6. Volume 4 — part 6

" A voice came from the seventh Heaven, That Bahram Shah was the king of the world."

In the Tdrikh-i Guzida it is written, that when Saiyid Hasan went on a pilgrimage to the tomb of Muhammad, the best of men (and upon wliom let there be peace and benedictions !), he made a translation of a panegyric which had been written in honour of his Holiness, and read the verses before the Prophet's splendid sepulchre. When he arrived at this verse, viz. —

" I have not boasted of being among your descendants, But have only made a slight encomium, oh, my beloved 1 Send me out from thy presence a robe of honour,"

— a hand holding a cloak stretched itself out from the vault, and said, " Take it, 0 my son." But God knows everything !

On the death of Bahram Shah, his son Khusru Shah,i with the consent of all the nobles, succeeded to the throne ; but having received repeated information of the approach of 'Alau-d din Husain, he fled towards Hindustan. Husain Grhori entered Ghaznin, and showed not the slightest mercy, murdering the inhabitants, pillaging, burning, and razing to the ground all the buildings.^ He then appointed his two nephews Ghiyasu-d din and Sultdn Shahabu-d din rulers of the country, and returned to Ghor.

According to Hamdu -lla Mustaufi and some other historians, these two Sultans, by means of cunning stratagems, seized Khusru Shah, and imprisoned him in a fort, where he died in 555 A.H. (1160 A.D.), and thus was terminated the rule of the Ghaznivides. In the Rauzatu-s Safd, however, it is written, that Khusru Shah reigned at Labor two years after he fled from Ghaznin, and that on his death he was succeeded by his son Khusru Malik. In the year 583 a.h. (1187-8), Sultan Ghiy4su-d din obtained a victory at Labor, and seized Khusru

' The Tabahld-i Ndsiri styles him " Taminu-d daula." The Turikh-i Guaida, "Zahiru-d daula."

''■ Other authors tell us the tombs of Mahmfld, Mas'Ud, and Ibrahim were ex- cepted ; the first two for the valour, the last for the sanctity, of the occupants.

Malik, whom he sent to Ghaznin and imprisoned.^ Soon after this, all the family of the Ghaznivide kings fell into the hands of the Ghorians, who put them to death, and depressed the standard of the dominion and of the lives of those Sultdns who had been the canons of justice ! ^

^ The Mimtakhahu-t Tawirikh of Khikl Shir^z says that he was imprisoned in the fort of Ghurjistln ; where he, his son Bahr&m Shah, and all the Ghaznivide family, were put to death.

' A different account of the closing reigns of the Ghaznivide dynasty is given in the Extracts from the Tabak&t-i N&siri and by Firishta.

A WORK under the title Tdnkh-i Ibrdhimi is described by Major Charles Stewart as an abridged history of India from the earliest times to the conquest of that country by Sultdn B^bar. It is mentioned as a quarto volume in the collection of Tippu Sultdn. The author's name is given as Ibrahim bin Hariri, and the work was dedicated to Sultdn Babar, a.d. 1528. (See Stewart's Descriptive Catalogue, etc., p. 13,)

Under this name the more famous history of Firishta is frequently quoted by native historians, in consequence of its having been compiled under the patronage of Ibrdhim 'Adil Shah, of Bijdpur ; but I have never met with the work quoted by Stewart, nor heard of its existence in any library in India.

[A copy of the work so noticed in Sir H. Elliot's first edition is in the Library of the East India Office, No, 428, and was brought to the notice of Sir H. Elliot by Mr. Morley. A comparison of Mr. Morley 's summary of the contents and of a few extracts copied by that gentleman proved the work to be the same as one discovered in the Moti Mahal at Lucknow, under the title of TawdHkh-i Humdyimi. There is a copy also bearing the same name in Paris. The Nawdb of Jhajjar possesses a copy, apparently about 200 years old, which is lettered Tdrikh-i Tabari, and another excellent copy is the property of Hdji Muhammad of Peshawar.

The account of India begins with the Dehli slave kings, and incidental notices of those of Gujar4t occur, in consequence of Hum^yun's connexion with that province. The history comes down to the time of Humiyun, in whose reign the writer lived. The references to authorities are few, but the lives of learned men are introduced, as in the HaUhu-s Siyar of Khondamir. A comparison of the two works may show that the Humdykni is an abridgment of the larger work. The similarity of name and the termination of the work in the reign of Humaytin led Sir H. Elliot to imagine that it might possibly turn out to be the Kdniin-i Humdyimi of Khondamir, already referred to at page 143. This, however, cannot be, for Khondamir died in 941 H., and the work before us records Hum^yiin's flight to Persia in 950, and carries his history down to his restoration, including the capture of Kandahar, and his entry into Kabul in 952 h.

The following is Mr. Morley's description of the copy in the East India Library.

" Tdrikh-i IbrdJiimi, the name of the MS., is inscribed on the back of the first page, the title being so written by two former possessors, and in one instance with the addition of the words Tasnif-i Ibrdkim ibn Marir. I do not find, however, either the title of the work or the nam« of the author expressed in the body of the book. The MS. bears no signs of ever having belonged to Tippii.

There is no Preface; the MS. begins at once, after the Bismillah. The author goes on to state the number of years -that have elapsed from the Creation of the world to the time of Muhammad, according to the computation of various authors, beginning with Tabari. The work is not divided into books, chapters, sections, etc., as is usually the case, but presents the customary contents of a general history in the usual order.

The Patriarchs and Prophets, beginning with Adam, pp. 4 to 59.

Wise men and Philosophers (Lukman, Afldtun, etc.), pp. 60 to 70.

Peshdddians, etc., from Kaiomars to Yazdajird, pp. 70 to 117.

Muhammad, his ancestors and descendants, and the earlier years of Isl^m, pp. 118 to 184.

The princes of the Bani Ummayya, pp. 215 to 259.

The Khalifahs of the Bani ' Ahbas, pp. 259 to 334.

The dynasties which arose during the time of the Bani 'Abbds, viz., Tahirides, Saffarides, Saraanides, Ghaznivides, Khwdriz- mians, Atabaks, Muzaffarides, G-horides, etc., pp. 334 to 377.

The Chaugiz Khanians, Kard Ktiinlu, etc., pp. 377 to 433.

The Saltans of Hind, i.e., the Pathans, from Kutbu-d din to A.H. 952, pp. 433 to 443.

The Sultans of Gujarat, from Muzaffar Shah (A.H. 793) to Mahmtid Shdh bin Latif Shah (a.h. 943), pp. 443 to 445.

Timur, and his descendants to a.h. 951, when Huradyun had sought refuge in Persia, pp. 445 to 498. Imperfect at the end.

The history is everywhere very concise, as is shown by the above Table of Contents, but it is even more so than is apparent by the table, as it is interspersed with the lives of eminent and learned persons ; for instance, the account of Hdrunu-r Rashid occupies but thirteen lines ; then follows a notice of the Imdm M41ik bin Anas (the founder of the Maliki sect of Sunnis), which comprises twenty-two lines, and an account of the Bar- makis extending to twenty-one lines. Al Mustansir Bi-llah is dismissed also in thirteen lines, whilst no less than 149 lines are devoted to the lives of Faridu-d din 'Attar, and other learned Shaikhs. These biographical notices indeed seem to be the most important part of the work, which, however, is very copious in dates, and so far useful, even when merely enumerating the succession of a line of kings.

If this be the MS. described by Stewart at p. 13, No. xxxi. of his Catalogue, he is wrong in calling it an abridged History of India, and also in stating that it extends only to the conquest by Babar, and that the work was dedicated to that prince, since, as has been above stated, it continues the history down to the reign

of Humdyun, and the year of the Hijra 951. At this point the MS. is left unfinished by the transcriber, not being imperfect by mutilation. The last twenty-two pages are nearly destitute of diacritical points. The size of the book is nine inches by four and a half. The character is Nasta'lik, and there are nineteen lines in a page."

A comparison of the last words of the MS. in the East India Library with those of the Lucknow copy shows that the latter contains only one leaf more than the former ; and there is among Sir H. Elliot's papers the concluding words of another copy (perhaps that of Peshawar), which are identical with those of the London MS. These, however, are manifestly imperfect, for they break off in the very middle of a sentence. The Jhajjar copy has also lost a leaf at the end, but the missing portion is not identical with the one deficient in the other copies.

The work is a mere compendium. Humayun's reign, from his accession to his restoration, occupies less than 100 lines. Such a summary does not afford passages suitable for transla- tion, but two short pieces have been selected as specimens ; the latter of which shows where the East India Library copy breaks off abruptly.]

[Malik Ghiydsu-d din Pir 'All assumed the crown after the death of his father. He threw open the gates of kindness and generosity to people of every sort, and carried on the govern- ment of Khurdsan until the month of Muharram, 781 h. On this date, Sdhib-Kiran Amir Timur made himself master of Hirdt by a treaty of peace, and taking the king prisoner, sent him to Samarkand. In the month of Ramazdn, 785, the king and all his family tasted the nectar of martyrdom. Among the great and learned men who lived in the time of these kings was Abu-1 Mak^rim Shaikh Ruknu-d din 'Alau-d daula (and so on with the life of the Shaikh).

Hum^yiin marching from Kaiw4n,i the city of Kandahdr was favoured with the light of the royal countenance on the 11th Muharram, 952 h. In the course of Jum^da-1 awwal, he captured the fort of Kandahar, and there pardoned the offences of Muham- mad 'Askari Mirza. About the middle of Sha'bdn, he placed himself at the head of his forces, and marched to Kdbul. Mirza Muhammad Kamrdn, notwithstanding his large army, had not the courage to encounter him, but fled to Sind. On the 11th Ramazdn, His Majesty entered Kabul, like the soul into the body, or a rose into its parterre, and taking the people under his care and protection, they found rest in the shadow of his benevolence.]

' Here the East India Library copy terminates.

Wi^K'lAT-I BKBARt. THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF BABAR.

The Commentaries of B^bar, originally written in Turki, were translated into Persian in the middle of Akbar's reign, by 'Abdu-r Rahim, Klidn Khdndn, and are well known to the English reader by the admirable translation of Dr. Leyden and Mr. Erskine. The Persian translation was presented to the Emperor Akbar in the thirty-fourth year of his reign, 998 H. (1590 A.D.),^ and the translator died in 1627 A.D., at the age of seventy-two.

Babar's memoirs form one of the best and most faithful pieces of autobiography extant; they are infinitely superior to the hypo- critical revelations of Timur,^ and the pompous declamation of Jah^ngir — not inferior in any respect to the Expedition of Xenophon, and rank but little below the Commentaries of Caesar. They are equal in simplicity, and exhibit much less dissimulation than that celebrated work. The Emperor Jahangir states that he himself added some chapters to the work in the Turki language, in which language Captain Hawkins^ on his visit to Agra in a.d. 1609, conversed with him. The language of Bihar's original is in the purest dialect of the Turki language, not being so much intermixed as that of the other Turkish tribes with terms derived from the Arabic and Persian.

} Blochmann's 'Ain Akbari, pp. 105 and 835. Akbar-ndma, Lucknow edition, Yol. iii., p. 596.] " See vol. lit., p. 389.

Zahiru-d din Muhammad, surnamed B^bar, or the Tiger, was one of the descendants of Changiz Kh^n and of Timur ; and though inheriting only the small kingdom of Farghdna, in Bucharia, ultimately extended his dominions by conquest to Dehli and the greater part of Hindustan ; and transmitted to his descendants the magnificent empire of the Mughals. He was born in 1482, and died in 1630. Passing the greater part of his time in desperate military expeditions, he was a great general and a profound politician ; he was an educated and accomplished man, and an eminent scholar in Arabic, Persian, and Hindi ; he was also an elegant poet ; a minute and fastidious critic in all the niceties and elegancies of diction ; a curious and exact observer of the statistical phenomena of every region he entered ; a great admirer of beautiful prospects and fine flowers ; and, though a devoted Muhammadan in his way, a very resolute and jovial drinker of wine. Good-humoured, brave, munificent, sagacious, and frank in his character, he might have been a Henry IV. if his training had been in Europe ; and even as he is, he is less stained, perhaps, by the Asiatic vices of cruelty and perfidy than any other in the list of Asia's conquerors. The work under notice is a faithful account of his own life and transactions, written, with some considerable blanks, up to the year 1508, in the form of a narrative, from which time to 1519 there is a blank ; and it is continued afterwards, as a journal, till 1529.

The translation was begun by the learned and enterprising Dr. Leyden, and was completed and the whole of the valuable com- mentary added by Mr. W. Erskine, on the solicitation of the Hon. Mountstuart Elphinstone and Sir John Malcolm. The greater part of the translation was finished and transmitted to England in 1817, but was only committed to the press in the course of 1826. It is illustrated by intelligent and learned notes, and by introductory dissertations, clear, masterly, and full of instruction. The preface to the translation contains a learned account of the Turki language (in which these memoirs were written), the

prevailing tongue of Central Asia — some valuable corrections of Sir William Jones's notices of the Institutes of Timur — and a very clear explanation of the method employed in the translation, and the various helps by which the great difficulties of the task were relieved. The first Introduction, however, contains much more valuable matter ; it is devoted to an account of the great Tatar tribes, who, under the denomination of the Turki, the Mughal, and the Manchu races, may be said to occupy the whole vast extent of Asia, north of Hindustan and part of Persia, and westward from China. The second Introduction contains a brief but clear abstract of the history of Mughalistan, from the time of Timur to Babar, together with an excellent memoir of the map which accompanies the work, and an account of the geography of Bukhara.

The body of the work, independent of the historical value of the transactions which it records, abounds in statistical accounts which evidently display the monarch as a man of genius and observation. Modern travellers have agreed that his descriptions of K^bul and its environs, as well as of Farghana, and the countries to the north of Hindukush, are not to be exceeded for their fidelity and comprehensiveness.

The most remarkable piece of statistics, however, with which he has furnished us, is in his account of Hindustan, which he first entered as a conqueror in 1525. It occupies in the trans- lation twenty-five closely printed quarto pages ; and contains, not only an exact account of its boundaries, population, resources, revenues, and divisions, but a full enumeration of all its useful fruits, trees, birds, beasts, and fishes, with such a minute descrip- tion of their several habitudes and peculiarities as would make no contemptible figure in a modern work of natural history — care- fully distinguishing the facts which rest on his own observation from those which he gives only on the testimony of others, and making many suggestions as to the means of improving, or trans- ferring them from one region to another.

He mentions, for instance, the introduction of the plantain at

Kcibul, where it was found to thrive very well, which shows the elevation at which it will grow; respecting which there has been some discussion in India. A few extracts from his graphic account, in which he exhibits all the prejudices of a fastidious Englishman, will not be deemed out of place here.

" Hindustan is situated in the first, second, and third climates, No part of it is in the fourth. It is a remarkably fine country. It is quite a different world, compared with our countries. Its hills and rivers, its forests and plains, its animals and plants, its inhabitants and their languages, its winds and rains, are all of a different nature. Although the Garmsils (or hot districts), in the territory of K4bul, bear, in many respects, some resemblance to Hindustan, while in other particulars they differ, yet you have no sooner passed the river Sind than the country, the trees, the stones, the wandering tribes, the manners and customs of the people, are all entirely those of Hindustan. The northern range of hills has been mentioned. Immediately on crossing the river Sind, we come upon several countries in this range of mountains, connected with Kashmir, such as Pakhali and Shamang. Most of them, though now independent of Kashmir, were formerly included in its territories. After leaving Kashmir, these hills contain innumerable tribes and states, parganas and countries, and extend all the way to Bengal and the shores of the Great Ocean. About these hills are other tribes of men."

" The country and towns of Hindustan are extremely ugly. All its towns and lands have a uniform look : its gardens have no walls ; the greater part of it is a level plain. The banks of its rivers and streams, in consequence of the rushing of the torrents that descend during the rainy season, are worn deep into the channel, which makes it generally difficult and troublesome to cross them. In many places the plain is covered by a thorny brushwood to such a degree that the people of the parganas, relying on these forests, take shelter in them, and trusting to their inaccessible situation, often continue in a state of revolt, refusing to pay their taxes. In Hindustan, if you except the

rivers, there is little runnins: water. Now and then some standing water is to be met with. All these cities and countries derive their water from wells or tanks, in which it is collected during the rainy season. In Hindustan, the populousness and decay, or total destruction of villages, nay of cities, is almost instantaneous. Large cities that have been inhabited for a series of years (if, on an alarm, the inhabitants take to flight), in a single day, or a day and a half, are so completely abandoned that you can scarcely discover a trace or mark of population."

" Hindustan is a country that has few pleasures to recommend it. The people are not handsome. They have no idea of the charms of friendly society, of frankly mixing together, or of familiar intercourse ; they have no genius, no comprehension of mind, no politeness of manner, no kindness or fellow-feeling, no ingenuity or mechanical invention in planning or executing their handicraft works, no skill or knowledge in design or architec- ture; they have no good horses, no good flesh, no grapes or musk-melons, no good fruits, no ice or cold water, no good food or bread in their bazars, no baths or colleges, no candles, no torches, not a candlestick."

" The chief excellency of Hindustan is, that it is a large country, and has abundance of gold and silver. The climate during the rains is very pleasant. On some days it rains ten, fifteen, and even twenty times. During the rainy season, inun- dations come pouring down all at once, and form rivers, even in places where, at other times, there is no water. While the rains continue on the ground, the air is singularly delightful — insomuch that nothing can surpass its soft and agreeable temperature. Its defect is, that the air is rather moist and damp. During the rainy season you cannot shoot, even with the bow of our country, and it becomes quite useless. Nor is it the bow alone that becomes useless ; the coats of mail, books, clothes, and furniture, all feel the bad efl'ects of the moisture. Their houses, too, suffer from not being substantially built. There is pleasant enough weather in the winter and summer, as well as in the rainy season ;

but then the north wind always blows, and there is an excessive quantity of earth and dust flying about. When the rains are at hand, this wind blows five or six times with excessive violence, and such a quantity of dust flies about that you cannot see one another. They call this an dndhi. It gets warm during Taurus and Gemini, but not so warm as to become intolerable. The heat cannot be compared to the heats of Balkh and Kandahar. It is not above half so warm as in these places. Another con- venience of Hindustan is, that the workmen of every profession and trade are innumerable, and without end. For any work or any employment, there is always a set ready, to whom the same employment and trade have descended from father to son for ages. In the Zafar-ndma of Mulla Sharifu-d din 'Ali Yazdl, it is mentioned as a surprising fact, that when Timur Beg was building the Sangin (or stone) mosque, there were stone-cutters of Azarbaijan, Fars, Hindustan, and other countries, to the number of 200, working every day on the mosque. In Agra alone, and of stone-cutters belonging to that place only, I every day employed on my palaces 680 persons ; and in Agra, Sikri, Baydna, Dhulpur, Gwalior, and Koel, there were every day em- ployed on my works 1491 stone-cutters. In the same way, men of every trade and occupation are numberless, and without stint in Hindustan.

" The countries from Bahrah to Bih^r, which are now under my dominion, yield a revenue of fifty-two krors, as will appear from the particular and detailed statement. Of this amount, parganas to the value of eight or nine krors are in the possession of some Eais and Rajas, who from old times have been submis- sive, and have received these parganas for the purpose of confirming them in their obedience."

It is not only in narrative and statistical details that the work excels — it presents also what is so exceedingly rare in Asiatic history, the characters of his countrymen and contempo- raries— their appearance, manners, dress, pursuits, tastes, habits, and actions, and with such minuteness and reality, that they

seem to form part of our acquaintance, and to live amongst us as one of ourselves.

But the great charm of the work is in the character of the author, whom we find, after all the trials of a long life, retaining the same kind and affectionate heart, and the same easy and sociahle temper with which he set out on his career, and in whom the possession of power and grandeur had neither blunted the delicacy of his taste, nor diminished his sensibility to the enjoyment of nature and imagination.

"It is a relief," says his translator, "in the midst of the pompous coldness of Asiatic history, to find a king who can weep for days, and tell us that he wept for the playmate of his boyhood." He speaks with as much interest of his mother and female relations as if he had never quitted their fireside ; and his friends make almost as great a figure in the personal part of his narrative as he does himself. He repeats their sayings, records their accidents and illnesses, relates their adventures, and some- times jokes on their eccentricities.

After a letter on the affairs of his government to his most confidential counsellor Khwaja Kildn (then at Kdbul), he tells him little anecdotes of their common acquaintances, which he thinks will amuse him, and adds, " For Grod's sake, excuse all these fooleries, and do not think the worse of me for them." He endeavours afterwards to persuade Khwaja Kildn to leave off wine, as he had done ; and says, in substance, " Drinking was a very pleasant thing with our old friends and companions ; tut now that you have only Shir Ahmad and Haidar Kiili to take your wine with, it can be no great sacrifice to leave it off." In the same letter, he says how much he envies his friend his residence at Kabul, and adds, "They very recently brought me a single musk-melon; while cutting it up, I felt myself affected with a strong feeling of loneliness, and a sense of my exile from my native country, and I could not help shedding tears while I was eating it."

Babar was a constant and jovial toper. Many a drinking party

is recorded in his Memoirs, with at least as much interest as his hattles or negociations ; and unsuitable as they are to his station, they are not the least agreeable scenes in his history. The per- fect ease and familiarity among the company makes one forget the prince in the man ; and the temptations that generally lead to those excesses — a shady wood, a hill with a fine prospect, or the idleness of a boat floating down a river ; together with the amusements with which they are accompanied, extemporary verses, recitations in Turki and Persian, with sometimes a song, and often a contest of repartee — greatly diminish the coarseness that might attach to such scenes of dissipation. Even in the middle of a harassing and desultory campaign, there is no in- termission of this excessive jollity, though it sometimes puts the parties into jeopardy ; for example :

" We continued at this place drinking till the sun was on the decline, when we set out. Those who had been of the party were completely drunk. Saiyid Kasira was so drunk that two of his servants were obliged to put him on horseback, and brought him to the camp with great difficulty. Dost Muhammad Bakir was so far gone, that Amin Muhammad Tarkh4n, Masti Chihrah, and those who were along with him, were unable, with all their exertions, to get him on horseback. They poured a great quantity of water over him, but all to no purpose. At this moment a body of Afghans appeared in sight. Amin Muhammad Tarkhan, being very drunk, gravely gave it as his opinion, that rather than leave him in the condition in which he was, to fall into the hands of the enemy, it was better at once to cut off his head and carry it away. Making another exertion, however, with much difficulty, they contrived to throw him upon a horse, which they led along, and so brought him off."

On some occasions they contrived to be drunk four times in twenty-four hours. The gallant prince contents himself with a strong ma'jun^ one day; but "next morning we had a drinking party in the same tent. We continued drinking till night. On

the following morning we again had an early cup, and, getting intoxicated, went to sleep. About noon-day prayers, we left Istalif, and I took a ma'jiin on the road. It was about afternoon prayers before I reached Bahzadi. The crops were extremely good. While I was riding round the harvest-fields, such of my companions as were fond of wine began to contrive another drinking-bout. Although I had taken a mdjun, yet, as the crops were uncommonly fine, we sat down under some trees that had yielded a plentiful load of fruit, and began to drink. We kept up the party in the same place till bed- time prayers."

In a year or two after this, when he seems to be in a course of unusual indulgence, we meet with the following edifying remark : " As I intend, when forty years old, to abstain from wine ; and as I now want somewhat less than one year of being forty, I drink wine most copiously V When forty comes, how- ever, we hear nothing of this sage resolution ; but have a regular record of the wine and ma'jun parties as before, up to the year 1627. In that year, however, he is seized with rather a sudden fit of penitence, and has the resolution to begin a course of rigorous reform. There is something rather picturesque in his very solemn and remarkable account of this great revolution in his habits.^ It would have been well if B4bar had carried out his intention, and left off wine sooner, for there seems good reason to think his indulgence in it shortened his days.

Babar appears to have been of a frank and generous character ; and there are throughout the Memoirs various traits of singular clemency and tenderness of heart for an Eastern monarch and professional warrior. He weeps ten whole days for the loss of a friend who fell over a precipice after one of their drinking parties, and spares the lives and even restores the domains of various chieftains who had betrayed his confidence and afterwards fallen into his power. Yet there are traces of Asiatic ferocity, and of a hard-hearted wastefulness of life, which remind us that we are beyond the pale of European gallantry and Christian compassion.

In his wars in Afghdnistdn and India, tlie prisoners are commonly butchered in cold blood after the action ; and pretty uniformly a triumphal pyramid is erected of their skulls. These horrible executions, too, are performed with much solemnity before the royal pavilion ; and on one occasion, it is incidentally recorded, that such was the number of prisoners brought forward for this infamous butchery, that the sovereign's tent had three times to be removed to a different station ; the ground before it being so drenched with blood, and encumbered with quivering carcases ! On one occasion, and on one only, an attempt was made to poison him — the mother of one of the sovereigns whom he had dethroned having bribed his cooks and tasters to mix death in his repast. Upon the detection of the plot, the taster was cut in pieces, the cook flayed alive, and the scullions trampled to death by elephants. Such, however, was the respect paid to rank, or the indulgence to maternal resentment, that the prime mover of the whole conspiracy, the queen dowager, is merely put under restraint, and has a contribution levied on her private fortune.

The unsettled nature of his life is shown by his observing, near the end of it, that since he was eleven years old he had never kept the fast of the Ramazan twice in any one place ; and the time not spent in war and travelling was occupied in hunting and other sports, or in long excursions on horseback about the country. On his last journey, after his health had begun to fail, he rode, in two days, from K41pi to j^gra (160 miles), without any particular motive for despatch ; and on the same journey, he swam twice across the Ganges, as he said he had done with every other river he had met with. His mind was as active as his body ; besides the business of the kingdom, he was constantly taken up with aqueducts, reservoirs, and other improvements, as well as introducing new fruits and other productions of remote countries. Yet he found time to compose many elegant Persian poems and a collection of Turk! compositions, which are men- tioned as giving him a high rank among the poets of his own country. .

The Memoirs of B4bar remained for a time unknown, until they were transposed from the Turki into the more popular language of Persia. It is difficult to believe that they are the work of an Asiatic and a sovereign. Though copiously, and rather diffusely written, they are perfectly free from the ornamental verbosity, the eternal metaphor, and puerile exaggerations of most Oriental compositions ; and though savouring eo far of royalty as to abound in descriptions of dresses and ceremonies, they are yet occupied in the main with concerns greatly too rational and humble to be much in favour with monarchs. The English trans- lation seems to have imbibed the very spirit of the original. The style is singularly happy, strikingly characteristic, though perfectly natural, and equally remote from the usual inflated language of the East, and from the imitation of scriptural simplicity into which other translators of similar works have fallen.

{In later life Mr. Erskine again took up the subject in which he had gained distinction. " Observing that most of our general histories " were based " on the brief but judicious abridgment of Firishta," "it seemed that a nation possessing such an empire as that of the British in India, ought to have some ampler record of the transactions of the different dynasties which preceded their own in that country." " The most natural and effectual means of supplying this want, he thought, would certainly be a general edition of the historians of India, — a Corpus Scriptorum Historias Indicse," in fact, such a work as Sir H. Elliot had projected, and of which the present is an imperfect realization. Seeing the difficulties in the way of such a work, he directed his energies "to fiimish from as many of the historians of India as were accessible to the author, such a narrative of public events during the first six Emperors of the House of Timur, from B4bar to Aurangzib, as might be at once more minute and more authentic, than, so far as the author knows, has yet appeared in any European language." Death prevented the accomplishment of this design, but the history of the reigns of B4bar and of Humayun, which the author had completed before his decease,

was published afterwards in 1854, in two volumes. These con- tain a full and minute account of the reigns of Bdbar and his son, leaving nothing to be desired for the elucidation of the history of those times. Were the present work intended only to supply new matter and to make up previous deficiencies, the reigns of B^bar and Hum&ytin might well be passed over : but as the book is intended to be a continuous history, the annals of these reigns must have their place in it, though there will not be the necessity of entering upon them so' fully as their importance would otherwise require. B4bar is essentially the historian of his own times, and the Extracts whieh follow give the history of his conquest of India. They have been taken from Erskine's translation.

The- foregoing article was already in type when a new transla- tion of Babar's Memoirs issued from the press. This translation has been made direct from the Turki, or Jaghatai, language into French by M. Pavet de Oourteille, of the College de France. The text employed was the edition published at Kasan in 1857 by M. Ilminski. M. de Oourteille, rendering due justice to the English translation of the Memoirs, declares his sole motive for undertaking a new one was that the English version had been drawn more from the Persian translation than from the original Turki. Though the English translators possessed the original version, they had but a limited knowledge of its language, and they " relied principally on the Persian." Such being the case, M. de Oourteille has rendered good service by supplying a new version direct from the language in which the illustrious author wrote, and thus dissipating all misgivings as to the accuracy of the Persian translation from which our English version was taken. The following extracts have been carefully compared, and in both versions they tell exactly the same story. Some dififerences have been noted in the following pages, as well as some passages which are wanting in one or the other version, but these are diflferences which are attributable to the copyists rather than to the Persian translator. M. de Oourteille agrees

with the English translators that Bdbar wrote the Memoirs late in life, and he also accords with them in believing that he left them incomplete, as we now possess them. Indeed, it is hardly- possible to think otherwise. Such an important work, by such an exalted personage, is not likely to have fallen out of notice, and to have been mutilated in the short interval between the date of its completion and of its translation into Persian. But the Turki and Persian versions are both alike defective, and so the inference is unavoidable that the work was never completed. It is certain that, notwithstanding great search and inquiry, the missing years have never been found. Sir H. M. Elliot was encouraged in his researches by receiving an Extract purporting to be the history of 931, one of the missing years; it turns out, however, to be the narrative of the uneventful year 926, already published by Erskine.

There is a very fine copy of the Turk! text in the Library of the East India Office.i]

On the 14th Safar, 925 (February 15th, 1519)], when we left Bajaur, we did it with the intention of attacking Bahrah^ before we returned to Kabul. We were always full of the idea of in- vading Hindustan. This was prevented by various circumstances. For three or four months that the army had been detained in Bajaur, it had got no plunder of value. As Bahrah is on the borders of Hindustan, and was near at hand, I conceived that, if I were now to push on without baggage, the soldiers might light upon some booty. Moving on under these impressions, and plundering the Afghdns in our progress, when I reached Makam, several of my principal adherents advised me, that if we were to enter Hindustan, we should do it on a proper footing, and with

' See David's Turkish Grammar. — Journ. Asiatique, 1842, p. 72. Klaproth, Mem. ii., 134.

• The country on the Jilam or Hydaspes, near the towu of that name, but chiefly on the right bank of the river.

an adequate force. * * * * Though the advice was perfectly- judicious, we made the inroad in spite of all these objections.

Early next morning we marched towards the passage over the Sind. I despatched Mir Muhammad Jala-hdn in advance, with his brothers and some troops to escort them, for the purpose of examining the banks of the river, both above and below. After sending on the army towards the river, I myself set off for SawatI, which they likewise call Kark-khana,^ to hunt the rhinoceros. We started many rhinoceroses, but as the country abounded in brushwood, we could not get at them. * * *

Next morning, being Thursday the 17th [16], we crossed the ford with our horses, camels, and baggage ; the camp hdzdr and the infantry were floated across on rafts. The same day the inhabi- tants of Nilab^ waited on me, bringing an armed horse ^ and 300 Shdh-rukhis^ as a peshkash. As soon as we had got all our people across, that same day at noon-day prayers, we proceeded on our march, which we continued for one watch of the night, and halted at the river of Kachah-kot. Marching thence before day, we crossed the river of Kachah-kot, and the same evening sur- mounted the pass of Sangdaki,^ and halted. Saiyid Kasim, Ishak Agha,^ who brought up the rear-guard, took a few Giijan who followed the camp, cut off some of their heads and brought them in.

Marching at the dawn from Sangdaki, and crossing the river Suhdn'' about noon-day prayers, we encamped. Our stragglers continued to come in till midnight. It was an uncommonly long and severe march, and as it was made when our horses were lean and weak, it was peculiarly hard on them, so that many

1 [P. de C. reads " Gurk," tut Karg is the Persian for rhinoceros.]

' Nll&b lies fifteen miles below Attok on the Sind.

' The river of Kachah-kot is the Harrri or river of Gharshin. By his ascending a pass so speedily after leaving the river, and by his reaching the Swan so soon, it appears that B5.bar turned sharp to the south after crossing the Harrfi.

6 [P. de C. translates this " chamberlain."]

' Or SwSn, which lies between the Sind and Jilam.

horses were worn out and fell down by the way. Seven hoa from Bahrah^ to the north there is a hill. This hill, in the Zafar- ndma, and some other books, is called the hill of Jud. At first, I was ignorant of the origin of its name, but afterwards discovered that in this hill there were two races of men descended from the same father. One tribe is called Jud, the other Janjuhah. * * *

As I always had the conquest of Hindustan at heart, and as the conquest of Bahrah, Khushdb, Chinab and Ohaniiit,* among which I now was, had long been in the possession of the Turks, I regarded them as my own domains, and was resolved to acquire the possession of them either by war or peace. It was, therefore, right and necessary that the people of the hill should be well treated. I accordingly issued orders that no one should molest or trouble their flocks and herds, or take from them to the value of a bit of thread or a broken needle.

Marching thence rather late, about noon-day prayers, we reached Kaldah-kah^r,* where we halted. This Kaldah-kahar is a considerable place. * * * At dawn we set out from Kaldah- kahar. On the very top of the Pass of Hambdtu we met in different places men who were coming bringing in peshhashes of small value, and tendering their submission. * * * About luncheon time we reached the bottom of the pass, where we halted. * * * Having cleared the pass, and emerged from the wooded ground, I formed the army in regular array, with right and left wing and centre, and marched towards Bahrah. When we had nearly reached that place, Deo Hindu, and the son of Saktu, who were servants of 'Ali Khan,* the son of Daulat Khan

• Bahrah at present lies near Find D^dan Kh&n, to the south-east of the Jilam or Hydaspes ; hut the district, in Bihar's time, extended on hoth sides of the river, and the capital was to the north. Khushih lies lower down the river. Chinib probably stretched over to the river of that name, the ancient Acesines. No Chaniilt can be found; perhaps it is Battiut, south-east of Attok, by a slight mistake' in writing. Bahrah at this time belonged to 'Ali Khlin, the son of Daulat !Kh4n, H&kim of Lahore under the kings of Delhi.

3 [Ealrah-kaha.r in Sir H. Elliot's MS. ; it is the present Kallar-lahSx.}

• [Sir H. Elliot's MS. differs slightly here ; so also does Pavet de CourteUle's translation, which runs as follows : " As I approached Bahrah, my partisans, such as

Yusuf Khail, accompanied by the head men of Bahrah, met us, bringing each a horse and camel as peshkash, and tendered their submission and service. Noon-day prayers were over when we halted to the east of Bahrah, on the banks of the river Behat, on a green field of grass, without having done the people of Bahrah the least injury or damage.

From the time that Timur Beg had invaded Hindustan and again left it, these countries of Bahrah, Khushab, Ohinab, and Chaniut had remained in the possession of the family of Timiir Beg, and of their dependents and adherents. Sultan Mas'ud Mirza, the grandson of Shdh Bukh Mirza, and son of Siiirgh- namsh^ Mirza, was, in those days, the ruler and chief of Kabul and Zdbul, on which account he got the title of Sultdn Mas'ud Kabull. * * *

Next morning I sent out foraging parties in proper directions, and afterwards rode round Bahrah. * * * On Wednesday, the 22nd, I sent for the headmen and chaudharis of Bahrah, and agreed with them for the sum of 400,000 Shdh-rukMs^ as the ransom of their property ; and collectors were appointed to receive the amount. * * * ^jjg^yjjjg learned that the troops had exercised some severities towards the inhabitants of Bahrah, and were using them ill, I sent out a party, who having seized a few of the soldiers that had been guilty of excesses, I put some of them to death, and slit the noses of some others, and made them be led about the camp in that condition. As I reckoned the countries that had belonged to the Turks as my own territories, I therefore admitted of no plundering or pillage.

Dalvali Hindu, sou of T<isuf Khaili, and one of tlie dependents of 'Ali Kh^n, the son of Sangd, and some of the chiefs of Bahiah, came before me, and paid homage by presenting a horse."]

' [Souiourganmish = Stiiiirganmish. — P. de C]

' Nearly 20,000?. sterling. [Pavet de Courteille's version of the Jaghatai is very different — " I summoned to my camp the chief men of Bahrah and the principal merchants, and after having settled with them 1000 ShS.h-rukhis as the ransom for their persons, I sent some collectors specially appointed to receive this sum."]

' [The Jaghatai version is as follows : " Having been informed that the soldiers were illtreating and plundering the people of Bahrah, I ordered some of my followers to chastise those who had been wanting in discipline."]

1 People were always saying, that if ambassadors were to be sent in a friendly and peaceable way into the countries that had been occupied by the Turks, it could do no harm. I therefore despatched Mulla Murshid to Sultdn Ibrdhim, whose father Sultan Iskandar had died five or six months before, and who had succeeded his father in the empire of Hindustan ; and giving him the name and style of ambassador, sent him to demand that the countries which from old times had belonged to the Turks should be given up to me. Besides these letters for Sultan Ibrahim, I gave Mulla Murshid letters to Daulat Khdn, and having also delivered to him verbal instructions, dismissed him on his mission. The people of Hindustan, and particularly the Afghans, are a strangely foolish and senseless race, possessed of little reflection, and less foresight. They can neither persist in and manfully support a war, nor can they continue in a state of amity and friendship. This person, who was sent by me, Daulat Khdn detained some time in Lahore, neither seeing him himself, nor suflEering him to proceed to Sultan Ibrahim; so that my envoy, five months after, returned to Kabul without having received any answer.

On Friday, letters of submission came from the people of Khushab. * * * We remained one day in the fort of Bahrah, which they call Jahdn-numd, and on the morning of Tuesday we marched, and encamped on the rising grounds which skirt along Bahrah towards the north.^ * * * Jfext morning, after the Diwan was dismissed, when I had finished my ride, I went on board of a boat, and had a drinking party. * * *

In the hill country between Kil4b and Bahrah, but apart from the tribes of Jud and Janjuhah, and adjoining to the hill country of Kashmir, are the Jats,^ Oiijars, and many other men of similar tribes, who build villages, and settle on every hillock and in every valley. Their hakim was of the Gakkar race, and their govern-

' [There is not a word of this paragraph in the Jaghatai.]

2 [For " the north," the Jaghatai reads " Madl."]

3 [The Jaghatai reads " Jats."— See Elliot's Glossary, i., 134.]

ment resembled that of the Jud and Janjuhah. The govemmeiit of these tribes, which stretch along the skirt of the hills, was at that time held by Tktir Gakkar and Hdti Gakkar, sons of the same family ; they were cousins. Their places of strength were situated on ravines and steep precipices. The name of Tatar's stronghold was Parhdlah.i It was considerably lower than the snowy mountains. Hdti's country is close adjoining to the hills. Hati had also brought over to his interest Bkhk Khdn, who held Kalinjar. T4t4r Gakkar had waited on Daulat Khan, and was in a certain way subject to him. Hati had never visited him, but remained in an independent turbulent state. Tkt&r at the desire of the amirs of Hindustan, and in conjunction with them, had taken a position with his army several miles off, and in some sort kept H^ti in a state of blockade. At the very time when we were in Bahrah, H4ti had advanced upon Tdtar by a stra- tagem, had surprised and slain him, and taken his country, his women, and all his property. * * *

Having arranged the affairs of the country in such a way as to give a prospect of its being kept quiet, on Sunday, the 11th of the first RabI', I marched from Bahrah on my return to Kabul. * * * Some persons who were acquainted with the country, and with the political situation of the neighbouring territories, and par- ticularly the Janjuhah, who were the old enemies of the Gakkars, represented to me that Hati the Gakkar had beenguilty of many acts of violence, had infested the highways by his robberies,^ and harassed the inhabitants ; that therefore it was necessary either to effect his expulsion from this quarter, or, at least, to inflict on him exemplary punishment.

For effecting this object, next morning I left Khwdjah Mir Mirau and Miram Nasir in charge of the camp, and about break- fast time, set out with a body of light troops, to fall upon Hdti Gakkar, who, a few days before, had killed Tatar, seized the country of Parhalah, and was now at Parhdlah, as has been mentioned. About afternoon prayers we halted and baited our

' [Pirila. — Jaffk} ^ [This sentence is not in the Jaghatai.]

horses ; and set ofF again about bed-time prayers. Our guide was a servant of the Malik-hast, named Stirpa.^ He was a Gujar. All night long we proceeded straight on in our course, but halted towards morning, and sent on Beg Muhammad Mughal towards their camp. When it was beginning to be light, we again mounted ; and about luncheon time * put on our armour and increased our speed. About a kos from the place where we had made this halt, Parhilah began to appear faintly in sight. The skirmishers were now pushed forward ; the right wing proceeded to the east of Parhdlah. Kuch Beg, who belonged to that wing, was directed to follow in their rear, by way of reserve. The left wing and centre poured in straight towards Parhalah. Dost Beg was appointed to command the party charged to support the left wing and centre, who made the direct attack on Parhalah.

Parhdlah, which stands high in the midst of deep valleys and ravines, has two roads leading to it ; one of them on the south- east, which was the road that we advanced by. This road runs along the edge of the ravines, and has ravines and precipices on both sides. Within half a kos of Parhdlah, the road becomes extremely difficult, and continues so up to the very gates of the city ; the ravine road, in four or five places, being so narrow and steep, that only one person can go along it at a time ; and for about a bow-shot it is necessary to proceed with the utmost cir- cumspection. The other road is on the north-west.^ It advances towards Parhalah through the midst of an open valley. Except these two roads, there is no other on any side. Although the place has no breastwork nor battlement, yet it is so situated that it is not assailable. It is surrounded by a precipice seven or eight gaz * in perpendicular height. The troops of the left wing having passed along the narrows, went pouring on towards the gate. Hati, with thirty or forty horsemen, all, both man and horse, in complete armour, accompanied by a number of foot

' [" Here also only one person can pass at a time," — Jat/hatai.} * Fourteen or sixteen feet.

soldiers, attacked and drove back the skirmishers. Dost Beg, who commanded the reserve, coming up, and falling on the enemy with great impetuosity, brought down a number of them, and routed the rest. H4ti Gakkar, who distinguished himself by his courage and firmness in the action, in spite of all his exertions, could not maintain his ground, and fled. He was unable to defend the narrows ; and on reaching the fort, found that it was equally out of his power to defend himself there. The detachment which followed close on his heels having entered the fort along with him, Hdti was compelled to make his escape, nearly alone, by the north-west entrance. Dost Beg, on this occasion, again greatly distinguished himself. I ordered an honorary gift to be given to him. At the same time I entered Parhalah, and took up my abode at Tdtar's palace. During these operations, some men, who had been ordered to remain with me, had joined the skirmishing party. Among them were Amin Muhammad Karashi and Tarkhdn Arghun. In order to punish them for this offence, I gave them the Grujar Surpa' for their guide, and turned them out disgracefully^ into the deserts and wilds to find their way back to the camp. * * *

On Thursday the 15th we halted at Andarabah, which lies on the banks of the river Stihan. This fort of Andardbah depended from old times on the father of Malik-hast. When Hati Gakkar slew Malik-hast's father, it had been destroyed, and had remained in ruins ever since. * * * Hati, after despatch- ing Tat4r, had sent to me one Parbat, his relation, with a capa- risoned horse and peshhash. He did not meet me, but fell in with that part of the army that had been left behind with the camp ; and having arrived along with the division that accom- panied the baggage, now presented his offerings and tribute, and tendered his submission. Langar Kh4n, who was to be left behind in Bahrah, but who had accompanied the camp in order to finish some business, also rejoined me ; and having brought

1 [Here it is " Saropd " in the Jaghatai.] * [£esar-o-pd, destitute, without proTisions.]

everything to a conclusion, took leave on liis return to Bahrah, accompanied by some saminddrs of that district. After this we marched on, crossed the river Suh&n, and encamped on a rising ground. I gave a dress of honour to Parbat, Hati KhAn's relation; and having written letters to confirm H4ti in his good intentions, and to remove any misapprehensions he might entertain, despatched Parbat in company with a servant of Muhammad 'Ali Jang-jang. * * *

Marching at the time when the kettle-drum beats,i we halted about luncheon time at the foot of the pass of Sangdaki. About noon-day prayers we renewed our march, and ascended the pass, crossed the river, and halted on an eminence ; we again set out at midnight. In going to examine the ford by which we had passed on our way to Bahrah, we found a raft^ loaded with grain, that had stuck fast in the mud and clay ; the owners with all their exertions had not been able to extricate it. We seized this corn, and divided it among the men who were with us ; the grain came very seasonably. Towards evening we halted lower down^ than the junction of the Sind and Kdbul rivers, and higher up than the old Nilab, between the two.* We brought six boats from Nil^b, and divided them among the right and left wings and centre, who immediately began to exert themselves in crossing the river. On the Monday, being the day on which we arrived, and the night following, and on Tuesday and the night following till Wednesday, they continued passing ; on Thursday, also, a few passed.

Parbat, Hati's relation, who had been sent from the neighbour- hood of Andardbah with the servant of Muhammad 'Ali Jang- jang, returned to us, while we were on the banks of the river, bringing from Hati a horse clad in armour, by way of tributary offering. The inhabitants of Nil4b brought an armed horse as a peshkash, and tendered their submission. Muhammad 'Ali

• [The remainder of this paragraph is not in the Jaghatai.]

Jang-jang having a wish to remain in Bahrah, and Bahrah itself having been given to Hindu Beg, I bestowed on him the tract of country between Bahrah and the Sind, with the Us and ulicses in the district, such as the Karluk Hazdras, and Hati and G-hiydsdaP and Kib. * * *

On Thursday, at sunrise (March 24th, 1519), we moved from the banks of the river, and resumed our march. * * * [and on the 30th March] I reached Kdbul.

On Friday, the 1st of Safar, in the year 932 (November 17th, 1525), when the sun was in Sagittarius, I set out on my march to invade Hindustan. * * *

^ We made two marches from Bikram (Peshawar) ; and after the third, on Thursday, the 26th, we encamped on the banks of the river Sind. On Saturday, the 1st day of the first Eabf, we passed the Sind ; and having also crossed the river of Each-kot, halted on its banks. The Begs, paymasters, and diwdns, who had been placed to superintend the embarkation, brought me the return of the troops who were on the service. Great and small, good and bad, servants and no servants, they amounted to 12,000 persons.

To secure a proper supply of corn, we advanced along the skirts of the hills towards Sidlkot. On coming opposite to the country of the Grakkars, in the bed of a brook, we found in several places a quantity of standing water. These waters were entirely frozen over. Although there was not much of it, the ice was in general a span in thickness. In Hindustan such ice is uncom-

2 [The following passage from the Jaghatai is not given in the Persian yersion : " Having left Bikr&m, I advanced through a heavy rain to the banks of the Kibul river, where I halted. Here I received news from Hindustan that Daulat Eh&n and Gh&zi Kh^n, at the head of an army of twenty or thirty thousand men, had taken possession of Kalatilr and were already marching on Lahore. I sent off Mumin Ali Tawachi in great haste to inform them that we were advancing by forced marches, and that they must avoid giving battle before our arrival."]

mon. We met with it here; but during all the years^ I have been in Hindustan, I have in no other instance met with any trace of ice or snow.

Advancing five marches from the Sind, the sixth brought us close by the hill of Jud, below the hill of Balinat-jogi, on the banks of a river, at the station of Bakialdn, where we encamped. * * * Marching thence we halted, after passing the river Behat, below Jilam, by the ford. * * * From this encampment I sent forward Saiyid Tufan and Saiyid Lachin, giving each of them a spare horse, with directions to push on with all speed to Lahore, and to enjoin our troops in that city not to fight, but to form a junction with me at Sidlkot or Parsarur. The general report was, that Ghazi Khdn had collected an army of 30,000 or 40,000 men ; that Daulat Khan, old as he was, had buckled on two swords ; and that they would certainly try the fate of a battle. I recollected the proverb which says, " Ten friends are better than nine." That no advantage might be lost, I judged it most advisable before fighting to form a junction with the detachment of my army that was in Lahore. I therefore sent on messen- gers with instructions to the amirs, and at the second march reached the banks of the river Chinab, where I encamped. * * *

On Friday, the 14th of the first Eabi', we arrived at Sialkot. Every time that I have entered Hindustan, the Jats^ and Giijars have regularly poured down in prodigious numbers from their hills and wilds, in order to carry off oxen and buffaloes. These were the wretches that really inflicted the chief hardships, and were guilty of the severest oppression in the country. These districts, in former times, had been in a state of revolt, and yielded very little revenue that could be come at. On the present occasion,

1 This passage must hare been written not long before B&bar's death, [and shows, either that these Memoirs were reminiscences rather than contemporaneous memoirs of his life ; or that if they were contemporaneous memoira they were retouched and

^ The Jets or JaU are the Mubammadan peasantry of the Panjib, the banks of the Indus, Siwistin, etc., and must not be confounded with the Jdts, a powerful Hindu tribe to the west of the Jumna about Agra, etc., and which occupies a subordinate station in the country of the RSjpfits. [See Sir H. Elliot's Glossary, s.v. Jdt.l

when I had reduced the whole of the neighbouring districts to subjection, they began to repeat their practices. As my poor people were on their way from Sidlkot to the camp, hungry and naked, indigent and in distress, they were fallen upon by the road with loud shouts, and plundered.^ I sought out the persons guilty of this outrage, discovered them, and ordered two or three of the number to be cut in pieces.*

At this same station a merchant arrived, who brought us the news of the defeat of 'Alira Kh^n^ by Sultan Ibrahim. The particulars are as follows : 'Alim Khan, after taking leave of me, had marched forward in spite of the scorching heat of the weather, and had reached Lahore, having, without any consideration for those who accompanied him, gone two stages every march. At the very moment that 'Alim Khan took leave, the whole Sultdns and Khans of the Uzbeks had advanced and blockaded Balkh ; so that immediately on his departure for Hindust&n, I was obliged to set out for that city. 'Alim Khan, on reaching Lahore, insisted with such of my Begs as were in Hindustan that the Emperor had ordered them to march to his assistance, and that it had been concerted that Grhazi Khdn should likewise join him, and that they were all in conjunction to march upon Delhi and Agra. The Begs answered, that situated as things were, they could not accompany Ghdzl Khan with any kind of confidence ; but that, if he sent to Court his younger brother Haji Khan, with his son, or placed them in Lahore as hostages, their instructions would then leave them at liberty to march along with him ; that otherwise they could not ; that it was only the other day that 'Alim Khdn had fought and been defeated by Ghdzi Kh^n, so that no mutual confidence was to be looked for between them ; and that altogether it was by no means advisable for 'Alim

• The people alluded to were probably the Turki garrison of Si&lkot.

" [From the Jaghatai. " While I was at Si&lkot I sent in great haste Shihum and Ndr Beg to the Begs of Lahore, instructing them to get information about the position of the enemy, and when they had ascertained, from some one well acquainted with the country, where they could form a juaction with me, they were to inform me."]

Khdn to let GhazI Khdn accompany him in the expedition. Whatever expostulations of this nature they employed, in order to dissuade 'iiilim Kh^n from prosecuting his plan, were all ineffectual. He sent his son Shir Khdn to confer with Daulat Khau and Ghdzl Khdn, and the parties themselves afterwards met. Dildwar Khdn, who had been in confinement very recently, and who had escaped from custody and come to Lahore only two or three months before, was likewise associated with them. Mahmiid Kh4n Khdn- Jahan, to whom the custody of Lahore had been intrusted, was also pressed into their measures. In a word, it was in the end definitively arranged among them, that Daulat Khdn, and Ghazl Khan should take under their orders all the Begs who had been left in Hindustan, and should, at the same time themselves assume the government of all the adjacent territories;' while Dilawar Khan and Haji Khan were to accompany 'j^lim Khan, and occupy the whole of the country about Dehli and j^gra, and in that neighbourhood. Ismd.'il Jilwanl,^ and a number of other amirs, waited on 'iilim Khan, and acknowledged him. He now proceeded towards Dehli with- out delay by forced marches. On reaching Indari, Sulaiman Shaikh-zMa came and likewise joined him. The numbers of the confederate army now amounted to 30,000 or 40,000 men. They laid siege to Dehli, but were unable either to take the place by storm or to reduce it by famine.

Sultan Ibrahim, as soon as he heard that they had collected an army, and invaded his dominions, led his troops to oppose them. Having notice of his march as he approached, they raised the siege and aidvanced to meet him. The confederates concurred in opinion, that if the battle was fought in the daytime, the Afghans, from regard to their reputation with their countrymen, would not flee ; but that if the attack was made by night, the night is dark, and no one seeing another, each chief would shift for himself. Resolving, therefore, to attempt a night surprise,

' That is, in the Pauj&b or near Lahore. 2 [" Alwani." — Jagh.'\

they mounted to proceed against the enemy, who were six kos off. Twice did they mount their horses at noon, and continue mounted till the second or third watch of the night, without going either back or forward, not being able to come to a reso- lution, or agree among themselves. The third time they set out for their surprise, when only one watch of the night remained. Their plan was merely for the party to set fire to the tents and pavilions, and to attempt nothing further. They accordingly advanced and set fire tO' the tents during the last watch of the night, at the same time shouting the war-cry. Jalal Khan Jaghat, and several other amirs, came over and acknowledged 'K\m\ Khdn, Sultdn Ibrahim, attended by a body of men, composed of his own tribe and family, did not move from the royal pavilion, but continued steady in the same place till morning. By this time, the troops who accompanied 'i^lim Khdn were dispersed, being busy plundering and pillaging. Sultan Ibrdhim's troops perceived that the enemy were not in great force, and immediately moved forward from the station which they had kept, though very few m mimber, and having only a single elephant ; but no sooner had the elephant come up than 'ji^lim Khan's men took to flight, without attempting to keep their ground. In the course of his flight 'i^lim Khan crossed over to the Do4b side of the river, and again recrossed it towards P4nipat, on reaching which place he contrived by a stratagem to get three or four lacs^ from Midn Sulaiman,^ and went on his way. Israa'il Jilwdni, Babin, and Jalal Khan, the eldest son of 'j^lim Khan, separating from him, betook them- selves to the Doab. A small part of the army which ''Klvm. Khan had collected, such as Saifu-d din, Darya Khan, Mahmud Khan Khau-Jahan, Shaikh Jamdl Farmuli, and some others, deserted before the battle and joined Ibrahim. 'KVim Khdn and Dilawar Khan, with Haji Khdn, after passing Sirhind,^ heard of my

' £750 or £1000 ; but perhaps they were laoa of rupees.

' [Here spelt in the old way, " Sihrind."]

approach, and that I had taken Milwat; whereupon Dilawar Khdn, who had always been attached to my interests, and had been detained three or four months in prison on my account, separated from the others, came on by way of Sultdnpur and Kochi, and waited upon me in the neighbourhood of Milwat, three or four days after the taking of that town, 'iilim Khan and Haji Khan having passed the river Satlet,^ at length reached Kinkuta, the name of a strong castle in the hills between Dun and the plain, and threw themselves into it. One of my de- tachments, consisting of Afghdns and Hazdras, happening to come up, blockaded them, and had nearly succeeded in taking the castle, strong as it was, being only prevented by the approach of night. These noblemen then made an attempt to leave it, but some of their horses having fallen in the gateway, they could not get out. Some elephants that were along with them were pushed forward, and trampled upon and killed a number of the horses. Although unable to escape on horseback, they left the place during a dark night on foot, and after incredible sufferings, joined Ghazi Khan, who, in the course of his flight, finding that he could not get refuge in Milwat, had directed his course towards the hills, where they met. Ghkzi Khan did not give 'i^lim Khdn a very friendly reception, which induced him to wait on me, below Diin in the neighbourhood of Palhur,* where he came and tendered me his allegiance. While I was at Sialkot, some of the troops whom I had left in Lahore arrived to inform me that they would all be up by the morning.

Next morning I marched, and halted at Parsarur, where Muhammad 'Ali Jang-Jang, Khwaja Husain, and some others,' accordingly came and waited on me. As the enemy's camp was on the banks of the Eavi, towards Lahore, I sent out Bujkah with his party to reconnoitre and bring in intelligence. About the end of the third watch of the night they came back with information that the enemy, immediately on getting notice of

' These noblemen had been left with a body of troops to defend the Panj&b.

their approach, had fled away in consternation, every man shift- ing for himself.

On the following morning, leaving Shdh Mir Husain, and some other officers, to guard the camp and baggage, I separated from them, and pushed on with all possible speed. We reached Kalanur about the middle of afternoon prayers and halted. Muhammad Sult4n Mirza, 'Kiil Sultan, and the other amirs, came here and waited on me.

Marching before daybreak from Kalanur,^ we discovered on the road certain traces that Ghazi Kh&n and the fugitives were not far off. Muhammadl and Ahmadi, with several of the Begs about my person, whom I had recently at Kdbul promoted to the rank of Beg, were detached to pursue the fugitives without halt- ing. Their orders were, that, if they could overtake the flying enemy, it was well ; but, if not, they should carefully guard every approach and issue of the fort of Milwat, that the garrison might not be able to effect their escape. GhazI Khdn was the object that I principally aimed at in these instructions. Having sent forward this detachment under the Begs, we crossed the river Biydh opposite to Kanwahin, and there halted. From thence, after three marches, we encamped in the mouth of the valley in which lies the fort of Milwat. The Begs, who had arrived before us, and the amirs of Hindustan, were directed to encamp and lay siege to the fort. Isma'il Khdn, who was Daulat Khdn's grandson (being the son of 'All Khdn, Daulat Khan's eldest son), having arrived in our quarters, was sent into the fort to offer terms of capitulation, and with a message in which we mingled promises and threats. On Friday I made the camp advance, and take ground half a kos nearer.^ I myself went out, reconnoitered the fort, and after having assigned to the right and left wing, and to the centre, their respective stations, returned back to the camp.

Daulat Khan now sent a person to inform me that Ghazi

' KalanAr lies half-way between tlie ESltI and Biy&,li. * [" At half a kos from the ■plaee."—Jag!i.]

Khkn had escaped and fled to the hills; but that if I would excuse his own offences, he would come as a slave and deliver up the place. I therefore sent Khw4ja Mir Mir4n to confirm him in his resolution, and to bring him out. His son, 'Ali Khan, accompanied that officer. In order to expose the rude- ness and stupidity of the old man, I directed him to take care that Daulat Khan should come out with the same two swords hung round his neck, which he had hung by his side to meet me in combat. When matters had come this length he still contrived frivolous pretexts for delay, but was at length brought out. I ordered the two swords to be taken from his neck. When he came to offer me obeisance, he affected delays in bow- ing ; I directed them to push his leg and make him bow. I then made him sit down before me, and desired a man who understood the Hindustani language to explain to him what I said, sentence by sentence, in order to re-assure him ; and to tell him — "I called you Father; I showed you more respect and reverence than you could have desired or expected. * * * The countries held by Titkr Khan, to the amount of three krors, I bestowed on you. What evil have I ever done you, that you should come in this style against me?" * * * It was settled that he and his family should retain their authority in their own tribes and possession of their villages,^ but that all the rest of their property should be sequestrated. * * *

'Abdu-1 'Aziz and * * * with several other of the Begs about my person were directed to enter the fort, and to take possession of and secure their treasures and all their property. * * * I examined Ghazi Khan's library, and found in it a number of valuable books. * * * There was also a number of theological books, but I did not, on the whole, find so many books of valua as, from their appearance, I had expected.

I stayed in the fort all night, and next morning returned to the camp. We had been mistaken in imagining that Ghdzi Khdn

^ [Instead of this, the Jaghatai says, " Tlie free disposal of the people of their houses, and of their families."]

was in the fort. The traitorous coward had escaped to the hills, with a small number of followers, leaving his father, his elder and younger brothers, his mother, his elder and younger sisters, in Milwat. * * *

After advancing one kos from the station at the gorge of Milwat, we halted in a valley. * * * I gave the fort of Milwat to Muhammad 'All Jang-Jang, who left his brother Arghun in the place on his part with a body of troops. * * *

Marching thence, and passing the small hills of Ab-kand by Milwat, we reached Sim. In the language of Hindustan they call a Julga (or dale) Dim. * * *

As we could nowhere get any certain intelligence of Gh4zi Khan, I sent Tardika with Barim Deo Malinhat,i with orders to pursue him wherever he might go ; to engage him, and bring him back a prisoner. In the country, composed of small hills, that has been mentioned as lying around the Dun, there are some wonderfully strong castles. To the north-east is a castle called Kutila, It is surrounded by a rock seventy or eighty gaz ^ in perpendicular height. At its chief gate, for the space of about seven or eight gaz,^ there is a place that admits of a drawbridge being thrown across. It may be ten or twelve gaz wide. The bridge is composed of two long planks, by which their horses and flocks pass out and in. This was one of the forts of the hill country, which Ghdzi Kh4n had put into a state of defence and garrisoned. The detachment that had been pushed on attacked the place vigorously, and had nearly taken it, when night came on. The garrison then abandoned the castle and fled away. Near the Dun is another strong castle, called the fort of Kinkuta, the country around which is all hilly, but it is not so strong as the former. 'Alim Khdn in his flight had thrown himself into this fort, as has been already mentioned.

After sending a detachment in pursuit of Ghazi Khan, I placed my foot in the stirrup of resolution, and my hand on the

2 That is 140 or 160 feet. s Fourteen or sixteen feet.

reins of confidence in God, and marched against Sultdn Ibrahim, the son of Sultan Iskandar, the son of Sultdn Bahlol Lodi Afghan, in whose possession the throne of Dehli and the domin- ions of Hindustan at that time were ; whose army in the field was said to amount to 100,000 men, and who, including those of his amirs, had nearly 1000 ^ elephants. * * *

The detachment which had proceeded into Milwat,^ advanced against Harur, Eahliir and the forts in that part of the country, among which, from the natural strength of the ground, no enemy had penetrated for a long time before, took the whole of them and returned and joined me, after having plundered the inhabitants of the district. It was at this time that 'Alim Khan, being reduced to great distress, came naked and on foot to meet me. I directed several Begs and some noblemen of my Court to go out to receive him, and also sent him some horses. He waited upon me in this neighbourhood, and made his sub- mission. * * *

After marching from Dun we came to Eupiir. While we stayed at Rupur it rained incessantly, and was so extremely cold that many of the starving and hungry Hindustanis died. After marching from Rupur, we had halted at Karil,^ opposite to Sihrind (Sirhind), when a Hindustani presented himself, as- suming the style of an ambassador from Sultdn Ibrdhim. Though he had no letters or credentials, yet as he requested that one of my people might accompany him back as my ambassador. I accordingly did send back a Sawadl Tinkatdr* along with him. These poor men had no sooner arrived in Ibrahim's camp than he ordered them both to be thrown into prison. The very day that we defeated Ibrahim, the Sawadi was set at liberty and waited on me.

1 [The Jaghatai has the more reasonable number, " 100." In this Firishta ag;rees.]

» t" Which had left me at Milwat."— /a^A.]

• The office of Tinkat&r is not well ascertained. He seems to have been a. con- fidential servant, perhaps connected with the tan or private treasury. [Pavet de Courteille translates it as " one or two sawddis of my body-guard."]

After two marches more we halted on the banks of the stream of Banur and Sanur. This is a running water, of which there are few in Hindustan, except large rivers. They call it the stream of Kagar. Ohitar stands on its banks. * * * At this station we had information that Sultan Ibrahim, who lay on this side of Dehli, was advancing; and that the shikkddr^ of Hisar-Firozah, H4mid Khdn Khasah-khail, had also advanced ten or fifteen hos towards us, with the army of Hisdr-Firozah and of the neighbouring districts. I sent on Kittah Beg to- wards Ibrahim's camp to procure intelligence, and despatched Mumin Atkah towards the army of Hisdr-Firozah to get notice of its motions.

On Sunday, the 13th of the first Jumdda, I marched from Ambala, and had halted on the margin of a tank, when Mumin Atkah and Kittah Beg both returned on the same day. The command of the whole right wing I gave to Humdyun, who was accompanied by * * *. Next morning, being Monday, the 14th, Humayun set out with his light force to attack H4mid Khan by surprise. Humdyiin despatched on before him 100 or 150 select men, by way of advanced guard. On coming near the enemy, this advanced body went close up to them, hung upon their flanks, and had one or two rencounters till the troops of Humayun appeared in sight following them. No sooner were they perceived than the enemy took to flight. Our troops brought down 100 or 200 men, cut ofl" the heads of one half, and brought the other half alive into the camp, along with seven or eight elephants. * * * On Monday, the 21st, Humdyun reached the camp that was still at the same station, with 100 prisoners and seven or eight elephants, and waited on me. I ordered Ustad 'All Kuli and the matchlockmen to shoot all the prisoners as an example. This was Humdyun's first expedition, and the first service he had seen. It was a very good omen. Some light troops having followed the fugitives, took Hisdr-

' The sMkhddr is a military collector of the revenue, and has often the chief authority in a district.

Firozah the moment they reached it, and returned after plunder- ing it. Hisar-Firozah which, with its dependencies and sub- ordinate districts, yielded a hror, I bestowed on Humdyun, with a kror in money as a present.

Marching from that station, we reached Shahdbad. I sent fit persons towards Sultdn Ibrahim's camp to procure intelligence, and halted several days in this station. * * * In this station, on Monday, the 28th of the first Jumada, the sun entered Aries ; we now began also to receive repeated information from Ibrahim's camp, that he was advancing slowly by a hos or two at a time, and halting two or three days at each station. I, on my side, likewise moved on to meet him, and after the second march from Shahdbdd, encamped on the banks of the Jumna, opposite to Sirsdwah. Haidar Kuli, a servant of Khwaja Kilan, was sent out to procure intelligence. I crossed the Jumna by a ford, and went to see Sirsawah. * * *

From this station we held down the river for two marches, keeping close along its banks, when Haidar Kuli, who had been sent out to collect intelligence, returned, bringing information that D4u.d Khdn and Haitim Khdn had been sent across the river into the Bo4b with 6000 or 7000 horse, and had encamped three or four kos in advance of Ibrahim's position on the road towards us. On Sunday, the 18th of the second Jumada, I despatched against this column Chin Timur Sultdn, * * * with the whole of the left wing commanded by Sultan Junid, * * * as well as part of the centre under Tunas 'Ali, * * * with instructions to advance rapidly and fall upon them by surprise. * * * Next morning, about the time of early prayers, they arrived close upon the enemy, who put themselves in some kind of order, and marched out to meet them : but our troops no sooner came up than the enemy fled, and were followed in close pursuit and slaughtered all the way to the limits of Ibrahim's camp. The detachment took Haitim Khan, D4ud Khdn's eldest brother, and one of the generals, with seventy or eighty prisoners, and six or eight elephants, all of which

they brought in when they waited on me. Several of the prisoners were put to death, to strike terror into the enemy.

Marching thence, I arranged the whole army in order of battle, with right and left wing and centre, and after reviewing it, performed the vim.'^ The custom of the vim is, that the whole army being mounted, the commander takes a bow or whip in his hand, and guesses at the number of the army, according to a fashion in use, and in conformity with which they affirm that the army may be so many. The number that I guessed was greater than the army turned out to be.

At this station I directed that, according to the custom of Rum,^ the gun-carriages^ should be connected together with twisted bull-hides, as with chains. Between every two gun- carriages were six or seven turds * or breast-works. The match- lockmen stood behind these guns, or t'&rds, and discharged their matchlocks. I halted five or six days in this camp, for the purpose of getting this apparatus arranged. After every part of it was in order and ready, I called together all the amirs, and men of any experience and knowledge, and held a general council. It was settled that as Panipat was a considerable city, it would cover one of our flanks by its buildings and houses, while we might fortify our front by tiords, or covered defences and cannon, and that the matchlockmen and infantry should be placed in the rear of the guns and turds. With this resolution we moved, and in two marches, on Thursday, the 30th of the last Jumada, reached Panipat. On our right were the

' [This passage about the vim is not given in the Jaghatai.']

3 [M. de Courteille's version of this passage is as follows : " Je presorivis S, tous les soldats d'amener des chariots, chacun suivant see moyens. On en rdunit ainsi sept cents. Alora j'ordonnais a Ustid Ali Kuli de faire attaoher les uns aux autres les chariots k la maniere des peuples de Eoum (les Ottomans), en y suspendant, au lieu de chalnes des cordes de peau de bceuf." Wherever "guns" are mentioned in this passage, he has " chariots." See notes infrd pp. 265 and 268.]

• [Viillers gives the following definition of tord or toraA, " Genus plutei, quo milites pro clipeis utehantur, quemque etiam in terram infigebant, ut quasi vallo muniti tela in hostes mittere possent." Bad^iini (vol. i., p. 334) says they were tubras, or sacks, filled with earth. See also Yule's Marco Polo, vol. ii., 122.]

town and suburbs. In my front I placed the guns and tiirds which had been prepared. On the left, and in dififerent other points, we drew ditches and made defences of the boughs of trees. At the distance of every bowshot, a space was left large enough for 100 or 150 men to issue forth. Many of the troops were in great tremor and alarm. Trepidation and fear are always unbecoming. Whatsoever Almighty Grod has decreed from all eternity cannot be reversed ; though, at the same time, I cannot greatly blame them ; they had some reason ; for they had come two or three months' journey from their own country ; we had to engage in arms a strange nation, whose language we did not understand, and who did not understand ours.

The army of the enemy opposed to us was estimated at 100,000 men ; the elephants of the Emperor and his officers were said to amount to nearly 1000.^ He possessed the ac- cumulated treasures of his father and grandfather, in current coin, ready for use. It is a usage in Hindustan, in situations similar to that in which the enemy now were, to expend sums of money in bringing together troops who engage to serve for hire. These men are called Badhindi. Had he chosen to adopt this plan, he might have engaged 100,000 or 200,000 more troops. But God Almighty directed everything for the best. He had not the heart to satisfy even his own army ; and would not part with any of his treasure. Indeed, how was it possible that he should satisfy his troops, when he was himself miserly to the last degree, and beyond measure avaricious in accumulat- ing pelf? He was a young man of no experience. He was negligent in all his movements; he marched without order; retired or halted without plan, and engaged in battle without foresight. While the troops were fortifying their position in P^nipat and its vicinity, with guns, branches of trees, and ditches, Darwesh Muhammad S^rbdn said to me, "You have fortified our ground in such a way that it is not possible he should ever think of coming here." I answered, " You judge

[The Jaghatai again reduces the number to " 100."]

of him by the Kh4ns and Sultdns of the Uzbeks. * * * But you must not judge of our present enemies by those who were then opposed to us. They have not ability to discriminate when it is proper to advance and when to retreat." God brought everything to pass favourably. It happened as I foretold. During the seven or eight days we remained in Panipat, a very small party of my men, advancing close up to their encampment and to their vastly superior force, discharged arrows upon them. They did not, however, move, or make any demonstration of sallying out. At length, induced by the persuasion of some Hindustani amirs in my interest, I sent Mahdi Khwaja and * * * with 4000 or 5000 men on a night attack. They did not assemble properly in the first instance, and as they marched out in confusion, did not get on well. The day dawned, yet they continued lingering near the enemy's camp till it was broad daylight, when the enemy, on their side, beat their kettledrums, got ready their elephants, and marched out upon them. Al- though our people did not effect anything, yet, in spite of the multitude of troops that hung upon them in their retreat, they returned safe and sound without the loss of a man. Muhammad 'All Jang-Jang was wounded with an arrow, and though the wound was not mortal, yet it disabled him from taking his place in the day of battle. On learning what had occurred, I imme- diately detached Hum^ytin with his division a kos or a kos and a half in advance, to cover their retreat, while I myself, re- maining with the army, drew it out, and got in readiness for action. The party which had marched to surprise the enemy fell in with Humdyun, and returned with him. As none of the enemy came near us, I drew off the army, and led it back to the camp. In the course of the night we had a false alarm ; for nearly one ghari the call to arms and the uproar continued. Such of the troops as had never before witnessed an alarm of the kind were in great confusion and dismay. In a short time, however, the alarm subsided.

By the time of early morning prayers, when the light was

such that you could distinguish one object from another, notice was brought from the advanced patrols, that the enemy were advancing, drawn up in order of battle. We too, imme- diately braced on our helmets and our armour, and mounted. The right division was led by Humiyun, accompanied by * * * ; the left division was commanded by Muhammad Sultdn Mirza. * * * The right of the centre was commanded by Chin Timdr Sultdn * * *; the left of the centre by Khalifa. * * * The advance was led by Khusru Grokultdsh. * * * 'Abdu-1 'Aziz, master of horse, had the command of the reserve. On the flank of the right division I stationed Wall Kizil, * * * with their Mughals, to act as a tulughmah (or flanking party). On the extremity of the left division were stationed Kara-Kuzi * * * to form the tulughmah or flankers, with instructions, that as soon as the enemy approached sufficiently near, they should take a circuit and come round upon their rear.

When the enemy first came in sight, they seemed to bend their force most against the right division. I therefore detached 'Abdu-1 'Aziz, who was stationed with the reserve, to reinforce the right. Sultan Ibrdhim's army, from the time it first ap- peared in sight, never made a halt, but advanced right upon us at a quick pace. When they came closer, and, on getting a view of my troops, found them drawn up in the order and with the defences that have been mentioned, they were brought up, and stood for a while as if considering, " Shall we halt or not 2 shall we advance or not?" They could not halt, and they were unable to advance with the same speed as before. I sent orders to the troops stationed as flankers on the extremes of the right and left divisions, to wheel round the enemy's flank with all possible speed, and instantly to attack them in the rear ; the right and left divisions were also ordered to charge the enemy. The flankers accordingly wheeled on the rear of the enemy, and began to make discharges of arrows on them. Mahdi Khwdja came up before the rest of the left wing. A body of men with one elephant advanced to meet him. My troops gave them

some sharp discharges of arrows, and the enemy's division was at last driven back. I despatched from the main body AhmadI Parw^nchi * * * to the assistance of the left division. The battle was likewise obstinate on the right. I ordered Muham- madi Gokultash * * * to advance in front of the centre and engage. Ust4d 'Ali Kuli also discharged his guns^ many times in front of the line to good purpose. Mustafa, the cannoneer, on the left of the centre, managed his artillery^ with great effect. The right and left divisions, the centre and flankers, having surrounded the enemy and taken them in rear, were now engaged in hot conflict, and busy pouring in discharges of arrows on them. They made one or two very poor charges on our right and left divisions. My troops, making use of their bows, plied them with arrows, and drove them in upon their centre. The troops on the right and left of their centre, being huddled together in one place, such confusion ensued, that the enemy, while totally unable to advance, found also no road by which they could flee. The sun had mounted spear-high when the onset of battle began, and the combat lasted till mid-day, when the enemy were completely broken and routed, and my friends victorious and exulting. By the grace and mercy of Almighty God, this arduous undertaking was rendered easy for me, and this mighty army, in the space of half a day, laid in the dust. Five or six thousand men were discovered lying slain in one spot near Ibrdhim. We reckoned that the number lying slain in different parts of the field of battle, amounted to 15,000 or 16,000 men. On reaching j^Lgra, we found from the accounts of the natives of Hindustan, that 40,000 or 50,000 men had fallen in this field. After routing the enemy, we continued the pursuit,

1 " Mringihd." The size of these artillery at the time in question is very un- certain. The word is now used in the Dekhin for a swivel. In common usage, zarbzin, at the present day, is a small species of swivel. Both words, in the time of B&har, appear to have heen used for field cannon. [Pavet de Courteille translates it "pierriers," i.e., swivels.]

' [M. Pavet de Courteille's version is " faisait un feu meurtrier aveo son artUlerie attelee ; " to which he appends the note, " mot a mot, las couleuvrines qui ^taient sur des chariots."]

slaughtering and making them prisoners. Those who were ahead began to bring in the amirs and Afghans as prisoners. They brought in a very great number of elephants, with their drivers, and offered them to me as peshkash. Having pursued the enemy to some distance, and supposing that Ibrdhim had escaped from the battle, I appointed Kismai Mirza, * * * with a party of my immediate adherents, to follow him in close pur- suit down as far as i^igra. Having passed through the middle of Ibrahim's camp, and visited his pavilions and accommoda- tions, we encamped on the banks of the Siyah-ab (Kdlini).

It was now afternoon prayers when Tahir Tabari, the younger brother of Khalifa, having found Ibrdhim lying dead amidst a number of slain, cut off his head, and brought it in.

That very day I directed Humayun Mirza * * * to set out without baggage or encumbrances, and proceed with all possible expedition to occupy i^gra, and take possession of the treasuries. I at the same time ordered Mahdi Khwdja and * * * to leave their baggage, to push on by forced marches, to enter the fort of Dehli, and seize the treasuries.

Next morning we marched, and having proceeded about a kos, halted on the banks of the Jumna, in order to refresh our horses. After other two marches, on Tuesday I visited the mausoleum of Nizam Auliy^,^ and at the end of the third march encamped near Dehli, on the banks of the Jumna. The same night being Wednesday, I circumambulated the tomb of Khwdja Kutbu-d din, and visited the tomb and palaces of Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Balban, of Sultdn 'Alau-d din Khilji, and his minaret, the Shams tank, the royal tank, the tombs and gardens of Sultan Bahlol and Sultan Sikandar, after which I returned into the camp, and went on board of a boat, where we drunk arak. I bestowed the office of shikkddr (or military collector) of Dehli on Wall Kizil; I made Dost the diwdn of Dehli, and directed the different treasuries to be sealed and given into their charge.

1 The mausoleum of Nizimu-d din Auliy& is witMn four or five miles of Dehli, on the south.

On Thursday we moved thence, and halted hard by Tugh- likabad,'^ on the banks of the Jumna. On Friday we continued to halt in the same station. Maul4na Mahmlid, Shaikh Zain, and some others went into Dehli to Friday prayers, read the khutha in my name, distributed some money among the fakirs and beggars, and then returned back. On Saturday we marched from our ground, and proceeded, march after march, upon iigra. I went and saw Tughlikdbad ; after which I rejoined the camp.

On Friday, the 22nd Rajab, I halted in the suburbs of iigra, at the palace of Sulaiman Farmuli. As this position was very far from the fort, I next morning moved and took up my quarters at the palace of Jalal Khdn Jaghat. The people of the fort had put off Humayun, who arrived before me, with excuses ; and he, on his part, considering that they were under no control, and wishing to prevent their plundering the treasure, had taken a position to shut up the issues from the place.

Bikram^jit, a Hindu, who was Rdja of Gwdlior, had governed that country for upwards of 100 years.^ Sikandar had remained several years ^ in ji^gra, employed in an attempt to take Gwalior. Afterwards, in the reign of Ibrahim, 'Azim Humayun Sirwan invested it for some time, made several attacks, and at length succeeded in gaining it by treaty, Shamsdbad being given as an indemnification. In the battle in which Ibrahim was defeated, Bikramdjit was sent to hell.* Bikram^jit's family, and the heads of his clan, were at this moment in Agra. When Humayun arrived, Bikramajit's people attempted to escape, but were taken by the parties which Humayun had placed upon the watch, and put in custody. Humdyiin did not permit them to be plundered. Of their own free will they offered Humayun a peshkash, consisting of a quantity of jewels and precious stones. Among these was one famous diamond, which had been acquired by Sultin 'Al^u-d din. It is so valuable that a judge of

1 Tughlikiib&,d stood to the south of Dehli, hetween the Kutb-min^ and the Jumna.

2 [" "Whose family had reigned there more than 100 years." — Jagh.J

• The charitable mode in which a good Musulmin signifies the death of an infidel.

diamonds valued it at half of the daily expense of the whole world.i It is about eight miskdls. On my arrival Humdydn presented it to me as a peshkash, and I gave it back to him as a present. * * *

A pargana of the value of seven lacs was bestowed on Ibrahim's mother. Parganas were also given to each of her amirs. She was conducted with all her eifects to a palace, which was assigned for her residence, about a kos below Agra.