushk-i Shikar, or Hunting Palace, with great labour and skill. The author has read in the works of good historians that these columns of stone had been the walking sticks of the accui’sed1 Bhim, a man of great stature and size. The annals of the infidels record that this Bhim used to devour a thousand mans of food daily, and no one could com- pete with him. * * * In his days all this part of Hind was peopled with infidels, who were continually fighting and slaying each other. Bhim was one of five brothers, but he was the most powerful of them all. He was generally engaged in tending the herds of cattle belong to his wicked brothers, and he was ac- customed to use these two stone pillars' as sticks to gather the cattle together. The size of the cattle in those days was in pro- portion to that of other creatures. These five brothers lived near Dehli, and when Bhim died these two columns were left standing as memorials of him. * * * When Firoz Shah first beheld these columns, he was filled with admiration, and resolved to remove them with great care as trophies to Dehli. * * *

1 One MS., to the credit of the writer, omits this execration.

Removal of the Minara-i zar'in. — Khizrabad is ninety kos from Dehli, in the vicinity of the hills. When the Sultan visited that district, and saw the column in the village of Tobra, he resolved to remove it to Dehli, and there erect it as a memorial to future generations. After thinking over the best means of lowering the column, orders were issued commanding the at- tendance of all the people dwelling in the neighbourhood, within and without the Doab, and all soldiers, both horse and foot. They were ordered to bring all implements and materials suitable for the work. Directions were issued for bringing parcels of the cotton of the Sembal (silk cotton tree). Quantities of this silk cotton were placed round the column, and when the earth at its base was removed, it fell gently over on the bed prepared for it. The cotton was then removed by degrees, and after some days the pillar lay safe upon the ground. When the foundations of the pillar were examined, a large square stone was found as a base, which also was taken out. The pillar was then encased from top to bottom in reeds and raw skins, so that no damage might accrue to it. A carriage, with forty-two wheels, was con- structed, and ropes were attached to each wheel. Thousands of men hauled at every rope, and after great labour and difficult}' the pillar was raised on to the carriage. A strong rope was fastened to each wheel, and 200 men pulled at each of these ropes. By the simultaneous exertions of so many thousand men the carriage was moved, and was brought to the banks of the Jumna. Here the Sultan came to meet it. A number of large boats had been collected, some of which could carry 5,000 and 7,000 mans of grain, and the least of them 2,000 mans. The column was very ingeniously transferred to these boats, and was then conducted to Firozabad, where it was landed and con- veyed into the KushJc with infinite labour and skill.

Account of the Raising of the Obelisk. — At this time the author of this book was twelve years of age, and a pupil of the respected Mur Khan. When the pillar was brought to the palace, a build- ing was commenced for its reception, near the JamP Masjid, and

the most skilful architects and workmen were employed. It wTas constructed of stone1 2 and chunam, and consisted of several stages or steps ( poshish ). When a step was finished the column was raised on to it, another step was then built and the pillar was a<jain raised, and so on in succession until it reached the intended height. On arriving at this stage, other contrivances had to be devised to place it in an erect position. Ropes of great thickness were obtained, and windlasses were placed on each of the six stages of the base. The ends of the ropes were fastened to the top of the pillar, and the other ends passed over the windlasses, which were firmly secured with many fastenings. The wheels were then turned, and the column was raised about half a gaz. Logs of wood and bags of cotton were then placed under it to prevent its sinking again. In this way, by degrees, and in the course of several days, the column was raised to the perpendicular Large beams were then placed round it as shores, until quite a cage of scaffolding was formed. It was thus secured in an upright position, straight as an arrow, without the smallest deviation from the per- pendicular. The square stone, before spoken of, was placed under the pillar. After it was raised, some ornamental friezes of black and white stone were placed round its two capitals (do sar-i an), and over these there was raised a gilded copper cupola, called in Hindi kalas } The height of the obelisk was thirty-two gaz;

eight gaz was sunk in its pedestal, and twenty-four gaz was visible. On the base of the obelisk there were engraved several lines of writing in Hindi characters. Many Brahmans and Hindu devotees3 were invited to read them, but no one was able. It is said that certain infidel Hindus interpreted them as stating that no one should be able to remove the obelisk from its place till there should arise in the latter days a Muhammadan king, named Sultan Firoz, etc., etc.

1 Two MSS. call the stone , 1 and the other two

Erection of the other Obelisk in the Kushk-i Shikar. — This obelisk stood in the vicinity of the town of Mirat, in the Doab, and was somewhat smaller than the Hinara-i zartn. This also was removed by Sultan Firoz, with similar skill and labour, and was re-erected on a hill in the Kushk-i Shikar \amid great feast- ing and rejoicing ] . After the erection of the pillar a large town sprang up, and the khans and maliks of the Court built houses there. * * * Every great king took care during his reign to set up some lasting memorial of his power. So Sultan Shamsu-d din Altamsh raised the large pillar in the Masjid-i jama at old Delili, the history of which is well known. * * *

In these days, in the year 801 h. (1398 a.d.), Amir Timur, of Khurasan, has marched into India, and by the will of fate has subdued the empire of Hindustan. During his stay of some days in Dehli, he inspected all the monuments of former kings, * * * and among them these two obelisks, when he declared that in all the countries he had traversed he had never seen any monuments comparable to these. * * *