4. Volume 3 — part 4

At this time Jal41u-d din was Ndih of Sdm&na and Sar- jdndar of the court. He was brought from SAmana, and the fief of Baran was conferred upon him ; and he received the title of Siyasat KhAn. Malik Aitarour Kachhan was made Bdrhak, and Malik Aitamur Surkha obtained the office of WaMl-dar. Both had been slaves {handa) of SultAn Balban. They now divided the control of the palace between them, and both were led away by ambition. Several of the Balban officials, who had been set aside by Nizdmu-d din, again entered into employ- ment, and rose into notice.

The affairs of the court now fell into the greatest confusion, and no regularity was observed in any business. The Sultan was struck with paralysis, and was confined to his couch. He daily grew worse, and was quite incapable of attending to business. The nobles desired some leading spirit who would take the control of public aflFairs; but they were all too much upon a level, and could not endure that any one should rise above the rest, and should have entire command of the reins. There was no hope of the SultAn's recovery, so the old Balban officers, the maliks, the amirs, the officials, heads of tribes, etc., met together, and although the Sultdn's son was of tender years, they brought him forth from the harem and seated him upon the throne. It was resolved to appoint a regent, so that the throne might be pre- served to the family of Balban, and might not pass from the Turk to any other race. With this object the Sultdn's child

was seated on the throne, under the title of Sultan Shamsu-d din. The old Balbani officers were his supporters, and they received offices, titles, and grants of land. The young Sultdn was taken to the Chahutara-i Ndsirt, which hecame his Court, and there the nohles and great men attended upon him.

Sultan Kai-Kubad was lying sick and powerless at Kllu- ghari, attended by his doctors. At the same time Jalalu-d din, who was lA'riz-i mamdlik (Muster-master-general), had gone to Bahdr-piir, attended by a body of his relations and friends. Here he held a muster and inspection of the forces. He came of a race different from that of the Turks, so he had no confidence in them, nor would the Turks own him as belonging to the number of their friends. Aitamur Kachhan and Aitamur Surkha waUl-dar conspired to denounce and remeve several nobles of foreign extraction. They accordingly drew up a list, at th« head of whiph they placed the name of Jal41u-d din. The latter very prudently oellected his adherents, and all the Khilji maliks and amirs, drew together, and formed a camp at Bahar-pur. Several other nobles joined him. Aitamur Kachhan now proceeded to Bahar-piir, in order to entice Jalalu-d din to the Shamsi palace, where he intended to kill him. Jalalu-d din was aware of the plot, and intercepted and slew Aitamur Kachhan, as he was on the way to invite him. The sons of Jaldlu-d din, who were all daring fellows, went publicly at the head of 500 horse to the royal palace, seized upon the infant Sultan, and carried him off to their father. Aitamur Kachhan '^ pursued them, but he was wounded with an arrow, and fell. The sons of Maliku-1 umara Kotwal were captured and taken to Bahar-pur, where they were kept as hostages. Great excitement followed in the city ; the people, high and low, small and great, poured out of the twelve gates of the city, and took the road for Bahar-piir to the rescue of the young prince. They were all troubled by the ambition of the Khiljis, and were strongly opposed to Jalalu-d din's ob-

' So says the Text, and the two MSS. agree : but as Kachhan was dead, Surkha must be here intended, and Firishta has it so.

taining the crown ; but the kotwdl, on: account of his sons, allayed the popular excitement, and brought back the citizens. The crowd dispersed at the Baddun gate.

Several maliks and amirs of Turk extraction now joined Jald,lu-d din at his camp, and the Khilji force increased. Two • days after these occurrences a malik, whose father had been put to death by order of Sult4n Kai-Kubdd, was sent to Kilu-ghari, with instructions to make an end of him. This man entered Kilu-ghari, and found the Sultan lying at his last gasp in the room of mirrors. He despatched him with two or three kicks, and threw his body into the Jumna. Malik Ohhaju, brother's son of Sultan Balban, and rightful heir to the throne, received the grant of Karra, and was sent off thither.

Friends and opponents now came to terms with Jalalu-d din, who was escorted from Bah^rpur by a large body of horse, and was seated on the throne in Kilti-ghari. He immediately pro- ceeded to strengthen his position by bringing in his friends, and distributing the offices. But the majority of the people of Dehli was opposed to him, and through fear of the populace he did not go to the city, there to take his seat upon the old throne of his predecessors. Some time elapsed before he ventured there, or before the people went to Kilii-gharl to oflfer their congratula- tions. They hated the Khilji maliks, and would not look upon them. There were many officers and nobles, representatives of old families in Dehli at that time. By the death of Sultan Kai- Kubdd M'uizzu-d din the Turks lost the empire.

SULTANU-L HALIM JaLALU-D DUNYA WAU-D dIn FiROZ ShaH

Zid-Barni, the author of this history, declares that the events and affairs of the reign of Jalalu-d din, and the other matters about which he has written from that period unto the end of his work, all occurred under his own eyes and observation. •

Sultan Jaldlu-d din Firoz Khilji ascended the throne in the

palace of Kilu-ghari, in the year 688 H.i (1289 a.d.). The people of the city (of Dehli) had for eighty years been governed by sovereigns of Turk extraction, and were averse to the succession of the Khiljis ; for this reason the new Sultdn did jiot go into the capital. The great men and nobles, the learned men, the officials, and the celebrities with whom the city was then filled, went out to pay their respects to the new Sultan, and to receive robes. In the course of the first, year of the reign the citizens and soldiers and traders, of all degrees and classes, went to Kilu-ghari, where the Sultdq held a public darhdr. They were struck with admiration and amazement at seeing the Khiljis occupying the throne of the Turks, and wondered how the throne had passed from the one to the other.

The Sultan, not being able to go into Dehli, made Kilu-ghari his capital, and fixed his abode there. He ordered the palace, which Kai-Kubad had begun, to be completed and embellished with paintings ; and he directed the formation of a splendid garden in front of it on the banks of the Jumna. The princes and nobles and officers, and the principal men of the city, were commanded to build houses at. Kilu-ghari. Several of the traders were also brought from Dehli, and bazars were estab- lished. Kilu-ghari then obtained the name of "New-town." A lofty stone fort was commenced, and the erection of its defences was allotted to the nobles, who divided the work of building among them. The great men and citizens were averse to building houses there, but as the Sultdn made it his residence, in three or four years houses sprung up on every side, and the markets became well supplied.

Some time passed, and still the Sultan did not go into the city, but the authority of his government acquired strength. The excellence of his character, his justice, generosity, and devotion, gradually removed the aversion of the people, and

' The editors of the text again correct the date by quoting the Miftdhu-l Futiih of Amir Khusni, which makes the year to he 689. Firishta giyes it 687.

hopes of grants of land assisted in conciliating, though .grudgingly and unwillingly, the affections of his people.

The eldest son of the Sultdn was styled Khan-i Khdndn, the second son Arkall Khan, and the youngest Kadar Khdn. For each of these a palace was provided. The Sultan's brother was entitled Yaghrish KhAn, and he was made 'A'riz-i mamdlik (Muster-master-general) ; 'A14u-d din and Ulugh Khan, brother's sons and sons in law of the Siiltdn, were made, one Amir Tuzak, and the other Akhur-baki (master of the horse). * * * Khwdja Khatir, the best of ministers, was made prime minister, and Malikul-1 umara, of long standing renown, was confirmed as kotwdl. The populace was appeased and gratified, and the Sult4n, with great pomp and a fine retinue, went into the city and alighted at the palace (daulat-khdna). He offered up his thanksgivings and took his seat upon the throne of his predeces- sors. He then called his nobles and friends around him and ad- dressed them [in terms of thanksgiving and gratulation.} * * *

In the second year of the reign, Malik Ohhajii, nephew of Balban, raised the white canopy in Karra, and had the hhutba read in his name. Malik 'Ali, sar-jdnddr, son of a slave (mauld-zdda) of Sultan Balban, who held the grant of Oudh, joined hira. Several other old adherents of Balban, who held territories towards Hindustan, also supported hira. He assumed the title of Sultdn Mughisu-d din, and the hhutha was read in his name throughout Hindustan. Assembling an army, he marched towards Dehli to claim the throne of his uncle, with the expectation that the people of the city would join him. Many of the inhabitants of Dehli and the environs, mindful of the benefits they had received from his ancestors, heard of his approach with satisfaction and joy, and recognized him as the rightful heir to the throne ; for they said that no Khilji had ever been a king, and that the race had no right or title to Dehli.

The Sultdn marched from Kilii-ghari, attended by his adherents and the Khilji nobles, who rallied thick around him. Taking with him an army in whose fidelity he had confidence,

he advanced towards Ohhaju. When he approached Bad4un, he deputed his eldest son, Kh4n-i Jahkn, to be his deputy in Dehli during his absence ; and he placed his second son, Arkali Khdn, one of the most renowned warriors of the time, at the head of a force, and sent him on in advance against the insurgents. Arkali Khan marched ten or twelve kos before the Saltan and crossed the river of Kulaibnagar(?) ^ The SultS,n remained at Baddiin. Malik Chhaju continued to advance. The rdivats and pdiks of Hindustan flocked around him like ants or locusts, and the most noted of them received betel from him, and promised to fight against the standards of the Sultdn. When the two armies came in sight, the royal forces discharged their arrows. The spiritless rice-eating Hindustanis made a great noise, but lost all their powers ; and the valiant soldiers of the royal army drew their swords and rushed upon them. Malik Chhaju, his nobles and all the Hindustanis, took to flight and dispersed. There was a mawds^ in the neighbourhood into which Ohhaju crept, and a few days after the chief of that mawds sent him to Sultdn Jalalu-d din. The chiefs, adherents, and officers of Chhaju, and the pdiks who had been the leaven of his army, were all taken prisoners. Arkali Kh4n put yokes upon their necks and sent them bound to the Sultdn. I, the author of this Tdrikh-i Firoz-Shdhi, heard from Amir Khusrii, who was an attendant of the Court, that when the rebellious maliks and amirs were brought before the Sultdn, he held a public darbdr. Malik Amir 'Ali, sar-jdnddr, Malik Ulughchi, and other nobles were conducted into his presence, riding upon camels, with yokes upon their shoulders, their hands tied behind their necks, covered with dust and dirt, and their garments all soiled. It was expected that the Sultan would have them paraded in this state all through the army as examples, but as soon as he saw them he

' So in the print — "db-Xuldi {Guldb?) tagar" in one MS., and "Kuldik" in the other.

^ A natural stronghold or fortress. See Thornton " Mewassee ; " and vol. ii. of this -work, p. 362.

put his handkerchief before his eyes and cried with a loud voice, " What is this ! " He ordered them to be dismounted and un- fastened immediately. Those among them who had held offices in former reigns were separated from the rest, and were con- ducted into an empty tent, where they were washed, perfumed, and dressed in clean garments by the Sultan's attendants. The Sultdn went into his private apartments and ordered wine to be set out. He then called these captive nobles in as his guests, and they were so overwhelmed with shame that they kept their eyes fixed on the ground and did not speak a word. The SultAn spoke kindly to them and endeavoured to console them, telling them that, in drawing their swords to support the heir of their old benefactor, they had taken an honest rather than a dishonest course.

This leniency of the Sultan towards the captive nobles did not please the Khilji nobles, and they whispered to each other that the Sultan did not know how to rule, for instead of slaying the rebels he had made them his companions. Malik Ahmad Chap, deputy lord chamberlain, a personal attendant and coun- sellor of the Sultan, told him that a King should reign and observe the rules of government, or else be content to relinquish the throne. He had shewn great attention to those prisoners who deserved death, and had made them his guests. He had removed the fetters of rebels who all deserved punishment, and had set them free. Malik Chhaju, who for several months had caused the khutba to be read in his name in Hindustan, and who had struck coins, he had sent in a litter to Multan, with orders to keep him secluded, but to supply him with wine, fruit, food, and garments, and whatever lie required. When such an offence, the worst of all politicar offences, had been passed over without punishment, how could it be expected but that other rebellions would break out and disturbances arise. The punish- ments awarded by kings are warnings to men. Sultan Balban, who never forgot his dignity and power, visited rebellious and political offences with the greatest severity, and how much blood

did he shed ? If the Sultdn and his followers were i& fall into their hands, no name or trace of the Khiljis would be left in Hindustan.

The Sultan replied, " Oh Ahmad, I am aware of what you say. I have seen the punishment of rebellion before you saw it, but what can I do? I have grown old among Mnsulmans, and am not accustomed to spill their blood. My age exceeds seventy, and I have never caused one to be killed ; shall I now, im my old days, for the short life that remains, which has never continued to others and will not be prolonged for me, act against the principles of the law and bring Muhammadans to the block ? * * * As regards these nobles who have been made prisoners^ I have reflected, and have come to the conclusion that if I look over their rebellion and spare their lives, they are men, and will be ashamed before God and man for the course they have pursued. I am sure they will feel their obligation to me, and will never again form designs against my throne or excite' rebellion. * * * If I go to Multdn, I will, like Sher Khan, fight against and give a good account of the Mughals, because they have invaded Musulman territory ; bat if I cannot reign without shedding the blood of Musulmans, I renounce the throne, for I could not endure the wrath of God."

When the Sultdn returned from Badatin after the suppression of the rebellion of Malik Chhaju, he bestowed Karra on 'Alau-d din his nephew (brother's son) and son in law, whom he had brought up. 'Alau-d din proceeded to his territory, and in the same year he found there many of the officers and friends of Malik Ohhaju who had taken part in his rebellion. Them he set free and took into his service. These disaffected persons began at once to suggest to 'Aldu-d din, that it was quite possible to raise and equip a large force in Karra, and through Karra to obtain Dehli. Money only was needed : but for want of that Malik Chhaju would have succeeded. Get only plenty of money, and the acquisition of Dehli would be easy. 'Aliu-d din was at variance with his mother in law, Malika-i Jahan, wife

of Sult&n Jalalu-d din, and also with his wife, so he was anxious to get away from them. The crafty suggestions of the Karra rebels made a lodgment in his brain, and, from the very first year of his occupation of that territory, he began to follow up his design of proceeding to some distant quarter and amassing money. To this end he was constantly making inquiries about other countries from travellers and men of experience.

On the Sultan's returning to Kilu-ghari, public rejoicings were held * * * after which he devoted himself assiduously to the business of his kingdom, * * * But the nobles and great men spoke of him with disparagement, saying that he knew not how to rule, and had none of the awe and majesty of kings.

• • • His business was to fight against the Mughals, and such work would suit him, for he was not wanting in courage and warlike accomplishments. But he knew nothing about government. * * * Two things were required in kings. 1. Princely expenditure and boundless liberality. * * 2. Dignity^ awe, and severity, by which enemies are repulsed and rebels pat down. * * * These two qualities were wanting in him. * * * Thieves were often brought before him, from whom he took an oath that they would never steal again, and he' then set them free, observing to those around him that he could not slay a bound man, and although he could do it in battle^, ki was against his feelings. * * * In his reign some tka^s were' taken in the city, and a man belonging to that fraternity was- the means of about a thousand being captured. But not one of these did the Sultan have killed. He gave orders for them. tO' be put into boats and to be conveyed into the Lower country tO' the neighbourhood of Lakhnauti, where they were to be set free. The tka^s would thus have to dwell about Lakhnauti, and would not trouble the neighbourhood (of Dehli) any more. * * *

Men complained of the clemency and humanity of the Sultani

• • • and a party of wicked, ungrateful nobles used tO' talk over their cups of killing him and setting him aside. Thi» was all reported to the Sultan, but he sometimes dismissed it

lightly, and at others used to say, " Men often drink too much, and then say foolish things ; do not report drunken stories to me." One day a party was held in the house of Malik T4ju-d din Kuchi, a nobleman of some distinction. When the wine had got into the heads of the guests and they were intoxicated, they said to Taju-d din : " You are fit to be a king, but the Sultdn is not. If there is any Khilji fit to be a king, it is Ahmad Chap, not Jalalu-d din." This and similar absurdities they uttered. All who were present promised to aid Taju-d din in acquiring the crown. One of them said he would finish the Sultan with a hunting knife,^ and another drew his sword and said he would make mince-meat of him. Many other foolish vaunts were uttered, all of which were duly reported to the Sultan. He had heard a good deal of these proceedings before, and had made light of them ; but on the present occasion, when he learned the extravagant boasts which had been uttered at Taju-d din's party, he could endure no longer, and had all the topers brought before him. He upbraided them severely, and while men were wondering where it would end, he grew hot, and, drawing a sword, threw it down before them, and exclaimed, "Ah drunken negroes, who brag together, and talk, one of killing me with an arrow, and another of slaying me with a sword ! Is there one among you who is man enough to take this sword and fight it out fairly with me ? See ! here I sit ready for him, let him come on ! " Malik Nusrat Sabah, principal inkstand bearer, a witty nobleman, was among them, who had uttered many absurd things. He now replied, and said, " Your Majesty knows that topers in their cups utter ridiculous sayings. We can never kill a Sultan who cherishes us like sons, as you do, nor shall we ever find so kind and gracious a master ; neither will you kill us for our absurd drunken ravings, because you will never find other nobles and gentlemen like us." The Sultdn himself had been drinking wine. His eyes filled with tears at these words of

• Nim-shikdri."' Tir is sometimea substituted for nim, as in the next place where it is mentioned.

Nusrat Sabdh, and he pardoned them all. He gave Nusrat Sabdh a cup of wine and made him his guest. The other evil- minded and evil-speaking nobles he dismissed to their estates, commanding them to stay there for a year and not to enter the city. * * * Jal41u-d din always treated his nobles, officers, and subjects, with the greatest kindness and tenderness. He never visited their oifences with blows, confinement, or other severity, but treated them as a parent does his children. If he got angry with any of them, he threatened them with his second son, Arkali Khan, who was a hot-tempered man. » * * In the reign of Balban, while Jalalu-d din was Sar-jdnddr, he held the territory of KaithaP and the deputyship of Sanii,na. His officers in Samana demanded revenue from a village belong- ing to Maulana Siraju-d din Sawi. * * * The Maulan4 was very angry, and wrote a work which he called Kkilji-ndma, in which he lampooned Jalalu-d din. * * * On the latter becoming sovereign, the Maulan^ * * * came to court with a rope round his neck, despairing of his life, * * * but the Sultan called him forward, embraced him, gave him a robe, enrolled him among his personal attendants, restored his vil- lage, and added another, confirming them both to him and his descendants. * * *

After he became Sultan, he reflected that he had warred many years against the Mughals, and so he might be appropriately called in the khutla " al Mujdhid ft saUl-alldh." He aecord- ino-ly instructed Malika-i Jahan, the mother of his children, to su»o-est to the Kdzis and heads of reUgion, when they came to pay their respects to her, that they should ask the Sultdn to allow this title to be used. * * * Soon after they came to offer cono-ratulations * * * and Malika-i Jahdn sent a message to the heads of religion. * * * Shortly afterwards they made the proposition to the Sultan. His eyes filled with tears, and he acknowledged that he had directed Malika-i Jahan to make the suggestion, but he had since reflected that he was 1 Here written " Kathal."

■not worthy of the title * * * as he had fought for his own

gratification and vanity; * * * and so he refused to accept it.

Jal41u-d din was a great appreciator and patron of talent.

• • • On the day that he was made ''A'riz-i mamdlih, he -presented Amir Khusru with twelve hundred tanhas * * * and when he became Sultan, he made the amir one of his chosen attendants, and appointed him keeper of the Kur&n. He invested him with such robes as are given to great nobles, and girded him with a white sash.

But for all the gentleness and kindness and mercy of Sultan Jalalu-d din, in his reign SIdi Maula was cast under the feet of an elephant : after which event the Jalali throne and family began to decline. Sidi Maula was a darwesh from the Upper -country {wildyat-i mulk-i laid), who came to Dehli in the reign of Balban. He had peculiar notions about religion, and was remarkable for his expenditure and for his food. He did not go i,'o public prayers in the mosque, though he offered prayers.

• • • He kept no servant or handmaid, and indulged no passion. He took nothing from any one, but yet he expended so much that people were amazed, and used to say that he dealt in magic. On the open ground in front of his door he built a magnificent khdnkdh, and expended thousands upon it. There great quantities of food were distributed, and travellers resorted thither. Twice a day, such bounteous and various meals were provided as no khan or malik could furnish. * * * He went to pay a visit to Shaikh Farid at Ajodhan * * * and when he was about to leave, the Shaikh said, " I give thee a bit of advice, which it will be well for thee to observe. Have nothinff to do with maliks and amirs, and beware of their intimacy as dangerous ; no darwesh ever kept up such an intimacy, but in the end found it disastrous." * * * In the reign of Jal41u-d din, his expenditure and his society grew larger. The Sultan's eldest son, Khan-i Khandn, was his friend and follower, and called himself the Sidi's son. * * * K^zi Jalal K^shani, a Kdzi of some repute, but a mischievous

man, used to stay for two or three nights together at the hharikah, and converse in private with the Sidi. * * * It at length became known that this Kdzi and several (discontented and needy) nobles used to go to the khdnhdh and sit with the Sidi in the evening and talk sedition. They resolved that when the Sultan went in state to the mosque on the Sabbath he" should be killed, and that Sidi Maula should then be proclaimed khalifa, and should marry the daughter of Sultan Nasiru-d din. Kdzi Jaldl Keshan! was to have the territory of Multdn \and the other conspirators were to he provided for']. One of the persons present carried information to the Sultan. The Sidi and all the other conspirators were arrested and brought before the Sultdn. They strenuously denied the charge, and it was not the custom in those days to extort confession by beating. The Sultdn and the people were satisfied of their guilt, but they denied it, and so nothing could be done. Orders were given for the preparation of a large fire in the plain of Bahdr-pur. * * * The Sultdn (with a large following) went there, and orders were given for placing the accused upon the pile, so that fire might elicit the truth. Before carrying out the order the opinion of the learned lawyers was asked, and they replied that the ordeal by fire was against the law * * * and that the evidence of one man was not sufiicient to convict any one of treason. The Sultan accordingly set aside the ordeal. Kdzi Kdshani, the chief of the conspiracy, was sent as Kazi to Baddtin. The nobles were banished to different countries, and their properties were confiscated. Hatya Paik, the destined assassin, waa sentenced to suitable punishment, and Sidi Maula was carried bound to the front of the palace, where the Sultan expostulated with him. Shaikh Abu Bakr Tusi was present with a number of his followers,, and the king, turned to them and said, " Oh darweshes avenge me of the Maula." One of them fell upon the Sidi and cut him several times with a razor. Arkali Khdn was on the top of the palace, and he made a sign to an elephant driver, who drove his elephant over the Sidi and killed him.

This most humane King could not endure the plotting of A darwesh, and gave an order which broke through their prestige and sanctity. I, the author, -well remember that on the day of the Sidi's death, a black storm arose which made the world dark. Troubles afterwards arose in the State. * * * In the same year there was a scarcity of rain, there was dearth in Dehli, and grain rose to ajital per sir. In the Siwdlik also the dearth was greatly felt. The Hindus of that country came into Dehli with their families, twenty or thirty of them together, and in the extremity of hunger drowned themselves in the Jumna. The Sultan and nobles did all they could to help them. In the following year such rain fell as but few people could remember.

I now return to my narrative of the events of Jal41u-d din's reign. In the year 689 H. (1290 a.d.), the Sultdn led an army to Eantambhor. Khdn-i Jah4n his eldest son was then dead, and he appointed his second son Arkall Khan to be his vicegerent at Kllu-ghari in his absence. He took the ^ of Jhain,

destroyed the idol temples, and broke and burned the idols. He plundered Jhdin and M^lwa, and obtained great booty, after which his army rested. The Ildi of Eantambhor,. with his Rdwats and followers," together with their wives and children, all took refuge in the fort of Rantambhor. The Sultan wished to invest and take the fort. He ordered manjaniks'^ to be erected, tunnels (sdbdi) to be sunk, and redoubts {gargacU) to be constructed, and the siege to be pressed. He arrived from Jhdln, carefully reconnoitred the fort, and on the same day returned to Jhdin. Next day he called together his ministers and officers, and said that he had intended to invest the fort, to bring up another army, and to levy forces from Hindustan. But after reconnoitring the fort, he found that it could not be taken without sacrificing the lives of many Musulmans * * *

' It is difficult to say what is here intended. The printed text has ...Uiij . One MS. says ^^.t) and the other <^j ^ , Jhifn must be TJjj&in. * The word used is " maghribihd" western (engines).

and that he did not value the fort so much as the hair of one Musulmdu. If he took the place and plundered it after the fall of many Muhammadans, the widows and orphans of the slain would stand before him and turn its spoils into bitterness. So he raised the siege, and next day departed for Dehli. When he announced his intention of retreating, Ahmad Ohap protested and said. * * * * The Sultdn replied at length. * * * He concluded by saying " I am an old man. I have reached the age of eighty years, and ought to prepare for death. My only concern should be with matters that may be beneficial after my decease." * * *

In the year 691 h. (1292 a.d.), 'Abdu-Uah, grandson of the accursed Halu (Hulakii), invaded Hindustan with fifteen tumdns of Mughals (150,000 !). The Sultdn assembled his forces, and marched from Dehli to meet them, with a large and splendid army. When he reached Bar-ram,'^ the outposts of the Mughals were descried, and the two armies drew up in face of each other with a river between them. Some few days were passed in arraying th«ir forces, and the advanced parties of the opposing forces had several skirmishes in which the Musulmans were victorious, and made some prisoners, who were conducted to the Sultan. Shortly after the van of the Mughal army crossed the river. The van of the Musulmans hastened to meet them, and a sharp conflict ensued, in which the Musulman forces were victorious. Many Mughals were put to the sword, and one or two commanders of thousands, and several centurions were made prisoners. Negotiations followed, and it was agreed that war was a great evil, and that hostilities should cease. The Sultan and 'Abdu-Uah, grandson of Halii the accursed, had an interview. The Sultdn called him son, and he addressed the Sultan as father. Presents were exchanged, and after hostilities had ceased, buying and selling went on between the two armies. 'Abdu-llah departed with the Mughal army, but Ulghu, grandson of Changiz Khdn, the accursed, with several nobles, commanders 1 Briggs says " Beiram," but thinks it an error.

of thousands and centurions, resolved to stay in India. They said the creed and became Muhammadans, and a daughter of the Sultan was given in marriage to TJIghii. The Mughals who followed Ulghu, were brought into the city with their wives and children. Provision was made for their support, and houses were provided for them in Kilu-ghari, Ghiyaspur, Indarpat, and Taluka. Their abodes were called Mughalpur. The Sultan continued their allowances for a year or two, but the climate and their city homes did not please them, so they departed with their families to their own country. Some of their principal men remained in India, and received allowances and villages. They mixed with and formed alliances with the Musulmans, and were called "New Musulmans."

Towards the end of the year, the Sultan went to Mandur, re- duced it to subjection, plundered the neighbourhood, and returned home. Afterwards he marched a second time to Jhain, and after once more plundering the country, he returned in triumph.

'A14u-d din at this time held the territory of Karra, and with permission of the Sultan he marched to Bhailasan (Bhilsa). He captured some bronze idols which the Hindus worshipped, and sent them on cars with a variety of rich booty as presents to the Sultdn. The idols were laid down before the Bad&un gate for true believers to tread upon. 'A14u-d din, nephew and son-in-law of the Sultan, had been brought up by him. After sending the spoils of BhailasA.n to the Sultan, he was made ''Ariz-i mamdlik, and received the territory of Oudh in addition to that of Karra. When 'Alau-d din went to Bhailasan (Bhilsa), he heard much of the wealth and elephants of Deogir. He in- quired about the approaches to that place, and resolved upon marching thither from Karra with a large force, but without informing the Sultan. He proceeded to Dehli and found the Sultan more kind and generous than ever. He asked for some delay in the payment of the tribute for his territories of Karra and Oudh, saying that he had heard there were countries about Chanderi where peace and security reigned, and where no appre-

hension of the forces of Dehli was felt. If the Sultdn would grant him permission he would march thither, and would acquire great spoil, which he would pay into the royal exchequer, together with the revenues of his territories. The Sultdn, in the innocence and trust of his heart, thought that 'Alau-d din was so troubled by his wife and mother-in-law that he wanted to conquer some country wherein he might stay and never return home. In the hope of receiving a rich booty, the Sultan granted the required permission, and postponed the time for the payment of the revenues of Karra and Oudh.

'AI4u-d din was on bad terms with his mother in law, Malika-i Jah4n, wife of the Sultan, and with his wife, the daughter of the Sultd,n. He was afraid of the intrigues of the Malika-i Jahan, who had a great ascendancy over her father. He was averse to bringing the disobedience of his wife before the Sultdn, and he could not brook the disgrace which would arise from his deroga- tory position being made public. It greatly distressed him, and he often consulted with his intimates at Karra about going out into the world to make a position for himself. When he made the campaign to Bhailas^n, he heard much about the wealth of Deogir. * * * He collected three or four thousand horse, and two thousand infantry, whom he fitted out from the revenues of Karra, which had been remitted for a time by the Sultan, and with this force he marched for Deogir. Though he had secretly resolved upon attacking Deogir, he studiously concealed the fact, and represented that he intended to attack Ohanderi. Malik 'AlAu-1 mulk, uncle of the author, and one of the favoured followers of 'A14u-d din, was made deputy of Karra and Oudh in his absence.

'Alau-d din marched to Elichpur, and thence to Ghati- Idjaura. Here all intelligence of him was lost. Accounts were sent regularly from Karra to the Sultan with vague state- ments,^ saying that he was engaged in chastising and plundering

1 " Ardjif" — " false ramours," but here and elsewhere it seems to rather mean, vague unsatisfactory news.

rebels, and that circumstaintial accounts would be forwarded in a day or two. The Sult4n never suspected him of any evil designs, and the great men and wise men of the city thought that the dissensions with his wife had driven him to seek his fortune in a distant land. This opinion soon spread. "When 'A14u-d din arrived at Ghati-ldjaura, the army of R4m-deo, under the command of his son, had gone to a distance. The people of that country had never heard of the Musulmdns ; the Mahratta land had never been punished by their armies ; no Musulmdn king or prince had penetrated so far. Deogir was exceedingly rich in gold and silver, jewels and pearls, and other valuables. When Ram-deo heard of the approach of the Mu- hammadans, he collected what forces he could, and sent them under one of his rdnas to Ghati-lajaura. They were defeated and dispersed by 'Aldu-d din, who then entered Deogir. On the first day he took thirty elephants and some thousand horses. Ram deo came in and made bis submission. 'Alau-d din carried off an unprecedented amount of booty. * * *

In the year 695 h. (1296 a.D.), the Sultdn proceeded with an army to the neighbourhood of Gwalior, and stayed there some time. Rumours [ardjif) here reached him that 'Alau-d din had plundered Deogir and obtained elephants and an immense booty, with which he was returning to Karra. The Sultan was greatly pleased, for in the simplicity of his heart he thought that what- soever his son and nephew had captured, he would joyfully bring to him. To celebrate this success, the Sultdn gave entertain- ments, and drank wine. The news of 'Alau-d din's victory was confirmed by successive arrivals, and it was said that never had so rich a spoil reached the treasury of Dehli. Afterwards the Sultan held a private council, to which he called some of his most trusty advisers * * * and consulted whether it would be advisable to go to meet 'Aldu-d din or to return to Dehli. Ahmad Chap, Naih-bdrbah, one of the wisest men of the day, spoke before any one else, and said, " Elephants and wealth when held in great abundance are the cause of much strife.

Whoever acquires them becomes so intoxicated that he does not know his hands from his feet. 'Al&u-d din is surrounded by many of the rebels and insurgents who supported Malik Chhaju. He has gone into a foreign land without leave, has fought battles and won treasure. The wise have said ' Money and strife ; strife and money ' — that is the two things are allied to each other, * * * My opinion is that we should march with all haste towards Ohanderi to meet 'A15,u-d din and intercept his return. When he finds the Sultdn's army in the way, he must necessarily present all his spoils to the throne whether he likes it or not. The Sultdn may then take the silver and gold, the jewels and pearls, the elephants and horses, and leave the other booty to him and his soldiers. His territories also should be increased, and he should be carried in honour to Dehli." * * * The Sult&n was in the grasp of his evil angel, so he heeded not the advice of Ahmad Chap * * * but said " what have I done to 'Alau-d din that he should turn away from me, and not present his spoils ?" The Sultan also consulted Malik Fakhru-d din Kuchi (and other nobles). The Malik was a bad man ; he knew that what Ahmad Chap had said was right, but he saw that his advice was displeasing to the Sultdn, so he advised * * * that the Sultdn should return to Dehli to keep the Eamazan. * * *

The guileless heart of the Sultdn relied upon the fidelity of 'Alciu-d din, so he followed the advice of Fakhru-d din Kuchi, and returned to Kilti-ghari. A few days after intelligence arrived that 'Alkn-d din had returned with his booty to Karra. 'Alau-d din addressed a letter to the Sultan announcing his return with so much treasure and jewels and pearls, and thirty-one elephants, and horses, to be presented to his majesty, but that he had been absent on campaign without leave more than a twelve- month, during which no communications had passed between him and the Sultan, and he did not know, though he feared the machinations of his enemies during his absence. If the Sultdn would write to reassure him, he would present himself with his brave officers and spoils before the throne. Having despatched

this deceitful ktter, he immediately prepared for an attack upon Lakhnauti. He sent Zafar Khdn into Oudh to collect boats for the passage of the Saru, and, in consultation with his adherents, he declared that as soon as he should hear that the Sultdn had marched towards Karra, he would leave it with his elephants and treasure, with his soldiers and all their families, and would cross the Sarti and march to Lakhnauti, which he would sieze upon, being sure that no army from Dehli would follow him there. * * * No one could speak plainly to the SultAn, for if any one of his confidants mentioned the subject he grew angry, and said they wanted to set him against his son. He wrote a most gracious and affectionate letter with his own hand, and sent it by the hands of some of his most trusted officers. When these messengers arrived at Karra, they saw that all was in vain, for that 'A14u-d din and all his army were alienated from the Sultdn. They endeavoured to send letters informing the Sult&n, but they were unable to do so in any way. Meanwhile the rains came on, and the roads were all stopped by the waters. Alm^s Beg, brother of 'A14u-d din, and like him a son-in-law of the Sult4n, held the office of Akhur-bak (Master of the horse). He often said to the Sultan " People frighten my brother, and I am afraid that in his shame and fear of your majesty he will poison or drown himself." A few days afterwards 'Al^u-d din wrote to Aim 4s Beg, saying that he had committed an act of disobedience, and always carried poison in his handkerchief. If the Sultan would tra,Ye\ jarida (i.e. speedily, with only a small retinue), to meet him, and would take his hand, he should feel re-assured ; if not, he would either take poison or would march forth with his elephants and treasures to seek his fortune in the world. His expectation was that the Sultdn would desire to obtain the treasure, and would come with a scanty following to Karra, when it would be easy to get rid of him. * * * Almas Beg showed to the Sultdn the letter which he had received from his brother, and the Sultdn was so infatuated that he believed this deceitful and treacherous letter. Without further consideration he ordered

Almds KMn to hasten to Xarra, and not to let his brother depart, promising to follow with all speed. Alines Beg took a boat and reached Karra in seven or eight days. When he arrived, 'Alau-d din ordered drums of joy to be beaten, saying that now all his apprehensions and fears were removed.

The crafty counsellors of 'Aldu-d din, whom he had promoted to honours, advised the abandonment of his designs upon Lakh- nauti, saying that the Saltan, coveting the treasure and elephants, had become blind and deaf, and had set forth to see him in the midst of the rainy season — adding, " after he comes, you know what you ought to do." The destroying angel was close behind the Sult4n, he had no apprehension, and would listen to no advice. He treated his advisers with haughty disdain, and set forth with a few personal attendants, and a thousand horse from Kilii-ghari. He embarked in a boat at Dhamal, and proceeded towards Karra. Ahmad Chap, who commanded the army, was ordered to proceed by land. It was the rainy season, and the waters were out. On the 15th Kamaz^n, the Sultan, arrived at Karra, on the hither side of the Ganges.

'A14u-d din and his followers had determined on the course to be adopted before the Sultan arrived. He had crossed the river with the elephants and treasure, and had taken post with his forces between Manikpur and Karra, the Ganges being very high. When the royal ensign came in sight he was all prepared, the men were armed, and the elephants and horses were harnessed. 'Alau-d din sent Almas Beg in a small boat to the Sultdn, with directions to use every device to induce him to leave behind the thousand men he had brought with him, and to come with only a few personal attendants. The traitor Almds Beg, hastened to the Sultdn, and perceived several boats full of horsemen around him. He told the Sultdn that his brother had left the city, and God only knew where he would have gone to if he, Almds Beg, had not been sent to him. If the Sultan did not make more haste to meet him he would kill himself, and his treasure would be plundered. If his brother were to see these armed men with the

Sultdn he would destroy himself. The Sultdn accordingly directed that the horsemen and boats should remain by the side of the river, whilst he, with two boats and a few personal attendants and friends, passed over to the other side. When the two boats had started, and the angel of destiny had come still nearer, the traitor. Almas Beg, desired the Sultan to direct his attendants to lay aside their arms, lest his brother should see them as they approached nearer, and be frightened. The Sultdn, about to become a martyr, did not detect the drift of this insidious proposition, but directed his followers to disarm. As the boats reached mid-stream, the army of 'Alau-d din was perceived all under arms, the elephants and horses harnessed, and in several places troops of horsemen ready for action. When the nobles who accompanied the Sultan saw this, they knew that Almas Beg had by his plausibility brought his patron into a snare, and they gave themselves up for lost. * * * Malik Khuram wakildar asked * * * what is the meaning of all this ? and Almas Beg, perceiving that his treachery was detected, said his brother was anxious that his army should pay homage to his master.

The Sultdn was so blinded by his destiny, that although his own eyes saw t"he treachery, he would not return ; but he said to Almas Beg, "I have come so far in a little boat to meet your brother, cannot he, and does not his heart induce him to advance to meet me with due respect." The traitor replied, " My brother's intention is to await your majesty at the landing place, with the elephants and treasure and jewels, and there to present his officers." * * * The Sultdn trusting implicitly in them who were his nephews, sons-in-law, and foster-children, did not awake and detect the obvious intention. He took the Kurdn and read it, and proceeded fearless and confiding as a father to his sons. All the people who were in the boat with him saw death plainly before them, and began to repeat the chapter appropriate to men in sight of death. The Sultdn reached the shore before afternoon prayer, and disembarked with a few followers. 'Aldu-d din

advanced to receive him, he and all his officers showing due respect. When he reached the Sultan he fell at his feet, and the Sultan treating him as a son, kissed his eyes and cheeks, stroked his beard, gave him two loving taps upon the cheek, and said " I have brought thee up from infancy,^ why art thou afraid of me ?" * * * * The Sultin took 'A14u-4 din's hand, and at that moment the stony-hearted traitor gave the fatal signal. Mu- hammad Salim, of Samina, a bad fellow of a bad family, struck at the Sultdn with a sword, but the blow fell short and cut his own hand. He again struck and wounded the Sultan, who ran towards the river, crying, " Ah thou villian, 'A14u-d din ! what hast thou done ? " Ikhtiyaru-d din Hud ran after the betrayed monarch, threw him down, and cut off his head, and bore it dripping with blood to 'Alau-d din. * * * * Some of those persons who accompanied the Sultan had landed, and others remained in the boats, but all were slain, Yillainy and treachery, and murderous feelings, covetousness and desire of riches, thus did their work.^ * * * *

The murder was perpetrated on the 17th Eamazdn, and the venerable head of the Sultan was placed on a spear and paraded about. When the rebels returned to Karra-Manikpur it was also paraded there, and was afterwards sent to be exhibited in Oudh. * * * * While the head of the murdered sovereign was yet dripping with blood, the ferocious conspirators brought the royal canopy and elevated it over the head of 'Alau-d din. Casting aside all shame, the perfidious and graceless wretches caused him to be proclaimed king by men who rode about on elephants. Although these villains were spared for a short time, and 'A14u-d din for some years, still they were not forgotten, and their punishments were only suspended. At the end of three or four years TJlugh Kh4n (Almas Beg), the deceiver, was gone, so was Nusrat Khan, the giver of the

' The Suite's exact worda are expressive enough, but are somewhat too precise and familiar for European taste. ' The writer goes on condemning the murder in strong terms.

signal, so also was Zafar Khdn, the breeder of the mischief, my uncle, 'Alau-1 Mulk, kotwdl, and * * * and * * * The hell-hound Salim, who struck the first blow, was a year or two afterwards eaten up with leprosy. Ikhtiydru-d din, who cut off the head, very soon went mad, and in his dying ravings cried that Sultdn Jalalu-d din stood over him with a naked sword, ready to cut off his head. Although 'Alau-d din reigned suc- cessfully for some years, and all things prospered to his wish, and though he had wives and children, family and adherents, wealth and grandeur, still he did not escape retribution for the blood of his patron. He shed more innocent blood than ever Pharaoh was guilty of. Fate at length placed a betrayer in his path, by whom his family was destroyed, * * * and the retribution which fell upon it never had a parallel even in any infidel land. * * *

When intelligence of the murder of Sultan Jalalu-d din reached Ahmad Chap, the commander of the army, he returned to Dehli. The march through the rain and dirt had greatly depressed and shaken the spirits of the men, and they went to their homes. The Malika-i Jahan, wife of the late Sultdn, was a woman of determination, but she was foolish and acted very imprudently. She would not await the arrival from Multan of Arkali Khdn, who was a soldier of repute, nor did she send for him. Hastily and rashly, and without consultation with any one, she placed the late SultS-n's youngest son, Euknu-d din Ibrahim, on the throne. He was a mere lad, and had no knowledge of the world. With the nobles, great men, and officers she proceeded from Kilu-ghari to Dehli, and, taking possession of the green palace, she distributed offices and fiefs among the maliks and amirs who were at Dehli, and began to carry on the government, receiving petitions and issuing orders. When Arkali Kh4n heard of his mother's unkind and improper proceedings, he was so much hurt that he remained at Multdn, and did not go to Dehli. During the life of the late Sultdn there had been dis- sensions between mother and son, and when 'A14u-d din, who

remained at Karra, was informed of Arkali Khan's not coming to Dehli, and of the opposition of the Malika-i Jahan, he saw the opportunity which this family quarrel presented. He re- joiced over the absence of Arkali Khan, and set off for Dehll at once, in the midst of the rains, although they were more heavy than any one could remember. Scattering gold and col- lecting followers, he reached the Jumna. He then won over the maliks and amir& by a large outlay of money, and those unworthy men, greedy for the gold of the deceased, and caring nothing for loyalty or treachery, deserted the Malika-i Jahan and Euknu-d din and joined 'Alau-d din. Five months after start- ing, 'A14u-d din arrived with an enormous following within two or three kos of Dehli, The Malika-i Jahan and Ruknu-d din Ibrahim then left Dehli and took the road to Multan. A few nobles, faithful to their allegiance, left their wives and families and followed them to Multan. Five months after the death of Jaldlu-d din at Karra, 'Alau-d din arrived at Dehli and ascended the throne. He scattered so much gold about that the faithless people easily forgot the murder of the late Sultdn, and rejoiced over liis accession. His gold also induced the nobles to desert the sons of their late benefactoi-, and to support him. * * *

Iskandar-i sdni Sultdnu-l'azam 'Aldu-d dunya wau-d din Muhammad Shah Tughlih.

Sultan 'Alau-d din ascended the throne in the year 695 H. (1296 A.D.). He gave to his brother the title Ulugh Khan, to Malik Nusrat Jalesari that of Nusrat Khan, to Malik Huzab- baru-d din that of Zafar Khan, and to Sanjar, his wife's brother, who was amir-i majlis, that of Alp Khan. He made his friends and principal supporters amirs, and the amirs he promoted to be maliks. Every one of his old adherents he elevated to a suitable position, and to the Khans, maliks, and amirs he gave money, so that they might procure new horses and fresh servants. Enormous treasure had fallen into his hands, and he had com- mitted a deed unworthy of his religion and position, so he deemed

it politic to deceive the people, and to cover his crime by scatter- ing honours and gifts upon all classes of people.

He set out on his journey to l)ehli, but the heavy rains and the mire and dirt delayed his march. His desire was to reach the capital after the rising of Oanopus, as he felt very appre- hensive of the late Sultan's second son, Arkali Khan, who was a brave and able soldier. News came from Dehli that Arkali Kh4n had not come, and 'Aldu-d din considered this absence as a great obstacle to his (rival's) success. He knew that Euknu-d din Ibrahim could not keep his place upon the throne, for the royal treasury was empty and he had not the means of raising new forces. 'Alau-d din accordingly lost no time, and pressed on to Dehli, though the rains were at their height. In this year, through the excessive rain, the Ganges and the Jumna became aeas, and every stream swelled into a Ganges or a Jumna ; the roads also were obstructed with mud and mire. At such a season 'A14u-d din started from Karra with his elephants, his treasures, and his army. His khans, maliks, and am'trs were commanded to exert themselves strenuously in enlisting new horsemen, and in providing of all things necessary without delay. They were also ordered to shower money freely around them, so that plenty of followers might be secured. As he was marching to Dehli a light and moveable manjanik was made. Every stage that they marched five mans of gold stars ^ were placed in this manjanik, which were discharged among the spectators from the front of the royal tent. People from all parts gathered to pick up "the stars," and in the course of two or three weeks the news spread throughout all the towns and villages of Hindustan that 'Aldu-d din was marching to take Dehli, and that he was scattering gold upon his path and enlisting horsemen and followers without limit. People, military and unmilitary, flocked to him from every side, so that when he reached Badaun, notwithstanding the rains, his force amounted to fifty-six thousand horse and sixty thousand foot. * * * *

When 'A14u-d dm arrived at Baran, he placed a force under Zafar Khdn, with orders to march by way of Kol, and to keep pace while he himself proceeded by way of Baddun and Baran. T6ju-d din Kiichi, and * * and * * other maliks and amirs who were sent from Dehli to opposiB the advancing forces, came to Baran and joined 'AMu-d din, for which they received twenty, thirty, and some even fifty mans of gold. All the soldiers who were under these noblemen received each three hundred tankas, and the whole following of the late Jaldlu-d din was broken up. The nobles who remained in Dehli wavered, while those who had joined 'Aldu-d din loudly exclaimed that the people of Dehli maligned them, charging them with disloyalty, with having deserted the son of their patron and of having joined themselves to his enemy. They complained that their accusers were unjust, for they did not see that the kingdom departed from Jal41u-d din on the day when he wilfully and knowingly, with his eyes wide open, left Dehli and went to Karra, jeopardizing his own head and that of his followers. What else could they do but join 'Aldu-ddin?

When the maliks and amirs thus joined 'Alau-d din the Jaldli party broke up. The Malika-i Jahan, who was one of the silliest of the silly, then sent to Multdn for Arkali Khan. She wrote to this effect — " I committed a fault in raising my youngest son to the throne in spite of you. None of the maliks and amirs heed him, and most of them have joined 'A14u-d din. The royal power has departed from our hands. If you can, come to us speedily, take the throne of your father and protect us. You are the elder brother of the lad who was placed upon the throne, and are more worthy and capable of ruling. He will acknowledge his inferiority. I am a woman, and women are foolish. I com- mitted a fault, but do not be offended with your mother's error. Come and take the kingdom of your father. If you are angry and will not do so, 'Alau-d din is coming with power and state ; he will take Dehli, and will spare neither me nor you." Arkali Khdn did not. come, but wrote a letter of excuse to his mother,

saying, " Since the nobles and the army have joined the enemy, what good will my coming do ?" When 'Aldu-d din heard that Arkali Kh^n would not come, he ordered the drums of joy to be beaten.

'Alau-d din had no boats, and the great height of the Jumna delayed his passage. While he was detained on the banks of the river, Oanopus rose, and the waters as usual decreased. He then transported his army across at the ferries, and entered the plain of Judh.'^ Euknu-d din Ibrahim went out of the city in royal state with such followers as remained to oppose 'Aldu-d din, but in the middle of the night all the left wing of his army deserted to the enemy with great uproar. E.uknu-d din Ibrahim turned back, and at midnight he caused the Badaun gate (of Dehli) to be opened. He took some bags of gold tankas from the treasury, and some horses from the stables. He sent his mother and females on in front, and in the dead of the night he left the city by the Grhazni gate, and took the road to Multan. Malik Kutbu-d din 'Alawi, with the sons of Malik Ahmad Chap Turk, furnished the escort, and proceeded with him and the Malika-i Jahan to Multan. Next day 'Alau-d din marched with royal state and display into the plain of Siri,^ where he pitched his camp. The throne was now secure, and the revenue officers, and the elephant keepers with their elephants, and the kottodk with the keys of the forts, and the magistrates and the chief men of the city came out to 'Alau-d din, and a new order of things was established. His wealth and power were great ; so whether individuals paid their allegiance or whether they did not, mat- tered little, for the kJiutba was read and coins were struck in his name.

Towards the end of the year 695 h. (1296) 'A14u-d din entered Dehli in great pomp and with a large force. He took his seat upon the throne in the daulat-khdna-i juliis, and proceeded to the Kushk-i I'al (red palace), where he took up his abode.

1 The print lias " Jildh." One MS. writes " Khdd ; " tlie other omifs the name. " See Cunningham's- Archseological Eeport for 1862-3, page 38.

The treasury of 'A14u-d din was well filled with gold, which he scattered among the people, purses and bags filled with tanlcas and jitals were distributed, and men gave themselves up to dis- sipation and enjoyment. _Puhlie festivities followed.'] 'A14u-d din, in the pride of youth, prosperity, and boundless wealth, proud also of his army and his followers, his elephants and his horses, plunged into dissipation . and pleasure. The gifts and honours which he bestowed obtained the good will of the people. Out of policy he gave offices and fiefs to the maliks and amirs of the late Sultan. Khwaja Khatir, a minister of the highest re- putation, was made wazir, etc., etc. * * * Malik 'A14u-1 Mulk, uncle of the author, was appointed to Karra and Oudh, and Muyidu-1 Mulk, the author's father, received the deputyship and khwdjagi of Baran. * * * People were so deluded by the gold which they received, that no one ever mentioned the horrible crime which the Sultdn had committed, and the hope of gain left them no care for anything else. * * * *

After 'Alau-d din had ascended the throne, the removal of the late king's sons engaged his first attention. Ulugh Khdn and Zafar Khan, with other maliks and amirs., were sent to Multan with thirty or forty thousand horse. They besieged that place for one or two months. The kotwdl and the people of Multan turned against the sons of JaMlu-d din, and some of the amirs came out of the city to Ulugh Khdn and Zafar Khan. The sons of the late Sultan then sent Shaikhu-1 Isldm Shaikh Euknu-d din to sue for safety from TJlugh Kh4n, and received his assurances. The princes then went out with the Shaikh and their amirs to TJlugh Khdn. He received them with great re- spect and quartered them near his own dwelling. News of the success was sent to Dehli. There the drums were beaten. Kahas ^ were erected, and the despatch wa« read from the pulpit and was circulated in all quarters. The amirs of Hindustan then became submissive to 'Aldu-d din, and no rival remained. Ulugh Khan and Zafar Khan returned triumphant towards

1 Booths erected for the distribution of food and drink on festiTS occasions.- voL. ni. U

Dehli, carrying with them the two sons of the late Sultan, both of whom had received royal canopies. Their maliks and amirs were also taken with them. In the middle of their journey they were met by Nusrat Khan, who had been sent from Dehli, and the two princes, with Ulghii Khan, son in law of the late Sultdn, and Ahmad Chap, Ndih-amir-i hdj'tb, were all blinded. Their wives were separated from them, and all their valuables and slaves and maids, in fact everything they had was seized by Nusrat Kh4n. The princes' were sent to the fort of Hdnsi, and the sons of Arkali Khan were all slain. Malika-i Jahan, with their wives, and Ahmad Chap were brought to Dehli and confined in his house. In the second year of the reign Nusrat Kh4n was made wazir. 'Alau-1 Mulk, the author's uncle, was summoned from Karra, and came with the maliks and amirs and one elephant, bringing the treasure which 'Alau-d din had left there. He was become exceedingly fat and inactive, but he was selected from among the nobles to be kotwdl of the city. In this year also the property of the maliks and amirs of the late Sultan was confiscated, and Nusrat Kh4n exerted himself greatly in collecting it. He laid his hands upon all that he could discover, and seized upon thou- sands, which he brought into the treasury. Diligent inquiry was made into the past and present circumstances of the victims. In this same year, 696 h. (1296), the Mughals crossed the Sind and had come into the country. Ulugh Khan and Zafar Khin were sent with a large force, and with the amirs of the late and the present reign, to oppose them. The Musulman army met the accursed foe in the vicinity of J41andhar^ and gained a victory. Many were slain or taken prisoners, and many heads were sent to Dehli. The victory of Multdn and the capture of the two princes had greatly strengthened the authority of 'Aldu-d din ; this victory over the Mughals made it still more secure. * * * The maliks of the late king, who deserted their benefactor and joined 'Aldu-d din, and received gold by mans and obtained employ-

' Both the MSS. say "sons," while the print incorrectly iises the singular.

'^ So in the print; hut the MSS. have " J&dawa o ManjtSr" and " J&xat-mahM."

ments and territories, were all seized in the city and in the army, and thrown into forts as prisoners. Some were blinded and some were killed. The wealth which they had received from 'Aldu-d din, and their property, goods, and effects were all seized. Their houses were confiscated to the Sultan, and their villages were brought under the public exchequer. Nothing was left to their children ; their retainers and followers were taken in chafge by the amirs who supported the new regime, and their establish- ments were overthrown. Of all the amirs of the reign of Jal5,lu-d din, three only were spared by 'A14u-d din. * * * These three persons had never abandoned Sultan Jaldlu-d din and his sons, and had never taken money from Sult4n 'Aldu-d din. They alone remained safe, but all the other Jal41i nobles were cut up root and branch. Nusrat Khdn, by his fines and confiscations, brought a kror of money into the treasury.

At the beginning of the third year of the reign, Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan, with their amirs, and generals, and a large army, marched against Gujardt. They took and plundered Nahrwala and all Gujarat. Karan, Rai of Gujarat, fled from Nahrwdla and went to Rdm Deo of Deogir. The wives and daughters, the treasure and elephants of R4i Karan, fell into the hands of the Muhammadans. All GujarAt became a prey to the invaders, and the idol which, after the victory of Sultan MahmudL and his destruction of (the idol) Manat, the Brahmans had set up under the name of Somnath, for the worship of the Hindus, was removed and carried to Dehli, where it was laid down for people to tread upon. Nusrat Khan proceeded to Kambaya* (Cambay), and levied large quantities of jewels and precious articles from the merchants of that place, who were very wealthy. He also took from his master (a slave afterwards known as) K&fur Hazdr-dindrl, who was made Malik-naib, and whose beauty captivasted 'Aldu-d din. Flugh Khdn and Nusrat Khdn returned with great booty ;. but on their way they provoked their

1 The printed text ha» tj:^)\i^ , b»t tliere can be ao doubt that. Cambay is the place.

soldiers to revolt by demanding from them a fifth of their spoil, and by instituting inquisitorial inquiries about it. Although the men made returns (of the amount), they would not believe them at all, but demanded more. The gold and silver, and jewels and valuables, which the men had taken, were all demanded, and various kinds of coercion were employed. These punishments and prying researches drove the men to desperation. In the army there were many amirs and majiy horsemen who were " new Muhammadans.'" They held together as one man, and two or three thousand assembled and began a disturbance. They killed Malik A'zzu-d din, brother of Nusrat Kh4n, and amir-i hdjib of Ulugh Khdn, and proceeded turaultuously to the tent of Ulugh Khan. That prince escaped, and with craft and cleverness reached the tent of Nusrat Khan; but the mutineers killed a son of the Sultdn's sister, who was asleep in the tent, whom they mistook for Ulugh Khan. The disturbance spread through the whole army, and the stores narrowly escaped being plundered. But the good fortune of the Sultan prevailed, the turmoil sub- sided, and the horse and foot gathered round the tent of Nusrat Khan. The amirs and horsemen of "the new Musulmans" dispersed ; those who had taken the leading parts in the disturb- ance fled, and went to join the R^is and rebels. Further in- qiiiries about the plunder were given up, and Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan returned to Dehli with the treasure, and ele- phants, and slaves, and spoil, which they had taken in Gujardt.

When intelligence of this outbreak of the new Muhammadans reached Dehli, the crafty cruelty which had taken possession of '4-lau-d din induced him to order that the wives and children of all the mutineers, high and low, should be cast into prison. This was the beginning of tlie practice of seizing women and children for the faults of men. Up to this time no hand had ever been laid upon wives and children on account of men's misdeeds. At this time also another and more glaring act of tyranny was committed by Nusrat Kh^i}, the author of many acts of violence at Dehli. His brother had been murdered, and in revenge he ordered the

•wives of the assassins to be dishonoured and exposed to most disgraceful treatment ; he then handed them over to vile persons to make common strumpets of them. The children he caused to be cut to pieces on the heads of their mothers. Outrages like this are practised in no religion or creed. These and similar acts of his filled the people of Dehli with amazement and dismay, and every bosom trembled.

In the same year that Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan were sent to Gujardt, Zafar Khdn was sent to Siwistan, which Saldi/ with his brother and other Mughals, had seized upon. Zafar Khan accordingly proceeded to Siwistan with a large army, and besieged the fort of Siwistdn, which he took with the axe and sword, spear and javelin, without using either Westerns (mayhribe), manj'aniks or balistas {'arddah), and without resorting to mines {sdbaf), mounds {pdshib), or redoubts (gargaj). This fort had been taken by the Mughals, and they maintained such a con- tinuous discharge of arrows that no bird could fly by. For all this Zafar Khdn took it with the axe and sword. Saldi and his brother, with all the Mughals and their wives and children, were taken prisoners, and sent in chains to Dehli. This victory inspired awe of Zafar Khdn in every heart, and the Sultan also looked askance at him in consequence of his fearlessness, general- ship, and intrepidity, which showed that a Eustam had been bom in India. Ulugh Khan, the Sultan's brother, saw that he had been surpassed in bravery and strategy, and so conceived a hatred and jealousy of Zafar Khan. In the same year he (Zafar Khan) received the fief of Scimana, and as he had become famous the Sultan, who was very jealous, began to revolve in his mind what was best to be done. Two modes of dealing with him seemed open for the Sultan's choice. One was to send him, with a few thousand horse, to Lakhnauti to take that country, and leave him there to supply elephants and tribute to the Sultan ; the other was to put him out of the way by poison or by blinding. At the end of this year Katlagh Khw^ja, son of the accursed

• So in the print, and supported by one MS. The other has " Sadari."

Zud,i with twenty tumdns of Mughals, resolved upon the invasion of Hindustan. He started from M&wardu-n Nahr, and passing the Indus with a large force he marched on to the vicinity of Dehli. In this campaign Dehli was the object of attack, so the Mughals did not ravage the countries bordering on their march, nor did they attack the forts. * * * Great anxiety prevailed in Dehli, and the people of the neighbouring villages took refuge within its walls. The old fortifications had not been kept in repair, and terror prevailed, such as never before had been seen or heard of. All men, great and small, were in dismay. Such a concourse had crowded into the city that the streets and markets and mosques could not contain them. Everything became very dear. The roads were stopped against caravans and merchants, and distress fell upon the people.

The Sultan marched out of Dehli with great display and pitched his tent in Siri. Maliks, amirs, and fighting men were summoned to Dehli from every quarter. At that time the author's uncle, 'Aldu-1 Mnlk, one of the companions and ad- visers of the Sultdn, was kotwdl of Dehli, and the Sult&n placed the city, his women and treasure, under his charge. * * * * 'Alau-1 Mulk went out to Sir! to take leave of the Sultdn, and in private consultation with him [advised a temporising policy. "[ The Sultdn listened and commended his sincerity. He then called the nobles together and said * * * you have heard what 'Alau-1 Mulk has urged * * * now hear what I have to say. * * * If I were to follow your advice, to whom could I show my face ? how could I go into my harem ? of what account would the people hold me ? and where would be the daring and courage which is necessary to keep my turbulent people in sub- mission? Come what may I will to-morrow march into the plain of Kili. * * *

'A14u-d din marched from Siri to Kili and there encamped. Katlagh Khw4ja, with the Mughal army, advanced to encounter

' T"irislita (vol. i., p. 329) says " son of Am£r D&iid Eh&n, king of Ma.war&u-n nahr."

him. In no age or reign had two such vast armies been drawn up in array against each other, and the sight of them filled all men with amazement. Zafar Kh&n, who commanded the right wing, with the amirs who were under him, drew their swords and fell upon the enemy with such fury that the Mughals were broken and forced to fall back. The army of Isldm pursued, and Zafar Khdn, who was the E>ustam of the age and the hero of the time, pressed after the retreating foe, cutting them down with the sword and mowing oiF their heads. He kept up the pur- suit for eighteen kos, never allowing the scared Mughals to rally, Ulugh Khan commanded the left wing, which was very strong, and had under him several distinguished amirs. Through the animosity which he bore to Zafar Khdn he never stirred to support him.

Targhi, the accursed, had been placed in ambush with his fumdn. His Mughals mounted the trees and could not see any horse moving up to support Zafar Khdn. When Targhi ascertained that Zafar Kh4n had gone so far in pursuit of the Mughals without any supporting force in his rear, he marched after Zafar Khan, and, spreading out his forces on all sides, he surrounded him as with a ring, and pressed him with arrows. Zafar Kh4n was dismounted. The brave hero then drew his arrows from the quiver and brought down a Mughal at every shaft. At this juncture, Katlagh Khwdja sent him this message, " Come with me and I will take thee to my father, who will make thee greater than the king of Dehli has made thee." Zafar Kh4n heeded not the offer, and the Mughals saw that he would never be taken alive, so they pressed in upon him on every side and despatched him. The amirs of his force were all slain, his elephants were wounded, and their drivers killed. The Mughals thus, on that day, obtained the advantage, but the onslaught of Zafar Khan had greatly dispirited them. Towards the end of the night they retreated, and marched to a distance of thirty kos from Dehli. They then continued their retreat by marches of twenty kos, without resting, until they reached their own

confines. The bravery of Zafar Khdn was long remembered among the Mughals, and if their cattle refused to drink they used to ask if they saw Zafar Khdn.^ No such army as this has ever since been seen in hostile array near Dehli. 'Alau-d din returned from Kill, considering that he had won a great victory : the Mughals had been put to flight, and the brave and fearless Zafar Kh4n had been got rid of without disgrace.

In the third year of his reign 'A14ud-d din had little to do beyond attending to his pleasures, giving feasts, and holding festivals. One success followed another ; despatches of victory came in from all sides ; every year he had two or three sons born, affairs of State went on according to his wish and to his satis- faction, his treasury was overflowing, boxes and caskets of jewels and pearls were daily displayed before his eyes, he had numerous elephants in his stables and seventy thousand horses in the city and environs, two or three regions were subject to his sway, and he had no apprehension of enemies to his kingdom or of any rival to his throne. All this prosperity intoxicated him. Vast desires and great aims, far beyond him, or a hundred thousand like him, formed their germs in his brain, and he entertained fancies which had never occurred to any king before him. Tn his exaltation, ignorance, and folly, he quite lost his head,^ form- ing the most impossible schemes and nourishing the most extra- vagant desires. He was a man of no learning and never asso- ciated with men of learning. He could not read or write a letter. He was bad tempered, obstinate, and hard-hearted, but the world smiled upon him, fortune befriended him, and his schemes were generally successful, so he only became the more reckless and arrogant.

During the time that he was thus exalted with arrogance and presumption, he used to speak in company about two projects that he had formed, and would consult with his companions and asso-

1 See D'Ohsson Hist, des Mongols, iv., 560.

^ Lit., "hands and feet." Here, and occasionally elsewhere, I have been obliged to prune the exuberant eloquence of the author.

ciates upon the execution of them. One of the two schemes which he used to debate about he thus explained, " God Almighty- gave the blessed Prophet four friends, through whose energy and power the Law and Religion were established, and through this establishment of law and religion the name of the Prophet will endure to the day of judgment. Every man who knows himself to be a Musulman, and calls himself by that name, conceives himself to be of his religion and creed. God has given me also four friends, TJlugh Khan, Zafar Khan, Nusrat Khan, and Alp Khdn, who, through my prosperity, have attained to princely power and dignity. If I am so inclined, I can, with the help of these four friends, establish a new religion and creed ; and my sword, and the swords of my friends, will bring all men to adopt it. Through this religion, my name and that of my friends will remain among men to the last day like the names of the Prophet and his friends." * * * Upon this subject he used to talk in his wine parties, and also to consult privately with his nobles. * * * His second project he used to unfold as follows ; " I have wealth, and elephants, and forces, beyond all calculation. My wish is to place Dehli in charge of a vicegerent, and then I will go out myself into the world, like Alexander, in pursuit of conquest, and subdue the whole habitable world." Over-elated with the success of some few projects, he caused himself to be entitled " the second Alexander" in the khutia and on his coins. In his convivial parties he would vaunt, " Every region that I subdue I will intrust to one of my trusty nobles, and then proceed in quest of another. Who is he that shall stand against me ?" His companions, although they saw his * * * folly and arro- gance, were afraid of his violent temper^ and applauded him. * * * These wild projects became known in the city; some of the wise men smiled, and attributed them to his folly and ignorance ; others trembled, and said that such riches had fallen into the hands of a Pharaoh who had no knowledge or sense. * * *

My uncle 'Alau-1 Mulk, kotwdl of Dehli, through his extreme corpulence, used to go (only) at the new moon to wait upon the

Sultdn, and to take wine with him. On one occasion the Sultdn began to consult him about these two extravagant delusions. 'Alau-1 Mulk had heard how the king used to talk about these pro- jects at his feasts, and how the guests used to coincide with him, and refrain from speaking the truth through fear of his hot tem- per and violence. When the questions were put to him by the Sult4n, he said, " If your Majesty will order the wine to be re- moved, and all persons to withdraw except the four nobles, TTlugh Khan, Zafar Khdn, Nusrat Khan, and Alp Khdn, I will then open my mind to your Majesty." The Sultan gave the order * * * and 'Alau-1 Mulk, after apologizing for his boldness, said "Religion, and law, and creeds, ought never to be made subjects of discussion by your Majesty, for these are the con- cerns of prophets, not the business of kings. Religion and law spring from heavenly revelation ; they are never established by the plans and designs of man. From the days of Adam till now they have been the mission of Prophets and Apostles, as rule and government have been the duty of kings. The prophetic office has never appertained to kings, and never will, so long as the world lasts, though some prophets have discharged the func- tions of royalty. My advice is that your Majesty should never talk about these matters. * * * Your Majesty knows what rivers of blood Changiz Khan made to flow in Muhammadan cities, but he never was able to establish the Mughal religion or institutions among Muhammadans. Many Mughals have turned Musulmans, but no Musulm^n has ever become a Mughal." * * * The Sultan listened, and hung down his head in thought. His four friends heartily approved what 'A14u-1 Mulk had said, and looked anxiously for the Sultdn's answer. After awhile he said * * * " From henceforth no one shall ever hear me speak such words. " Blessings be on thee and thy parents, for thou hast spoken the truth, and hast been loyal to thy duty. But what dost thou say about ray other project ? " 'A14n-1 Mulk said, " The second design is that of a great monarch, for it is a rule among kings to seek to bring the whole world under their sway * * * but these are

not the days of Alexander * * * and where will there be found a wasir like Aristotle p» * * * The Sultdn replied, " What is the use of my wealth, and elephants and horses, if I remain con- tent with Dehli, and undertake no new conquests ? and what will be said about my reign?" 'A14u-1 Mulk replied that "there were two important undertakings open to the King, which ought to receive attention before all others * * * One is the conquest and subjugation of all Hindustan, of such places as Eantambhor, Chitor, Chanderi, Mdlwa, Dhdr, and Ujjain, to the east as far as the Saru, from the Siwalik to Jdlor, from Multdn to Damrila,^ from Palam to Lohor and Deopalpur; these places should all be reduced to such obedience that the name of rebel should never be heard. The second and more important duty is that of closing the road of Multan against the Mughals." * * * Before closing his speech, 'Aldu-1 Mulk said "What I have recom- mended can never be accomplished unless your Majesty gives up drinking to excess, and keeps aloof from convivial parties and feasts. * * * If you cannot do entirely without wine, do not drink till the afternoon, and then take it alone without com- panions." * * * When he had finished the Sultan was pleased, and commending the excellence of the advice which he had given, promised to observe it. He gave him a brocaded robe of honour with a gold waistband weighing half a man, ten thousand tankas, two horses fully caparisoned, and two villages in iTCdm. The four Khans who were present added to these gifts three or four thousand tankas, and two or three horses with trappings. The advice which ' Aldu-1 Mulk had given was greatly praised by all the wazirs and wise men of the city. This happened while Zafar Khdn was alive, upon his return from Siwistan, before he went to fight with Katlagh Khwaja.

'Aldu-d din now first resolved upon the capture of Eantambhor, which was near Dehli. This fort- had been taken, and was held by Hamir Deo, grandson of Rdi Pithaura of Dehli.^ TJlugh

2 Pithaura, was killed in 1192, and here we are in 1299 a.d. Naiasa, the word used, probably here means loosely " descendant."

Khan, who held Bayana, was ordered to Eantambhor, and Nusrat K.han, who held Karra that year, was ordered to collect all the forces of Karra, and that part of Hindustan, and to march to the assistance of Ulugh Khan. They captured Jhdln,i and invested Eantambhor. One day Nusrat Khan approached the fort to direct the construction of a mound (pdsMb), and a redoubt {gar- gaj). A stone discharged from a Maghrihi in the fort struck him, and so wounded him that he died two or three days after. When this intelligence was brought to the Sultdn, he departed from Dehli in great state for Eantambhor.

The Sultdn proceeded from Dehli towards Eantambhor, and halted for some days at Til-pat.^ He went out daily to hunt and a nargah^ was drawrf. One day he was benighted, and alighted with only ten horsemen at the village of Badih, where he remained for the night. Next day before sunrise he gave orders to close up the circle. The huntsmen and horsemen went forth to draw it together, and the Sultdn remained sitting on a stool with only a few attendants, waiting until the beasts were driven up. At this time Akat Khdn, the Sultan's brother's son, who held the office of Wahildar, rose up against the Sultan. Conceiving that if he killed the monarch he might, as his nephew, aspire to the throne, he plotted with sundry new Musul- man horsemen, who had been long in his service. These men now approached the Sultan, shouting tiger ! tiger ! and began to discharge arrows at him. It was winter, and the Sultan was wearing a large over-coat. He jumped up just as he was, and seizing the stool on which he had been sitting, he made a shield of it. He warded off several arrows ; two pierced his arm, but none reached his body. A slave of the Sultdn, by name Manik, threw himself before his master, and made his own body a shield. He was struck by three or four arrows. The pdiks (foootmen) who stood behind the Sultdn now covered him with their bucklers. Akat Khdn galloped up with his confede-

1 Here it is evident that Jh4iu was close to 11011181111)1101, so that it cannot be TJjjain as suggested in p. 146 snprd. » See Elliot's Glossary, II., 122.

3 A large circle or sweep made by hunters for driving the game together.

rates, intending to cut off the Sultdn's head ; but finding the pdiks standing firm with their swords drawn, they dared not alight to lay hands on him. The pdiks cried out that the Sultan was dead. Akat Khan was young, rash, and foolish. He had made a violent attack on his sovereign, but he lacked the decision and resolution to carry it through, and cut off the Sult5,n's head. In his folly and rashness he took another course. Believing what the pdiks said, he went with all speed to the plain of Til-pat, and seated himself on the throne of 'Alau-d din, proclaiming to the people of the court with a loud voice that he had slain the Sultan. The people could not believe that the horsemen would have come to the royal residence, or that Akat Khan would have dared to seat himself on the throne and hold a court if the Sultan had not been killed. A tumult broke out in the army, and everything was getting into confusion. The elephants were accoutred and brought before the royal tent. The attendants of the court assembled and took up their respective positions, * * * and the chief men of the army came to pay their respects to the new sovereign. They kissed the hand of that evil doer and did homage. Akat Kh^n, in his egregious folly, attempted to go into the harem, but Malik Dinar armed himself and his fol- lowers, and, taking his stand at the door, told Akat Khan that he should not enter until he produced the head of 'Alau-d din.

When 'Aldu-d din was wounded his Turk horsemen dispersed, raising a clamour. About sixty or seventy men, horse and foot, remained with him. After Akat Khan had left, the Sultan recovered his senses ; he was found to have received two wounds in the arm, and to have lost much blood. They bathed the wounds and placed his arm in a sling. When he reflected on what had happened, he came to the conclusion that Akat Klidn must have had many supporters among the maliks, amirs, and soldiers, for he would never have ventured on such a step without strong support. He therefore determined to leave his army, and to proceed with all speed to his brother, Ulugh Khan, at Jh^in, in order to concert with him measures for securing his position.

Malik Hamidu-d din, ndih-wdkil-dar, son of Umdatu-1 Mulk, opposed . this plan, and advised the Sultan to proceed at once to his army. * * * The Malik's reasoning convinced the Sultdn, and he started at once for the army. As he went along every trooper whom he fell in with joined him, so that on reaching the army he had an escort of £ve or six hundred men. He immediately showed himself on a rising ground, and being re- cognized, the assembly at the royal tent broke up, and his at- tendants came forth with elephants to receive him. Akat Khdn rushed out of the tents and fled on horseback to Afghdnptir. The Sult4n then came down, entered his tents, and, seating him- self upon the throne, held a public court. He sent two officers in pursuit of Akat Khdn, who came up with him at Afghanpur, and beheaded him. His head was carried to the Sultan, who ordered it to be exhibited to the army on a spear, and then to be sent to Dehli for exhibition, after which it was to be sent to Ulugh Khdn at Jhiin, with an account of the Sultan''s escape. Katlagh Khwdja, younger brother of Akat Khan, was also killed. * * * The Sultan remained some days with the army, diligently seeking out all who had connived at or had been aware of Akat Khan's attempt. Those who were discovered were scourged to death with thongs of wire, their property was confiscated, and their wives and children sent prisoners to various forts. The Sultan then proceeded to Rantambhor, and after punishing the rest of those who were concerned in Akat Khdn's conspiracy, he devoted himself to the business of the siege. Bags were made and distributed to the soldiers, who filled them with sand and threw them into the holes {ghdr). The traverses of the pdshlb were formed, the redoubts {gargaj) raised, and stones were discharged firom the maghrihis. The besieged^ battered the pdsMb with stones from their maghrihis, and

1 There is a line omitted from the print here. The following is a literal transla- tion of Firishta's account : (" The Sult&ji) having assembled numerous forces from all quarters distributed bags among them. Each man filled his bag with sand, and cast it into the trench {darra), which they call rdrcm, until they obtained command (oyer the walls), and struck down the defenders inside;"

scattered fire from the summit of the fort. Many men were killed on both sides. The territories of Jh^in were attacked and subdued as far as Dhdr.

After the conspiracy of Akat Khdn was suppressed, news was brought to the army that 'Fmar Khdn and Mangu Kh4n, taking advantage of the Sultdn's absence and the difficulties of the siege of Eantambhor, had broken out in revolt and had obtained a fol- lowing among the people of Hindustan. The Sult&n sent some officers against them, who made them prisoners before they had effected anything, and carried them to Eantambhor. The Sultan's cruel implacable temper had no compassion for his sister's children, so he had them punished in his presence. They were blinded by having their eyes cut out with knives like slices of a melon. Their families and dependants were overthrown. Of the horse and foot who had supported them, some fled, and others fell into the hands of the amirs of Hin- dustan and were imprisoned.

While the Sultan was prosecuting the siege of Eantambhor, a revolt of some importance broke out at Dehli. * * * There was a person named H4ji, a maula or slave of the late Kotwdl, Amlru-1 umara Fakhru-d din. He was a man of violent, fearless, and malignant character * * * and he was charged with the guard of the exchequer.^ A man called Turmuzi was kotwdl of the city and greatly oppressed the people. * * * 'Alau-d dm Ajkz, father of Ahmad Ay4z, was kotwdl of the New Fort. H4ji Maula, seeing the city empty, and the in- habitants distressed by the violence and tyranny of Turmuzi the kotwdl * * * knowing also that not a man could be spared from the army * * * he thought the people would support him. He secured the support of the old kotwdli oiEcers, and excited a somewhat formidable revolt. It was the month of Eamazan, and

1 The words are J Jj walU- ,X.J^ . "^^^ *^° 'iH^^., howeyer, read J J^. This word is not intelligible. The "context seems to imply that the Mania was stationed in the city, otherwise KhdUah-i ratal might signify " the government lands of Ratol."

the sun was in Gemini, The weather was very hot, and at mid- day people kept indoors taking their siesta, so there were few in the streets. At this time Hdji Maula, with several armed followers, went to the house of koiwdl, carrying with them as a blind a letter which he pretended to have received from the Sultdn. The kotwdl was taking his nap, and had none of his men with him. When he was called he roused himself, put on his slippers, and came to the door. Haji Maula instantly gave the signal, and his followers cut oiF the unsuspecting victim's head. He then brought out the pretended royal farmdn, and, showing it to the crowd, he said that he had killed the kotwdl in obedience to orders received from the Sultan. The people were silent. The keepers of the gates were creatures of Hdji Maula, so they closed them. After killing kotwdl Turmuzi, he sent to summon 'Alau-d din Ayaz, intending to kill him also. * * * But Ayaz had been informed of the outbreak, so, instead of coming out, he gathered his followers round him, placed guards, and refused to open the gates of the New Fort. Haji Maula then proceeded with his riotous followers to the Red Palace, seated himself upon a balcony, and set free all the prisoners, some of whom joined his followers. Bags of gold tankas were brought out of the treasury and scattered among the people. Arms also were brought from the armoury, and horses from the royal stables, and distributed among the rioters. Every one that joined them had gold tankas thrown into his lap. There was an 'Alawi (descendant of 'Ali) in Dehll who was called the grandson of Shah Najaf,'^ who, by his mother's side, was grandson of Sultan Shamsu-d din. The Maula set off from the Eed Palace with a party of horse, and went to the house of the poor 'Alawi. They carried him off by force and seated him on the throne in the Eed Palace. The principal men of the city were brought by force and made to kiss his hand. * * * These riotous proceed-

1 A very doubtful passage. The print says : ^^xxi^ ^.JsT i^ <UuJ \jj\ S. One MS. writes ^X^ l -...•■■ .^^ jji ^» <UjjJ \jj\ , The other MS. omits the words.

ings went on for seven or eight days, and intelligence was several times conveyed to the Sultdn, but he kept it secret, and it did not become known to the army.

On the third or fourth day of the riot, Malik Hamidu-d din, Amir of Koh, with his sons and relations, all valiant men, opened the Grhazni gate and went into the city. They proceeded towards the gate of Bhandar-k41, and arrows began to fly between them and the rioters, who became desperate and obtained gold from Haji Maula. After Hamidu-d din, the Amir of Koh, had been in the city two days, he and his loyal followers prevailed over the rebels. A party, of the friends of Zafar Khan, who had come from Amroha, joined him. He then entered the gate of Bhan- dar k41, and a struggle ensued between him and the shoemakers, and between him and H^ji Maula. The Amir of Koh alighted from his horse, dashed Haji Maula to the ground, and sat upon his breast. Swords and clubs were aimed at him all round and he was wounded, but he never quitted his fallen foe till he had despatched him. After this the victors proceeded to the Red Palace. They decapitated the miserable 'Alawi and carried his head-about the city on a spear.

A despatch announcing the death of Haji Maula was sent to the Sultan at Rantambhor. Intelligence of the revolt and of the anarchy prevailing at Dehli had in several ways reached the Sultan, but he had resolved upon the reduction of the fort, and so he would not be shaken from his purpose and leave it to go to Dehli, All his forces were engaged in pressing the siege, and were severely tried and distressed. But such was the fear felt for the Sultan that no one dared to set off for Dehli or any other place. In the course of five or six days every one in the city who had supported Hdji Maula, or had taken money from him, was cast into prison. The gold which had been distributed among the people was brought back again to the treasury. A few days after, Ulugh Khin arrived from Rantambhor and took up his residence in the Muizzi palace. The rioters were brought before him and he decreed their punishments, so that blood ran in VOL. HI. 12

streams. The sons and grandsons of the old kotwdl Maliku-1 umara had no guilty knowledge of the revolt, but they and every one belonging to that family were put to death. No name or trace of them was left — a sad warning to politicians.

From the revolt of the "new Musulmdns" in Gujarat to that of Hdji Maula, four insurrections had successively troubled Sultdn 'A14u-d din. These roused him from his dreams of security and pride, and he exerted all his powers for the re- duction of Rantambhor. He held privy consultations with * * * arguing with them and inquiring into the causes of the insur- rections, declaring that if the real reasons could be ascertained he would remove them, so that no revolt should afterwards occur. After considering for some nights and days, these great men agreed that the causes were four. 1. The Sultdn's disregard of the affairs (both) of good and bad people. 2. Wine. Parties are formed for wine-drinking, and those who attend them talk openly of what passes in these meetings. They strike up friend- ships and excite disturbances. 3. The intimacy, affection, alli- ances, and intercourse of maliks and amirs with each other. So that if anything happens to one of them, a hundred others get mixed up in it. 4. Money, which engenders evil and strife, and brings forth pride and disloyalty. If men had no money, they would attend to their own business, and would never think of riots and revolts. And if riotecs and rebels had no money, they could never count upon the assistance of low and turbulent people.^

Some time after this revolt, the Sultan succeeded in reducing

' These " counsels of the wise," which so freijueutly appear, are, in most oases, only expositions of the author's own opinions. I have translated these replies in order that it may be seen how a subsequent writer deals with them. Firishta uses the passage. The first reason he quotes verbatim, but the other three he modifies and embellishes. The fourth reason, as he gives it, is : " Abundance of money and wealth. For whenever men of low origin acquire the material means of greatness, vain imaginations spring up in them, and they lay pretensions to royalty," This is further improved by Firishta's translator, who says, " The last, and not the least, cause they thought arose from the unequal division of property: they considered that the wealth of a rich empire, if confined to a few persons, only rendered them, as governors of provinces, more like independent princes than subjects of the state." — Briggs, I., 345.

Rantambhor, but witb much bloodshed and difficulty. He slew Hamir deo, the Edi, and all the " new Musulmdns " who had fled from the rebellion in Gujarat, and had taken refuge with him. The fort and all its territories and appurtenances were placed under the charge of Ulugh Khdn, and the Sult6,n returned to Dehli. He was angry with the citizens and had exiled many of their chiefs ; so he did not enter the city, but stopped in the suburbs Cumrdndt).

Four or five months after the Sultan left Rantambhor, Ulugh Kh4n collected a large force with the intention of attacking Tilang and Ma'bar, but his time was eome, and the angel of destiny took him to the blessed city. His corpse was conveyed to Dehli and buried in his own house. The Sultan grieved for him and made many offerings for his soul.

The Sultan next directed his attention to the means of pre- venting rebellion, and first ho took steps for seizing upon pro- perty. He ordered that, wherever there was a village held by proprietary right (milky, in free gift (in'dm), or as a religious en- dowment (wakf), it should by one stroke of the pen be brought back under the exchequer. The people were pressed and amerced, money was exacted from them on every kind of pretence. Many were left without any money, till at length it came to pass that, excepting malihs and amirs, ofiicials, Multdnis, and bankers, no one possessed even a trifle in cash. So rigorous was the confisca- tion that, beyond a few thousand tankas, all the pensions, grants of land (in'dm ma mafriiz), and endowments in the country were appropriated. The people were all so absorbed in obtaining the means of living, that the name of rebellion was never mentioned. Secondly, he provided so carefully for the acquisition &f intelligence, that no action of good or bad men was concealed from him. No one could stir without his knowledge, and whatever happened in the houses of nobles, great men, and officials, was communi- cated to the Sultan by his reporters. Nor were the reports neglected, for explanations of them were demanded. The system of reporting went to such a length, that nobles dared not speak

aloud even in the largest palaces,^ and if they had anything to say they communicated by signs. In their own houses, night and day, dread of the reports of the spies made them tremble. No word or action which could provoke censure or punishment was allowed to transpire. The transactions in the hdzdrs, the buying and selling, and the bargains made, were all reported to the Sultan by his spies, and were kept under control. Thirdly, he prohibited wine-drinking and wine-selling, as also the use of beer and intoxicating drugs. Dicing also was forbidden. Many prohibitions of wine and beer were issued. Vintners and gam- blers and beer-sellers were turned out of the city, and the heavy taxes which had been levied from them were abolished. The Sultdn directed that all the china and glass vessels of his banquet- ing room should be broken, and the fragments of them were thrown out before the gate of Badaun, where they formed a heap. Jars and casks of wine were brought out of the royal cellars, and emptied at the Badaun gate in such abundance, that mud and mire was produced as in the rainy season. The Sultan himself entirely gave up wine parties. He directed the maliks to mount elephants and to go to the gates of Dehli, through the streets and wards, hdzdrs and sardis, proclaiming the royal command that no one should drink, sell, or have anything to do with wine. Those who had any self-respect immediately gave up drinking ; but the shameless, the dissolute, and vile characters used to make and distil wine^ in the distilleries, and to drink and sell it clandestinely at a great price. They put it into leather bottles, and conveyed it hidden in loads of hay, fire- wood, and such like. By hundreds of tricks and devices, and by all sorts of collusion, wine was brought into the city. Informers searched diligently, and the city gate-keepers and spies exerted themselves to seize the wine, and apprehend the contrabandists. When seized, the wine was sent to the elephant-stables and given to those animals. The sellers, the

1 " Sazdr-sutm," a palace of 1000 columns. ' Shardh, wine ; but it evidently includes spirits.

importers, and drinkers of wine, were subjected to corporal punishment, and were kept in prison for some days. But their numbers increased so much that holes for the incarceration of ofienders were dug outside the Baddiin gate, which is a great thoroughfare. Wine-bibbers and wine-sellers were placed in these holes, and the severity of the confinement was such that many of them died. Many others were taken out half dead, and were long before they recovered their health and strength. The terrors of these holes deterred many from drinking. Those who were unable to give up their habit went out to the fords of the Jumna, and to villages ten or twelve kos distant to procure their liquor. In Ghiydspur, Indarpat, Kilughari, and towns four or five kos from Dehli, wine could not be sold or drunk publicly. Still some desperate men used to keep it, drink it, and even sell it privately. They thus disgraced themselves and got confined in the pits. The prevention of drinking being found to be very difficult, the Sultan gave orders that if the liquor was distilled privately, and drunk privately in people's own houses ; if drinking parties were not held, and the liquor not sold, then the informers were not to interfere in any way, and were not to enter the houses or arrest the offenders. After the prohibition of wine and beer in the city, conspiracies diminished, and apprehension of rebellion disappeared. Fourthly, the Sultan gave commands that noblemen and great men should not visit each other's houses, or give feasts, or hold meetings. They were forbidden to form alliances without con- sent from the throne, and they were also prohibited from allow- ing people to resort to their houses. To such a length was this last prohibition carried that no stranger was admitted into a nobleman's house. Feasting and hospitality fell quite into dis- use. Through fear of the spies, the nobles kept themselves quiet ; they gave no parties and had little communication with each other. No man of a seditious, rebellious, or evil reputation was allowed to come near them. If they went to the sardis, they could not lay their heads together, or sit down cosily and tell their troubles. Their communications were brought

down to a mere exchange of signs. This interdict prevented any information of conspiracy and rebellion coming to the Sultan, and no disturbance arose.

After the promulgation of these interdicts, the Sultdn requested the wise men to supply some rules and regulations for grinding down the Hindus, and for depriving them of that wealth and property which fosters disaffection and rebellion. There was to be one rule for the payment of tribute applicable to all, from the kliMa to the haldhar^ and the heaviest tribute was not to fall upon the poorest. The Hindu was to be so reduced as to be left un- able to keep a horse to ride on, to carry arms, to wear fine clothes, or to enjoy any of the luxuries of life. To effect these important objects of government two regulations were made. The first was that all cultivation, whether on a small or large scale, was to be carried on by measurement at a certain rate for every hiswa. Half (of the produce) was to be paid without any diminution, and this rule was to apply to hhiitas and haldhars, without the slightest distinction. The TchMas were also to be deprived of all their peculiar privileges. The second related to buffaloes, goats, and other animals from which milk is obtained. A tax for pasturage, at a fixed rate, was to be levied, and was to be de- manded for every inhabited house, so that no animal, however wretched, could escape the tax. Heavier burdens were not to be placed upon the poor, but the rules as to the payment of the tribute were to apply equally to rich and poor. Collectors, clerks, and other officers employed in revenue matters, who took bribes and acted dishonestly, were all dismissed. Sharaf %.ki naib tcazir-i mamdlih, an accomplished scribe and a most honest and intelligent man, who had no rival either in capacity or in- tegrity, exerted himself strenuously for some years in enforcing these regulations in all the villages and towns. * * * They were so strictly carried out that the chaudharis and khMs and mukaddims were not able to ride on horseback, to find weapons, to get fine clothes, or to indulge in betel. The same rules for

the collection of the tribute applied to all alike, and the people were brought to such a state of obedience that one revenue officer would string twenty khiits, mukaddims, or chaudharis together by the neck, and enforce payment by blows. No Hindu could hold up his head, and in their houses no sign of gold or silver, tonkas or j'itals, or of any superfluity was to be seen. These things, which nourish insubordination and rebellion, were no longer to be found. Driven by destitution, the wives of the khMs and mukaddims went and served for hire in the houses of the Musul- mdns. Sharaf K&i, ndih-wazir, so rigorously enforced his demands and exactions against the collectors and other revenue officers, and such investigations were made, that every single /ite/ against their names was ascertained from the books of the patwdris (village accountants). Blows, confinement in the stocks, im- prisonment and chains, were all employed to enforce payment. There was no chance of a single tanka being taken dishonestly, or as bribery, from any Hindu or Musulmdn. The revenue col- lectors and officers were so coerced and checked that for five hundred or a thousand tankas they were imprisoned and kept in chains for years. Men looked upon revenue officers as something worse than fever. Clerkship was a great crime, and no man would give his daughter to a clerk. Death was deemed preferable to revenue employment. Ofttimes fiscal officers fell into prison, and had to endure blows and stripes.

'Alau-d din was a king who had no acquaintance with learning, and never associated with the learned. When he became king, he came to the conclusion that polity and government are one thing, and the rules and decrees of law are another. Royal commands belong to the king, legal decrees rest upon the judg- ment of kdzis and muftis. In accordance with this opinion, whatever aflair of state came before him, he only looked to the public good, without considering whether his mode of dealing with it was lawful or unlawful. He never asked for legal opinions about political matters, and very few learned men visited him. * * Kazi Mughisu-d din, of Bayanah, used to go to

court and sit down in private audience with the amirs. One day, when the efforts were being made for the increase of the tribute and of the fines and imposts, the Sultdn told the Kdzi that he had several questions to ask him, and desired him to speak the plain truth. The Kdzi replied, " The angel of my destiny seems to be close at hand, since your Majesty wishes to question me on matters of religion ; if I speak the truth you will be angry and kill me." The Sultdn said he would not kill him, and commanded him to answer his questions truly and candidly. The Kdzi then promised to answer in accordance with what he had read in books. The Sultan then asked, " How are Hindus designated in the law, as payers of tribute (Jchardj-guzdr) or givers of tribute {khardj-dih) ?" The Kdzi replied, "They are called payers of tribute, and when the revenue officer demands silver from them, they should, without question and with all humility and respect, tender gold. If the officer throws dirt into their mouths, they must without reluctance open their mouths wide to receive it. By doing so they show their respect for the officer. The due subordination of the zimmi (tribute-payer) is exhibited in this humble payment and by this throwing of dirt into their mouths. The glorification of Isldm is a duty, and contempt of the Religion is vain. God holds them in contempt, for he says, 'Keep them under in subjection.' To keep the Hindus in abasement is especially a religious duty, because they are the most inveterate enemies of the Prophet, and because the Prophet has commanded us to slay them, plunder them, and make them captive, saying, ' Convert them to Isl4m or kill them, enslave them and spoil their wealth and property.' No doctor but the great doctor (Hanifa), to whose school we belong, has assented to the imposition of the jizy a (poll tax) on Hindus. Doctors of other schools allow no other alternative but 'Death or Isl4m.'"

The Sultan smiled at this answer of the Kdzi's, and said, " I do not understand any of the statements thou hast made ; but this I have discovered, that the khMs and mukaddims ride upon fine horses, wear fine clothes, shoot with Persian bows, make war

upon each other, and go out hunting ; but of the khardj (tribute), jizya (poll tax), kari (house tax), and chari (pasture tax), they do not pay one jital. They levy separately the Khiit's (land- owner's) share from the villages, give parties and drink wine, and many of them pay no revenue at all, either upon demand or ■without demand. Neither do they show any respect for my officers. This has excited my anger, and I have said to myself, ' Thou hast an ambition to conquer other lands, but thou hast hundreds of leagues of country under thy rule where proper obedience is not paid to thy authority. How, then, wilt thou make other lands submissive ? ' I have, therefore, taken my measures, and have made my subjects obedient, so that at my command they are ready to creep into holes like mice. Now you tell me that it is all in accordance with law that the Hindus should be reduced to the most abject obedience." Then the Sul- ika said, " Oh, doctor, thou art a learned man, but thou hast had no experience ; I am an unlettered man, but I have seen a great deal ; be assured then that the Hindus will never become submissive and obedient till they are reduced to poverty. I have, therefore, given orders that just sufficient shall be left to them from year to year, of corn, milk, and curds, but that they shall not be allowed to accumulate hoards and property."

Secondly. — The Sultdn next put the following question : " Is there any reference made in the Law to revenue officers and clerks who are guilty of dishonesty, peculation, or receiving bribes V The Kdzi answered, "There is no mention made of this, nor have I read of it in any book ; but if revenue officers are insuf- ficiently paid,i and they appropriate the revenue belonging to the treasury, or receive bribes, then the ruler can inflict punishment upon them, either by fine or imprisonment ; but it is not allow- able to cut ofi^ hands for robbing the treasury.'' The Sultan said, " I have given orders to recover from the various revenue officers whatever they have misappropriated or received in excess, pun-

1 Kadar i kifdyat na^yaband. The negative seems superfluous, and it is rejected ty NizS.mu-d dia. and by Finshta.

ishing them with sticks, pincers, the rack, imprisonment, and chains. I now hear that alienations of the revenue • and bribery- have diminished. I have ordered such stipends to be settled on the various revenue oflScers as will maintain them in re- spectability, and if, notwithstanding, they resort to dishonesty and reduce the revenue, I deal with them as thou hast seen."

Thirdly, The Sultan put this question, " That wealth which I acquired while I was a malik, with so much bloodshed at Deogir, does it belong to me or to the public treasury?" The Kdzi replied, " I am bound to speak the truth to your Majesty. The treasure obtained at Deogir was won by the prowess of the army of Isldm, and whatever treasure is so acquired belongs to the public treasury. If your Majesty had gained it yourself alone in a manner allowed by the law, then it would belong to you." The Sultdn was angry with the Kdzi and said, " What sayest thou ! Let thy head beware of what thou utterest. That wealth which I won at the risk of my own life and of the lives of my servants, from Hindus whose names had never been heard of in Delhi, and before I became king, that wealth I have retained and have not brought it into the public treasury. How can treasure won like this belong to the state ? " The Kdzi answered, " Your Majesty has put to me a question of law ; if I were not to say what I have read in the book, and your Majesty, to test my opinion, were to ask some other learned man, and his reply, being in opposition to mine, should show that I had given a false opinion, to suit your Majesty's pleasure, what confidence would you have in me, and would you ever afterwards consult me about the law!"

Fourthly, The Sultan asked the Kdzi what rights he and his children had upon the public treasury. The Kdzi replied, " The time of my death is at hand," and upon the Sultan inquiring what he meant, he said, " If I answer your question honestly you will slay me, and if I give an untrue reply I shall hereafter go to hell." The Sultdn said, " State whatever the law decrees, I will not kill thee." The Kdzi replied, " If your Majesty will

follow the example of the most enlightened Khalifas, and will act upon the highest principle, then you will take for yourself and your establishment the same sum as you have allotted to each fighting man: two hundred and thirty-four tankas. If you would rather take a middle course and should think that you would be disgraced by putting yourself on a par with the army in general, then you may take for yourself and your establishment as much as you have assigned to your chief officers, such as Malik Kirdn, etc. * * If your Majesty follows the opinions of politicians,! then you will draw from the treasury more than any other great man receives, so that you may maintain a greater ex- penditure than any other and not suflfer your dignity to be lowered. I have put before your Majesty three courses, and all the krors of money and valuables which you take from the treasury and bestow upon your women you will have to answer for in the day of account." The Sultan was wroth, and said, " Fe'arest thou not my sword when thou tellest me that all my great expenditure upon my harem is unlawful ? " The Kdzi re- plied, " I do fear your Majesty's sword, and I look upon this my turban as my winding-sheet ; but your Majesty questions me about the law, and I answer to the best of my ability. If, how- ever, you ask my advice in a political point of view, then I say that whatever your Majesty spends upon your harem no doubt tends to raise your dignity in the eyes of men ; and the exalta- tion of the king's dignity is a requirement of good policy."

After all these questions and answers, the Sultan said to the Kazi, " You have declared my proceedings in these matters to be unlawful, Now see how I act. When troopers do not appear at the muster, I order three years pay to be taken from them.* I place wine-drinkers and wine-sellers in the pits of incarceration. If a man debauches another man's wife, I effectually prevent him

1 ' Vlamd-i dtmyd, wise-men of the world.

^ *l ifJ^ JU- JiiiliMj tli1;<A:i-jl i,.^^\y JL <Lj Firislita's yersion

of this is AijL.^ c^b jb t_->p-l»^ <JLs iS*j, which Briggs translates, "I am in the habit of stopping one month's pay for three successive years."

from again committing such an oflFence, and the woman I cause to be killed.! Rebels, good and bad, old hands or novices (tar

0 khusk), I slay ; their wives and children I reduce to beggary and ruin. Extortion I punish with the torture of the pincers and the stick, and I keep the extortioner in prison, in chains and fetters, until every jitai is restored. Political prisoners

1 confine and chastise. Wilt thou say all this is unlaw- ful ! " The JSMsi rose and went to the entrance of the room, placed his forehead on the ground, and cried with a loud voice, " My liege ! whether you send me, your wretched servant, to prison, or whether you order me to be cut in two, all this is unlawful, and finds no support in the sayings of the Prophet, or in the expositions of the learned."

The Sultan heard all this and said nothing, but put his slippers on and went into his harem. Kazi Mughisu-d din went home. Next day he took a last farewell of all his people, made a propi- tiatory offering, and performed his ablutions. Thus prepared for death he proceeded to the court. The Sultan called him forward, and showed him great kindness. He gave him the robe he was wearing, and presented him with a thousand tankas, saying, "Al- though I have not studied the Science or the Book, I am a Mu- sulmdn of a Musulmdn stock. To prevent rebellion, in which thousands perish, I issue such orders as I conceive to be for the good of the State, and the benefit of the people. Men are heedless, disrespectful, and disobey my commands ; I am then compelled to be severe to bring them into obedience. I do not know whether this is lawful or unlawful ; whatever I think to be for the good of the State, or suitable for the emergency, that I decree. * * *

After the Sultdn returned from Rantambhor to Dehli, he dealt very harshly with the people, and mulcted them. Shortly after- wards Ulugh Khdn died while on his journey to the city. Malik 'Azzu-d din Btirkhdn became wazir in the New City (shahr-i nau), and the tribute of the New City was assessed by measurement at a certain rate per biswa, as in the environs of the capital. The Sultan

then led forth an army and laid siege to Ohitor, which he took in a short time, and returned home. New troubles now arose on ac- count of the Mughals in Mawar4u-n nahr. They had learned that the Sult&n had gone with his army to lay siege to a distant fort, and made but slow progress with the siege, while Dehli remained empty. Targhi assembled twelve tumdns of cavalry, with which he marched with all speed to Dehli, and reached that neighbour- hood very soon. At this time the Sultan was engaged in the siege of Chitor. Malik Fakhru-d din Jiind, dddbak-i hazrat, and Malik Jhaju of Karra, nephew of Nusrat Khan, had been sent with all the officers and forces of Hindustdn against Arangal. On their arrival there the rainy season began, and proved such a hin- drance that the army could do nothing, and in the beginning of winter returned, greatly reduced in numbers, to Hindustan.

The Sultan now returned from the conquest of Ohitor, where his army had suffered great loss in prosecuting the siege during the rainy season. They had not been in Dehli a month, no muster of the army had been held, and the losses had not been repaired, when the alarm arose of the approach of the Mughals. The accursed Targhi, with thirty or forty thousand horse,i came on ravaging, and encamped on the banks of the Jumna, preventing all ingress and egress of the city. Affairs were in this extraordinary position ; the Sultan had just returned from Ohitor, and had had no time to refit and recruit his army after his great losses in the siege ; and the array of Hindustan had returned from Arangal to the districts of Hin- dustan dispirited and reduced in numbers. The Mughals had seized the roads, and were so encamped that no reinforce- ments could reach the city from the army of Hindustan. There were no forces in Multan, Samana, and Deopalpiir sufficient to cope with the Mughals, and join the Sultan at Siri. The army of Hindustan was pressed to advance ; but the enemy was too

' i'J!> (L,J»- c-J . Fi™lita says " 120,000," and oiir author has above rated

them at the same number, viz. " twelve tumdns," Perhaps he here intended to say, " three times forty thousand."

strong, and they remained in Kol and Baran. All the passages of the Jumna were in the hands of the enemy. The Sultan, with his small army of horse, left the capital and encamped at Siri, where the superior numbers and strength of the enemy compelled him to entrench his camp. Round the entrenchments he built block houses, and other erections, to prevent the enemy from forcing a way in, and he kept his forces constantly under arms and on the watch to guard against the dreaded attack, and to delay any great engagement. In every division of the army, and in each line of entrenchment, there were five elephants fully armed, supported by a body of infantry. The Mughals came up on every side, seeking opportunity to make a sudden onslaught and overpower the army. Such fear of the Mughals and anxiety as now prevailed in Dehli had never been known before. If Targhi had remained another month upon the Jumna, the panic would have reached to such a height that a general flight would have taken place, and Dehli would have been lost. It was difficult to procure water, fodder, and fuel from without, for the convoys of grain were prevented from reaching the city, and the utmost terror prevailed. The enemy's horse approached the suburbs, and quartered themselves in the neighbourhood, where they drank wine, and sold at a low price grain and other articles plundered from the royal stores, so that there was no great scarcity of grain.^ Two or three times the advanced guards met and combats ensued, but without advantage to either party. By the mercy of God the Mughal was unable to find any means of forcing the camp, and overpowering the royal army. After two months the prayers of the wretched prevailed, and the accursed Targhi retreated towards his own country.

This escape of the royal army and the preservation of Dehli seemed, to wise men, one of the wonders of the a<re. The Mughals had sufficient forces to take it ; they arrived at the most opportune time ; they made themselves masters of the roads, and hemmed in the royal army and its appurtenances. The Sultdn's

army had not been replenished, and no reinforcements reached it. But for all this the Mughals did not prevail.^

After this very serious danger, 'A14u-d din awoke from his sleep of neglect. He gave up his ideas of campaigning and fort- taking, and built a palace at Siri. He took up his residence there, and made it his capital, so that it became a flourishing place. He ordered the fort of Dehli to be repaired, and he also ordered the restoration of the old forts which lay in the track of the Mughals. Additional forts were directed to be raised wher- ever they were required. To these forts he appointed veteran and prudent commandants. Orders were given for the manu- facture of manj'aniks and ^arddas (balistas), for the employment of skilful engineers, for a supply of arms of every kind, and for the laying in of stores of grain and fodder. Sdmdna and Deobalpur were ordered to be garrisoned with strong selected forces, and to be kept in a state of defence ; the fiefs in the track of the Mughals were placed under amirs of experience, and the whole route was secured by the appointment of tried and vigilant generals.

The Sultan next turned his attention to the increase of his forces, and consulted and debated with wise men by night and by day as to the best means of opposing and overcoming the Mughals. After much deliberation between the Sultdn and his councillors, it was decided that a large army was necessary, and not only large, but choice, well armed, well mounted, with archers, and all ready for immediate service. This plan, and this only, seemed to recommend itself as feasible for opposing the Mughals. The Sultdn then consulted his advisers as to the means of raising such a force, for it could not be maintained without heavy expen- diture, and what was arranged for one year might not be con- tinuous. On this point he said, " If I settle a large amount of pay on the army, and desire to maintain the pay at the same rate every year, then, although the treasury is now full, five or six years will clear it out, and nothing will be left. Without

' Bami was evidently deeply impressed with the peril of DeUf, and is fond of recounting the odds against it. See D'Ohsson, iv. 661.

money government is impossible. I am very desirous of having a large army, well horsed, well accoutred, picked men and archers, ready for service year after year. I would pay them 234 tankas regularly, and I would allow seventy-eight tankas to those who keep two horses, requiring in return the two horses, with all necessary appointments. So also as regards the men of one horse, I would require the horse and his accoutrements. In- form me, then, how this large army can be regularly maintained on the footing I desire." His sagacious advisers thought care- fully over the matter, and after great deliberation made a unani- mous report to the Sultan. " The ideas which have passed through your Majesty's mind as to maintaining a large and per- manent army upon a low scale of pay are quite impracticable. Horses, arms, and accoutrements, and the support of the soldier and his wife and family, cannot be provided for a trifle. If the necessaries of life could be bought at a low rate, then the idea which your Majesty has entertained of maintaining a large army at a small expense might be carried out, and all apprehension of the great forces of the Mughals would be removed." The Sultdn then consulted with his most experienced ministers as to the means of reducing the prices of provisions without resorting to severe and tyrannical punishments. His councillors replied that the necessaries of life would never become cheap until the price of grain was fixed by regulations and tariffs. Cheapness of grain is a universal benefit. So some regulations were issued, which kept down the price for some years. Regulation I. — Fixing the price of grain.

This scale of prices was maintained as long as 'Alau-d din lived, and grain never rose one dang, whether the rains were abundant

or scanty. This unvarying price of grain in the markets was looked upon as one of the wonders of the time.

Regulation II. — To secure the cheapness of grain,* Malik Kabul Ulugh Khan, a wise and practical man, was appointed con- troller of the markets. He received a large territory and used to go round (the markets) in great state with many horse and foot. He had clever deputies, friends of his own, who were appointed by the crown. Intelligent spies also were sent into the markets.

Regulation III. — Accumulation of corn in the king's granaries. — The Sultan gave orders that all the Khdlsa villages of the DoAb should pay the tribute in kind. The corn was brought into the granaries of the city (of Dehli). In the country depen- dent on the New City half the Sultdn's portion (of the produce) was ordered to be taken in grain. In Jhain also, and in the vil- lages of Jhain, stores were to be formed. These stores of grain were to be sent into the city in caravans. By these means so much royal grain came to Dehli that there never was a time when there were not two or three royal granaries full of grain in the city. When there was a deficiency of rain, or when for any reason the caravans did not arrive, and grain became scarce in the markets, then the royal stores were opened and the corn was sold at the tariff price, according to the wants of the people. Grain was also consigned to the caravans from New City. Through these two rules, grain never was deficient in the markets, and never rose one dang above the fixed price.

Regulation IV. — The Caravans. — The Sult4n placed all the carriers^ of his kingdom under the controller of the markets. Orders were given for arresting the head carriers and for bringing them in chains before the controller of the markets, who was directed to detain them until they agreed upon one common mode of action and gave bail for each other. Nor were they to be released until they brought their wives and children, beasts of

1 " To maintain the tariff." TabaMt-i Akhari.

' Kdrawdniydn, here used as the Persian equivalent of the Hindustani bcmjdrd, com dealers and carriers.

burden and cattle, and all their property, and fixed their abodes in the villages along the banks of the Jumna. An overseer was to be placed over the carriers and their families, on behalf of the controller of the markets, to whom the carriers were to submit. Until all this was done the chiefs were to be kept in chains. Under the operation of this rule, so much grain found its way into the markets that it was unnecessary to open the royal stores, and grain did not rise a dang above the standard.^

Regulation V. — Regrating. — The fifth provision for securing the cheapness of grain was against regrating. This was so rigidly enforced that no merchant, farmer, corn-chandler, or any one else, could hold back secretly a man or half a man of grain and sell it at his shop for a dang or a diram above the regulated price. If regrated grain were discovered, it was forfeited to the Sultan, and the regrater was fined. Engagements were taken from the governors and other revenue officers in the Do4b that no one under their authority should be allowed to regrate, and if any man was discovered to have regrated, the deputy and his officers were fined, and had to make their defence to the throne.

Regulation V.T. — Engagements were taken from the pro- vincial revenue officers and their assistants, that they would provide that the corn-carriers should be supplied with corn by the raiyats on the field at a fixed price. The Sultan also gave orders that engagements should be taken from the chief diwdn, and from the overseers and other revenue officers in the countries of the Doab, near the capital, that they should so vigorously collect the tribute that the cultivators should be unable to carry away any corn from the fields into their houses and to regrate. They were to be compelled to sell their corn in the fields to the corn- carriers at a low price, so that the dealers should have no excuse for neglecting to bring the corn into the markets. A constant

^ The TabaMt-i Ahbari gives these rules very succinctly and clearly. This fourth Regulation is thus given : — " Malik KahUl was commanded to summon all the grain- sellers of the kingdom and to settle them in the villages on the banks of the Jumna, so that they might convey grain to Dehlf from all parts of the country, and prevent the price rising above the royal standard."

supply was thus secured. To give the villagers a chance of profit, they were permitted to carry their corn into the market and sell it at the regulation price.

Regulation VII. — Eeports used to be made daily to the Sult5,n of the market rate and of the market transactions from three distinct sources. 1st. The superintendent made a report of the market rate and of the market transactions. 2nd. The harids, or reporters, made a statement. 3rd. The manhis, or spies, made a report. If there was any variance in these reports, the superintendent received punishment. The various officials of the market were well aware that all the ins and outs of the market were reported to the Sultan through three difierent channels, and so there was no opportunity of their deviating from the market rules in the smallest particular.

All the wise men of the age were astonished at the evenness of the price in the markets. If the rains had fallen (regularly), and the seasons had been (always) favourable, there would have been nothing so wonderful in grain remaining at one price ;. but the extraordinary part of the matter was that during the reign of 'Alau-d din there were years in which the rains were deficient, but instead of the usual scarcity ensuing, there was no want of corn in Dehli, and there was no rise in the price either in the grain brought out of the royal granaries, or in that imported by the dealers. This was indeed the wonder of the age, and no other monarch was able to efiect it. Once or twice when the rains were deficient a market overseer reported that the price had risen half a Jital, and he received twenty blows with the stick. When the rains failed, a quantity of corn, sufficient for the daily supply of each quarter of the city, was consigned to the dealers every day from the market, and half a man used to be allowed to the ordinary purchasers in the markets. Thus the gentry and traders, who had no villages or lands, used to get grain from the markets. If in such a season any poor reduced person went to the market, and did not get assistance, the overseer received his punishment whenever the fact found its way to the king's ears.

For the purpose of securing low prices for piece goods, gar- ments, sugar, vegetables, fruits, animal oil, and lamp oil, five Eegulations were issued. * * *

For securing a cheap rate for the purchase of horses, slaves, and cattle, four Eegulations were issued. * * *

Regulation IY. — * * * The price of a serving girl was fixed from 5 to 12 tankas, of a concubine at 20, 30, or 40 tankas. The price for a male slave was 100 or 200 tankas, or less. If such a slave as could not in these days be bought for 1000 or 2000 tankas came into the market, he was sold for what he would fetch, in order to escape the reports of the informers. Hand- some lads fetched from 20 to 30 tankas; the price of slave- labourers was 10 to 15 tankas, and of young domestic slaves 17 or 18 tankas. * * * *

Great pains were taken to secure low prices for all things sold at the stalls in the markets, from caps to shoes, from combs to needles, etc., etc. Although the articles were of the most trifling value, yet the Sultan took the greatest trouble to fix the prices and settle the profit of the vendors. Four Eegulations were issued. * * *

The fourth Eegulation for securing cheapness provided severe punishments ; blows, and cutting off flesh from the haunches of those who gave short weight. * * * The market people, however, could not refrain from giving short weight. They sold their goods according to the established rate, but they cheated the purchasers in the weight, especially ignorant people and children. When the Sultan turned his attention to the subject, he discovered that the market people, as usual, were acting dishonestly * * * He therefore used to send for some of the poor ignorant boys, who attended to his pigeon-houses, and to give them ten or twenty dirams to go into the market and buy bread and various other articles for him. * * * When the boys had purchased the arti- cles, and brought them to the Sultan, the inspector of the market was sent for, and he had to weigh the things in the presence of the SultAn. If the weight was less than required by the Sultan's

scale of prices, the inspector took the lad and went to the shop of the dealer who had given short weight, and placed the purchased article before him. The inspector then took from his shop what- ever was deficient, and afterwards cut from his haunches an equal weight of flesh, which was thrown down before his eyes. The certainty of this punishment kept the traders honest, and re- strained them from giving short weight, and other fenavish tricks. Nay, they gave such good weight that purchasers often got some- what in excess.^

The various Regulations * * * of 'Aldu-d din came to an end at his death, for his son, Kutbu-d din, was not able to maintain a thousandth part of them.

After the prices of goods and provisions were brought down, the pay of the soldier was fixed at the rate of 234 tankas, and the man of two horses at seventy-eight tankas more. All the men Were inspected by the 'driz'i mamdlik (Muster-master) ; those who were skilled in archery and the use of arms passed, and they received the price for their horse, and the horse was branded according to rule.

When the tarifis had been settled and the army had been increased and newly organized, the Sultdn was ready for the Mughals. Whenever they made an attack upon Dehli and its vicinity, they were defeated, driven back, and put to the sword. The arms of Isldm were everywhere triumphant over them. Many thousands were taken prisoners, and were brought into Dehli with ropes round their necks, where they were cast under the feet of elephants. Their heads were piled up in pyramids, or built into towers. So many thousands were slain in battle and in the city that horrid stenches arose. Such was the superiority of the men of Islam over the Mughals, that one or two horsemen would tie by the neck and bring in ten Mughal prisoners, and one Musulmdn horseman would drive a hundred Mughals before him.