7. Volume 1 — part 7

• • • The author proposes to describe, in succession, how the various kinds of hunting were carried on.1 The chase of the gor-khar or wild ass was pursued in the deserts between Dipalpur and Sarsuti * * * during the hot season, when these animals congregate. * * * The chase of the deer, n'll-gdos , etc., was carried on principally in the neighbourhood of Badaun and Anwala,2 where these animals were found in great numbers. This district was waste, but well furnished with water and grass. No other such waste was to be found near Dehli. * * * Orders were given for its being retained waste for hunting purposes, other- wise it would quickly have become peopled and cultivated under

1 He tells us that he sometimes accompanied these expeditions, and he describes the mode of proceeding in great detail and with evident gusto.

the prosperous and fostering government of Firoz. * * * If a lion, tiger, or wolf was surrounded, the Sultan used to kill it first, and then pursue the other animals.

Eleventh Mukaddama. — Buildings erected by Firoz Shah.

Sultan Firoz excelled all his predecessors on the throne of Dehli in the erection of buildings, indeed no monarch of any country surpassed him. He built cities, forts, palaces, bands , mosques, and tombs, in great numbers. Of cities, there were Hisar Firozah and Fath-abad, of which the author has given an account in a previous chapter. Firoz-abad, Firoz-abad Harni Khira, Tughlikpur-i Kasna, Tughlikpur-i Muluk-i Kamut, and Jaunpur, besides sundry other places and forts which he re- paired and strengthened. His palaces ( kushk ) were those of Firoz, Nuzul, Mahandwari, Hisar Firozah, Fath-abad, Jaunpur, Shikar, Band-i Fath Khan and Salaura. Bands: Fatli Khan, Malja (into which he threw a body of fresh water, ab-i zamzam ), Mahpalpur, Shukr Khan, Salaura, Wazirabad, and other similar strong and substantial bands. He also built monasteries, and inns for the accommodation of travellers. One hundred and twenty khankahs (monasteries) were built in Dehli and Firoz- abad for the accommodation of the people of God, in which travellers from all directions were receivable as guests for three days. These one hundred and twenty buildings were full of guests on all the three hundred and sixty days of the year. Superintendents and officers of the Sunni persuasion were ap- pointed to these khankahs , and the funds for their expenses were furnished from the public treasury. Malik Ghazi Shahna was the chief architect, and was very efficient ; he held the gold staff (of office). ’Abdu-l Hakk, otherwise Jahir Sundhar (was deputy, and) held the golden axe. A clever and qualified superintendent was appointed over every class of artisans.

• • • The Sultan also repaired the tombs of former kings.

• • • It is a custom among kings while they are on the

throne to appropriate villages and lands to religious men in order to provide means for the maintenance and repair of their tombs. But these endowments had all been destroyed, and the grantees being divested of them, were reduced to distress. * * * The Sultan carefully repaired all the tombs and restored the lands and villages after bringing into cultivation such as had been laid waste. He also sought out and restored the superintendents and officers of these endowments who had been driven out of them. * * * The financial officer ( diwan-i ivizarat) examined the plan of every proposed building, and made provision so that the work should not be stopped for want of funds. The necessary money was issued from the royal treasury to the managers of the build- ing, and then the work was begun. Thus it was that so many buildings of different kinds were erected in the reign of Firoz Shah.

Twelfth Mukaddama. — Consideration of the Sultan for the tin-

• • • The Sultan gave directions that when there were any workmen out of employ in the city they were to be sent to him. The kotwal used to call his district officers before him, and make enquiries of them. The most respectable people, out of shame, would not make their necessities known, and such gentlemen as these were brought to the kotwal by his officers. * * * When they were brought before the Sultan they were all placed in employ. Men of the pen were sent into the Government estab- lishments ( kdr-khdna ), intelligent men of business were placed under the Khan-i Jahan, if any one expressed a desire to be made the slave ( banda ) of any particular nobleman, the Sultan himself used to send a letter of recommendation to that noble ; and if one desired to be made the slave {banda) of an amir who held a fief {ikta’), a farman was sent to that amir, and the applicant proceeded thither. So, few persons remained without employment, and wherever one of the unemployed was sent, there he found a comfortable settlement. * * *

Thirteenth Mnkaddama. — The royal establishments ( kar-khana ) of

Sultan Firoz had thirty-six royal establishments, for which enormous supplies of articles were collected, * * * and the annual outlay on which was very large. Some of them were in receipt of a regular payment ( rdyat'i ); others had no fixed income ( gliair-rayati ). Thus among the rayati establishments there were the elephant, horse, and camel stables, the kitchen, the butlery, the candle department, the dog-kennels, the water- cooling department and other similar establishments. These received a regular monthly allowance of one lac and sixty thou- sand tankas for their expenses, in addition to which there was the cost of their furniture,1 and the monthly salaries of the ac- countants2 and other officers, which also amounted to one lac and sixty thousand silver tankas. In the establishments which received no regular allowance, such as the wardrobe, the ’alam- khdna or insignia, the carpet stores, and the like, new goods were procured every year according to orders given. In the winter season six lacs of tankas were expended on the wardrobe, besides the outlay for the spring and summer. 80,000 tankas were expended on the ’alam-khana in the purchase of articles, besides the salaries of the accountants and the wages of the work- people. About two lacs of tankas were expended in the carpet department. Each of these establishments was under the charge of a khan or malik of high rank ; thus the wardrobe was under the superintendence of Malik ’Ali and Malik Isma’il. * * *

Khwaja Abu-1 Hasan Khan was charged with the general

2 The copyists seem to have been puzzled with this chapter. They all, in the early part of it, write cUA , “border of a garment,” although it makes no

sense; while the correct word appears to be “an accountant,” which is

used in similar passages subsequently. The reading of this passage in three of the MSS. is L^rj[^r£\ ^ cU-iU- *. ~t hut the writer of the MS. 1002, of

the East India Library, seeing the inconsistency of hdshiya and ashab, changes the latter word into asbdb. In another part, one MS. instead of ’alam-khana has kham- khana, “wine cellar and they all write “ sar-mdhi,” which has been translated as being either an equivalent, or a mistake, for dar-rndhi, “monthly pay.”

superintendence of all the kar-khanas, and through him all orders were issued to the respective establishments. There was a separate financial department ( diwdn-khana ) for the kar-khanas, in which the general accounts were kept, but the accounts were rendered to and recorded in the exchequer (dtwan-i wizarat ). So that the exchequer not only kept an account of the land revenues ( iktd ’), but also of the expenditure of the kar-khanas. There were many accountants in the various kar-khanas who received monthly pay. * * The royal stables were in five different places, * * * and, beside these, some thousands of horses grazed in the neighbourhood of Dehli, and were called sih-panj. The camel establishment was distinct, * * * and was in the district of Dub- lahan, where whole villages were appropriated to them and their keepers. * * * Their numbers increased every year, because the great feudatories, when they came to Court, brought camels of all sorts among their presents to the throne. * * *

In this reign there were audits of the accounts of the fiefs. When the feudatory came up from his fief to Court, he was brought before the exchequer, where an audit of his accounts was held, and the results were reported to the throne. The balance was struck, and the chieftain was questioned, after which he was sent back at once to his fief. The managers ( muharrir ) of the kar-khanas also had to attend in the exchequer at the end of every year, and present abstracts of their accounts, show- ing the balance of cash and the stores of goods. * * *

Fourteenth Mukaddama. — On the striking of the Coin called

Sultan Firoz issued several varieties of coins. There was the gold tanka and the silver tanka. There were also distinct coins of the respective value of forty-eight, twenty-five, twenty- four, twelve, ten, eight, six, and one jit a l, known as the chihal o hashtgani,1 hist o panjgani, hist o chahargani, dwdzdahgdni,

1 Gan is an aggregate particle added to numerals. The meaning of gam is exactly expressed in the vulgar phrases “a fiver,” “a tenner.” Mr. Thomas, however, finds quite a different origin for the term. See Jour. R. A. S., Yol. II., new series, p. 166.

clahgani, hashtgdni, shashgani and yakjital. When the Sultan had issued these many varieties of coins, it occurred to his benignant mind that a very poor person might buy an article in the market, and a half or a quarter jital might be due to him in change, but if the shopkeeper had no clangs (quarters) no change could be be given, and the purchaser would incur a loss. If the purchaser demanded his due, how could he get it if there was no coin in which to pay it. Contentions might thus arise between buyer and seller. The Sultan accordingly gave directions for the issu- ing of a half jital, called adhdj and a quarter jital, called bikh, so that the requirements of the indigent might be supplied.

When the Sultan ordered the coinage of the shashgani (or six- jital- piece), Kajar Shah was Director of the Mint, and he exerted himself to execute the orders of the Sultan. The new coin was accordingly struck during the reign of the Sultan, under the management of Kajar Shah. When it came into circulation two sharp individuals made a representation to the Sultan that there was a deficiency of one grain of silver in the shashgani, and prayed for an investigation to test the truth of their statement. If it proved true the officials must take the consequences. The Sultan directed his ministers to make private enquiry into the truth of the statement. Khan-i Jahan Makbul was then alive; it was the year 772 h. (1370 A.D.), and he turned his attention and political experience to the matter. He observed that the coinage of kings was like an unmarried daughter, whom no one would seek after, however beautiful and charming she might be, if any aspersion had, either rightly or wrongly, been cast upon her character. So also with royal coins, if any one honestly or falsely, from interested motives, alleged a deterioration of the coinage, the insinuation would spread, the coinage would obtain a bad name, and no one would take it. On hearing this his Majesty said, what course can we take to ascertain the rights of this matter. The minister replied that it would be very im- politic to publish the secret rules (of the manufacture of the

coin) ; but to pass the matter over would be an error, and to hold an (open) investigation would be a great mistake. The Sultan insisted that the truth must be ascertained so that his doubts might be dispelled. The minister then recommended that the two informers should be placed in confinement, and that a careful examination should be made (in private). Accordingly the informers were confined in the prison of the Exchequer {diwan-i wizarat), and the next day was appointed for the busi- ness of testing.

Khan-i Jalian retired, and his Majesty went into his private apartments. The minister then sent secretly for Kajar Shah, and when he arrived1 Khan-i Jahan addressed him saying that his officials had been very covetous, and had greatly diminished the value of the coins. It was well known in the world that government clerks and servants ( kar-kun ) were given to pecula- tion.2 There was no intention of charging him (Kajar Shah) with participation in this delinquency, but he had better go and make enquiry among his subordinates. If the charge of de- terioration proved to be true, he (Khan-i Jalian) would devise some adroit move3 by which the shashgdni coin should appear to the world as of full intrinsic value. Kajar Shah returned to his office and made the necessary investigation, when it was acknow- ledged that the shashgdni was one grain of silver deficient. He ac- cordingly made a full and true report to the Sultan. The minister thereupon recommended that some goldsmiths should be called in privately to test the truth of the matter, and Kajar Shah was directed to provide them. When Kajar Shah received this in- struction he proceeded to the goldsmiths and communicated to

1 The words from the beginning of the paragraph to this point are found in only one of the four MSS. (No. 1002 East India Library), although they are necessary to the sense.

2 The translation here follows the general sense of the context rather than the

actual word used, which is a very doubtful one. One MS. has i •• . «y.‘ another

i"iU \y f the third seems to agree with this as it writes ' " • The fourth has

3 The game of chess is here used to express the speaker’s meaning.

them what he had heard from the minister ; telling them that they must contrive to show that matters were all right and proper. The goldsmiths replied that when they should be called to make the assay in the presence of the Sultan they would have to go naked, excepting only the barest clothing required by decency ; but that if a few grains of silver could be smuggled into the palace they would throw it into the crucible. Kajar Shah then proceeded to the charcoal dealers, and after making known his wishes they agreed to scoop out a piece of charcoal, to introduce a few grains of silver, and to seal up the aperture with wax. Next day the Sultan took his seat in a private apartment with his minister. Kajar Shah and his accusers were then called in. The gold- smiths also were brought in wearing the most scant clothing, and the charcoal dealers brought the charcoal and placed it before the goldsmiths. Several shashgdni pieces were placed in a crucible, which the goldsmiths put upon the fire. The Sultan entered into conversation with his minister, and while he was so engaged, the workmen adroitly threw into the melting pot the piece of charcoal which contained the silver. After a while the crucible was taken off the fire and allowed to cool. It was then taken before the Sultan and (the contents were) weighed, when the weight corres- ponded to the estimate, and the shashgdni proving to be of full standard value, the informers were declared to be false accusers. The Sultan presented Kajar Shah with a robe, and bestowed on him other marks of favour. Khan-i Jahan then said that as the coin had come triumphant out of the test, Kajar Shah should be mounted on an elephant and paraded round the city, so that all men might understand that the shashgdni was of full value, and not to be charged with impurity. Kajar Shah was accordingly carried through the city in triumph, and the two informers, being shown to be false, were banished. After awhile the minister caused Kajar Shah to be dismissed upon some other charge. If there were no such wise ministers the affairs of States would fall into confusion, and the animadversions of the high and low would be cast upon the most excellent institutions.

Fifteenth Mukaddama. — Establishment of a House of Charity and a Hospital.

Saltan Firoz founded an establishment ( diwan-i hhairat ) for the promotion of marriages. Many needy Musulmans were dis- tressed at having marriageable daughters, for whom they could provide no marriage portion. * * * Notice was given that any man having a marriageable daughter might apply at the diwan-i hhairat and state his case and his poverty to the officers of that establishment, * * * who, after due enquiry, might fix an allow- ance of fifty tankas for the first class of recipients, thirty for the second, and twenty-five for the third. * * * People, small and great, flocked to the city from all parts of the country, and re- ceived grants for purchasing housekeeping requisites for their daughters. * * *

The Shifa-khana, or Hospital, also called , Sihliat-khdna. * * * The Sultan, in his great kindness and humanity, established a hospital for the relief of the sick and afflicted, whether natives ( ashna ) or strangers. Able physicians and doctors were appointed to superintend it, and provision was made for the supply of medi- cines. The poor afflicted went to the hospital and stated their cases. The doctors duly considered and applied their skill to the restoration of health. Medicines, food, and drinks were supplied at the expense of the treasury. * * *

When the Sultan founded these institutions for the public benefit he settled some rich and well cultivated villages upon them, to provide for their expenses. Allowances were also granted to learned men and Kuran readers. The author has understood from the best authority that the sum of thirty-six lacs of tankas out of the revenues of the kingdom were appro- priated to the payment of wages ( idrar ), and that 4,200 afflicted persons received these monthly allowances. * * *

Sultan Firoz used to keep the ’ids, the Shab-i bardt, and the Nau-roz (New Years Day) as public festivals. * * *

Seventeenth Mukaddama. — Engagement of musicians at the Palace on Fridays, after prayers.

Every Friday, after public service, parties of musicians from the four cities,1 athletes, and story-tellers, amounting in all to about three thousand persons, used to attend at the palace.

Eighteenth Mukaddama. — Inventions or new contrivances.

The Tds-i Gliariyal has already been described in the eighteenth Mukaddama of the Third Book, etc., etc.

Kism Y. — Tonsure of Firoz Shah. The Prince Fath Khan.

The great Khans and Maliks. Close of the Keign.

First Mukaddama. — The Tonsure of Firoz Shah.

The Sultan showed great respect to Shaikhu-1 Islam ’Alau-d din and Shaikhu-1 Islam Faridu-d din Ajodhani. As long as he lived he paid much attention to the elders of religion, and towards the end of his rei<m he himself became a shaveling ( mahliik ).2 * * * In the year 776 h. (1374 a.d.), the Sultan went on a pilgrimage to the tomb of Salar Mas’ud GliazI at Bahraich. He stayed there some time, and one night the spirit of Salar Mas’ud appeared to him in a dream,3 and stroked his own beard with his hand, thereby intimating to the Sultan that age was prevailing over him, and that he must prepare for death. When he returned from the visit, many of the khans and amirs , out of love for the Sultan, performed the tonsure.

Second Mukaddama. — Suppression of unlawful practices.

Abuses which had pressed upon the people in revenue matters, mal-practices in the administration of public business, and

2 Three of the four MSS. write ‘‘makhluk, created,” instead of “ mahliik , shaven,” although there are passages which expressly mention the removal of the hair from the Sultan’s head. Mr. Thomas’s MS. has the word mahliik correct.

3 The ghost of Mas’ud must apparently have attained a notoriety for revisiting the mortal world, and so the author of the Mir-at-i Masudi only adopted a popular belief in asserting that he wrote his book under the inspiration of that spirit. See Yol. II., p. 513.

breaches of the Holy Law were all forbidden. One of these (last) was the painting of portraits in the private apartments of kings. It was held right among monarchs to have painted chambers to gratify their eyes in retirement, but Firoz Shah, in his fear of God, prohibited the painting of portraits as con- trary to the Law, and directed that garden scenes should be painted instead.

Former kings used to have ornaments of brass and copper, silver and gold, in opposition to the Law ; these he interdicted. They had also used plates and drinking vessels of metal ; these also were forbidden, and he used only stone and earthenware table furniture. Pictures on banners and ensigns were also for- bidden.

Learned and holy men were also present in the Court of the Sultan, and whatever they objected to as being unlawful in the col- lection of taxes he forbad, even though it diminished the revenue. They brought to the notice of His Majesty several abuses which had sprung up in former reigns, and among them was that of ddngdna. Merchandize that had paid the regular zakdt , after being passed, was carried off to the zariba , again weighed, and an impost of one dang per tanka levied. A large sum was thus raised. Merchants, both natives and strangers, were sorely vexed with the proceedings at the ddngdna office, for they were subjected to annoyances and delays by the officials, and were quite helpless. In the city of Dehli there was an unlawful impost called mustag- hall — a ground rent levied from houses and shops, which pro- duced annually 150,000 tankas. It was also called kird-zamin , or ground rent. There was another unlawful tax called jazari, levied from butchers, at the rate of twelve jitals for every ox they killed, and this brought a considerable sum to the treasury. The Rozi was an impost upon traders. When traders, native or foreign, brought grain, salt, sugar, or other goods into Dehli, laden upon bullocks,1 the customs officers used to seize these animals for a day and send them to old Dehli. In this old city

there were seven fortifications ( hisar ), built by famous sovereigns ; but these buildings were old and falling to decay, and they fur- nished an inexhaustible supply of bricks. The trader’s animals were sent to this place for a day (roz) by the government officials, and had to convey one load of bricks from thence to Firozabad. No merchant who came to Dehli was allowed to depart until his animals had rendered this service. This made traders reluctant to come to the city, and, consequently, grain and salt began to grow dear.

The facts of these various imposts were brought to the know- ledge of his Majesty and were fully explained. The case of a trader was reported who had brought in three mans of cotton, which was carried to the ddnrjdna zariba and detained. The offi- cials would not take three clangs proffered in payment, nor would they let it pass. While it was thus detained it caught fire and was burnt. Such was the hardship on traders. The rozi also was so oppressive that traders kept away from the city, and com- modities rose in price. The mustaghall , or ground rent, was levied from all classes ; — from widows and the very poorest people, so that it bore very hardly upon them.

The Sultan, in his benevolence, * * * called to his presence the elders and learned men, the magistrates and revenue officers, and examined them upon these subjects. The doctors and elders all gave their opinion, which they supported by quotations from books of authority, that these imposts were opposed to the Law. So the Sultan ordered the abolition of them all. Kazi Nasru- llah, who was the Kazi of the army, was mounted on an ele- phant, and was sent out to read publicly the royal proclamation of abolition. * * * The author of this work, who was then under Mur Khan, was present and heard this proclamation read. The numbers of people who crowded to hear it exceeded all computation. * * * The author has been informed that the loss incurred by the abolition of these imposts amounted to thirty lacs of tankas per annum. This abolition was proclaimed in 777 h. (1375 a.d.).

Third Mukaddama. • — Burning of a Brahman before the Royal

A report was brought to the Sultan that there was in Dehli an old Brahman ( zundr ddr), who persisted in publicly performing the worship of idols in his house ; and that the people of the city, both Musulmans and Hindus, used to resort to his house to worship the idol. This Brahman had constructed a wooden tablet ( muhrak ), which was covered within and without with paintings of demons and other objects. On days appointed, the infidels went to his house and worshipped the idol, without the fact be- coming known to the public officers. The Sultan was informed that this Brahman had perverted Muhammadan women, and had led them to become infidels. An order was accordingly given that the Brahman, with his tablet, should be brought into the presence of the Sultan at Firozabad. The judges and doctors and elders and lawyers were summoned, and the case of the Brahman was submitted for their opinion. Their reply was that the provisions of the Law wei’e clear : the Brahman must either become a Musulman or be burned. The true faith was declared to the Brahman, and the right course pointed out, but he refused to accept it. Orders were given for raising a pile of faggots before the door of the darbar. The Brahman was tied hand and foot and cast into it ; the tablet was thrown on the top and the pile was lighted. The writer of this book was present at the darbar and witnessed the execution. The tablet of the Brahman was lighted in two places, at his head and at his feet ; the wood was dry, and the fire first reached his feet, and drew from him a cry, but the flames quickly enveloped his head and consumed him. Behold the Sultan’s strict adherence to law and rectitude, how he would not deviate in the least from its decrees.

Fourth Mukaddama. — Levy of the Jizya from the Brahmans.

• • • The Jizya, or poll tax, had never been levied from Brahmans ; they had been held excused, in former reigns. But

the Sultan convened a meeting of the learned men and elders, and suggested to them that an error had been committed in holding Brahmans exempt from the tax, and that the revenue officers had been remiss in their duty. The Brahmans were the very keys of the chamber of idolatry, and the infidels were de- pendent on them. They ought therefore to be taxed first. The learned lawyers gave it as their opinion that the Brah- mans ought to be taxed. The Brahmans of all the four cities then assembled and went to the Kushk-i Shikar , where the Sultan was engaged in building, and represented that the Brahmans had never before been called upon to pay the Jizya, and they wanted to know why they were now subjected to the indignity of having to pay it. They were determined to collect wood and to burn themselves under the walls of the palace rather than pay the tax. When these pleasant words (kalimat i pur naghmat ) were reported to the Sultan, he replied that they might burn and destroy themselves at once, for they would not escape from the payment. He could not overlook the matter as former kings had done, and they must give up all hope of it. The Brahmans remained fasting for several days at the palace until they were on the point of death. They clearly perceived that the Sultan did not intend to spare them. The Hindus of the city then assembled and told the Brahmans that it was not right to kill themselves on account of the Jizya , and that they would undertake to pay it for them. In Dehli, the Jizya was of three kinds: 1st class, Forty tankas; 2nd class, Twenty tankas; 3rd class, Ten tankas. When the Brahmans found their case was hopeless, they went to the Sultan and begged him in his mercy to reduce the amount they would have to pay, and he accordingly assessed it at ten tankas and fifty jitals 1 for each in- dividual.

Fifth Mukaddama. — Account of two giants and a dwarf; also of two bearded icomen [and other iconders of the reign~.

Sixth Mukaddama. — Memoir of the Khan-i ’azam Tatar Khan.

Tatar Khan was of Turk! origin. * * * In the reign of Ghiyasu-d din Tughlik Ghazi, a king of Khurasan made an attack upon Multan and Dipalpur, and was ravaging and wast- ing that country. He had a wife, a very handsome woman, from whom he could not bear to be absent, and so he took her with him on his campaign. She was pregnant, and was delivered of a child in the neighbourhood of Multan and Dipalpur. On that same night, Sultan Tughlik made an attack upon the army of her husband, which he defeated and put to flight. In the con- fusion the child was left in its cradle. * * * and was found by the soldiers of Sultan Tughlik. The Sultan was pleased with the child, brought him up like a son, and gave him the name of Tatar Malik. He was young when that Sultan died, but grew up in the reign of Sultan Muhammad, and became distinguished for his courage, intrepidity, and military talents. * * * In the reign of Firoz Shah he obtained the title of Tatar Khan [and many marks of distinction ]. * * * He collected a great number of commentaries on the Kuran, and having secured the assist- ance of a number of learned men, * * * he produced the com- mentary which he called the Tafsir-i Tatar Klidni. He also compiled a law book, called the Fatawa-i Tatar Khani. * * * He died some years after the accession of Firoz Shah.

Seventh Mukaddama. — Memoir of Khan-i Jahan.

The name of Khan-i Jahan was Makbul. In his state of ignorance (i.e. when he was a Hindu) he was called Kattu. He was a native of Telingana, and a man of high position in his tribe, and he had attracted the favour of the Rat of that country. When Sultan Muhammad sent the Rat of Telingana to Dehli, the Rat died upon the road. Kattu then presented himself to Sultan Muhammad, and made his profession of the Muhammadan faith. On being admitted to the honour of the faith, the Sultan gave him the name of Makbul, and bestowed on him many marks

of his favour. Sultan Muhammad perceived in him many marks of sagacity and intelligence, so he made him deputy-wazir of Dehli, when he used to seal and place his signature on parwanas as follows, “ Makbul, slave of Muhammad Tughlik.” Although he had no knowledge of reading and writing, he was a man of great common sense, acumen and intelligence, and was an orna- ment to the Court. In the reign of Sultan Muhammad he received the title of Kiwamu-1 Mulk, and a grant of the fief of Multan. This was before he became deputy-zrazir. In those days Khwaja-i Jahan was wazir of Sultan Muhammad. * * * When this Sultan died, and Sultan Firoz attained the throne, Khwaja-i Jahan was desirous of giving the crown to a son of Sultan Muhammad, and opposed Sultan Firoz, as has been related in a former part of this work. Khwaja-i Jahan and Kiwamu-1 Mulk were both in Dehli at the time, and when Firoz Shah approached the city, Kiwamu-1 Mulk went out to meet him, and helped him to get possession of the city. He was then made wazir [ and received the title of Khan-i Jahan]. * * * When the Sultan departed from Dehli on affairs of State, or for hunting, he used to leave Khan-i Jahan as his deputy, who, during his absence, rode about Dehli with a great display of power, * * * having his sons, grandsons, sons-in-law, and slaves in his train. * * * During the absence of the Sultan, the city was thus kept in subjection. After the death of the Khan, the Sultan ceased from his excursions, and only went out riding in the neighbourhood of the capital.

Khan-i-Jahan had a great number of children. He was much devoted to the pleasures of the harem, and sought eagerly for pretty handmaids. It is reported that he had two thousand women of Rum and Chin in his harem, where he spent much of his time notwithstanding his onerous official duties. He had numerous sons, and the Sultan made a provision that every son born to him should from his birth receive an allowance (nan) of 11,000 tankas for his maintenance, he also provided that every daughter on her marriage should receive an allowance

of 15,000 tankas. His sons and sons-in-law all wore caps and white waist-bands, and his magnificence reached to such a pitch, that the Sultan was often heard to say that Khan-i Jalian was the grand and magnificent king of Dehli.

’Ainu-1 Mulk was also called ’Ain Malini. * * * He was a wise, accomplished, excellent, clever man, full of sound judgment and intelligence, * * * but during the reign of Sultan Muham- mad bin Tughlik his brothers had been guilty of some improper and unworthy action, through which he had properly been sent into disgrace. * * * One day Muhammad Tughlik held a general Court, * * * when he perceived ’Ainu-1 Mulk, and, pointing to him, said, that the misconduct of his brothers had deprived the State of his services, and the Sultan gave orders that he should be re-instated in his position at Court. ’Ainu-1 Mulk was a clever and accomplished man of the highest ability. He wrote some excellent books in the reigns of Muhammad Tughlik and Firoz Shah. One of them is the ’ Amu-l Miilki, a popular and ap- proved work. * * In the reign of Firoz Shah he was appointed to the office of Ashraful-l Mamalik, and entered actively upon his duties in the minister’s office. But a dispute arose between him and the minister * * * which was carried to extremities. * * * The contention reached such a height that Khan-i Jalian often uttered most bitter personal remarks in the presence of ’Ainu-1 Mulk, and the latter retorted in the same strain ; there was no delicacy between them. * * * Khan-i Jalian told the Sultan that he could no longer stay in the country, and therefore he wished to make the pilgrimage to Mecca. * * * * At length the Sultan said to Khan-i Jahan, “ I have given to you the office of D'iwdn-1 wazarat , all officers are under you, dismiss whom you please and give the office of Ashrafu-l mamalik to another.” The wazir went home rejoiced, * * * and sent ’Ainu-1 Mulk his dismissal. When ’Ainu-1 Mulk received his discharge he did not go to the palace for three days, but on the third day he went and paid his respects to the sovereign. The Sultan called him near, and observed that the world is ruined

by dissensions, * * * * and as a quarrel had arisen between Khan-i Jahan and him, there was granted to him the fiefs of Multan, Bhakkar, and Siwistan, whither he had better repair and look after their affairs. But ’Ainu-1 Mulk replied, that if he managed these territories he would not render his accounts to the office of the wazir , but that he would submit them to the Sultan himself. The Sultan accordingly ordered that the fief of Multan should be removed from the jurisdiction of the minister, and told ’Ainu-1 Mulk that he would himself receive his reports1 and that his books would be sufficient. Upon these conditions ’Ainu-1 Mulk accepted the fiefs. The writer has been informed that when ’Ainu-1 Mulk was thus dismissed, the chief servants met to consider the matter, and they observed that he had been disgraced through the influence of the minister, and that the same might happen to them to-morrow. They therefore endeavoured to set the Sultan against Khan-i Jahan. * * * ’Ainu-1 Mulk had started for Multan, and had proceeded about twenty-four kos , when he received an order from the Sultan directing him to leave all his train and return quickly. He did so with alacrity, and when he arrived in Dehli, the Sultan gave him a private audience, when the officers who w^ere present observed that it was not right to give such predominance to Khan-i Jahan, and that it would be well to beware of him. The Sultan looked towards ’Ainu-1 Mulk who said that * * * Klian-i Jahan was a wise and experienced minister, and that his removal would be a calamity to the State. These sentiments greatly pleased the Sultan. He afterwards consulted with him and asked him what ought to be done. He replied that the * * * wazir should be sent for, and that all fear and apprehension should be removed from his mind. # * * The minister was accordingly summoned, and when the officers who were sent to call him informed him of what had passed he was greatly amazed. * * * When the Sultan saw he was disturbed in mind

1 This seems to be the meaning of the sentence, but the exact words are “ all that you may happen to do in the fief of Multan shall be listened to.”

he reassured him, clothed him with a splendid robe and sent him away with many marks of favour. As the minister retired, radiant and happy, he embraced Ainu-1 Mulk and said, “ I had never thought that you were so friendly towards me. I have been wrong and ungracious to you.” ’Ainu-1 Mulk replied that he hoped that all misgiving would be removed from the mind of the minister, he had spoken warmly for him, notwithstanding their old feud, and all that he had said had been for the good of the throne of Sultan Firoz. Khan-i Jahan strongly wished to take ’Ainu-1 Mulk home with him but he declined.

[ Order of Precedence at Courf. Khan-i Jahan lived to a ripe old age, till he was more than eighty years old, and all his limbs had become very feeble. * * * He died in the year 770 H. (1368 a.d.), in the eighteenth year of the reign of Firoz Sli&h. When he died all Dehli went into mourning, and crowded to the mosques and tombs. [Eulogy of the Klidnf\ The Sultan was greatly affected at his death, and wept bitterly ; and he resolved in his mind that he would never more ride forth on any great enter- prize. * * *

When Khan-i Jahan held the fief of Multan, he had a son

born to him. * * * He wrote to acquaint Sultan Muhammad

Shah of the fact, and that monarch directed that the child should

be named Junan Shah. This was he who was afterwards known

as Khan-i Jahan, son of Khan-i Jahan. * * * After the death

of his father, the Sultan promoted him to the office of wasir,

and bestowed on him this title. * * * He acted as minister under

Firoz Shah for twenty years, * * * and the Sultan committed

all the affairs of the kingdom to his charge. But towards the

end of the reign of Firoz Shah, * * * enmity broke out between

the minister and Prince Muhammad Khan, afterwards Sultan

Muhammad Shah. Their dissensions were the cause of "reat

trouble and disaster to the country; old and young, small and great, suffered, and the country at length fell a prey to the inroads of the Mughals. The author has entered fully into the details of this quarrel in his memoir of Sultan Muhammad bin Firoz.

Eighth Mukaddama. — Memoir of Malik Naih Bar-bak.

Ninth Mukaddama. — Memoir of Malik-i Muluku-sh Sharf, ’ Imadu-l Mulk , Bashir-i Sultdni.

• • • Some say that Sipah-salar Rajab, the father of Sultan Firoz received ’Imadu-l Mulk as part of his wife’s dower, others that he purchased him with the price of some of his wife’s jewels, and others assert that when Sultan Firoz, after his accession, married a daughter of Sultan Kutbu-d din, this lady gave her slave ’Imadu-l Mulk to her husband. * * * * The great wealth of ’Imadu-l Mulk has already been spoken of; it amounted to krors. The author was told that on one occasion bags were required for containing the coin, and 2,500 tankas were expended in the purchase of the material, the cost of each bag being four jitals. * * * When the accounts were brought before ’Imadu-l Mulk he objected to this extravagant outlay for bags, and directed that pits should be dug in the ground and the money placed therein like as corn is stored.* * * There were many rich khans and maliks in the time of Firoz Shah, but no one was so rich as he ; indeed there never had been one so rich in any reign or in any kingdom. It is said that he amassed thirteen krors (of tankas) but he was avid in the acquisition of more. He held the fief of Rapri and looked very vigilantly after it. The clerks of the Exchequer ( d'ircdn-i wazarat) were afraid of him, and they refrained from calling him to account, so that in the course of years a large balance was due by him. This fact became known to the Sultan.* * * When Tmadu-1 Mulk heard about the enquiry he drew up a statement of his wealth which he himself presented to the Sultan, who read it without making any observation and returned it. * * One day Tmadu-1 Mulk brought a kror (of tankas ) in bags to Court, and when the Sultan cried out “ Bashir, what is this?” he replied that it was a small contribu- tion ( chize ’ alufah ) for the use of the servants of the court. The Sultan declined to take it, but ’Imadu-l Mulk urged its ac- ceptance. At length the Sultan said, “ Bashir is my property,

and so liis property is mine. Eat this kror must not be placed in the public treasury, because that is the depository of the public revenue. Let it therefore be deposited with Makbul the perfumer (’ itr-dar ). Whenever Khan-i Jahan required money for fitting out the equipage of the Sultan, he used to give notice to the Sultan, and this kror in the hands of Makbul was drawn upon for the necessary expenses.1 But as money was continually coming in from (’Imadu-l Mulk’s) fief, which was handed over to Makbul the perfumer, the kror (of tankas ), so long as the Sultan lived, was not diminished. * * * When ’Imadu-l Mulk died the Sultan decided that the wealth did not belong to the deceased. There were twelve krors, of which the Sultan took nine, leaving three for Malik Is’hak.

Tenth Mukaddama. — Memoir of Malik Saiyidu-l Hujjdb.

Eleventh Mukaddama . — Memoir of Malik Shamsu-d din Aburja, Mustaufi - mamalik.

Twelfth Mukaddama. — Memoir of Shamsu-d din Ddmaghani.

Thirteenth Mukaddama. — Destruction of a band of murderers by

Fourteenth Mukaddama. — Attention shown to three subjects by Firoz Shah towards the end of his life , viz.,

1. Liberation of prisoners. 2. Restoration of mosques. 3. Redressing the wrongs of the oppressed.

Fifteenth Mukaddama. — The last farewell of Saiyid Jaldlu-d din.2

Sixteenth Mukaddama. — Repentance of Firoz Shah.

Seventeenth Mukaddama. — Resignation ( taslim kardan ) of Firoz Shah to Khan-i Jahan.

Eighteenth Mukaddama. — Account of the charms iahrcdl i sikr) performed for Firoz Shah.

1 Sir H. Elliot’s and Mr. Thomas’ MSS. here come to an abrupt termination, having been evidently copied, as before observed, from the same (imperfect) original.

2 The best MS. terminates abruptly in this chapter. The headings of the remain- ing three chapters are taken from the Preface.

[This little work, the production of the Sultan Firoz Shall, contains a brief summary of the res gestae of his reign, or, as he designates them, his “Victories.” Sir H. Elliot was un- able to obtain a copy of it, but considered its recovery very desirable, “ as everything relating to the noble character of Firoz is calculated to excite attention.” Colonel Lees also speaks of it, but he had never seen it, and was not well in- formed as to its extent.1 Mr. Thomas was more fortunate, for he possesses a copy which purports to have been written in 1139 h. (1726 a.d.), but it is quite modern ; the date therefore must be that of the MS. from which it was copied. The work is a mere brochure of thirty-two pages, and the editor has translated the whole of it, with the exception of a few lines in the preface laudatory of the prophet. It exhibits the humane and generous spirit of Firoz in a very pleasing unostentatious light, recording his earnest endeavours to discharge the duties of his station with clemency, and to act up to the teaching of his religion with reverence and earnestness.]

[Praises without end, and infinite thanks to that merciful Creator who gave to me his poor abject creature Firoz, son of Rajab, the slave of Muhammad Shah son of Tughlik Shah, His impulse for the maintenance of the laws of His religion, for the

1 Journal Royal Asiatic Society, Yol. IV., New Series, p. 446. See also Briggs’ Ferishta, I., 462.

repression of heresy, the prevention of crime, aud the prohibition of things forbidden ; who gave me also a disposition for dis- charging my lawful duties and my moral obligations. * * * My desire is that, to the best of my human power, I should recount and pay my thanks for the many blessings He has bestowed upon me, so that I may be found among the number of His grateful servants. First I would praise Him because when irreligion and sins opposed to the Law prevailed in Hindustan, and mens’ habits and dispositions were inclined towards them, and were averse to the restraints of religion, He inspired me His humble servant with an earnest desire to repress irreligion and wickedness, so that I was able to labour diligently until with His blessing the vanities of the world, and things repugnant to religion, were set aside,

and the true was distinguished from the false.

1. In the reigns of former kings the blood of many Musulmans had been shed, and many varieties of torture employed. Ampu- tation of hands and feet, ears and noses ; tearing out the eyes, pouring molten lead into the throat, crushing the bones of the hands and feet with mallets, burning the body with fire, driving iron nails into the hands, feet, and bosom, cutting the sinews, sawing men asunder ; these and many similar tortures were practised. The great and merciful God made me, His servant, hope and seek for His mercy by devoting myself to prevent the unlawful killing of Musulmans, and the infliction of any kind of torture upon them or upon any men.

All these things were practised that fear and dread might fall upon the hearts of men, and that the regulations of government might be duly maintained.

Through the mercy which God has shown to me these severi- ties and terrors have been exchanged for tenderness, kindness, and mercy. Fear and respect have thus taken firmer hold of

the hearts of men, and there has been no need of executions, scourgings, tortures, or terrors. But this blessed result is altogether due to the mercy and favour of the Creator.

See how the mother’s tender breast Is by her child’s distress opprest.

The life-stream stopped will flow no more.

Thy blood the assassin’s blade may stain.

From the well of fate he life will draw Who shields the wretch from tyrants’ law.

By God’s help I determined that the lives ( khun ) of Musul- mans and true believers should be in perfect immunity, and whoever transgressed the Law should receive the punishment pre- scribed by the book and the decrees of judges.

2. The next matter, which by God’s help I accomplished, was the repetition of the names and titles of former sovereigns which had been omitted from the prayers on Sabbaths and Feasts. The names of those sovereigns of Islam, under whose happy fortune and favour infidel countries had been conquered, whose banners had waved over many a land, under whom mosques and pulpits had been built and exalted, the fragrant creed had been extended, and the people of Islam had waxen strong and warlike, the names of these men had fallen into neglect and oblivion. So I decreed that according to established custom their names and

titles should be rehearsed in the khutba and aspirations offered for the remission of their sins.

Hide not the merits of an honoured name ! ”

3. In former reigns they used to collect frivolous, unlawful, and unjust cesses at the public treasury, such as the Mandam bark, daldlat-i bazarha, jdrdri, amiri-tarab, gul-farosln, jariba-i tambol, changi-ghala, kitabi, bilgari, mdhi-faroshi, sdbunkari, risman faroshi, raughan-kari, nukhud-biryan, tah-bdzdr'i, jhaba, kimar-khana, dad-bankt, koticali, ihtisabi, karlii, charai, musa- dardt. I had all these abolished and removed from the accounts, and any revenue collector who exacted these cesses from the people was to be brought to punishment for his offence.

“ Better a people’s weal than treasures vast,

Better an empty chest than hearts downcast.”

The money received in the public treasury should be derived from sources recognized by the Sacred Law, and approved by books of authority. First the kharaj or tenth from cultivated lands, then the zakat or alms, then the jizya or poll tax on Hindus and other separatists, then the khams or fifth of the spoil and of (the produce of) mines. No tax unauthorized by the declarations of the book should be received in the public treasury.

4. Before my time it was the rule and practice that in re- pressing infidelity four-fifths of the spoil was appropriated to the public treasury and one-fifth was given to the captors ; but the rule of the Law is that one-fifth should be taken by the State, and four-fifths allotted to the captors. The provisions of the Law had thus been entirely subverted. As the Law was thus set at nought, every man looked upon himself as the lawful owner of the spoil he captured. Hence, children borne by female captives were the offspring of fornication. To prevent these irregularities I decreed that one-fifth (of the spoil) should be taken by the State, and four-fifths given to the captors.

5. The sect of Shi’ as, also called Raicafiz, had endeavoured to make proselytes. They wrote treatises and books, and gave in-

struction and lectures upon the tenets of their sect, and traduced and reviled the first chiefs of our religion (on whom be the peace of God !). I seized them all and I convicted them of their errors and perversions. On the most zealous I inflicted punish- ment ( siyasat ), and the rest I visited with censure ( tazir ) and threats ( tahd'ib ) of public punishment ( tashtdr-i zijr). Their books I burnt in public, and so by the grace of God the influence of this sect was entirely suppressed.

6. There was a sect of heretics ( mulhicl ), and sectarians ( nbah - tiyan ), who laboured to seduce the people into heresy and schism. They met by night at an appointed time and place, both friends and strangers. Wine was served, and they said that this was their religious worship. They brought their wives, mothers, and daughters to these meetings. The men threw them- selves on the ground as if in worship, and each man had inter- course with the woman whose garment he caught. I cut off the heads of the elders of this sect, and imprisoned and banished the rest, so that their abominable practices were put an end to.

7. There was a sect which wore the garments of atheism, and having thrown off all restraint, led men astray. The name of their chief was Ahmad Bali&ri. He dwelt in the city, and a party of his followers called him a God. They brought those people before me in bonds and chains, and informed me that he presumptuously made himself a prophet, and said that there could be none of the grace of prophecy in any one who had not been admitted into his following. One of his disciples affirmed that a God had appeared in Dehli, that is, Ahmad Bahari. When these facts were proved against them, I ordered them both to be confined and punished with chains. I admonished the others to repent and reform, and I banished them to different cities to put a stop to the influence of this wretched sect.

8. There was in Dehli a man named Ruknu-d din, who was called Mahdi, because he affirmed himself to be the Im&m Mahdi who is to appear in the latter days, and to be possessed of know- ledge by inspiration. He said that he had not read or studied

under anyone, and that he knew the names of all things, a know- ledge which no prophet had acquired since Adam. He pretended that the mysteries of the science of letters (’ ilm-i huruf) had been revealed to him in a way never made known to any other man, and that he had written books upon the subject. He led people astray into mystic practices, and perverted ideas by main- taining that he was Ruknu-d din, the prophet of God. The elders brought the facts of this case to my attention, and gave evidence of what they had heard him say. When he was brought before me I investigated the charges of error and perversion brought against him, and he was convicted of heresy and error. The doctors of the Law said he was an infidel, and worthy of death, for having spread such vile and pernicious ideas among the people of Islam. If any delay were made in putting them down they would spread like a pestilence, and many Musulmans would stray from the true faith. A revolt (against religion) would follow ; and many men would fall into perdition. I ordered that this vile fellow’s rebellion and wickedness should be communicated to all societies of learned men, and be made public to all men, high and low : and that in accordance with the de- cision of the doctors learned in the holy Law, the guilty should be brought to punishment. They killed him with some of his supporters and disciples, and the people rushing in tore him to pieces and broke his bones into fragments. Thus was his iniquity prevented. God in His mercy and favour, made me, His humble creature, the instrument of putting down such wickedness, and abolishing such heresy ; and guided me to effect a restoration of true religion. Thanks for this are due to the great and glorious God. Upon hearing or reading the facts here recorded, every well-wisher of His religion will admit that this sect was de- servedly punished, and for this good action I hope to receive future reward.

9. A person who was one of the pupils of ’Ain Mahru,1 had set himself up as a shaikh in the country of Gujarat, and having

got together a body of disciples, used to say, “ Ana-1 HaW (I am God). He commanded his disciples that when he used these words they were to say, “ Thou art, thou art ! ” He further said, “ I am the king who dies not and he wrote a book in which he inserted the words of his profession ( kalamat ). He was put in chains and brought before me. The charge being proved, I condemned him to punishment, and his book I ordered to be burnt, so that his innovation ( fasad ) might be prevented from spreading among the faithful people of Islam.

10. A custom and practice unauthorized by the Law of Islam had sprung up in Musulman cities. On holy days women riding in palankins, or carts, or litters, or mounted on horses or mules, or in large parties on foot, went out of the city to the tombs. Rakes and wild fellows of unbridled passions and loose habits, took the opportunity which this practice afforded for improper riotous actions. I commanded that no woman should go out to the tombs under pain of exemplary punishment. Now, thanks to the great God, no lady or respectable Musulman woman can go out on pilgrimage to the tombs. The practice has been en- tirely stopped.

11. The Hindus and idol- worshipers had agreed to pay the money for toleration ( zar-i zimmiya), and had consented to the poll tax (jizya), in return for which they and their families en- joyed security. These people now erected new idol temples in the city and the environs in opposition to the Law of the Prophet which declares that such temples are not to be tolerated. Under Divine guidance I destroyed these edifices, and I killed those leaders of infidelity who seduced others into error, and the lower orders I subjected to stripes and chastisement, until this abuse wras entirely abolished. The following is an instance : — In the village of Maluh there is a tank which they call Jcund (tank). Here they had built idol-temples, and on certain days the Hindus were accustomed to proceed thither on horseback, and wearing arms. Their women and children also went out in palankins and carts. There they assembled in thousands and performed

idol worship. This abuse had been so overlooked that the bazar people took out there all sorts of provisions, and set up stalls and sold their goods. Some graceless Musulmans, thinking only of their own gratification, took part in these meetings. When intelli- gence of this came to my ears my religious feelings prompted me at once to put a stop to this scandal and offence to the religion of Islam. On the day of the assembling I went there in person, and I ordered that the leaders of these people and the promoters of this abomination should be put to death. I forbad the in- fliction of any severe punishments on the Hindus in general, but I destroyed their idol temples, and instead thereof raised mosques. I founded two flourishing towns (kasha), one called Tughlikpur, the other Salarpur. Where infidels and idolaters worshiped idols, Musulmans now, by God’s mercy, perform their devotions to the true God. Praises of God and the summons to prayer are now heard there, and that place which was formerly the home of infidels has become the habitation of the faithful, who there repeat their creed and offer up their praises to God.

12. Information was brought to me that some Hindus had erected a new idol-temple in the village of Salihpur, and were performing worship to their idol. I sent some persons there to destroy the idol temple, and to put a stop to their pernicious in- citements to error.

13. Some Hindus had erected a new idol-temple in the village of Kohana, and the idolaters used to assemble there and perform their idolatrous rites. These people were seized and brought before me. I ordered that the perverse conduct of the leaders of this wickedness should be publicly proclaimed, and that they should be put to death before the gate of the palace. I also ordered that the infidel books, the idols, and the vessels used in their worship, which had been taken with them, should all be publicly burnt. The others were restrained by threats and punishments, as a warning to all men, that no zimmi could follow such wicked practices in a Musulman country.

14. It had been the practice in former reigns to use vessels of

gold and silver at the royal table, and sword-belts and quivers were ornamented with gold and jewels. I forbad these things, and I ordered the fittings of my arms to be made of bone, and I commanded that only such vessels should be used as are recog- nized by the Law.

15. In former times it had been the custom to wear orna- mented garments, and men received robes as tokens of honour from kings’ courts. Figures and devices were painted and dis- played on saddles, bridles, and collars, on censers, on goblets and cups, and flagons, on dishes and ewers, in tents, on curtains and on chairs, and upon all articles and utensils. Under Divine guidance and favour I ordered all pictures and portraits to be removed from these things, and that such articles only should be made as are approved and recognized by the Law. Those pictures and portraits which were painted on the doors and walls of palaces I ordered to be effaced.

16. Formerly the garments of great men were generally made of silk and gold brocades, beautiful but unlawful. Under Divine guidance I ordered that such garments should be worn as are approved by the Law of the Prophet, and that choice should be made of such trimmings of gold brocade, embroidery, or braiding as did not exceed four inches ( asabi ’) in breadth. Whatever was unlawful and forbidden by, or opposed to, the Law was set aside.

Among the gifts which God bestowed upon me, His humble servant, was a desire to erect public buildings. So I built many mosques and. colleges and monasteries, that the learned and the elders, the devout and the holy, might worship God in these edifices, and aid the kind builder with their prayers. The digging of canals, the planting of trees, and the endowing with lands are in accordance with the directions of the Law. The learned doctors of the Law of Islam have many troubles ; of this there is no doubt. I settled allowances upon them in pro- portion to their necessary expenses, so that they might regularly receive the income. The details of this are fully set forth in the Wakf-nama.

Again, by the guidance of God, I was led to repair and rebuild the edifices and structures of former kings and ancient nobles, which had fallen into decay from lapse of time ; giving the re- storation of these buildings the priority over my own building works. The Masjid-i jami1 of old Dehli, which was built by Sultan Mu’izzu-d din Sam, had fallen into decay from old age, and needed repair and restoration. I so repaired it that it was quite renovated.

The western wall of the tomb of Sultan Mu’izzu-d din Sam, and the planks of the door, had become old and rotten. I re- stored this, and, in the place of the balcony, I furnished it with doors, arches, and ornaments of sandal-wood.

The minara of Sultan Mu’izzu-d din Sam had been struck by lightning. I repaired it and raised it higher than it was before.

The Hanz-i Shamsi, or tank of Altamsh, had been deprived of water by some graceless men, who stopped up the channels of supply. I punished these incorrigible men severely, and opened again the closed up channels.

The Hauz-i 'Alai, or tank of ’Alau-d din, had no water in it, and was filled up. People carried on cultivation in it, and had dug wells, of which they sold the water. After a generation (Jcarn) had passed I cleaned it out, so that this great tank might again be filled from year to year.

The Madrasa (college) of Sultan Shamsu-d din Altamsh had been destroyed. I rebuilt it, and furnished it with sandal-wood doors. The columns of the tomb, which had fallen down, I restored better than they had been before. When the tomb was built its court ( sahn ) had not been made curved ( kaj ), but I now made it so. I enlarged the hewn-stone staircase of the dome, and I re-erected the fallen piers ( pushti ) of the four towers.

Tomb of Sultan Mu’izzu-d din, son of Sultan Shamsu-d din, which is situated in Malikpur. This had fallen into such ruin that the sepulchres were undistinguishable. I re-erected the dome, the terrace, and the enclosure wall.

Tomb of Sultan Ruknu-d din, son of Shamsu-d din, in Malik-

pur. I repaired the enclosure wall, built a new dome, and erected a monastery ( khdnkdh ).

Tomb of Sultan Jalalu-d din. This I repaired, and I supplied it with new doors.

Tomb of Sultan ’Alau-d din. I repaired this, and furnished it with sandal-wood doors. I repaired the wall of the abclar- khdna, and the west wall of the mosque, which is within the college, and I also made good the tesselated pavement ( farsh-i ta’shib) .

Tomb of Sultan Kutbu-d din and the (other) sons of Sultan ’Alau-d din, viz., Khizr Khan, Shadi Khan, Farid Khan, Sultan Shahabu-d din, Sikandar Khan, Muhammad Khan, ’Usman Khan, and his grandsons, and the sons of his grandsons. The tombs of these I repaired and renovated.

I also repaired the doors of the dome, and the lattice work of the tomb of Shaikhu-1 Islam Nizamu-1 hakk wau-d din, which were made of sandal-wood. I hung up the golden chandeliers with chains of gold in the four recesses of the dome, and I built a meeting room, for before this there was none.

Tomb of Malik Taju-1 Mulk Kafuri, the great wazir of Sultan ’Alau-d din. He was a most wise and intelligent minister, and acquired many countries, on which the horses of former sovereigns had never placed their hoofs, and he caused the khutba of Sultan ’Alau-d din to be repeated there. He had 52,000 horsemen. His grave had been leveled with the ground, and his tomb laid low. I caused his tomb to be entirely renewed, for he was a devoted and faithful subject.

The Ddru-l arnan , or House of Rest. This is the bed and resting place of great men. I had new sandal-wood doors made for it, and over the tombs of these distinguished men I had curtains and hangings suspended.

The expense of repairing and renewing these tombs and colleges was provided from their ancient endowments. In those cases where no income had been settled on these foundations in former times for (procuring) carpets, lights, and furniture for the use of

travelers and pilgrims in the least of these places, I had villages assigned to them, the revenues of which would suffice for their expenditure in perpetuity.

Jakan-panah. This foundation of the late Sultan Muhammad Shah, my kind patron, by whose bounty I was reared and edu- cated, I restored.

All the fortifications which had been built by former sovereigns at Debit I repaired.

For the benefit of travelers and pilgrims resorting to the tombs of illustrious kings and celebrated saints, and for pro- viding the things necessary in these holy places, I confirmed and gave effect to the grants of villages, lands, and other en- dowments which had been conferred upon them in olden times. In those cases where no endowment or provision had been settled, I made an endowment, so that these establishments might for ever be secure of an income, to afford comfort to travelers and wayfarers, to holy men and learned men. May they remember those (ancient benefactors) and me in their prayers.

I was enabled by God’s help to build a Danish shifa, or Hospital, for the benefit of every one of high or low degree, who was suddenly attacked by illness and overcome by suffering. Physicians attend there to ascertain the disease, to look after the cure, to regulate the diet, and to administer medicine. The cost of the medicines and the food is defrayed from my endowments. All sick persons, residents and travelers, gentle and simple, bond and free, resort thither ; their maladies are treated, aud, under God’s blessing, they are cured.

Under the guidance of the Almighty I arranged that the heirs of those persons who had been executed ( Jcushta ) in the reign of my late lord and patron Sultan Muhammad Shah, and those who had been deprived of a limb, nose, eye, hand, or foot, should be reconciled to the late Sultan and be appeased with gifts, so that they executed deeds declaring their satisfaction, duly attested by witnesses. These deeds were put into a chest, which was placed in the Daru-l anxdn at the head of the tomb of the

late Sultan, in the hope that God, in his great clemency, would show mercy to my late friend and patron, and make those persons feel reconciled to him.

Another instance of Divine guidance was this. Villages, lands, and ancient patrimonies of every kind had been wrested from the hands of their owners in former reigns, and had been brought under the Exchequer. I directed that every one who had a claim to property should bring it forward in the law-court, and, upon establishing his title, the village, the land, or whatever other property it was should be restored to him. By God’s grace I was impelled to this good action, and men obtained their just rights.

I encouraged my infidel subjects to embrace the religion of the prophet, and I proclaimed that every one who repeated the creed and became a Musulman should be exempt from the jizya, or poll-tax. Information of this came to the ears of the people at large, and great numbers of Hindus presented themselves, and were admitted to the honour of Islam. Thus they came forward day by day from every quarter, and, adopting the faith, were exonerated from the jizya , and were favoured with presents and honours.

Through God’s mercy the lands and property of his servants have been safe and secure, protected and guarded during my reign ; and I have not allowed the smallest particle of any man's property to be wrested from him. Men often spoke to me officiously, saying that such and such a merchant had made so many lacs , and that such and such a revenue collector had so many lacs. By reproofs and punishments I made these informers hold their tongues, so that the people might be safe from their malignity, and through this kindness men became my friends and supporters.

“ Labour to earn for generous deeds a name,

Better one word of praise than stores of gold,

Better one grateful prayer than wealth untold.”

Under God’s favour my heart was occupied with an earnest

desire to succour the poor and needy ( fukra wa masakin) and to comfort their hearts. Wherever I heard of a faldr or religious recluse, I went to visit him and ministered to his necessities, so that I might attain the blessing promised to those who befriend the poor.

Whenever a person had completed the natural term of life and had become full of years, after providing for his support, I ad- vised and admonished him to direct his thoughts to making preparation for the life to come, and to repent of all things which he had done contrary to the Law and religion in his youth ; to wean his affections from this world, and to fix them on the next.

I desired to act upon the sentiment of these lines —

“ The practice of the great should be To succour honest men ;

And when a good man dies, to see His children find a friend.”

When any government servant filling an important and respon- sible position was carried off under the decrees of God to the happy future life, I gave his place and employment to his son, so that he might occupy the same position and rank as his father and suffer no injury.

“ Kings should make their rule of life To love the great and wise ;

The greatest and best of honours that I obtained through God’s mercy was, that by my obedience and piety, and friendli- ness and submission to the Khalifa , the representative of the holy Prophet, my authority was confirmed ; for it is by his sanction that the power of kings is assured, aud no king is secure until he has submitted himself to the khalifa , and has received a confir- mation from the sacred throne. A diploma was sent to me fully confirming my authority as deputy of the khilafat , and the leader of the faithful was graciously pleased to honour me with the title of “ Saiyidu-s Salat inf He also bestowed upon me robes, a banner, a sword, a ring, and a foot-print as badges of honour and distinction.

My object in writing this book has been to express my grati- tude to the All-bountiful God for the many and various blessings He has bestowed upon me. Secondly, that men who desire to be good and prosperous may read this and learn what is the proper course. There is this concise maxim, by observing which, a man may obtain God’s guidance : Men will be judged according to their works, and rewarded for the good that they have done.

[This is an autobiographical memoir of the Emperor Timur, written in the Chaghatai Turki language, translated into Persian by Abu Talib Husaini, and dedicated to the Emperor Shah Jahan, who began to reign in a.d. 1628.

In the brief preface to his translation, Abu Talib states that he found the original Turki work in the library of JaTar, Hakim of Yaman,1 and that it consisted of a history of Timur, from the seventh to the seventy-fourth year of his age. The reticence of Abu Talib as to the authenticity of the original work, and the strangeness of the place for the discovery of a MS. in a Turki language, have given rise to the suspicion that there was no such work, and that Abu Talib made the statement to give greater authority to a production of his own. Major Davy, who first brought the work to notice, argued against this sup- position, grounding his opinion on the internal evidence of the work itself, and on the improbability of an author resorting to “ an artifice which could tend only to diminish his fame and his profit.” The probability is that Abu Talib knew nothing more of the work than what he learned from its own pages, and that when he had turned these into Persian he had nothing to add. Timur’s descendants seem to have had a partiality for writing

! A person of this name was Pasha of Taman in 1610. — Astley’s Voyages referred to by Stewart in the Preface to his translation.

their own memoirs, as in the instances of Babar and Jahangir; and others, who did not profess to be their own biographers, pro- vided for a record of their lives and actions being written. This family predilection is of itself something in favour of the authen- ticity of the work.

The fact of its being a genuine work, produced under the super- vision of Timur himself, can however be proved upon more certain evidence. Only thirty years after Timur’s death, Sharafu-d din Yazdi wrote his celebrated Zafar-nama , or Book of Victory, to commemorate the exploits of Timur, and in his preface he details the sources from which his work was drawn, and the auspices under which it was written. To establish the veracity and au- thority of his history, he first describes, in the following words, the way in which a record of the events of Timur’s reign was kept at the Court of that Emperor.

“ The third recommendation (of this my work, named Zafar- nama ) is its truthfulness — the exactness and verity of the ac- counts and descriptions of the various events of Timur’s life, both at home and abroad. Men of the highest character for learning, knowledge, and goodness, Aighur officers and Persian secretaries, were in attendance at the Court of Timur, and a staff of them under the orders of the Emperor wrote down an account of everything that occurred. The movements, actions and sayings of Timur, the various incidents and affairs of State, of religion, and the ministers, were all recorded and written down with the greatest care. The most stringent commands were given that every event should be recorded exactly as it occurred, without any modification either in excess or diminu- tion. This rule was to be particularly observed in matters of personal bearing and courage, without fear or favour of any one, and most especially in respect of the valour and prowess of the Emperor himself. The learned and eloquent writers having recorded the facts, their compositions were polished and finished off in verse and prose. From time to time these writings were brought into the royal presence and were read to

the Emperor, so as to insure confidence by the impress of his approval. In this way the records of the various incidents and actions of the life of Timur, whether recounted in Turk! verse or Persian prose, were revised and finally recorded in prose and verse. Besides this, some of the officers of the Court wrote down the incidents of the reign of Timur, and took the greatest pains to ascertain the truth of what they recorded. Accomplished writers then moulded these productions into Turk! verse and Persian prose.”

Sharafu-d din then goes on to relate how his own royal patron Ibrahim, grandson of Timur, took the greatest interest in the com- position of the Zafar-nama how he procured from all parts of his dominions copies of the works relating to the life of Timur, in prose and verse, in Turki and in Persian ; how he supplied him with men learned in Persian and Turki as assistants ; how re- ference was made to surviving actors in the events recorded ; how he wrote letters in all directions to settle discrepancies in the MSS., and how he had the work read to him in the rough draft and in the finished state.1

So the basis of Sharafu-d din’s history was a work or works written under the direction or with the approval of Tiunir, and a comparison of the Zafar-nama with the Malfuzat proves the one to be a mere reproduction of the other. The events recorded and their succession are identical,2 and leave no doubt upon the mind that Sharafu-d din translated or wrote over again in an ornate style that history which had been compiled under Timur’s direction. Like Oriental writers in general, he half conceals the true origin of his book, and so exaggerates the magnitude and importance of his own labours, but the only difference observable in the two works is, that one is the pro- duction of a skilful and accomplished writer, the other the work of a plain, laborious, and minute chronicler of events. With all

1 Petis de la Croix in his translation of the Preface of the Zafar-ndma , which is abridged, and is less accurate than the rest of his translation, has made all this to appear as if it applied to Timur.

2 So far at least as concerns the extracts in this volume.

the rhetoric and flourishes of the Zafar-ndma, the narrative is shorter than that of the detailed and verbose biography.

The Tuzukat or Institutes were translated into English by Major Davy, and published under the editorship of Professor White, at Oxford, in 1783, and this work was turned into French by M. Dangles, and published in 1787.

The Malfuzdt or Memoirs, as far as the forty-first year of Timur’s age, were translated into English by Major Stewart, and were published by the Oriental Translation Fund in 1830.

The MS. used by Major Davy and Major Stewart was im- perfect, ending abruptly with the forty-first year of Timur’s age. This MS. is now in the library of the Royal Asiatic Society, which library also possesses another imperfect copy. There is a similar defective copy in the library of the East India Office ; Sir H. Elliot also procured a defective copy in India, and there are several in the British Museum. These, in all probability, were derived directly or indirectly from one MS. But the British Museum has lately secured a perfect copy from the library of the late General Hamilton, which bears the marks of having once belonged to the Royal Library at Lucknow.

Besides the Version of Abu Talib, there is another, the work of Muhammad Afzal Bukhari. The author of this later version tells us in his preface that when Amir Abu Talib’s translation had been read by the Emperor Shah Jalian, it was found to contain errors and mistakes. Its statements occasionally differed from those of the Zafar-ndma and other histories ; and while omitting events recorded in the Zafar-ndma , it added others of which no notice had been taken in that work. For these reasons he goes on to say: — “In the year 1047 of the Hijra, and tenth of his Majesty Shah Jahan’s reign (a.d. 1637),1 the royal orders were issued to me, the meanest of the servants of the Imperial Court (Muhammad Afzal Bukhari), to read and revise this book from beginning to end, and to assimi- late it with the Zafar-ndma , of the correctness of which no intelligent person can have a doubt, and compare it with some 1 So, Abu Talib’s version was finished between 1628 and 1637 a.d.

other trustworthy histories ; to omit some things which the translator had inserted, and to insert some occurrences which he had omitted ; also to translate the Turk! and Arabic sentences into Persian, and to correct several dates, which do not agree with the Zafar-nama. * * * (The author) has exerted himself as much as possible in revising and correcting the said translation, and has thrown out all the unauthenticated passages which Abu Talib had inserted. He has inserted several passages that have been omitted by that translator, and he has thereby made the book conform with the Zafar-nama .” Major Stewart observes

that “ It appears in Dow’s History of Hindustan that Mu- hammad Afzal was the name of the Emperor Shah Jahan’s preceptor, and so he was probably the person employed to revise this work, but he has not complied with his promise of trans- lating all the Turki passages, although a native of Bukhara, where that language was well understood.”

So the Zafar-nama was based upon the Turki memoirs of Timur translated by Abu Talib into Persian, and Muhammad Afzal was afterwards employed to bring these memoirs more com- pletely into accord with the Zafar-nama, which was founded upon them. The alterations of Abu Talib’s work are, however, made to appear greater and more important than they actually are. Major Stewart, after the translation of his fragment of Abu Talib’s work, received two copies of Muhammad Afzal’s, and he says in his Appendix : “ I have minutely compared them with Colonel Davy’s MS. as far as it extends, and find that the only additions they contain are extracts from Shq,rafu-d din’s history, an explanation of some particulars omitted in the Memoirs, and an attempt to prove that Timur was of the Sunni sect, although there is the strongest evidence that he was a very bigoted Shi a.1’ The editor of this work has made a comparison, though not a minute one, of the text of the following extracts as given in the MS. of Abu Talib in the British Museum, and in one of Mu- hammad Afzal’s belonging to Sir H. Elliot, and he has found no greater differences between them than might be expected in two

MSS. of the same work, So far as regards the portion relating to India the works are identically the same. The concluding sentences differ slightly in the two works, but in both Timur is made to record his own death. Muhammad Afzal, the later writer, makes him briefly say, “ I arrived at the village of Atrar 1 and died but Abu Talib is more specific, saying, “ At night, on the 17th of the month of Sha’ban (March 19, 1405 a.d.), calling upon the name of God, I lost my senses, and resigned my pure soul to the Almighty and Holy Creator” (and pure it was if blood could make it pure !). Major Stewart has noticed this apparent record by Timur of his own death, and shows that it ought not to stamp the work as a forgery. In the fourth clause of his Testament Timur says, “I desire that this my Testament, and whatever I shall say to the last moment of my existence, shall be written in my Memoirs as if proceeding from my own mouth.” This instruction has only been carried a trifle too far. The narrative given in this work of Timur’s expedition to India has been closely followed by Mirkhond in the Rauzatu-s Safa, used by Price in his Retrospect of Mahommedan History.

Two MSS. of Muhammad Afzal’s work have been used for the following extracts. One belonging to the Nawab of Jhajjar, and a copy of a portion of the work made for Sir H. Elliot from a MS. belonging to the Raja of Balamgarh. Up to page 421 the translation is the production of Mr. C. E. Chapman, of the Bengal Civil Service ; the remainder has been prepared by the Editor.]

The History of my expedition against Hindustan.

About this time there arose in my heart the desire to lead an expedition against the infidels, and to become a ghazi ; for it had reached my ears that the slayer of infidels is a ghazi , and if he is slain he becomes a martyr. It was on this account that I formed this resolution, but l was undetermined in my mind whether I should direct my expedition against the infidels of China or against the infidels and polytheists of India. In this 1 A large town two parasangs or leagues north of the Sihfm (Jaxartes).

matter I sought au omen from the Kuran, and the verse I opened upon was this, “ 0 Prophet, make war upon infidels and un- believers, and treat them with severity.”

My great officers told me that the inhabitants of Hindustan were infidels and unbelievers. In obedience to the order of Almighty God I determined on an expedition against them, and I issued orders to the amirs of mature years, and the leaders in war, to come before me, and when they had come together I questioned the assembly as to whether I should invade Hindustan or China, and said to them, “ By the order of God and the Prophet it is incumbent upon me to make war upon these infidels and polytheists.” Throwing themselves upon their knees they all wished me good fortune. I demanded of the warrior chief- tains whether I should direct my expedition against the infidels of Hindustan or China. At first they repeated fables and wise sayings, and then said, in the country of Hindustan there are four defences, and if any one invading this extensive country breaks down these four defences, he becomes the conqueror of Hindustan.

The first defence consists of five large rivers, which flow from the mountains of Kashmir, and these rivers unite in their course, and passing through the country of Sind, flow into the Arabian Sea, and it is not possible to cross them without boats and bridges. The second defence consists of woods and forests and trees, which, interweaving stem with stem and branch with branch, render it very difficult to penetrate into that country. The third defence is the soldiery, and landholders, and princes, and Rajas of that country, who inhabit fastnesses in those forests, and live there like wild beasts. The fourth defence con- sists of the elephants, for the rulers of that country in the day of battle equipping elephants in mail, put them in the van of their army, and place great confidence in them, and they have trained them to such a pitch that, lifting with their trunks a horse with his rider, and whirling him in the air, they will dash him on the ground.

Some of the nobles said in reply that Sultan Mahmud Subuk- tigin conquered the country of Hindustan with 30,000 horse, and established his own servants as rulers of that region, and carried off many thousand loads of gold and silver and jewels from that country, besides subjecting it to a regular tribute, and is our amir inferior to Sultan Mahmud? No; thanks to Al- mighty God, to-day a 100,000 valiant Tatar horsemen wait at the stirrup of our amir ; if he determines upon this expedition Al- mighty God will give him victory, and he will become a ghazi and mujahid before God, and we shall be attendants on an amir who is a ghazi , and the army will be contented and the treasury rich and well filled, and with the gold of Hindustan our amir will become a conqueror of the world and famous among the kings of earth.

At this time the prince Shah Rukh said : “ India is an extensive country ; whatever Sultan conquers it becomes supreme over the four quarters of the globe ; if, under the conduct of our amir, we conquer India, we shall become rulers over the seven climes.” He then said : “ I have seen in the history of Persia that, in the time of the Persian Sultans, the King of India was called Darai, with all honour and glory. On account of his dignity he bore no other name ; and the Emperor of Rome was called Ccesar, and the Sultan of Persia was called Kisra, and the Sultan of the Tatars, Khakan, and the Emperor of China, Faghfur; but the King of Tran and Turan bore the title of Shdhinskdh , and the orders of the Shdhinshah were always paramount over the princes and Rajas of Hindustan, and praise be to God that we are at this time Shahinshali of Iran and Turan, and it would be a pity that we should not be supreme over the country of Hindustan.” I was excessively pleased with these words of Prince Shah Rukh. Then the Prince Muhammad Sultan said : “ The whole country of India is full of gold and jewels, and in it there are seventeen mines of gold and silver, diamond and ruby and emerald and tin and iron and steel and copper and quicksilver, etc., and of the plants which grow there are those

fit for making wearing apparel, and aromatic plants, and the sugar cane, and it is a country which is always green and verdant, and the whole aspect of the country is pleasant and delightful. Now, since the inhabitants are chiefly polytheists and infidels and idolaters and worshipers of the sun, by the order of God and his prophet, it is right for us to conquer them.

My wazirs informed me that the whole amount of the revenue of India is six arbs ; now each arb is a 100 krors , and each kror is a 100 lacs , and each lac is a 100,000 miskals of silver. Some of the nobles said, “ By the favour of Almighty God we may conquer India, but if we establish ourselves permanently therein, our race will degenerate and our children will become like the natives of those regions, and in a few generations their strength and valour will diminish.” The amirs of regiments ( kushunat ) were disturbed at these words, but I said to them, “My object in the invasion of Hindustan is to lead an expedition against the infidels that, according to the law of Muhammad (upon whom and his family be the blessing and peace of God), we may con- vert to the true faith the people of that country, and purify the land itself from the filth of infidelity and polytheism; and that we may overthrow their temples and idols and become ghdzis and mujahids before God.” They gave an unwilling consent, but I placed no reliance upon them. At this time the wise men of Islam came before me, and a conversation began about the pro- priety of a war against infidels and polytheists ; they gave it as their opinion that it is the duty of the Sultan of Islam, and all the people who profess that “there is no god but Allah, and Muhammad is the prophet of Allah,11 for the sake of preserving their religion and strengthening their law, to exert their utmost endeavour for the suppression of the enemies of their faith. And it is the duty of every Muslim and true believer to use his utmost exertions in obedience to his ruler. When the edify- ing words of the wise men reached the ears of the nobles, all their hearts were set upon a holy war in Hindustan, and throwing themselves on their knees, they repeated the Chapter of Victory.

When I girded up mj loins for the expedition, I wrote to Hazrat Shaikh Zainu-d din to the effect that I had determined on a religious expedition to Hindustan. He wrote in the margin of my letter : “Be it known to Abu-1 Ghazi Timur (whom may God assist) that great prosperity in this woi’ld and the next will result to you from this undertaking, and you will go and return in safety.” He also sent me a large sword which I made my sceptre.

In the meanwhile there came a petition from the Prince Pir Muhammad Jahangir, from the confines of Kabulistan, the government of which country, from the boundaries of Kunduz and Bakalan and Kabul and Ghazni and Kandahar, wras vested in him. When I looked at this petition it was thus written : “Since, according to your order, I arrived in this country, I have acted towards all the people conformably to the exalted order and wisdom-increasing counsels of the great king. When I had satisfied my mind with the conquest and settlement of this kingdom, I turned my thoughts towards the acquisition of some of the provinces of Hindustan. I enquired concerning the con- dition of that country, and received the following account : that the city of Dehli is the capital of the sovereigns of India, and after the death of Sultan Firoz Shah, two brothers among his nobility, of whom one was named Mallu and the other Sarang, becoming very powerful, established their independence, giving the nominal sovereignty to one of the sons of Sultan Firoz Shah, by name, Sultan Mahmud, they kept the real power in their own hands, and virtually governed the empire. Mallu, the elder brother, lives at Dehli, about the person of Sultan Mahmud, and Sarang is established in the city of Multan, for the protection of that country. When I became acquainted with these matters, acting according to the practice of the great king, I wrote a letter and sent it to him (Sarang) by an ambassador, purporting that since the fame of the victories and conquests, and of the extensive empire of the great king is spread all over the world, it is certain that it must have reached him also. The great king has appointed me to the government of those provinces which lie on

the borders of Hindustan, and has ordered that ‘ If the rulers of Hindustan come before me with tribute I will not interfere with their lives, property, or kingdoms ; but if they are negligent in proffering obedience and submission, I will put forth my strength for the conquest of the kingdoms of India. At all events, if they set any value upon their lives, property, and reputation, they will pay me a yearly tribute, and if not, they shall hear of my arrival with my powerful armies. Farewell.’ When the ambassador reached the presence of Sarang at Multan, he was treated with great respect and consideration ; but in reply to his letter, Sarang said, ‘It is difficult to take an empire like a bride to your bosom without trouble and difficulty and the clashing of swords. The desire of your prince is to take this kingdom with its rich revenue. Well, let him wrest it from us by force of arms if he be able. I have numerous armies and formidable elephants, and am quite prepared for war.1 With these words he dismissed the ambassador. But when this unsatisfactory answer was brought back to me, I issued immediate orders for the armies to assemble from all quarters, together with such of the nobles as were in my province, such as Amir Saikal Kandahari, and other amirs,1 and soldiers. I got ready for the invasion of Hindustan. I plundered and laid waste the country of the Aghanis who inhabit the mountain Sulaiman, and marching steadily forwards I crossed the river Indus, and assaulted the city of Uch, and through the good fortune of the great king, I took it. Leaving a body of men there a3 a garrison, I proceeded to Multan, which I besieged ; but as Sarang had carefully fortified and strengthened this fortress, the siege has been protracted for some days, and, indeed, I am at this moment engaged in the siege, giving an assault twice every day. All the nobles have displayed great valour and intrepidity, more especially Timur Khwajali, the son of Amir Akugha, and 1 am now waiting for further instructions.11

When I had read this letter, my previous resolution was con- firmed and strengthened.

The holy tear against the infidels of Hindustan.

I acted in such a manner that by the spring of that year I had collected the soldiery from all parts of the countries under my sway ; and in the auspicious month Rajab, a.h. 800 (March, 1408), which may be expressed according to the rule of Abjad, by the words karibfath , appointed the prince ’Umar, the son of Prince Mirza Shall, my viceroy in Samarkand, and leaving him some of the nobles and soldiery, I placed my foot in the stirrup at a lucky moment, and quitting my capital Samarkand, directed my course towards Hindustan. Marching on, hunting as I went, I reached Turmuz, and ordering the construction of a bridge of boats over the Jihun, I crossed that river with my whole army and encamped at the village of Khulm . Beating the drum of departure from that place, and passing in my march Gliaztik and Samankau, I arrived at Indarab, and the nobles and people of that place, high and low, pouring out in crowds to meet me, all at once set up a great cry and lamentation, demand- ing justice. I sent for a number of the nobles and chief men among them and instituted an enquiry into this matter.

On their knees they made representation demanding pro- tection from the infidel Kators and the Siyah-poshes, saying, we have brought our petition against these oppressive infidels to the presence of the king of Islam, for the infidel Kators and the Siyah-poshes exact tribute and black mail every year from us who are true believers, and if we fail in the least of our settled amount, they slay our men and carry our women and children into slavery, so that we helpless Musulmans fly for protection to the presence of the great king that he may grant to us oppressed ones our heai'ts’ desire upon these infidels. On hearing these words the flame of my zeal for Islam, and my affection for my religion, began to blaze, and I addressed those Musulmans with the following consolatory words : — By the help and assistance of Almighty God I will grant you your hearts’ desire on these oppressive infidel Kators and Siyah-poshes, and I will relieve

you who are Musulmans from the tyranny of these unbelievers. They all lifted their hands invoking blessings on me.

Account of the holy war against the infidel Kators and the Siyah-poshes.

I immediately selected ten battalions from my army, and giving the command to Prince Shah Rukh, left him in charge of the remaining forces and baggage, in Tilak Ghunan, and Diktur, while I myself set my foot in the stirrup to chastise the infidel Kators. Setting spurs to my horse I marched forward in great haste, accomplishing two days journey in the twenty-four hours. When I arrived at the place called Paryan I detached prince Rustam and Burhan Aghlan Jujitar, who were reckoned among my chief nobles, against the country of the Siyah-poshes, which lay on the left hand. With them I sent some of the nobility and a body of 10,000 cavalry, while I myself pursued my march towards the mountains of Kator. When I made enquiries concerning the extent and condition of that kingdom from Muzid, who was the chief man of Indarab, he informed me that the length of the kingdom of Kator stretches from the frontier of Kashmir to the mountains of Kabul, and there are many towns and villages in this country. One of their large cities is called Shokal, and another Jorkal, which latter is the residence of their ruler. The country produces fruits in large quantities, such as grapes, apples, apricots, and various other kinds. Rice and other grains are cultivated. Much wine is made, and all people, great and small, drink of it. The people eat swine’s flesh. Cattle and sheep abound in this country. Most of the inhabitants are idolaters ; they are men of a powerful frame and fair complexion. Their language is distinct from Turki, Persian, Hindi, and Kashmiri. Their weapons are arrows, swords, and slings. Their ruler is called ’Adalsliu.1 When I arrived at Khawak I perceived a dilapidated fort which I resolved to repair,

1 [The Zafar-ndma writes this name “TJdashu;” only one of the four MSS. admits the /.]

so I immediately gave orders to the soldiers to that effect, and it was speedily executed. As most of the route was rocky and precipitous, I ordered most of the nobles and all the soldiers to leave horses, camels, and superfluous baggage in this fort. In obedience to this order most of the nobles and all the soldiers ac- companied me on foot, while I, relying on the assistance of Almighty God, pressed steadily forward to the conquest of Kator and began to ascend the mountains. In spite of the heat of the wind there was so much snow on the hills that the feet of both men and cattle helplessly sank in it. I was therefore obliged to halt during the day, but at night when the snow congealed I pursued my way over the frozen surface of the ice till I reached the top of the mountain. At day-break, when the ice thawed, carpets and horse-rugs were spread upon its surface and the horses were kept upon them. At night-fall we again went on as before, and in this manner I crossed several lofty mountains, but the nobles were obliged to send back to the fort several of the horses they had brought with them. When I reached the top of a lofty mountain, such that there can be none higher than it, I found that these wicked infidels had taken up their position in the caverns of the mountain, the entrances of which were blocked up with snow, so that they were almost inaccessible, nor, in spite of all my exertions, could I find a way to descend the mountain. I was obliged to give orders to my brave soldiers to get down as best they could. The nobles and soldiery now began the descent. Some lying down on their sides and sliding over the snow, rolled themselves down to the bottom. Others fastening cords and lono- tent ropes to their waists and attaching one end of the ropes to the trees and rocks which were on the top, let themselves gently down. As for me, I gave orders that they should make me a basket of planks and wicker work. When they had made the basket they attached firmly to each of its four corners a rope 150 yards in length, and as I, since I undertook this expe- dition against the infidels, had made up my mind to undergo all manner of trouble and fatigue, I took my seat in the basket,

and a body of men taking hold of the ends of these ropes lowered away gently till the rope had all run out, and then some persons scrambling down to before where I was, cleared away the snow and ice with spades and mattocks, and made a place for me to stand upon. The first body of men then having descended to this place, again lowered me gently down as far as the ropes would reach. At the fifth repetition of this ma- noeuvre I reached the bottom of the mountain. When in this manner all the nobles and soldiers had got down, some of the horses, my own private property, which had accompanied me, were let down in the same manner, that is, by attaching ropes to their legs and shoulders, but out of the whole number only two reached the bottom in safety, all the others being dashed to pieces. When no more of my people remained above, since my object was the extermination of the infidels, grasping my sceptre- sword in my hand I marched forward on foot one pcirasang into that rocky country, together with my nobility and troops. At the earnest petition of the nobles I again mounted, but all the chiefs, with their soldiers, kept on steadily marching on foot at my stirrup. The ruler of Kator had a fort, on one side of which was a river, and beyond the river a lofty mountain reaching down to the water. As the infidels in this fort had gained intelligence of my approach a day before my arrival, and dread had taken possession of their hearts, they had removed their wealth and property from the fort, and having crossed the river, had taken refuge in the mountain which was very lofty, and abounded in caves very difficult of access. On its being represented to me that this fort was the most important stronghold of the ruler of Kator in those parts, I resolved to subdue it. When I ad- vanced into the neighbourhood of the fort I did not perceive a trace of the infidels, and when I came to the place itself I saw that they had abandoned it and fled. I obtained a booty of many sheep and some other things here, and ordered that they should set fire to the houses and buildings of the city, in the midst of which the fort was built, and that they should level it

with the ground. Then crossing the river in haste and pursuing the track of the enemy, I reached the skirts of the mountain on the top of which the infidels had taken up their position in defiles and other strong places. I immediately gave orders to my valiant and experienced troops to ascend. Raising their war cry and shouting the takbir , they rushed to the attack, and before all the rest Shaikh Arslan Aztuman Kabak Khan, who is a lion in the day of battle, mounting the hill on the left hand, com- menced the fight. Leading his men upon the infidels he put them to flight, and following up the enemy entered the fastnesses of the rock and sent numbers of the impious unbelievers to hell. Tawachi ’Ali Sultan, also on his side, made a valiant assault upon the foe, and with his own regiment charged and routed the infidel enemy, sending numbers of them to hell. Amir Shall Malik too, on his side, displayed great valour, making a great slaughter of the infidels and driving them completely out of the mountain. Mubashir Bahadur and Mankali Khwajah, and Sunjak Bahadur, and Shaikh ’Ali Salar, and Musa Zakrnal, and Husain Malik Kuchin, and Mir Husain Kur, and the other nobles, displayed great valour and used their swords well. They all proved their zeal for Islam on the unbelieving foe, and having overpowered the infidels they put many of them to death, and took possession of their fastnesses. Only a few of the enemy succeeded in sheltering themselves, wounded and worn out with fatigue, in their caverns. Of my troops only fourteen persons lost their lives, and that was in effecting- the passage of the mountain. Some of the infidels held out in their defiles for three days and nights, but sending my valiant troops against them I so pressed them that they were obliged to surrender and call for quarter. I sent Ak Sultan to them with the message that if they would consent to submit unconditionally and would all become Musul- mans and repeat the creed, I would grant them quarter, but otherwise I would exterminate them to a man. When Ak Sultan reached the infidels with this message, which he explained to them through the medium of an interpreter conversant both

with their language and with Turki, they all proffered submis- sion, and repeating the necessary formula, embraced the Mu- hammadan faith. Relying upon this external profession I spared their lives and property, and gave orders that no one should interfere with their lives, wealth, or country. I then clothed some of them in dresses of honour and dismissed them. I halted with my army there for that night, and these black-hearted infidels made a nocturnal assault on the regiment of Amir Shah Malik, but as this leader was on his guard, the enemy were foiled in their intentions. Numbers of them were slain, and 150 fell into our hands alive, who were afterwards put to death by my enraged soldiery. As soon as it was day I ordered my troops to attack on all four sides at once, and forcing their way into the defiles to kill all the men, to make prisoners the women and children, and to plunder and lay waste all their property. In obedience to these orders, my nobles and troops making a valiant assault on all sides at once, and putting to the sword the remnant of the infidels, consigned them to the house of perdition. They made prisoners of their women and children, and secured an enormous booty. I directed towers to be built on the mountain of the skulls of those obstinate unbelievers, and I ordered an engraver on stone, who was in my camp, to cut an inscription somewhere on those defiles to the effect that I had reached this country by such and such a route, in the auspicious month of Rama- zan, A. h. 800 (May, 1398) : that if chance should conduct any- one to this spot he might know how I had reached it. At this time I had received no intelligence of Prince Rustam and Burhan Aghlan, whom I had detached against the country of the Siyah- poshes, and since this same Burhan Aghlan on a former oc- casion, when I had appointed him to the command in a predatory incursion, had displayed great sloth and military incapacity (to retrieve which negligence I had given him the command on the present occasion), a doubt entered my mind as to what he could be doing. One night, too, I dreamt that my sword was bent, which I interpreted into a certain token that Burhan Aghlan

had been defeated. I immediately appointed Muhammad Azad, who was one of those whom I had brought up,1 to go and ascer- tain something respecting him, and I put under his command Daulat Sh&h and Shaikh ’Ali, the son of Airakuli Adighur, and Shaihk Muhammad, and ’All Bahadur, with a body of 400 men, 100 of whom were Tatars and the remaining 300 Tajiks, and gave them a native of Kator as a guide. Muhammad Azad with his band of heroes immediately commenced his march, and crossing lofty mountains full of snow and ice, and passing through narrow defiles, rolling in many places over precipices and sliding over the icy surface, finally got out of the mountains and into the open country. When Muhammad Azad having extricated himself from the mountains, reached the fortress of the Siyah-poshes, he found it deserted, for they had abandoned it from their dread of the army of Islam, and had taken refuge in their mountain defiles. Now Burhan Aghlan’s adventure had been as follows : — When he, with the nobles under his command, such as Ismail, and Allahdad, and Subakh Timur, etc., etc., and the troops reached the fort he found it empty, and incautiously following the footsteps of the enemy, came to the defiles. They had left a few troopers and a few foot soldiers as a guard below, and the infidels rising from their ambushes, fiercely assailed the true-believers. Such was the cowardice and military incapacity of Burhan Aghlan that he threw away his arms and fled without striking a blow. When the troops saw the flight of their leader they lost heart and were defeated, and the infidels following them closely raised full many a true believer to the rank of a martyr. Of the amirs of the regiments, Daulat Shah, and Shaikh Husain Suclii, and Adina Bahadur displayed great valour, but after slaying many of the infidels they finally drank the sherbet of martyrdom ; Burhan Aghlan, leaving many horses and suits of armour a prey to the infidels, escaped.

When Muhammad Azad, with those 400 men, arrived at the deserted fort of the Siyah-poshes, he followed the track of the

enemy towards the mountain. On arriving at the scene of Burhan Aghlan’s defeat and flight, he was assaulted by the infidels, who had defeated Burhan Aghlan, but he fought so gallantly that he routed them with great slaughter, and recovered all the horses and armour which these impious ones had captured from the soldiers of Burhan Aghlan, besides taking a large booty from them in the way of wealth and property. Marching homeward, he met on that very day Burhan Aghlan, each of whose soldiers recognized and had restored to him his own horse and arms. On that day they reached a pass ( kotal ), where Muhammad Azad proposed to Burhan Aghlan that they should halt, but the cowardice and inefficiency of the latter would hear of no delay, so they went through the pass. Certainly, from the days of Changiz Khan to the present time, no man of the ulus has shown such a lack of energy and courage.

When I had despatched Muhammad Azad from Kator, and satisfied myself with the subjugation of that country, I sent forward ’All Sistani and Jalalu-1 Islam to discover a road and make clear halting places for me. In obedience to this order they went forward, clearing away the snow and ice in many places from the road. Having made a passage for me they returned. I immediately mounted and set forward, and the nobles and soldiery marched along with me on foot, and so I proceeded in triumph along the track which they had made till I reached Khawak, where I had left the horses in the fort. I had been absent eighteen days on this expedition against the infidels, and the nobles and soldiery, who had hitherto fought on foot, now regained their horses. Leaving a body of men to garrison the fort which I had built, I directed my own course towards the heavy baggage, and arrived at Tilak Ghunan and Diktur, places in that country ; the princes and amirs of the place came out to meet me with congratulations on my victory. Burhan Aghlan and Muhammad Azad here joined my victorious camp. I however gave orders that they should refuse admittance to Burhan Aghlan, and on no account allow him to enter my presence,

for it is the decree of Almighty God that if twenty true believers engage boldly and steadily in fight with ten times the number of infidels they shall prevail against them, and yet Burhan Aghlan, with 10,000 men under his command, was routed by and fled from a small number of infidels, exposing Musulmans to disgrace and death. On the other hand, I loaded with honours and benefits Muhammad Azad, who, with only 400 men, had fought a valiant action against the greatly superior numbers of the unbelievers. I exalted his rank above his fellows, and gave him a regiment ; nor did I omit to shower my princely favours on his companions in victory.

Account of my sending Shah Ruhh to the kingdom of Khurasan.

Account of the construction of the Canal of Mahi-gir.

Arrival of Amir Shaikh Nuru-d din from Persia with magnificent

Repairing of the Fort of Triydb. — Punishment of Musa Aghan.

Audience of the Sergeant of Archers , etc., etc.

• • • When I had arranged the conquest and settlement of the country (of the Aghanis) and the measures for the protec- tion of the roads to my satisfaction, and had exterminated the rebellious predatory tribes of the Aghanis, I mounted my horse and spurred forward in the direction of Hindustan, and on Friday, the 8th of the month, I halted on the bank of the river Indus, in the very place where Sultan Jalalu-d din, of Khwarizm, had swum the river to escape from Ohangiz Khan, and where the latter encamped when he refrained from following. There I pitched my camp, and gave orders to the nobles and soldiery that they should collect boats, planks, etc., and construct a bridge over the Indus. In obedience to my order they all set to work, and in two days had constructed a bridge over this mighty river.

At this time some ambassadors arrived from various quarters of the adobe, and the drift of the letters and communications of

the Suit tins and rulers and chief men of their respective countries and kingdoms was this: “We have placed the collar of obedience and submission, in all sincerity, on the neck of our life, and the saddle of servitude on our back ; we are all anxiously expecting the auspicious arrival of the great king. When will it be that the prosperous shadow of his umbrella will, by its protection, impart felicity to this kingdom, and when will the honour of kissing the sublime footstool be attainable by us?” I wrote encouraging farmans, in reply to the representations of the Sultans, and en- trusted them to the ambassadors, whom I dismissed, and such men as Saiyid Muhammad Madam, who came on the part of the chief men of Mecca, the exalted, and Medina, the blest, I treated with great respect and attention, and loaded them with abundant favours before their departure ; I also gave a horse and dress of honour to the envoy of Iskandar Shah, the ruler of Kashmir, when I dismissed him, and despatched a farman to his master to the effect that as soon as my victorious camp arrived at the city of Dibalpur he should join me with his forces. When I had dismissed the ambassadors I crossed the Indus, on Tuesday, the 12th of Muharram, a.h. 801 (24th Sept., a.d. 1398), and pitched my camp on the opposite bank of the river, and made inquiry about the roads from some zammdars of the neigh- bourhood, who had voluntarily submitted and given in their adhesion. They represented that one of the roads lay through a fertile and well-watered district, but was circuitous and lengthy ; and the other road, which was near Multan, -was a route through the Chol-jarad1 desert, in which neither water nor pasture were procurable for several days journey. It was by this route, through the Chol-jarad, that Sultan Jalalu-d din of Khwarizm reached Multan, after crossing the Indus, in his flight from before Changiz Khan. This desert is hence called Chol-i Jalal. When I heard this account I determined to proceed by the desert 1 [Jarad, an open barren country : Choi , also means desert.]

route, and issued orders that the whole army should carry with them water and provision for several days. I then advanced some days march into the desert. It was now that the princes and Rajas of the mountainous country of Jud, by way of perfect sincerity, planting their feet in the road of obedience and sub- mission, sought my camp with tribute and presents, when they were honoured by kissing the earth in my presence. Before this, prince Rustam, whom I had sent with Hamza Amir Taghi Bugha, and other amirs , and a numerous army towards Multan, having entered the desert by the same road, had approached the mountains of Jud, and these princes and Rajas , owing to their good fortune, had come before him and proffered a suitable sub- mission, and supplied his army with provisions. Ever since then they had worn the yoke of servitude and obedience to my power on the neck of sincerity. I therefore confirmed their kings and dis- missed them with favourable farmans , and I then marched forward, and, getting clear of the desert, halted on the bank of the river Jamd (Jliilam) ; but it was represented to me that in the middle of this stream there was a very strongly fortified island, the ruler of which was called Shahabu-d din, and that he had collected a very considerable force. When Prince Pir Muhammad Jahangir was marching upon Multan, this Shahabu-d din, girding up the loins of obedience and submission, presented himself to the prince, and made an external display of the duties of servitude and de- pendance, and offered tribute and suitable gifts, besides remaining some time in the prince’s presence. When, having received his dismissal, he returned to his home, he became arrogant, seeing the strength and insular position of his fortress and the multitude of his troops, so that he ventured on rebellion and open opposi- tion, and, cutting a canal from the river Jamd, he brought the water of the river to that side of the city on which it was not before, so that on all four sides of his city and fort he had a moat full of water. He had also laid up a stock of provisions and munitions' of war. Now when I heard this, I resolved on his entire subjugation.

I acted in the following manner. I gave immediate orders to Amir Shaikh Nuru-d din to march with his own tumans and other commanders of regiments ( kushiin ) towards this island, and commanded that every soldier should, by the way, take branches of trees, and that with these branches they should fill up the moat which Shahabu-d din had dug. Having, by pru- dence and stratagem, captured the island, they were to utterly exterminate the enemy. Amir Shaikh Nuru-d din, on that very day, being Wednesday, the 14th of Muharram, set out with his gallant army for the island of Shahabu-d din, which he reached in a short time. He and all his troops dismounted on the brink of the moat, into which they threw the branches of the trees, thereby forming a bridge, which enabled them quickly to cross the water and come to close quarters with the enemy. Rut a stern resistance here awaited them, and the whole day, from day-break till the time of evening prayer, was spent in furious combat. At night-fall, Amir Shaikh Nuru-d din, with his valiant troops, occupied his own ground, not yielding a single inch, and exercised the utmost vigilance and precaution. All on a sudden, Shahabu-d din, with 10,000 men, made a night attack on our troops. Amir Shaikh Nuru-d din displayed great valour, and encountered the enemy with unflinching energy, and turned back the tide of the night assault upon Shahabu-d din’s army ; which at length, many of them having been levelled with the dust of destruction, took to flight, and many of the fugitives throwing themselves into the water of the moat became food for fishes. In that night, Mansur and Buraj Chura, with his brothers, wTho were born slaves of my household ( khana-zad ), gave proofs of the most intrepid courage, and were badly wounded. When, in the course of my march, I gained intelligence of Shahabu-d din’s behaviour, I led an expedition against him in my own person, and halted on the edge of the moat of his fortress. It was represented to me that Shahabu-d din, in his night attack, had met with a severe repulse, and a great number