3. Volume 3 — part 3

was detained for six months, and then released with all honour, and a red umbrella was bestowed upon him.

On Wednesday, the 13th of Muharram, a.h. 708 (July, 1308 A.D.), the king set out on his expedition against Siw4na, " a fort situated on an eminence, one hundred parasangs from Dehli, and surrounded by a forest occupied by wild men, who committed highway robberies. Sutal Deo, a Gabr, sat on the summit of the hill-fort, like the Simurgh upon Caucasus, and several thou- sand other Gabrs, were also present, like so many mountain vultures." "The Western mangonels were placed under the orders of Malik Kamalu-d din Garg (the wolf) ;

" For in slaying lions he excelled As much as the wolf in killing sheep."

Some of the garrison, in attempting to escape to the jungles, were pursued and killed. " On Tuesday, the 23rd of Rabfu-l awwal, Sutal Deo, the Savage, was slain. When the affair with those savages was brought to completion, the great king left Malik Kamdlu-d din Garg, to hunt the hogs of that desert," and he himself returned to Dehli.

On the 25th of Jumada-1 awwal, a.h. 709, Malik Naib Kafur, the minister, was despatched on an expedition to Tilang, and " accompanied by the royal red canopy, through the kindness of the Sun of Sultans, he departed towards the sea and Ma'bar." " The army marched stage by stage for nine days, when the lucky star of the chief of Wazirs, at a fortunate moment, arrived at Mas'udpur, so called after the son of King Mas'ud. Thei-e the army halted for two days, and, on the 6th of the second Jumad, he took his departure with all the chiefs." The diflB- culties of the road described, through hills and ravines and forests. " The obedient army went through this inhospitable tract, file after file, and regarded this dreadful wilderness as the razor-bridge of hell.

"In six days the army crossed five rivers, the Jun, the Chambal, the Kunwari, the Niyds,i and Bahuji, which were all crossed by fords, and arrived at Sultanpur, commonly called T'rijpiir, where the army halted four days." " After thirteen days, on the first of the month of Eajab, they arrived at Khan- dhdr ; in such a wilderness, the month of God advanced to meet the army of Islam." Here they remained fourteen days. " At this fortunate season, all the Imdms, Maliks, the pious and celebrated persons in the army, assembled before the royal canopy and ofiiered up prayers for the king.

" The army again advanced, and, like a raging deluge, passed through torrents and water courses — now up, now down. Every day it arrived at a new river." " There were means of crossing all the rivers, but the Nerbadda was such that you might say it was a remnant of the universal deluge. As the miraculous power of the saintly Sultan accompanied the army, all the whirlpools and depths became of themselves immediately dry on the arrival of the army, and the Musulm^ns passed over with ease, so that in the space of eight days after crossing that Tigris they arrived at Nilkanth." " As Nilkanth was on the borders of Deoglr, and included in the country of the Eai Eaydn, Ram Ueo, the minister, acting under the orders of his Majesty, directed that it should be secured against being plundered by the army, which was as destructive as ants and locusts. No one, therefore, was able to carry off doors, enclosures, dwellings, and grain stores, or to cut down the growing crops. The drums which sounded to march were detained here two days, while enquiries were made about the stages in advance, and on Tues- day, the 26th of Rajab, the army again moved forward."

The difficulties of the next sixteen marches described. — Stones, hills, streams, ravines, and pathways "narrower than a guitar- string," " After crossing three plains and hills with fortitude and determination, they arrived at a place within the borders of

1 [This name may also be read as Bamb&s. The Kumv&rl is the Kuh&ri of the maps, and the Niy^s and Bahtiji must be the rivers now known as the Sind and Betwa.]

Bijdnagar, which was pointed out as containing a diamond-mine." It was in a DoAb, or Interamnia, one river being the Yashar, the other the Bariiji.

About this time, he arrived at the fort of Sarbar, " which is considered among the provinces of Tilang." The commander, without delay, " gave orders that the fort should be invested ; from without the archers shot arrows, from within the Hindus exclaimed ' strike ! strike ! (mar mdry " When, in consequence of the fire-arrows shot by the Musulmans, the houses in the fort began to burn, " Every one threw himself, with his wife and children, upon the flames, and departed to hell." While the fire was yet blazing, an attack was made on the fort, and those that escaped the flames, became the victims of the sword. The Naib 'Axz-i mamdlik, by name Siraj-i din, when he saw that the moment of victory had arrived, called upon Ananir, the brother of the commander of the fort, who had made his escape, to sur- render the fort with all its treasures. The defenders who still survived fled in terror.

On Saturday, the 10th of Sha'bdn, the army marched from that spot, " in order that the pure tree of Islam might be planted and flourish in the soil of Tilang, and the evil tree, which had struck its roots deep, might be torn up by force."

On the 14th of the month, they arrived at Kiinarpal, when Malik N^ib Barbak sent out a detachment of a thousand men to seize some prisoners from whom information might be obtained. As the army had arrived near Arangal, two chiefs were sent on with forty mounted archers to occupy " the hill of An Makinda, for from that all the edifices and gardens of Arangal can be seen." Here he himself encamped a few days afterwards.

" The wall of Arangal was made of mud, but so strong that a spear of steel could not pierce it ; and if a ball from a western catapult were to strike against it, it would rebound like a nut which children play with." " At night Khwdja Nasiru-l Mulk Siraju-d Daulat distributed the troops to their several destina- tions, and sent every detachment to occupy its proper place, so that

the fort might be invested in every direction, and that his soldiers might find shelter from the naphtha and fire of those within.

" When the blessed canopy had been fixed about a mile from the gate of Arangal, the tents around the fort were pitched to- gether so closely that the head of a needle could not get between them." " To every tamin (tribe or division) was allotted one thousand and two hundred yards of land, and the entire circuit of the wall was twelve thousand and five hundred and forty and six yards." " Orders were issued that every man should erect behind his own tent a kath-gar, that is a wooden defence. The trees were cut with axes and felled, notwithstanding their groans ; and the Hindus, who worship trees, could not at that time come to the rescue of their idols, so that every cursed tree which was in that capital of idolatry was cut down to the roots ; and clever carpenters applied the sharp iron to shape the blocks, so that a wooden fortress was drawn around the army, of such stability, that if fire had rained from heaven their camp would have been unscathed."

A night attack was made on the camp by three thousand Hindu horse, under the command of Banak Deo, the chief (jnukaddam) of that country. It was unsuccessful, and " the heads of the R^wats rolled on the plain like crocodiles' eggs," the whole party being slain, or taken prisoners. From the latter it was learnt that "in the town of Damdhum, six parasangs from Tilang, three powerful elephants were kept." A thousand men, under Karrah Beg, were detached to seize them, and they were brought into camp and reserved for the royal stables.

The Naib Amir gave daily orders to attack the chiefs of Laddar Deo, and he also ordered the " western stone-balls " to be thrown at the wall from every direction " to demolish it, and reduce it to powder." The manjaniks from without had more eflFect than the arradas from within ; " the stones of the Musulmdns all flew highj owing to the power of the strong cable, but the balls of the Hindus were shot feebly, as fi-om a Brahman's thread."

"When the stories and redoubts (sdbdt o gargaj) were com- pleted, and had attained such a height that the garrison of the fort were placed suddenly on a lower elevation,^ the ditch of the wall which was in front of the army of IslS,m," and which was of very great depth, had to be crossed. This was filled to the mouth with earth. " One face of the fort, which was one hundred cubits in length, was so battered down by heavy stones that it no longer covered the Hindus and afforded them protection. On another face also, the balls of the western engines which were in the outwork had, by the breaches they had made, opened several gates. All those breaches were so many gates of victory, which heaven had opened for the royal army.

"As the earth which was battered down from the wall filled up the ditch from the very bottom to the middle of the wall, and the walls of the earthen fortress were pounded into dust by the stones discharged at them, the commander was about to make a sloping ascent to the breach, so wide and open that a hundred men could go on it abreast. But as it would have taken several days to make this slope, and victory was herself urgent that she should be secured by rapid action, the wise minister summoned his prudent Maliks to a council, and it was unanimously deter- mined that, before making an ascent to the breach, an assault should be attempted."

On the night of the 11th of Bamazan, "the minister of ex- alted rank issued orders that in every division high ladders, with other apparatus, should be kept ready in the middle of the night, and whenever the drum should beat to action every one should advance from his entrenchment and carry the ladders towards the fort —

" That the work of victory might he exalted step hy step."

During the attack, the catapults were busily plied on both sides. " If one ball from an engine without the walls was dis- charged, it fell as two balls within, but from the engines within,

' We find this kind of outwork constructed hy Changiz Kh&n, in his siege of B&mf&n.

although two balls might be discharged at a time, no misfortune befell the proclaimers of unity. Praise be to God for his exalta- tion of the religion of Muhammad ! It is not to be doubted that stones are worshipped by the Gabrs, but as stones did no service to them, they only bore to heaven the futility of that worship, and at the same time prostrated their devotees upon earth." Three bastions of the outer wall were taken and occu- pied by the Musulmans.

On Sunday, the 13th, " a day dedicated to the sun," the attack was renewed, and cries of ^^ huzza huzz, and khuzza khuzz," the acclamation of the triumph of holy warriors arose. " They took fire with them, and threw it into the places of retreat of the Gabrs, who worshipped fire." By Wednesday, the whole of the outer wall was in possession of the Musulmi^ns. They then saw the inner fortress, which was built of stone. " You might have said it was the fort of Ndi, in which the air is as much lost as in a reed." When the army reached the inner ditch, they swam across it, and commenced a vigorous attack on one of the stone bastions, which so alarmed Eai Laddar Deo that he offered terms of capitulation. He despatched confidential messengers to offer an annual payment of tribute, and sent a golden image of him- self, with a golden chain round its neck, in acknowledgment of his submission. " When the messengers ^ of the Eai came before the red canopy, which is the honoured harbinger of victory and triumph, they rubbed their yellow faces on the earth till the ground itself acquired their colour, and they drew out their tongues in eloquent Hindui, more cutting than a Hindi sword, and they delivered the message of the Edi."

" The idol-breaking Malik comprehended the gilding of the

' An early eastern use of Huzza ! huzza ! The same exclamations occur in the Miftdhu-l Fuli,h.

''■ The Hindi word basith is here used. It is one of those chosen by the author for illustration iu his well-known vocahulary called " Xhalik bdri."

Hindus, and paid no regard to their glozing speech, and would not look towards that golden image ; " but he (" a part of the second Alexander ") ordered his officers to take the gold that was brought and suspend operations against the fort. He demanded, in reply, everything that the Rai's country produced, from " vegetables, mines, and animals. On this condition the fort- taking Malik stretched forth his right hand, and placed his sword in his scabbard, and struck his open hand, by way of admonition, so forcibly on the backs of the hasiths that he made them bend under the blow. They hastened to the fort, trembling like quick- silver. The Eai was engaged all night in accumulating his treasures and wealth, and next morning his officers returned with elephants, treasures, and horses, before the red canopy, which is the dawn of the eastern sun ; and the Malik, having summoned all the chiefs of the army, sat down in a place which was found in front of the exalted throne, and every other officer found a place in the assembly according to his rank. The com- mon people and servants assembled in a crowd. He then sent for the basiths of the Rai, and directed them to place their faces on the ground before the canopy, the shadow of God ; and the elephants were placed in front of that assembly, to be exhibited for presentation."

The Malik took the entire wealth of the E.ai which was brought, and threatened a general massacre, if it should be found that the Rai had reserved anything for himself. An engagement was then entered into that the Eai should send jizya annually to Dehli, The Malik left Arangal on the 16th of Shaww41 (March, 1310 A.D.) with all his booty, and "a thousand camels groaned under the weight of the treasure." He arrived at Dehli on the 11th of Muharram, a.h. 710, and on Tuesday, the 24th, in an assembly of all the chiefs and nobles on the terrace of N4siru-d din, the plunder was presented, and the Malik duly honoured.

" They raised a black pavihon on the Ohautara Nasira, like the Ka'ba in the navel of the earth, and kings and princes of Arabia and Persia took up their stations around it, while various other

celebrated chiefs, who had fled to the city of Isldm, came with pure intentions to offer allegiance, and honoured the dust which adhered to their foreheads when prostrating themselves upon the earth before his majesty." "You would have said that the people considered that day a second 'Id, when the returning pilgrims, after traversing many deserts, had arrived at the sacred dwelling of the king. The common people went roaming about, and there was no one to prevent their enjoying that blessed sight. They obtained the rewards resulting from pilgrimage, but a greater reward than that attending other pilgrimages was, that, on whatsoever person the fortunate sight of the king fell, that person was a recipient of his kindness and favour."

" The tongue of the sword of the Khalifa of the time, which is the tongue of the flame of Isl4m, has imparted light to the entire dark- ness of Hindustan by the illumination of its guidance ; and on one side an iron wall of royal swords has been raised before the infidel Magog-like Tatars, so that all that God-deserted tribe drew their feet within their skirts amongst the hills of Ghazni, and even their advance-arrows had not strength enough to reach into Sind. On the other side so much dust. arose from the battered temple of Somndt that even the sea was not able to lay it, and on the right hand and on the left hand the army has conquered from sea to sea, and several capitals of the gods of the Hindus, in which Satanism has prevailed since the time of the Jinns, have been demolished. All these impurities of infidelity have been cleansed by the Sultdn's destruction of idol-temples, beginning with his first holy expedition against Deogir, so that the flames of the light of the law illumine all these unholy countries, and places for the criers to prayer are exalted on high, and prayers are read in mosques. God be praised ! "

" But the country of Ma'bar, which is so distant from the city of Dehli that a man travelling with all expedition could only reach it after a journey of twelve months, there the arrow of any

holy warrior had not yet reached ; but this world-conquering king determined to carry his army to that distant country, and spread the light of the Muhammadan religion there." Malik N4ib Barbak was appointed to command the army for this ex- pedition, and a royal canopy was sent with him. The Malik represented that on the coast of Ma'bar were five hundred elephants, larger than those which had been presented to the Sultan from Arangal, and that when he was engaged in the conquest of that place he had thought of possessing himself of them, and that now, as the wise determination of the king had combined the extirpation of idolaters with this object, he was more than ever rejoiced to enter on this grand enterprise.

The army left Dehli on the 24th of Jumada-1 dkhir, a.h. 710 (Nov. 1310 A.B.) and after marching by the bank of the Jiin (Jumna) halted at Tankal for fourteen days. While on the bank of the river at that place, the Biwdn of the 'J!ri%-i Mamdlik took a muster of the army. " Twenty and one days the royal soldiers, like swift grey-hounds, made lengthened marches, while they were making the road short, until they arrived at Kanhun ; from that, in seventeen more days, they arrived at Grur-gdnw. During these seventeen days the Ghats were passed, and great heights and depths were seen amongst the hills, where even the elephants became nearly invisible." "And three large rivers had to be crossed, which occasioned the greatest fears in their passage. Two of them were equal to one another, but neither of them equalled the Nerbadda."

" After crossing those rivers, hills, and many depths, the R4i of Tilang sent twenty-three powerful elephants for the royal service." "For the space of twenty days the victorious army remained at that place, for the purpose of sending on the ele- phants, and they took a muster of the men present and absent, until the whole number was counted. And, according to the command of the king, they suspended swords from the standard poles, in order that the inhabitants of Ma'bar might be aware that the day of resurrection had arrived amongst them ; aud that

all the burnt ^ Hindus would be despatched by the sword to their brothers in hell, so that fire, the improper object of their wor- ship, might mete out proper punishment to them."

" The sea-resembling army moved swiftly, like a hurricane, to Ghurg&nw.^ Everywhere the accursed tree, that produced no reli- gion, was found and torn up by the roots, and the people who were destroyed were like trunks carried along in the torrent of the Jihun, or like straw tossed up and down in a whirlwind, and carried forward. When they reached the Tkwi (T&pti), they saw a river like the sea. The army crossed it by a ford quicker than the hurricane they resembled, and afterwards employed itself in cutting down jungles and destroying gardens."

" On Thursday, the 13th of Eamazdn, the royal canopy cast its shadow on Deogir, which under the aid of heaven had been protected by the angels, and there the army determined to make all preparations for extirpating Bill&l Deo and other Deos (demons). The Rai Edydn, Ram Deo, who had heard safety to Satan pro- claimed by the dreadful Muhammadan tymbals, considered him- self safe under the protection secured to him ; and, true to his allegiance, forwarded with all his heart the preparations necessary for the equipment of the army sent by the Court, so as to render it available for the extermination of rebels and the destruction of the Bir and Dhtir Samundar."^ The city was adorned in honour of the occasion, and food and clothes plentifully supplied to the Musulmdns.

Dalwi, a Hindu, who had been sent on to hold the gates of access to the Bir and Dhur Samundar, was directed by the RAi Eaydn to attend on the Musulm^n camp, and " he was anxious to see the conquest of the whole of Dhtir Samundar by the fortunate devotees of the Ka'ba of religion." The Muhammadan army

1 ["Sokhta," literally "burnt," but also signifying consumed by trouble.]

' Here spelt with an h in the first syllable.

' [DwSja-samudra ■was the capital of the Bell&la rSJas, and Vira Narasinha was the name of the prince who was overthrown in this invasion. See Wilson's Mackenzie Collection, Int., p. cxiii. ; Buchanan's Mysore, iii., pp. 391, 474 ; Thomas, Prinsep's UsefulTables, p. 276.]

remained for three days, and on the 17th departed "from the Tman^b^d Deogir to the Khardb^b^d of Paras Deo Dalvi,^ in five stages, in which three large rivers were crossed," Sini, Goddvari, and Binhur,^ and other frightful rivers; and "after five days arrived at Bdndri, in the country (ikta') of Paras Deo Dalvi, who was obedient to his exalted Majesty, and desired that, by the force of the arms of the victorious Mu- hammadan soldiers, Bir Dhtil and Bir Pdndya^ might be re- duced, together with the seas which encircle them, into one cup."*

Here he stayed to make inquiries respecting the countries in advance, when he was informed that the two Eais of Ma'bar, the eldest named Bir Pandyd, the youngest Sundar Pdndya,^ who had up to that time continued on friendly terms, had advanced against each other with hostile intentions, and that Billal Deo, the Rai of Dhur Samundar, on learning this fact, had marched for the purpose of sacking their two empty cities, and plundering the merchants ; but that, on hearing of the advance of the Mu- hammadan army, he had returned to his own country.

On Sunday, the 23rd, after holding a council of his chief officers, he took a select body of cavalry with him, and pressed on against Billdl Deo, and on the 5th of Shawwal reached the fort of Dhur Samund,^ after a difficult march of twelve days over the hills and valleys, and through thorny forests.

• Dalwi is perhaps meant for an inhabitant of Tuluva, the modem Canara.

2 No doubt the present Slna and Bhima, but the position of the God&vari is

3 [This should signify Bir (Vfra) the E&ja of D w&ra-samudra, and Vira the R6.ja of Pindya; but there was evidently a confusion in the mind of the writer as to persons and places, as seen in this passage- In another place he says " the fort which is called Bir and Dhfir Samundar." Wass&f calls the Pindya r&ja " Tira P&ndi," and makes a pun on this name, calling him " tira-hakht" showing that he did not know the real name {suprd, p. 63).]

•• There is great punning here about wells {bir) and buckets {dalvi}, which is impossible to render into English so as to make it comprehensible.

« The author spells it both "tamutidar" and "samund," — here he makes it rhyme with !cund and fund; in another place he puns upon " samundar" as the name of a salamander.

"The fire- worshipping " Rai, when he learnt that "his idol temple was likely to be converted into a mosque," despatched Kisu Mai to ascertain the strength and circumstances of the Musulmans, and he returned with such alarming accounts that the R4i next morning despatched Balak Deo Naik to the royal canopy, to represent that "your slave Billal Deo is ready to swear allegiance to the mighty emperor, like Laddar Deo and Ram Deo, and whatever the Sulaiman of the time may order, I am ready to obey. If you desire horses like demons, and elephants like afrits, and valuables like those of Deogir, they are all present, If you wish to destroy the four walls of this fort, they are, as they stand, no obstacle to your advance. The fort is the fort of the king; take it." The commander replied that he was sent with the object of con- verting him to Muhammadanism, or of making him a Zimmi, and subject to pay tax, or of slaying him, if neither of these terms were assented to. When the Rai received this reply, he said he was ready to give up all he possessed, except his sacred thread.

On Friday, the 6th of Shawwal, the R^i sent Balak Deo Naik, Ndrdin Deo, and Jit Mai, with some other hasiths, to bow before the royal canopy, and they were accompanied by six elephants. Next day some horses followed. On Sunday, " Billal Deo, the sun-worshipper, seeing the splendour of the sword of Islam over his head, bowing down his head, descended from his fortress, and came before the shadow of the shadow of God J and, trembling and heartless, prostrated himself on the earth, and rubbed the forehead of subjection on the ground." He then returned to fetch his treasures, and was engaged all night in taking them out, and next day brought them before the royal canapy, and made them over to the king's treasurer.

The commander remained twelve days in that city, " which is four month's distance from Dehli," and sent the captured elephants and horses to that capital.

On Wednesday, the 18th of Shawwal, the Malik " beat his drums, and loaded his camels for his expedition to Ma'bar, and after five days arrived at the mountains which divide Ma'bar from Dhur Samundar. In this range there are two passes — one Sarmali, and the other Tabar. After traversing the passes, they arrived at night on the banks of the river Kdnobari, and bivouacked on the sands. Thence they departed for Birdhul, and committed massacre and devastation all around it. The Rdi BIr showed an intent of flying for security to his islands in the ocean, but as he was not able to attempt this, his attendants counselled him to fly by laud. With. a small amount of treasure and property, he deserted the city, and fled to Kandur, and even there he dare not remain, but again fled to the jungles.

Thither the Malik pursued "the yellow-faced Bir,"^ and at Kandur was joined by some Musulmans who had been subjects of the Hindus, now no longer able to offer them protection. They were half Hindus, and not strict in their religious obser- vances, but" as they could repeat the kalima, the Malik of Islam spared their lives. Though they were worthy of death, yet, as they were Musulmans, they were pardoned."

After returning to Birdhul, he again pursued the Eaja to Kandur, and took one hundred and eight elephants, one of which was laden with jewels. The Rai again escaped him, and he ordered a general massacre at Kandur. It was then ascertained that he had fled to Jalkota, " an old city of the ancestors of Bir." There the Malik closely pursued him, but he had again escaped to the jungles, which the Malik found himself unable to penetrate, and he therefore returned to Kandur, where he searched for more elephants. Here he heard that in Brahmastpuri there was a golden idol, round which many elephants were stabled. The Malik started on a night expedition against this place, and in the morning seized no less than two hundred and fifty ele- phants. He then determined on razing the beautiful temple to- the ground, — " you might say that it was the Paradise of Shad- ' The B^ is here frequently oaUed Bir.

ddd, which, after being lost, those heUites had found, and that it was the golden Lanka of U&m," — " the roof was covered with rubies and emeralds,"—" in short, it was the holy place of the Hindus, which the Malik dug up from its foundations with the greatest care," " and the heads of the Brahmans and idolaters danced from their necks and fell to the ground at their feet," and blood flowed in torrents. " The stone idols called Ling Mahadeo, which had been a long time established at that place,— 'quibus, mulieres infidelium pudenda sua affricant,^ — these, up to this time, the kick of the horse of Islam had not attempted to break." The Musulmdns destroyed all the lings, " and Deo Narain fell down, and the other gods who had fixed their seats there raised their feet, and jumped so high, that at one leap they reached the fort of Lanka, and in that affright the lings themselves would have fled had they had any legs to stand on." Much gold and valuable jewels fell into the hands of the Musulmans, who re- turned to the royal canopy, after executing their holy project, on the 13th of Zi-1 ka'da, 710 h. (April, 1311 a.d.). They destroyed all the temples at Bfrdhul, and placed the plunder in the public treasury.

After five days, the royal canopy moved from Birdhul on Thursday, the 17th of Zi-1 ka'da, and arrived at Kham, and five days afterwards they arrived at the city Mathra (Madura), the dwelling-place of the brother of the Eai Sundar Pandyi. They found the city empty, for the E.ai had fled with the Ranis, but had left two or three elephants in the temple of Jagndr (Jag- gandth)." The elephants were captured and the temple burnt.

When the Malik came to take a muster of his captured ele- phants they extended over a length of three parasangs, and

• Allusive to a practice, wMcli it ia unnecessary to particularize more closely, which is said to be stiU much observed amongst the Khattris, and which HindHs in general repudiate, attributing it at the same time to the SarSogis.

amounted to five hundred and twelve, besides five thousand horses, Arabian and Syrian, and five hundred mans of jewels of every description — diamonds, pearls, emeralds, and rubies.

On Sunday, the 4th of Zi-1 hijja, 710 h. Malik Kafiir, accom- panied by his army, returned towards Dehli with all the plunder, and arrived in safety on Monday, the 4th of Jum^da-s S&ni, 711 H, Sultdn 'AMu-d din held a public darbdr in front of the Golden Palace, and all the nobles and chiefs stood on the right and on the left, according to their rank. Malik Naib Kafur Hazar-dinari, with the officers who had accompanied him, were presented to the Sultan, before whom the rich booty was ex- hibited. The Sultan was much gratified, loaded the warriors with honour, and the darbdr was dissolved.

This History is very much quoted by .subsequent authors, and is the chief source from which Firishta draws his account of the period. Barni takes up the History of India just where the Tabakdt-i Ndsiri leaves it ; nearly a century having elapsed with- out any historian having recorded the events of that interval. In his Preface, after extolling the value of history, he gives the following account of his own work. [" Having derived great benefit and pleasure from the study of history, I was desirous of writing a history myself, beginning with Adam and his two sons. * * * But while I was intent upon this design, I called to mind the Tabakdt-i Ndsiri, written with such marvellous ability by the Sadar-i Jahdn, Minhdju-d din Jauzjaui. * * * I then said to myself, if I copy what this venerable and illustrious author has written, those who have read his history will derive no advantage from reading mine ; and if I state any thing con- tradictory of that master's writings, or abridge or amplify his statements, it will be considered disrespectful and rash. In addi- tion to which I should raise doubts and difficulties in the minds of his readers. I therefore deemed it advisable to exclude from this history everything which is included in the Tabakdt-i Ndsiri, * * * and to confine myself to the history of the later kings of Dehli. * * * It is ninety-five years since the Tabakdt-i Ndsiri, and during that time eight kings have sat upon the throne of Dehli. Three other persons, rightly or wrongfully, occupied the

throne for three or four months each ; but in this history I have recorded only the reigns of eight kings, beginning with Sultdn Ghiyasu-d din Balban, who appears in the Tahahdt-i Ncisiri under the name of Ulugh Khan.]

"First. — Sultdn Ghiyasu-d din Balban, who reigned twenty years.

" Second. — Sultdn M'uizzu-d din Kai-kubad, son of Sultdn Balban, who reigned three years.

" Third. — Sultdn Jaldlu-d din Firoz Khilji, who reigned seven years.

" Fourth. — Sultan 'A14u-d din Khilji, who reigned twenty years.

"Fifth.— Sultdn Kutbu-d din, son of Sultdn 'AMu-d din, who reigned four years and four days.

"Sixth. — Sultdn Ghiyasu-d din Tughlik, who reigned four years and a few months.

" Seventh. — Sultan Muhammad, the son of TugUik Shah, who reigned twenty years.

"Eighth. — Sultdn Firoz Shdh, the present king, whom may God preserve.

" I have not taken any notice of three kings, who reigned only three or four months. I have written in this book, which I have named Tdrikh-i Firoz ShdM, whatever I have seen during the six years of the reign of the present king, Firoz Sh4h, and after this, if God spares my life, I hope to give an account of subse- quent occurrences in the concluding part of this volume. I have taken much trouble on myself in writing this history, and hope it will be approved. If readers peruse this compilation as a mere history, they will find recorded in it the actions of great kings and conquerors ; if they search in it the rules of adminis- tration and the means of enforcing obedience, even in that respect it will not be found deficient ; if they look into it for warnings and admonitions to kings and governors, that also they will find nowhere else in such perfection. To conclude, whatever I have written is right and true, and worthy of all confidence."

Zidu-d din Barni, like many others, who have written under the

eye and at the dictation of contemporary princes, is an unfair nar- rator. Several of the most important events of the reigns he cele- brated have been altogether omitted, or slurred over as of no con- sequence. Thus many of the inroads of the Mughals in the time of 'Alau-d din are not noticed, and he omits all mention of the atro- cious means of perfidy and murder, by which Muhammad Tughlik obtained the throne, to which concealment he was no doubt in- duced by the near relationship which that tyrant bore to the reigning monarch. With respect, however, to his concealment of the Mughal irruptions, it is to be remarked, as a curious fact, that the Western historians, both of Asia and Europe, make no mention of some of the most important. It is Firishta who notices them, and blames our author for his withholding the truth. Firishta's sources of information were no doubt excellent, and the general credit which his narrative inspires, combines with the eulogistic tone of Zidu-d din Barni's history in proving that the inroads were actually made, and that the author's con- cealment was intentional. The silence of the authorities quoted by De Guignes, D'Herbelot, and Price, may be ascribed to their defective information respecting the transactions of the Mughal leaders to the eastward of the Persian boundary.

The author did not live to complete his account of Firoz Shdh, but towards the close of his work lavishes every kind of enco- mium, not altogether undeserved, upon that excellent prince. Notwithstanding that Firishta has extracted the best part of the Tdrikh-i Firoz Shdhi, it will continue to be consulted, as the reigns which it comprises are of some consequence in the history of India. The constant recurrence of Mughal invasions, the expeditions to the Dekkin and Telingana, the establishment of fixed prices for provisions, and the abortive means adopted to avert the effects of famine, the issue of copper money of arbitrary value, the attempted removal of the capital to Deogir, the wanton massacres of defenceless subjects, the disastrous results of the scheme to penetrate across the Himalaya to China, the public buildings, and the mild administration of Firoz ; all theae

measures, and many more, invest the period with an interest which cannot be satisfied from the mere abstract given by Fi- rishta.

[Barni is very sparing and inaccurate in his dates. He is also wanting in method and arrangement. He occasionally introduces divisions into his work, but in such a fitful irregular way that they are useless. In his latter days " he retired to a village in the suburbs of Dehli, which was afterwards the burial place of many saints and distinguished men. He was reduced to such extreme poverty that no more costly shroud than a piece of coarse matting could be furnished for the funeral obsequies." His tomb is not far from that of his friend, the poet Amir Khusrti. ^

[Sir H. Elliot had marked the whole of Barni's history for translation, intending probably to peruse it and expunge all trivial and uninteresting passages. The translation had been undertaken by a distinguished member of the Bengal Civil Ser- vice, but when required it was not forthcoming. After waiting for some time, the editor, anxious to avoid further delay, set to work himself, and the whole of the translation is from his pen.^ It is somewhat freer in style than many of the others, for although the text has been very closely followed, the sense has always been preferred to the letter, and a discretion has been exercised of omitting reiterated and redundant epithets. All passages of little or no importance or interest have been omitted, and their places are marked with asterisks. The Extracts, therefore, contain the whole pith and marrow of the work, all that is likely to prove in any degree valuable for historical pur- poses. Barni's history of the eighth king, Firoz Shah, is incom- plete, and is of less interest than the other portions. In the weakness of old age, or in the desire to please the reigning monarch, he has indulged in a strain of adulation which spoils

• Col. Lees. Jour., E.A.S., vol. iii., new series, p. 4i5.

' When a portion of the translation was already in type, and the editor was at work on the last reign, a letter arrived from India with translations of the histories of the second and sixth of the eight kings — too late to be of any service.

his narrative. The Tdrikh-i Firoz Shdhi of Shams-i Siraj, which will follow this work, is specially devoted to the reign of that king. Shams-i Sir4j has therefore been left to tell the history of that monarch. But the two writers have been com- pared, and one or two interesting passages have been extracted from Barni's work.

[The translation has been made from the text printed in the Bibliotheca Indica, and during the latter half of the work two MSS., borrowed by Sir H. Elliot, have been also constantly used,i These MSS. prove the print, or the MSS. on which it was based, to be very faulty. A collation would furnish a long list of errata and addenda. One of the two MSS. gives the original text apparently unaltered ; ^ but the other has been revised with some judgment. It sometimes omits and some- times simplifies obscure and difficult passages, and it occasionally leaves out reiterations ; but it is a valuable MS., and would have been of great assistance to the editor of the text.]

Zia-Barni, the author of this history, and an earnest well- wisher of the Muhammadaus, declares that what he has written upon the life and actions of Sultan G-hiyasu-d din Balban he himself heard from his father and grandfather, and from men who held important offices under that sovereign.

Grhiyasu-d din Balban ascended the throne in 662^ h. He was one of the Shamsi slaves, and belonged to the band of Turk slaves which was known as " The Forty." * * * Before he became king the glory of the State had greatly declined from

1 These MSS. beiiig carefully secured by Lady Elliot, could not be obtained while she was absent from home. They have since been examined in respect of several passages in the earlier parts of the translation.

^ This is said to be "a perfect copy, and the autograph of the author. It belongs to the Nawwib of Tonk, by whose father it was plundered from Boolandshahr." It is _ a good MS., but, so far from being an autograph, the colophon gives the name of the scribe and the date of the transcription, 1019 (1610 a.d.). 3 Should be 664 h. (1265-6 a.d.)

what it had been in the days of Sultdn Shamsu-d din, who was the equal of the Sultdn of Egypt, and the compeer of the kings of 'Irak, Khurdsan, and Khwdrizm. For thirty years after him, during the reigns of his sons, the affairs of the country had. fallen into confusion through the youth and sensuality (of his imme- diate successors), and through the mildness and humility of Sultan N4siru-d din. The treasury was empty, and the royal court had but little in the way of wealth and horses. The Shamsi slaves had become Khdns, and divided among them the wealth and power of the kingdom, so that the country was under their control.

During the ten years after the death of Sultan Shamsu-d din four of his children sat upon the throne. They were young and unequal to the duties of government. Their lives were passed in pleasure and neglect of their duties. The Turk slaves, called " The Forty," thus obtained power in the government of the country, and grew in strength and dignity. The free-born maliks and noble officials who had served the Shamsi throne with honour and renown were all removed.

After the lapse of ten years, during which three of Sultdn Shamsu-d din's children reigned, his youngest son, N4siru-d din (after whom the Tabakdt-i JYdsiri is named), came to the throne. He was a mild, kind, and devout king, and passed much of his time in making copies of the Holy Book. During the twenty years of his reign Balban was Deputy of the State, and bo?e the title of Ulugh Khdn. He, keeping Nd^ru-d din as a puppet (namuna), carried on the government, and even while he was only a Kkdn used many of the insignia of royalty.

In the reign of Shamsu-d din the fear inspired by the slaughter and ravages of Ohangiz Khan, the accursed Mughal, caused many renowned maliks and amirs, who had long exercised autho- rity, and many intelligent wazirs, to rally round the throne of Shamsu-d din. * * * His Court thus became the equal of that of Mahmud or of Sanjar, and the object of universal confidence. After the death of Shamsu-d din his Forty Turk slaves grew

powerful. The sons af the late Sultda did not bear themselves like princes, and were unfitted for the duties of foyalty, which, saving only those of the prophetic office, ; are the highest and most important in the world.- TJnder the influence of these Turk Slaves all the great men, and the sons of those great men who had been maliks and tvuzirs, were upon some pretence or other set aside, and after their removal the Shamsi Slaves became the leading men of the State, and acquired the dignity of Khan. * * * These Shamsi slaves had been fellow slaves, and when they became all at once great and powerful, no one- would give prece- dence or acknowledge inferiority to another. In possessions and display, in grandeur and. dignity, they vied with each other, and in their proud vaunts and boasts every one . exclaimed to the other, " What art thou that I am not, and what wilt thou be that I shall not be V Tbe incompetence of the sons of Shamsu-d din, and the arrogauce of the Shamsi slaves, thus brought into contempt that throne which had been among thfl most dignified and exalted in the world.

Sultdn Ghiyasu-d (Kn Balban was a man of experience in matters of government. From being a malik he became a khan, and from being a khan he became king. When he attained the throne he imparted to it new lustre, he brought the administra- tion into order, and restored to efficiency institutions whose power had been shaken or destroyed.. The dignity and author- ity of government were restored, and his stringent rules and resolute determination caused all men, high and low, through- out his dominions, to. submit to his authority. Fear and awe of him took possession of all men's hearts, but his justice and his consideration for his people won the favour of his subjects and made them zealous supporters of his throne: During th,e thirty years front the death of Shamsu-d din, the incompetency of that monarch's sons and the overweening power of the Shamsi slaves had produced a vacillating, disobedient, self- willed feeling among the people, which watched for and seized upon every opportunity. Fear of the governing power^ which

is the basis of all good government, and the source of the glory and splendour of states, had departed from the hearts of all men, and the country had fallen into a wretched condition. But from the very commencement of the reign of Balban the people became tractable, obedient, and submissive ; self-assertion and self-will were thrown aside, and all refrained from insubordi- nation and insolence.

In the first year after his accession, the ripe judgment and experience of Balban was directed in the first place to the organi- zation of his army, for the army is the source and means of government. The cavalry and infantry, both old and new, were placed under the command of maliks of experience, of chiefs who held the first rank in their profession, and were brave, dignified, and faithful. * * * * In the first and second year he assumed great state, and made great display of his pomp and dignity. * * * Musulmans and Hindus would come from distances of one or two hundred kos to see the splendour of his equipage, which filled them with amazement. * * * No sovereign had ever before exhibited such pomp and grandeur in Dehli. * * « * For the twenty-two years that Balban reigned he maintained the dignity, honour, and majesty of the throne in a manner that could not be surpassed. Certain of his attendants who waited on him in private assured me that they never saw him otherwise than full- dressed. During the whole time that lie was Khan and Sultan, extending over nearly forty years, he never conversed with per- sons of low origin or occupation, and never indulged in any familiarity, either with friends or strangers, by which the dignity of the Sovereign could be lowered. He never joked with any one, nor did he allow any one to joke in his presence ; he never laughed aloud, nor did he permit any one in his Court to laugh. * * * As long as he lived no officer or acquaintance dared to re- commend for employment any person of low position or extraction. In the administration of justice he was inflexible, showing no favour to his brethren or children, to his associates or attendants ; and if any of them committed an act of injustice, he never failed

to give redress and comfort to the injured person. No man dared to be too severe to his slaves or handmaids, to his horse- men or his footmen. Malik Bak-bak, father of Malik Kir5 Beg, was a slave of Sultan Balban ; he was Sar-Jdnddr, and one of the privileged attendants at Court. He held a Jdgir of four thousand horse, and the fief of Badaiin. In a fit of drunkenness, while at Baddun, he caused one of his domestic attendants to be beaten to- death with scourges. Some time afterwards, the SultSn went to Badaun, and the man's widow complained to the Sultdn. He immediately ordered that this Malik Bak-bak, chief of Badaun, should be scourged to death in the presence of the widow. The spies {harid) who had been stationed to watch the fief of Badaun, and had made no report, were hanged over the gate of the town. Haibat Khan, father of Malik Kiran '^la, was the slave and kdra-heg of Sultdn Balban. He also while intoxicated killed a man. The dead man's friends brought the matter before the Sultdn, who ordered that Haibat Khan should receive five hundred lashes in his presence, and should then be given to the widow. Addressing the woman, he said, " This murderer was my slave, I give him to you : with your own hands stab him with a knife till you kill him." Haibat Khdn employed some friends to intercede with the woman, and after much humiliation and weeping they succeeded in purchasing his release for 20,000 tankas. Haibat Khan never after went out of his house until the day of his death. * * *

In his efforts to secure justice he appointed confidential spies (barids) in all the fiefs, and throughout his territories ; he also appointed them for great cities, and for important and distant towns. And that they might discharge their duties with efficiency and honesty he did not give them too large a field of observation. He never failed to attend to what came to his knowledge through these spies, and had no respect for persons in administering justice. These spies were greatly feared by the nobles and officials, and neither they nor their sons or dependants dared to distress any innocent person. * * *

Sultdn Balban, while he was a Khan, was addict^ to wine drinking, and was fond, of giving entertainments : two or three times in a week he jvould give banquets and gamble with his guests. * * * But after he came to the throne he allowed him- self no prohibited indulgences. He repented of all his former drunken bouts, gave up wine, and never mentioned the name of either wine or wine-drinkers. * * *

The intimate friends of the Sultdn, such as 'i^dil Khan, Tabar Khan, and others of the old Shamsi Slaves, who, through the protection of the Sult§,n, still occupied exalted positions, often said to him — Sovereigns, like Kutbu-d din Aibak and Shamsu-d din, our former patrons, conquered Jhain, ^ Malwd, Ujjain, Gujarat, and other distant countries, and carried off treasure and valuables, and elephants and horses from the Rdis and Manas. " How is it that with your well equipped and disciplined army you do not undertake any distant campaign, and never move out of your territory to conquer other regions ?" The Sultdn replied, " The thoughts which you have expressed have also been very active in my mind, but you have not considered the hordes of Ohangiz Khcin, and the evil they have brought upon the women and children, the flocks and herds of my frontiers. These Mughals have established themselves in Grhazni, in Turmuz, and in Mawarau-n Nahr. Hulaku, the grandson of Changiz Kh4n, with a vast horde, has subdued 'Ir^k and occupied Baghdad. These accursed wretches have heard of the wealth and prosperity of Hindustan, and have set their hearts upon conquering and plundering it. They have taken and plundered Ldhor, within my territories, and no year passes that they do not come here and plunder the villages.^ They watch the opportunity of my departure on a distant campaign to enter my cities and ravage the whole T>okh. They even talk about the conquest and sack of Dehli. I have devoted all the revenues of my kingdom to the

1 The printed text always gives this name as "Jah&ban," but the MSS. have " Jhiin," the name used by Firishta. '

' " Talwandihd " villages. See supA, p. 70.

equipment of my army, and I hold all my forces ready and pre- pared to receive them. I never leave my kingdom, nor will I go to any distance from it. In the reigns of my patrons and pre- decessors there was none of this difficulty of the Mughals ; they could lead their armies where they pleased, subdue the dominions of the Hindus, and carry off gold and treasures, staying away from their capitals a year or two. If this anxiety, which ad- monishes me that I am the guardian and protector of Musulmans, were removed, then I would not stay one day in my capital, but would lead forth my army to capture treasures and valuables, elephants and horses, and would never allow the Hdis and Rdnas to repose in quiet at a distance. With the army that I possess I would take all the spirit out of the opponents and enemies of the Faith." * * *

The Sultdn frequently observed to his associates that elephants and horses were the strength of Hindustan, and that one elephant was worth five hundred horsemen. * * * In the first year of the reign, sixty-three elephants were sent by Tkikr Kh^n, son of Arsldn Kh^n, from Lakhnauti to Dehli, whi^jr greatly pleased the people, and was the occasion of great public rejoicing. * * * He took great pleasure in hunting, and followed it with much zest during the winter. By his orders the country for twenty kos round Dehli was preserved, and no one was allowed to take game. * * * He used to go out in the morning, and always returned at night, even if it were midnight. A thousand horse- men belonging to the palace guard, each man of whom was ac- quainted with his person, accompanied him ; besides a thousand old and trusty footmen and archers. Heports of the hunting expeditions of the Sultdn were carried to Hulaku, at Baghddd, and he said, " Balban is a shrewd ruler and has had much ex- perience in government. He goes out apparently to hunt * * * but really to exercise his men and horses, so that they may not be wanting when times of danger and war arrive. * * *

Towards the end of the first year of his reign he employed himself in harrying the jungles, and in routing out the Mi-

wdtUs,^ whom no one had interfered with since the days of Shamsu-d din. * * * The turbulence of the Miwdttis had in- creased, and their strength had grown in the neighbourhood of Dehli, through the dissolute habits and negligence of the elder sons of Shamsu-d din, and the incapacity of the youngest, Ndsiru-d din. At night they used to come prowling into the city, giving all kinds of trouble, depriving the people of their rest ; and they plundered the country houses in the neighbourhood of the city. * * * In the neighbourhood of Dehli there were large and dense jungles, through which many roads passed. The disaffected in the Dodb, and the outlaws towards Hindustan grew bold and took to robbery on the highway, and they so beset the roads that caravans and merchants were unable to pass. The daring of the Miwattts in the neighbourhood of Dehli was carried to such an extent that the western gates ^ of the city were shut at afternoon prayer, and no one dared to go out of the city in that direction after that hour, whether he travelled as a pilgrim or with the display of a sovereign. At afternoon prayer the Mmdttis would often come to the Sar-hauz, and assaulting the water-carriers and the girls who were fetching water, they would strip them and carry off their clothes. These daring acts of the Miwdttis had caused a great ferment in Dehli.

In the year of his accession, the Sultan felt the repression of the Miwdttis to be the first of his duties, and for a whole year he was occupied in overthrowing them and in scouring the jungles, which he effectually accomplished. Great numbers of Miwdttis were put to the sword. The Sultan built a fort at Gropal-gir, and established several posts in the vicinity of the city, which he placed in the charge of Afghdns, with assignments of land (for their maintenance). In this campaign one hundred thousand of the royal army^ were slain by the Miwdttis, and the

' The printed text and the MS S. say "Miwdns,"' but Firishta has ^^ Miwdttis," and he is no doubt correct. The copyists must have misunderstood the name, or possibly they have modified the orthography. * {_Barwdzahde simat-i KiblahJ]

' SJii Jl.^^ uW* J^ iJ^^ u^^ *J>^ iS^ '•^. firishta says, with more probability, that he put a hundred thousand men (of the enemy) to the sword.

Sultan with his sword delivered many servants of God from the assaults and violence of the enemy. From this time the city was delivered from the attacks of the Miwdtiis.

After the Sultan had thus routed out the Miwdttis, and cleared away the jungle in the neighbourhood of the city, he gave the towns and country within the Doab to some distinguished chiefs, with directions to lay waste and destroy the villages of the marauders, to slay the men, to make prisoners of the women and children, to clear away the jungle, and to suppress all lawless proceedings. The noblemen set about the work with strong forces, and they soon put down the daring of the rebels. They scoured the jungles and drove out the rebels, and the rt/ois were brought into submission and obedience.

The Sultdn afterwards marched out twice to open the roads to Hindustan, and proceeded to the neighbourhood of Kampil and Pattiali. There he remained five or six months, putting the rebels to the sword. The roads to Hindustan were thus cleared, so that caravans and merchants could pass, and great spoil in slaves, horses, and cattle was secured. Kampil, Pattiali, and Bhojpur, had been the strongholds of the robbers who had in- fested the roads to Hindustan, so the Sultan erected in these places three strong forts, in which he placed Afghan garrisons. He set apart cultivable lands for the garrisons, and under the protection of these forces robbery was suppressed, and the roads to Hindustan were made safe. Sixty years have passed since these events, but the roads have ever since been free from robbers. In this campaign he also repaired the fort of Jalali, which he garrisoned with Afghans, and appropriated the land of the place to its support. The den of the robbers was thus converted into a guard-house, and Musulmans and guardians of the way took the place of highway robbers. It remains standing to this day.

While the Sultan was engaged in these duties news arrived from Kateher^ that disturbances had broken out in that district,

that the houses of the ryots had been plundered, and that the districts of Baddun and Amroha were also disturbed. The mutiny had grown so much and had acquired such strength that the chiefs of Badatin and Amroha were in great trouble and were unable to keep order. The Sultdn immediately returned from Kampil and Patti41i to Dehli, where great rejoicings were made. His mind was bent upon suppressing the disturbances at Kateher, so he ordered the main body of his army (Jcalb) to be prepared for service, and he spread the report that he was going to the hills on a hunting excursion. He left the city with his army without the royal tent-equipage, and made all haste to the scene of opera- tions. In two nights and three days he crossed the Ganges at Kateher, and sending forward a force of five thousand archers, he gave them orders to burn down Kateher and destroy it, to slay every man, and to spare none but women and children, not even boys who had reached the age of eight or nine years. He re- mained for some days at Kateher and directed the slaughter. The blood of the rioters ran in streams, heaps of slain were to be seen near every village and jungle, and the stench of the dead reached as far as the Ganges. This severity spread dismay among the rebels and many submitted. The whole district was ravaged, and so much plunder was made that the royal army was enriched, and the people of Badaiin even were satisfied. Woodcutters were sent out to cut roads through the jungles, and the army passing along these brought the Hindus to submission. From that time unto the end of the glorious ^ reign no rebellion made head in Kateher, and the countries of BadAun, Amroha, Sambal, and Kdnwari continued safe from the violence and tur- bulence of the people of Kateher.

The Sultan having thus extirpated the outlaws, returned vic- torious to his capital, where he remained some time. After the suppression of the freebooters, and the construction of roads in every direction, by which all fear of highway robbers was removed, the Sultan resolved upon making a campaign in the Jud moun- 1 " Jal&ll," meaning, perhaps, the reign of Jal&lu-d din.

tains. He accordingly marclied thither with a suitable force, and inflicted chastisement upon the hills of Jud and the vicinity. The country was plundered, and a large number of horses fell into the hands of the soldiers, so that the price of a horse in the army came to be forty tankas. * * *

Two years after the Sultan returned from his Jud expedition he marched to Ldhor, and ordered the rebuilding of the fort which the Mughals had destroyed in the reigns of the sons of Shamsu-d din. The towns and villages of Labor, which the Mughals had devastated and laid waste, he repeopled, and ap- pointed architects and managers (to superintend their restoration.)

While on this campaign it was again brought to his notice that the old Shamsi military grantees of land were unfit for service, and never went out. * * * On returning to Dehli he ordered the muster-master to make out a list of them, with full particulars, and to present it to the throne for instructions. It then appeared that about two thousand horsemen of the army of Shamsu-d din had received villages in the Doab by way of pJy. * * * Thirty or forty years and even more had passed since the establishment of this body, many of the grantees were old and in- firm, many more had died, and their sons had taken possession of the grants as an inheritance firom their fathers, and had caused their names to be recorded in the records of the 'Ariz (Muster- master). Some who had no children sent their slaves as their representa- tives. All these holders of service lands called themselves pro- prietors, and professed to have received the lands in free gift from Sultan Shamsu-d din. * * * Some of them went leisurely to perform their military duties, but the greater part stayed at home making excuses, the acceptance of which they secured by presents and bribes of all sorts to the deputy muster-master and his ofiicials.

When the list was brought to the Sultan, in the year of his return from Ldhor, he divided the grantees into three classes. The first consisted of the old and worn-out, upon whom he set- tled pensions of forty or fifty tankas, and resumed their villages.

2nd. Those who were in the prime of life, or were young, on whom an allowance proportionate to their service was settled : their villages were not to be taken from them, but the surplus revenues were to be collected by the government revenue officers. 3rd. The children and orphans, who held^ villages, and sent deputies to perform their military service. The grants were to be taken from these orphans and widows, but a suitable allowance was to be made for their food and raiment.

These orders caused great dismay among the old Shamsi grantees, of whom there were many in the city, and a loud outcry arose in every quarter. A number of them assembled and went to the house of Maliku-1 umara Fakhru-d din kotwdl, weeping, and complaining that more than fifty years had elapsed since the reign of Shamsu-d din, and that they had regarded the lands granted to them by that sovereign as having been given in free- gift {in'am). * * * The liotwdl felt for them, * * and, going to the Court, he stood thoughtful and dejected before the Sultan, who, observing his state, inquired what was the matter. The Icotwdl replied, I have heard that the Muster-master is turning off all the old men, and that the officers of the exchequer are resuming the lands which support them. This has filled me with sorrow and fear, for I am an old man and feeble, and if old men are to be rejected in the Day of Judgment, and are to find no place in heaven, what will become of me ? * * * The Sultan was moved with compassion, and sending for the revenue officers, he directed that the villages should be confirmed to the grantees, and that the orders passed respecting them should be treated as inoperative. I, the author, very well remember that many of these grantees lived and rendered service at the Court of Sultan Jalalu-d din, always invoking blessings on Sultdn Balban and Malik Fakhru-d din.

Four or five years after the accession of the Sultdn, Sher Khdn, his cousin, a distinguished Khdn, who had been a great barrier to the inroads of the Mughals, departed this life, I have heard from reliable sources that the Khan did not come to Dehli, and

that the Sultan caused him to be poisoned. A grand tomb was erected to his memory at Bhatnir. He was one of the most distinguished and respected of the Forty Shamsi slaves, all of whom bore the title of Khan. He repaired the forts of Bhatinda and Bhatnir, and held charge of the districts of Sannam, Labor, Dipalpur, and other territories exposed to the inroads of the Mughals. He maintained several thousand horse, and had many times utterly routed the Mughals. He had caused the khutba to be read in the name of the Sultan Nasiru-d din at Grhazni, and the terror of his name and the greatness of his power de- tered the Mughals from assailing the frontiers of Hindustan. But notwithstanding his services, he felt a strong apprehension that there was an intention to get rid of all the old Shamsi slaves upon some pretext or other, so he kept away from Dehli. He did not even come there when Sultan Balban succeeded, and so the Sultan, although the Kh^n was his cousin, caused him to be poisoned. After his death the Sultan bestowed S4mana and San- nkm on Tamar Khan, who also was one of the Forty Shamsi slaves. The other possessions of the late Kh4n were given to other noble- men. Sher Kh4n had coerced and brought under his control the Jats, the Khokhars, the Bhattis, the Minas, the Manddhars, and other, similar tribes ; he had also shown himself able to give a good account of the Mughals. The nobles who succeeded him in his territories were unequal to these duties ; the Mughals made head against them, and these frontier countries were exposed to their ravages. What the late Khdn had effected in one decade, no one of his successors was able to accomplish.

When Sultdn Balban had secured himself in his dominions, and had removed all his rivals and opponents, and when he had appointed his own followers to the possessions of Sher Khan, he gave a royal canopy to his eldest son, proclaimed him his heir apparent, and made him governor of all Sind and the other dependent frontier districts. He then sent him with a large body of nobles and officials to Multan. The prince was a young man possessed of many excellent qualities ; he was known in those

days by the name of Muhammad Sultdn, but the Sultan, on giving him this appointment, bestowed on him the title of K4'4m-1 Mulk. He is commonly known as Khan-i shahid, " the Martyr Khan." In the early years of his father's reign he had held the territory of Kol and some districts dependent thereto. Here he exhibited many virtues and excellent qualities. Several of the old Shamsi slaves had given the name of Muhammad to their sons, and these all became famous. Thus there was Mu- hammad Kishli Khdn, who had no rival in archery in Khurdsdn or Hindustan. * * * Among these Muhammads, the son of Sultan Balban, named Muhammad Sultdn, was pre-eminently distinguished. His father loved him dearer than his life. The Court of the young prince was frequented by the most learned, excellent, and accomplished men of the time. His attendants used to read (to him) the Shdh-ndmah, the Diwdn-i Sandi, the Diwdn-i Khdkdni, and the Khamsah of Shaikh Nizami. Learned men discussed the merits of these poets in his presence. Amir Khusru and Amir Hasan were servants at his Court, and at- tended upon him for five years at Multan, receiving from the prince allowances and grants of land. The Prince fully appreci- ated the merits and excellencies of these two poets, and delighted to honour them above all his servants. I, the author of this work, have often heard from Amir Khusru and Amir Hasan that they had very rarely seen a prince so excellent and virtuous as the " Martyr Prince." * * At his entertainments they never heard him indulge in foolish dirty talk, whether wine was drunk or not J and if he drank wine he did so with moderation, so as not to become intoxicated and senseless. * * *

The Martyr Prince twice sent messengers to Shiraz for the express purpose of inviting Shaikh S'adi to Multdn, and for- warded with them money to defray the expenses of the journey. His intention was to build a khdnlcdh (monastery) for him in Multan, and to endow it with villages for its maintenance. Khwaja S'adi, through the feebleness of old age, was unable to accept the invitations, but on both occasions he sent some

verses in his own han.d, and made his apologies writing. * * *

Every year the Prince used to come to see his father, bringing treasure and presents, and after staying a few days at Court he returned to his government. On the last occasion of their meeting the Sultdn addressed him in private, telling him that he had grown old, * * that he had made him his heir-apparent, and now intended making a will for his guidance. * * He called for pen and ink, and giving them into his son's hands, com- manded attention to his dictation. * * * When the Sultdn had finished his testament ^ of counsel, he sent the Prince back to Multan,

In the same year that the SultSn made this testament he sent his younger son, Bughrd Khan, also entitled Nasiru-d din, to Samdna, having placed under his charge S&mdna, Sanndm, and all their dependencies. This prince was a fine young man, but in qualities he was not to be compared with his elder brother. When the Sultdn sent him to his government he commanded him to increase the allowances to the old soldiers, and to enlist twice as many more new men. He also ordered him to promote the in- dustrious and faithful officials, and to give them grants of land. He farther directed him to be particularly careful in appointing officers for his army, so that he might be ready to repel any ad- vances of the Mughals.

Bughr^ Khan was inferior to his elder brother in intelligence ; the Sultdn therefore directed him not to be hasty in business, but to consult with his officers and trusty followers on all matters of importance concerning the army and country. All matters beyond his capacity were to be referred direct to the Sultan, and all orders upon such questions which the Sultdn might p'ass were to be scrupulously enforced, without failure or excess. The Sultan forbad the use of wine to Bughri Khan. He ob- served that Simana was an important territory, and its army most useful ; and he threatened him that if he indulged in wine 1 An epitome of this Testament is given in Briggs's Firishta.

and in unseemly practices, neglecting the interests of the army and the country under his charge, he would assuredly remove him, and give him no other employment. The Sultdn also sent spies (larid) to watch over his proceedings, and took great pains to obtain information of his doings. The son accordingly con- ducted himself honourably and gave up improper indulgences.

At this time the Mughal horse crossed the Biyah, and the Sultan sent against them the Martyr Prince from Multan, Bughrd Khan from' Samdna, and Malik Bdrbak Bektars^ from Dehli. They marched to the Biyah, driving back the Mughals, and obtaining many victories over them, so that the enemy were unable to advance beyond the Biyah. In each of these three armies there were about seventeen or eighteen thousand horse.

Fifteen or sixteen years had passed since the accession of Balban, during which the country had been quiet, and no adver- sary or disaffected person had disturbed the peace. * * * News at length reached Dehli that the perfidious Tughril had broken out in rebellion at Lakhnauti. Tughril was a Turk, and a very active, bold, courageous, and generous man, Sultdn Balban had made him viceroy of Lakhnauti and Bengal. Shrewd and know- ing people had given to Lakhnauti the name of Bulghakpur (the city of strife), for since the time when Sultan Mu'izzu-d din Muhammad Sam conquered Dehli, every governor that had been sent from thence to Lakhnauti took advantage of the distance, and of the difficulties of the road, to rebel. If they did not r^bel themselves others rebelled against them, killed them, and seized the country. The people of this country had for many long years evinced a disposition to revolt, and the disaffected and evil disposed among them generally succeeded in alienating the loyalty of the governors.

Tughril Khdn, on being appointed to Lakhnauti, was successful in several enterprises. He attacked Jdjnagar^ and carried off

' The printed text has H&jinagar, an obyious blunder. The MSS. correctly give " JSjnagar." Briggs, foEomng Dow, says, " Jajnagar is on the banks of the Ma-

great spoil in valuables and elephants. Traitors and rebels then made advances to him, and represented that the Sultan was old, and his two sons were engaged in guarding against the Mughals. That no year passed without the Mughals forcing their way into Hindustan and seizing upon different towns. The Court of Dehli had quite enough to do in repelling these attacks, and neither the Sultan nor his sons could leave this all important duty to come to Lakhnauti. The nobles of Hindustan had no leader, they were wanting in soldiers and retainers, in elephants and wealth, and they were quite incapable of marching to Lakh- nauti and opposing Tughril. So they urged him to revolt and make himself king. Tughril listened to and was led astray by these evil advisers. He was young, self-willed, and daring ; " ambition had long laid its egg in his head," and he was heed- less of the royal revenge and chastisement. The spoil and ele- phants which he had captured at J^jnagar he kept for himself, and sent none to Dehli. He assumed royal insignia, and took the title of Sultdn Mughisu-d din, which title was used in the khutha and on his coins. He was profuse in his liberality, so the people of the city and the environs were his friends. Money closed the eyes of the clear-sighted, and greed of gold kept the more politic in retirement. The army and the citizens lost all fear of the supreme power, and joined heart and soul with Tughril.

The rebellion of Tughril was a sore trouble to Balban, for the rebel had been one of his cherished slaves {handa). In his anger and sorrow he lost his rest and appetite ; and as the news of Tughril's introducing his name into the khutba, his striking of coins, and his largesses reached Dehli, he became more and more incensed. He was so engrossed with this rebellion that no

hanuddi, and was the capital of Orissa," and there is still a town called J&jpur in Cuttact. But the J&jnagar here mentioned was evidently east of the Brahmaputra, and corresponds to Tippera. The Sun&r-g&nw, presently mentioned as on the road to JSjnagar, is described by EenneU as being once a large city and now a Tillage on a branch of the Brahmaputra, 13 miles S.E. of Dacca.-cjmsto I. 260; EenneU's Memoir; Stewart's Bengal, 72. VOL. m. 8

other business received any attention ; night and day he was on the alert for further news about it. At first he sent against the rebel Abtagin, " the long haired," who was known as Amir Khdn. This chief was an old slave of Balban ; he had re- ceived his training among military men, and had for Inany years held the fief of Oudh. He was named Commander-in- chief, and along with him were sent Tamar Kh^n Shamsi, Malik T4ju-d din, son of Katlagh Khdn Shamsi, and other nobles of Hindustan.

Amir Khan, with the army of Hindustan, crossed the Sarad,! and marched towards Lakhnauti; and Tughril, with a large force numbering many elephants, advanced to meet him. The two armies came in sight of each other, and a number of people as- sembled to support the traitor Tughril. His profuse liberality had induced many of the inhabitants of that country to assist him, and had won over also a large number of the troops sent from Dehli against him. He attacked Amir Khdn and defeated him. The troops of Dehli fled, and were cruelly treated by the Hindus. The victorious troops of Tughril pursued, and many of the de- feated force, being poor and greedy, and unmindful of the Sultan's chastisement, deserted the army of Amir Khdn, and joined Tughril. When the news of this defeat reached the Sultdn, his rage and shame increased a hundred-fold. All fear of the anger of God left his bosom, and he gave way to needless severity. He ordered Amir Khdn to be hanged over the gate of Oudh. This condign punishment excited a strong feeling of opposition among the wise men of the day, who looked upon it as a token that the reign of Balban was drawing to an end.

Next year the Sultan sent another army against Lakhnauti, under a new commander. The defeat of Amir Khdn had made Tughril bolder, and his power and state had greatly increased. He marched out of Lakhnauti, attacked the army of Dehli, and totally defeated it. Many of this force also deserted to Tughril, allured by his gold. The news of this second defeat over- ^ Here written Sarifi, and afterwards Sard, meaning the Sarju or G-ogra.

whelmed the Sultdn with shame and anger, his life was em- bittered, and he devoted all his attention and energy to ejffect the defeat of Tughril. He resolved to march against the rebel in person, and ordered a large number of boats to be collected on the Ganges and the Jumna. He then set forth, as if for a hunting excursion to Samdna and Sanndm (the fiefs of his son Bughr4 Khdn), and, dividing these districts, he placed them under the charge of the chiefs and troops of those districts. Malik Sunj Sarjdnddr was made Ndih of Sdmana, and commander of its forces. Bughta Khan was directed to collect his own forces, and to follow in the rear of his father's army. The Sultdn then left S4m4na, and, proceeding into the Doab, he crossed the Ganges, and took his course to Lakhnauti. He wrote to his son at Multan, directing him to be careful of his country, and to give a good account of the Mughals, adding that he had placed the forces of Sdmdna at his disposal. The Sultan wrote also to Maliku-1 umard Kotwdl of Dehli, one of his most trusty ad- herents, appointing him to act as his lieutenant at Dehli during his absence, and placing the whole business of the State and the various officials under his charge. In announcing this appoint- ment the Sultan told him that he had marched against Tughril, and that he was fully resolved to pursue him, and never turn back until he had exacted vengeance.

The Sultan summoned all the forces of the neighbourhood where he was, and marched for Lakhnauti, his rage and shame causing him to disregard the rainy season. Proceeding into Oudh he ordered a general levy, and two- lakhs of men of all classes were enrolled. An immense fleet of boats was collected, and in these he passed his army over the Sardti. The rains now came on, and although he had plenty of boats the passage through the low-lying country was difficult, and the army was delayed ten or twelve days, toiling through the water and mud, and the pour- ing rain. Meantime Tughril had received intelligence of the ad- vance of the Sultan. He then said to his friends and supporters, " If any one besides the Sultdn had come against me, I would

have faced him, and fought it out. But as the Sultan has left his duties at Dehli, and has come against me in person, I cannot withstand him." When intelligence of the passage of the Sardu reached Tughril, he immediately prepared for flight, and as the Sultan's march was retarded by the rains he had plenty of time. Many people joined him through fear of the Sultan's vengeance ; and he carried off with him treasure and elephants, a picked body of troops, his officers, relations, and adherents, with their wives and children. He also worked upon many people by holding out to them the terrors of the SultAn's vengeance, so that they collected their money and followed him. He took the road to Jajnagar, and halted at a dry place, one day's journey from Lakhnauti. Few persons of importance were left in the city, and the people were all well disposed to him, having the fear of the Sultan on the one hand, and the hope of TughriPs favour on the other. The Sultan was thirty or forty kos from Lakhnauti, and Tughril continued his march to Jdjnagar. He deluded the people who accompanied him by telling them that he would stay for a time at Jajnagar, but that the Sultan would be unable to remain long at Lakhnauti. As soon as he should hear of the Sultan's departure they would plunder Jajnagar, and return rich and safe to Lakhnauti, for no one whom the Sultan could leave there would be able to oppose their return. On their approaching the place the Sultdn's deputy Would retire.

Several days were passed by the Sultan at Lakhnauti in arming and newly organizing his forces ; but he set off with all possible speed towards Jdjnagar in pursuit of the rebel. The author's maternal grandfather, Sipdh-sdldr Hisdmu-d din, wakil- dar of Malik B4r-bak, was made governor of Lakhnauti, with directions to send on to the army, three or four times every week, full particulars of the news which might arrive from Dehli. Balban marched with all speed, and in a few days arrived at Sunar-ganw. The E&i of that place, by name Daniij Rai, met the Sultan, and an agreement was made with him that he should ■guard against the escape of Tughril by water.

The Sultan many times publicly declared that he would never give up the pursuit of the rebel. They were playing for half the kingdom of Dehli ; and if Tughril took to the water he would pursue him, and he would never return to Dehli, or even men- tion it, until the blood of the rebel, and his followers had been poured out. The people of the array well knew the fierce temper and implacable resolution of the Sultan. They despaired of ever returning, and many of them drew up their wills and sent them to their homes. * * * The army marched about seventy kos, and arrived in the vicinity of Jdjnagar ; but Tughril had pursued a different route, and not a man of his army had been seen. The SuMn therefore sent Mahk Bdrbak Bektars^ Sultdni, at the head of seven or eight thousand horse, who marched ten or twelve kos in advance of the main force, and every day scouts were sent on before this advance party to get intelligence of Tughril. Thus they proceeded. But although scouts were sent out in all directions, no trace could be found of the rebel, till one day Muhammad Sher-andaz, the chief of Kol, his brother Malik Mukaddir, and " Tughril-kush," all brave and renowned soldiers, who had been sent forward ten or twelve kos in advance to reconnoitre and make inquiries, fell in with a party of corn dealers, who were returning home after completing their dealings with Tughril. These men were immediately seized, and Malik Sher-andaz ordered two of them to be beheaded. This act so terrified the rest that they gave the desired information. Tugh- ril was encamped at less than half a kos distance, near a stone- built reservoir,^ and intended next day to enter the territory of Jajnagar. Malik Sher-anddz sent two of these grain dealers in charge of two Turk! horsemen to Malik Barbak, announcing the discovery, and urging his advance. The reconnoitring party proceeded and found the tents of Tughril pitched near a land, with all his force encamped around. All seemed secure and free

• This name is always so given in the Printed Text and in the MSS., but Firishta has " Birlas."

from apprehension ; some were washing their clothes, others were drinking wine and singing. The elephants were browsing on the branches of the trees, and the horses and cattle were gra.zing — everywhere a feeling of security prevailed. The leaders of the reconnoitring force remarked to each other that if they were discovered the traitor would take to flight. His elephants and treasure might fall into their hands, but he himself would escape. If this occurred, what could they say to the Sultdn, and what hope would there be of their lives. They therefore resolved that it was best to take the boldest course, to rush at once into the enemy's camp and attack the tent of the traitor. He might possibly be taken and be beheaded before his forces could rally to the rescue ; and his army might take to flight, under the impres- sion that they were attacked by the army of the Sultdn, and .not by a mere handful of thirty or forty horsemen. So the brave fellows drew their swords, and shouting the name of Tughril, dashed into the camp. They reached his tent ; but Tughril had heard the clamour, and, passing through his scullery, he mounted a horse without a saddle, and made off to a river which ran near. The whole army of Tughril, under the impression that the Sultan was upon them, fled in terror and dismay. Mu- kaddir and " Tughril-kush " pursued Tughril, who made all speed to the river. When he reached it, Tughril-kush drew an arrow, shot him in the side and brought him down. Mukaddir instantly dismounting, cut ofi' his head, and cast his body into the river. Concealing the head under his clothes he went to the river and washed his hands. The officers of Tughril came up shouting, " Your Majesty," and seeking for him on every side. Just then Malik Barbak arrived with his army and dis- persed the forces of Tughril. Mukaddir and Tughril-kush placed the head of the traitor before Malik Bdrbak, who instantly wrote a despatch of victory to the Sultdn. The sons and daughters of Tughril, his attendants, companions, and officers, all fell into the hands of the victors. The men of this victorious force obtained such booty in money, goods, horses, arms, slaves,

and handmaids, as to suffice them and their children for many years. Two or three thousand men and women were taken prisoners.

When news of the victory and of the death of Tughril reached the Sultan, he halted, and Malik B^rbak returned, bringing with him the booty and prisoners that had fallen into his hands. The Malik recounted all the particulars of the victory, and the Sultan was very angry with Muhammad Sher-andaz, saying that he had committed an error, which might have been of serious consequences to him and the army of Dehli. But as all had ended well, the Sultdn, atfter these censures, bestowed robes and rewards upon all the men of the reconnoitring party, according to their rank and position, and raised their dignities. Upon Muhammad Sher-anddz he bestowed especial favour ; to the man who shot the arrow he gave the title of " Tughril-kush," ^ Slayer of Tnghril ; and to Mukaddir, who had cut off the traitor's head he gave a robe and suitable rewards. * * * This achievement increased a hundred-fold the awe felt of Balban by his subjects.

The Sultan returned to Lakhnauti, and there ordered that gibbets should be erected along both sides of the great bazar, which was more than a kos in length. He ordered all the sons and sons-in-law of Tughril, and all men who had served him or borne arras for him, to be slain and placed upon the gibbets. Tughril had shown great favour to a certain kalandar, * * * and the Sultdn went so far as to kill him and gibbet him, with all his followers. The punishments went on during the two or three days that the Sultan remained at Lakhnauti, and the beholders were so horrified that they nearly died of fear, I, the author, have heard from several old men that such punishment as was inflicted on Lakhnauti had never been heard of in Dehli, and no one could remember anything like it in Hindustan. A number

1 The Text in every instance speaks of Malik Mnkaddir and Tughril-kush as two distinct persons, and this passage is decisive as to the author's opinion. Firishta, however, who evidently used Bami's account, is just as distinct in saying that Mukaddir was the man who shot and killed Tughril, and that it was he who was called *' Tughril-kush."

of prisoners who belonged to Dehli and its neighbourhood were ordered to be put in fetters and carried to Delhi, there to receive their punishment.

The Sultdn remained some days longer at Lakhnauti. He placed the country under the charge of his younger son, Bughra Khan, to whom he granted a canopy and other royal insignia. He himself appointed the officials and feudatories (iktd'ddrs) ; but he gave to Bughra Khkn all the spoils of Tughril Khan, excepting the elephants and gold which he took with him to Dehli. He called his son to him in private, and made him take an oath that he would recover and secure the country of Bengal, and that he would not hold convivial parties, nor indulge in wine and dissipation. He then asked his son where he was lodging, and he replied in the palace of the old kings near the great bazar. Bughr& Khkn was also called Mahmud, and the Sultan said to him, " Mahmud, didst thou see ? " The prince was surprised at the question, and made no answer. Again the king said, " Mahmud, didst thou see ? " The prince was amazed, and knew not what answer to give. The Sultdn repeated the ques- tion a third time, and then added, " You saw my punishments in the bazar ?" The prince bowed and assented. The Sultan went on to say, "If ever designing and evil-minded persons should incite you to waver in your allegiance to Dehli, and to throw off its authority, then remember the vengeance which you have seen exacted in the bazar. Understand me and forget not, that if the governors of Hind or Sind, of Malwa or Gujarat, or Lakhnauti, or Sunar-ganw shall draw the sword and become rebels to the throne of Dehli, then such punishment as has fallen upon Tughril and his dependents will fall upon them, their wives and children, and all their adherents. Another day he spoke to his son in private before some of his principal associates [im- pressing upon him the responsibilities of his station, and warning him against pleasure and dissipation'.

The Sultan then took his departure for Dehli, and Bughr4 Khdn accompanied him for some marches. On the day before

Bughr^ Kh&n was to return the Sultdn halted, and after morning prayer he called several of his old friends and Bughrd Khdn into his presence. He directed the latter to summon his secretary to come with writing materials, and told them to sit down before him, for he was about to deliver some counsels to his son. Then addressing his friends he said, " I know that whatever principles of government I may enforce upon this my son, he, through his devotion to pleasure, will disregard. Still, my paternal affection impels me to write down some counsels for him, in the presence of you who are old men, who have seen much, and have gained great experience. God give my son

After the Sultan had concluded his counsels to his son, and the secretary had committed them to writing, he gave him a robe of honour, tenderly embraced him, and shedding tears over him bade him farewell. Bughra Khdn then returned to Lakh- nauti, and the Sultdn, with his army, pursued his journey towards Dehli. On reaching the Saru he halted, and he issued an order that no one who had gone with the army from Dehli to Lakhnauti should remain at the latter place without permission, and that no one should proceed from Lakhnauti to Delhi without his consent. After an inspection of the men of his army, he crossed the river and continued his journey. * * * He passed through Badatin, and crossed the Granges at the ferry of Ghaniir. The people of Dehli of all classes came forth to meet him * * * and he entered his capital after being absent three years. _Be- joicings, public thanks, and rewards."]

After the rewards were distributed, the Sultdn ordered a row of wibbets to be erected on both sides of the road from Baddun to Talpat (Pilibhit ?), and that the inhabitants of Dehli and its environs, who had joined Tughril, and had been made prisoners at Lakhnauti, should be suspended thereon. This direftil order spread dismay in the city ; for many of the inhabitants of the town and environs had relations and connections among the

prisoners. * * * The public sorrow became known to the kdzi of the army, who was greatly shocked. He proceeded on the evening of the Sabbath, and throwing, himself at the feet of the Sultan interceded for the unhappy prisoners. The Sult4n was moved by his importunity, aud ordered that the majority of the prisoners, who were of no name and repute, should be set at liberty ; that some of the better known should be banished to the neighbouring towns, and that those belonging to the city should be retained in prison for a time. The most notorious among them were ordered to be mounted on buffalos, and to be paraded round the city for an exemplary punishment. After a while, through the intercession of the Mzi, they all obtained their release. * * *

The Sultdn's eldest son, who was called Khan of Multan, and ruled over Sind, brought to Dehli the tribute money and horses for the whole three years during which the Sultdn had been absent, and presented his reports to his father. The Sultan was greatly pleased, his affection and kindness to his son was in- creased tenfold, and he sent him back to his government loaded with honours. * * *

In the year 684 h. (a.d. 1285) the Khan of Multdn, the eldest son and heir apparent of the Sultan, and the mainstay of the State, proceeded to Labor and Deobalpur (Dipdlpur) to oppose the accursed Samar, the bravest dog of all the dogs of Changiz Kh4n. By the will of fate, the prince with many of his nobles and officers fell in battle, and a grievous disaster thus hap- pened to the throne of Balban. Many veteran horsemen perished in the same battle. This calamity caused great and general mourning in Multan. * * * From that time the deceased prince was called " the Martyr Prince." Amir Khusru was made prisoner by the Mughals in the same action, and obtained his freedom with great difficulty. He wrote an elegy on the death of the prince. * * *

When the news of this defeat and the death of the prince reached the Sultdn, he was quite broken down with sorrow. The army was a well-appointed one, and "the Martyr Prince" was

the son whom he had loved dearer than his life, and whom he had destined to be his successor. The Sultan was now more than eighty years old, and although he struggled hard against the effects of his bereavement, they day by day became more apparent. By day he held his court, and entered into public business as if to show that his loss had not affected him ; but at night he poured forth his cries of grief, tore his garments, and threw dust upon his head. When the particulars of the prince-s death arrived, the Sultdn bestowed Multan, with the other terri- tories, the canopy, and all the ensigns of royalty which he had given to the late prince, on Kai-Khusrii, his son. This prince was very young, but he was greatly favoured by the Sult4n, who sent him to Multan with a large retinue of nobles and officers. The reign of Balban now drew to a close, and he gradually sank under his sorrow.

Biographical notices of the nobles and great men of the reign of

To return to my history. When the Sultan grew weak and ill from grief for his lost son, he summoned his younger son, Bughra Khan, from Lakhnauti, and said to him, " Grief for your brother has brought me to my dying bed, and who knows how soon my end may come ? This is no time for you to be absent, for I have no other son to take my place. Kai-Khusrii and Kai-Kubad, your sonSji whom I have cherished, are young, and have not experienced the heat and cold of fortune. Youthful passions and indulgence would make them unfit to govern my kingdom, if it should descend to them. The realm of Dehli would again be- come a child's toy, as it was under the successors of Shamsu-d din. If you are in Lakhnauti when another mounts the throne in Dehli, you must be his subordinate ; but if you are estab- lished in Dehli, whoever rules in Lakhnauti must submit to you. Think over this ; do not leave my side ; cast away all desire of going to Lakhnauti." Bughrd Khdn was a heedless prince ;

he did not know that in the management of a kingdom questions are constantly arising and dangers threatening. He had been two or three months in Dehli, and his father's health had slightly improved. He wanted to go to Lakhnauti, so he found a pretext for doing so, and set off thither without leave from his father.

Bughrd Kh^n had a son named Kai-Kub4d, who had been brought up by the Sultan, and now stayed by his side. The Khan had not reached Lakhnauti when the Sultdn became worse. He knew that he was stricken by death, and gave up all hope of surviving. Three days before his death, he summoned to his presence Maliku-1-umara Kotwal of Dehli,^ Khwdja Husain Basri the wazir, and some other of his favourite servants, and said. You are old and are versed in matters of government : you know how things go on when kings die, and I know that my end is near. * * * After I am gone, you must set upon the throne Kai-Khusrd, son of my eldest son, the martyr prince, whom, after his father's death, I named as my successor, and who is worthy of the throne. He is young and incapable of ruling as yet, but what can I do ? Mahmud (Bughrd Khan) has shrunk from the work, and people shut their eyes at him. He is gone to Lakh- nauti, intent upon other views. The throne will not stand without a king, and I see no course but that of my making my will in favour of Kai-Khusru. He dismissed his friends, and three days afterwards he died. The kotwal and his people were strong, and, as confidants of the late king, had great power in the city. For a private reason, which it would be unseemly to expose,^ they had been unfriendly to the martyr prince, and they were apprehensive of danger if Kai-Khusru succeeded, so they sent him at once to Multdn. They then took Kai-Kub4d, the son of Bughr^ Khan, and placed him on the throne with the title of Mu'izzu-d din. The corpse of Suitdn Balban was taken out of the Eed Palace at night, and was buried in the house of rest, and thus ended one who for so many years had ruled with dignity, honour, and vigour. * * *

From the day that Balban, the father of his people, died, all security of life and property was lost, and no one had any confi- dence in the stabiUty of the kingdom. Mu'izzu-d din had not reigned a year before the chiefs and nobles quarrelled with each other ; many were killed upon suspicion and doubt ; and the people, seeing the troubles and hardships which had befallen the country, sighed for a renewal of the. reign of Balban.

SuLTANTJ-i Karam Mu'izzu-d Dumya wau Din Kai-Kubad.

The author of this history, Zia-Barni, was a child in the reign of Sultdn Mu'izzu-d din Kai-Kubad, grandson of Sultan Balban, and the details which he has written he learned from his father, Muyidu-1 Mulk, and from his preceptors, who were men of note at the time. Kai-Kubad^ ascended the throne in the year 685 H. (1286 A.D.) ^ He was then seventeen or eighteen years old, and was a young man of many excellent qualities. He was of an equable temper, kind in disposition, and very handsome ; but he was fond of pleasure and sensual gratifications. From his childhood till the day he came to the throne, he had been brought up under the eye of the Sultdn, his grandfather. Such strict tutors had been placed over him that he never had the idea of indulging in any pleasure, or the opportunity of gratifying any lust. His tutors, in fear of the Sultan, watched him so carefully that he never cast his eyes on any fair damsel, and never tasted a cup of wine. Night and day his austere guardians watched over him. Teachers instructed him in the polite arts and in manly exercises, and he was never allowed to do any unseemly act, or to utter any improper speech. When, all at once, and without previous expectation, he was elevated to such a mighty throne, * * * all that he had read, and heard, and learned, he immediately forgot ; his lessons of wisdom and self-restraint

1 Bami generally uses the title Mu'izzu-d din, tut I have preferred the shorter and more distinctive name.

" Properly 686, as proved in the Printed Teit by a verse quoted from Amir Khusrii's Kirdnu-s Sadain.

were thrown aside, and he plunged at once into pleasure and dissipation of every kind. * * * His ministers, likewise, the young nohles of his court, and his companions and friends, all gave themselves up to pleasure. The example spread, and all ranks, high and low, learned and unlearned, acquired a taste for wine drinking and amusements.

Kai-Kub^d gave up residing in the city, and, quitting the Eed Palace, he built a splendid palace, and laid out a beautiful garden at Kilu-garhi, on the banks of the Jumna. Thither he retired, with the nobles and attendants of his court, and when it was seen that he had resolved upon residing there, the nobles and officers also built palaces and dwellings, and, taking up their abode there, Kilu-garhi became a populous place _and the resort of all the votaries and ministrants of pleasure."] Night and day the Sultan gave himself up entirely to dissipation and enjoyment.

Malik Nizamu-d din, nephew and son-in-law of Maliku-1 umara Kotwal of Dehli, now rose to the highest offices. He became Ddd-bak, or chief administrator of justice, and Ndih-i mulk, or deputy ruler of the State, and the government of the country was in his hands. Malik Kiwdmu-d din, who held the office of secretary, an accomplished and eloquent man, thoroughly versed ni correspondence and the duties of secretary, was made ''Umdatu-l mulk and Ndib-wakildar. Niz4mu-d din was an active, ready, and crafty man, and his rise to power gave great offence to the nobles and servants of the late king, who were strong and numerous, and still held important positions. His head was filled with ambitious designs, while the Sultdn was engrossed with pleasure and conviviality. The old and expe- rienced courtiers, who had felt the heat and cold of varying fortune, perceived that the minister bore them no good will, and formed themselves into various parties. The nobles, heads of great families, found their position at court shaken, and some of them conceived a craving for an extension of their power. Niz4mu-d din sharpened his teeth in the pursuit of his ambition, and argued with himself thus : " Sultdn Balban was a wary old

wolf, who held possession of Dehli for sixty years, and kept down the people of the kingdom with a firm grasp. He is gone, and his son, who was fitted to be a king, died before him ; Bughra Kh4n remains contented at Lakhnauti, and the roots of empire which the old man planted are day by day growing weaker. The Sultan, in his devotion to pleasure, has not a thought for his government. If I get rid of Kai-Khusru, the son of " the Martyr Prince," and can remove some of the old nobles from the person of the sovereign, the realm of Dehli will fall with ease into my hands." With such thoughts and crooked designs, he began to play his game against Kai-Khusru; so he said to the Sultan, "Kai-Khusru is your partner in the kingdom, and is endued with many kingly virtues. The nobles are very friendly towards him, and look upon him as the heir-apparent of Sultdn Balban. If several of Balban's nobles support him, one day they will set you aside and raise him to the throne. It would there- fore be politic for you to summon him from Multan, and to make away with him on the road. This truculent suggestion was adopted, and messengers were sent for Kai-Khusru. Nizamu-d din took advantage of the Sultan's drunkenness to obtain his sanction for the murder of the prince. He then despatched his emissaries, who murdered the prince at Eohtak.

This murder excited great dread of the minister among all those nobles who remained in office. The glory and honour of the maliks was shattered, and fear seized upon them all. Nizamu-d din became more overbearing. He brought a charge against Khwdja Khatir, wdzir of the Sult&n, and had him placed upon an ass, and paraded through the whole city. This punishment increased the terror which all the nobles and officers felt. He next resolved upon removing the chief nobles and heads of illus- trious families ; so he said to the Sult4n, " These newly-made Musulmans, who hold offices and appointments near your ma- jesty, are in league together. You have made them your com- panions and associates, but they intend to deal treacherously with you ; and, introducing themselves by degrees into the

palace, they will turn you out and seize upon the kingdom. These Mughal nobles hold meetings in their houses and consult together. They are all of one race, their followers are numerous, and they have grown so strong that they will raise a rebellion. Shortly after he reported to the Sultdn some words which had come to his ears, as having been uttered by these Mughals while in a state of intoxication, and he obtained from him permission to seize and kill them. One day he had them all seized in the palace, the principal of them were slain and cast into the Jumna, and their houses and property were plundered. Several de- scendants of slaves,'^ also, who were men of high rank in the time of Balban, having formed acquaintances and friendship with these new Musulmans, were made prisoners and confined in distant forts. Their families, which had long taken root in the land, were scattered.

Next after these Malik Shdhik, amir of Multan, and Malik Tiizakl, who was the holder of the fief of Baran, and held the office of Muster-master-general — men of high rank and import- ance in the reign of Balban — were both of them got rid of by stratagem. These proceedings made the designs of Niz&mu-d din sufficiently clear to all men of the court and city ; and his house became the resort of the principal men of the place. He had obtained such an ascendancy over Kai-Kubad, that when- ever any one belonging to the city or otherwise made allusion to the ambitious designs of Nizamu-d din, or, in a fair and open way, brought any evil practice to his notice, the Sultan used to say to his minister, " So and so has spoken this about you ; " or he would have the person seized, and giving him over to Nizamu-d din, would say, " This man wanted to make mischief between us."

The ascendancy of Nizamu-d din reached such a pitch that his wife, who was the daughter of Maliku-1 umard, became known as "honorary mother" of the Sultdn, and the directress of his female apartments. The sight of his power caused all the

great men and chiefs of the city and country to anxiously watch his proceedings and guard against his hostility with all caution. With every device in their power, they endeavoured to obtain his favour, and to be reckoned among his adherents. Kotwdl Maliku-1 TJmard Fakhru-d din, father-in-law and uncle of Niz&mu-d din, often spoke to him in private, and remonstrated with him on his ambitious designs and his destruction of the nobles, saying, " I and my father have been kotwdls of Dehli for eighty years, and as we have never meddled with affairs of State, we have remained in safety, * * * banish this vision of royalty from your mind, for royalty has no relation with us. * * * Supposing you kill this drunken insensate king by some vil- lainous contrivance, the infamy of such an action will remain upon you and your children till the day of judgment." * * * This admonition of the kotwdVs became generally known, * * * and raised him very high in public estimation.

Niz4mu-d din profited nothing by these counsels ; his ambition to acquire the regal power made him blind and deaf Every day he made some new move in the game, and sought to remove the Khiljis, who were obstacles in his road to sovereignty. Fate, how- ever, derided these crude designs, and smiled upon the Khiljis. The Sult4n himself became aware that Nizamu-d din desired to remove him, and in fact his designs were patent to every one in Dehli.

While Kai-Kubdd was sitting on the throne in Dehli, his father, Bughra Ehan, at Lakhnauti, had assumed the title of Nasiru-d din, and had struck coins and caused the khutba to be read in his own name. A correspondence was kept up between the father and son, and messengers were constantly passing, carrying presents from one to the other. The father was in- formed of his son's devotion to pleasure, and of Nizamu-d din's designs, * * * so he wrote letters of advice and caution to his son, * * * but the Sultdn, absorbed in his pleasures, * * * paid no heed to his father's remonstrances, and took no notice of his minister's designs. Neither did he give the least attention to the business of the kingdom.

When Bughrd Khdn' heard that his son * * * paid no heed to his letters, he resolved to go and see him, and he wrote him a letter announcing his intention. * * * This letter awakened the Sultan's affection * * * and several letters passed. * * * It was at length arranged that the Sultan would go to Oudh, and that his father should come from Lakhnauti and meet him on the banks of the Saru. The Sultdn's intention was to proceed privately (jaridah) to the Saru, but his minister opposed this, * * * ob- serving that "the journey was long, and that he ought to travel in state with an army. * * * Old writers had said that in pursuit of dominion fathers will slay their sons, and sons their fathers. Ambition for rule stifles both paternal and filial affec- tion. * * * The Sultan''s father had struck coins and caused the khutha to be read in his name — ^besides, he was the rightful heir to the kingdom, and who could foresee what would happen at the interview. The Sultan ought to proceed with his army in all state and grandeur. * * * The Rdis and Ranas would then come to pay their respects ; but if he travelled with haste, all reverence for the kingly office would be lost." * * * His advice was taken by the Sultan, and he directed his army and travel- ling equipage to be prepared.

In due time the Sultdn set out in all regal state, with a suit- able army, and marching into Qndh he pitched his camp on the banks of the Saru. When Bughra Khdn heard that the Sult4n had brought a large army, he understood that Nizdmu-d din had instilled fear into the heart of his son ; but he set forth fi-om Lakhnauti with an army and elephants, and arrived at the Saru, where the two armies encamped on opposite sides of the river, within sight of each other. For two or three days officers passed from both sides, carrying messages between father and son. The order of the interview was at length settled. Bughra Kh4n was to pay honour and homage to the king of Dehli. He was to cross the river to see his son seated on his throne, and to kiss ' his hands (in token of inferiority). The Kh4n said, " I have no

1 He ia now called "N&siru-d din," but it seems preferable to retain his old name.

inclination to pay homage to my own son ; but he sits upon the throne of Dehli in my father's seat, and that exceeds in grandeur all the thrones of the earth. * * * If I do not show it due honour, its glory will be shattered, and evil will come both upon me and my son. * * * I will therefore fulfil all the requirements of etiquette." He directed the astrologers to fix upon an auspicious hour for the interview. On the appointed day the Sultan's court was arranged, and he sat upon his throne to hold a leyee-. Bughra Khan alighted, and came within the privileged circle. He bowed his head to the earth, and three times kissed the ground, as required by the ceremonial of the court. But when he approached the throne, the Sultan could no longer bear the degradation of his father ; he threw aside all kingly grandeur, and, descending from the throne, cast himself at his father's feet.

• • • Father and son burst into tears and embraced each other,

• • • and the Sult'dn rubbed his eyes upon his father's feet. This sight drew tears also from the eyes of the beholders. The- father took his son's hand and led' him to the throne, intending himself to stand before it for awhile-; but the Sultdn came down, and conducting his father to th« throne, seated him there on his own right hand. Then, coming down, he bent his knees, and sat respectfully before him. * * * Afterwards they had some con- versation together in private, and then Bughra Khdn retired across the river to his own camp. * * *

One day, Bughra Kh4n, after telling his son a story about Jamshid, said, " Oh, my dear son> how far wilt thou carry thy addiction to pleasure and dissipation, and how long wilt thou disregard the sayings of great and powerful kings ?" * * * When the Khdn had finished his counsels he wept, and pressing his son to his bosom bade him farewell ; and as he did so, he secretly whispered to him his advice that he should remove Nizdmu-d din as soon as possible, otherwise that man would one day seize an opportunity to remove him from the throne. So saying, and shedding many tears, he parted from his son. * * » When he reached his own camp he said to his friends, " I have

said farewell to my son and to the kingdom of Dehli ; for I know full well that neither my son nor the throne of Dehli will long

Kai-Kubad returned through Oudh, towards Dehli, and for some days he was mindful of his father's advice, and abstained from sensual amusements. * * * The tenor of that advice was known to all men in the army. * * * He kept aloof from women, till one day a lovely girl met him on the road [decked in the most alluring style'], and addressed some lines of poetry to him. * * * The Sultdn was overpowered by her charms, he could not resist * * * but called for wine ; and, drinking it in her presence, recited some verses, to which she replied also in verse. * * * His father's counsels were forgotten, and he gave himself up to pleasure in the society of that "vow-breaker" [and plunged deeper into his old habits']. From Oudh to Dehli all his journey was one round of dissipation and pleasure. When he arrived at Kilu-garhi public rejoicings were held. * * *

I, Ziau-d din Barni, author of this work, heard from Kdzi Sharfu-d din that Sultan Kai-Kubdd was so engrossed by his dissolute pursuits, that his government would not have endured for a single week, but for Malik Niz5,mu-d din and Malik Kiwamu-d din, both of whom were old Shamsi and Balbani nobles. They were wise, experienced men, who possessed ability, and encouraged ability. * * * Niz4mu-d din was also very gene- rous, * * * and it was a thousand pities that so many excellent qualities should all have been spoilt by his ambition to attain, the throne. * * * Soon after the Sultdn returned from Oudh, his constitution began to give way, and his excessive indulgence in sensual pleasures made him very feeble and pale. He thought upon the advice of his father, and resolved upon removing Nizamu-d din, without reflecting that there was no one to take his place, and that troubles and difl3.cu]ties would arise. So he ordered Nizdmu-d din to proceed to Multcin to arrange the afiuirs of that dependency. The minister perceived that the Sultan was acting upon advice received from his father, or some

other person, and fearing the intrigues of his rivals he delayed his departure. The Sultdn's associates and attendants were aware that he was resolved upon removing Nizdmu-d din, so after obtaining the Sultan's consent, they put poison into his wine, and he died. The fact of his having been poisoned was well known in Dehli. What little order had been maintained in the government was now entirely lost. People were .without employ, and flocked to the gates of the palace ; and as no order was maintained there, no security was anywhere to be found.