7. Volume 4 — part 7

On Thursday, the 28th Rajab, about the hour of afternoon prayers, I entered Agra, and took up my residence in Sultdn Ibrahim's palace. From the time when I conquered the country of Kdbul, which was in the year 910, till the present time, I had always been bent on subduing Hindustan. Sometimes, however, from the misconduct of my amirs and their dislike of the plan, sometimes from the cabals and opposition of my brothers, I was prevented from prosecuting any expedition into that country, and its provinces escaped being overrun. At length these obstacles were removed. There was now no one left, great or small, noble or private man, who could dare to utter a word in opposition to the enterprise. In the year 925 I collected an array, and having taken the fort of Bajaur by storm in two or three gharis, put all the garrison to the sword. I next advanced into Bahrah, where I prevented all marauding and plunder, imposed a contribution on the inhabitants, and having levied it to the amount of 400,000 Shah-rukhls in money and goods, divided the proceeds among the troops who were in my service, and returned back to Kdbul. From that time till the year 932, I attached myself in a peculiar degree to the affairs of Hindustan, and in the space of these seven or eight years entered it five times at the head of an army. The fifth time the Most High God, of his grace and mercy, cast down and defeated an enemy so mighty as Sultan Ibrahim, and made me the master and conqueror of the powerful empire of Hindustan. * * *

1 [Tavemier valued it at 880,000^. sterling. See Erskine's Baier and Sumatjun, vol. i., p. 438.]

The capital of all Hindustan is Dehll. From the time of

Sultan Shah4bu-d din Ghori to the end of Sultan Firoz Shdh's

time, the greater part of Hindustan was in the possession of

the Emperor of Dehli. At the period when I conquered that

country five Musulmdn kings and two Pagans exercised royal

authority. Although there were many small and inconsiderahle

Bdk and Rdjds in the hills and woody country, yet these were

the chief and the only ones of importance. One of these

powers was the Afghans, whose government included the capital,

and extended from Bahrah to Behd.r. Jaunpur, before it fell

into the power of the Afghans, was held by Sultan Husain

Sharki. This dynasty they called the Piirhi (or eastern).

Their forefathers had been cupbearers to Sultan Firoz Shah,

and that race of Sultans. After Sultan Firoz Shah's death,

they gained possession of the kingdom of Jaunpur. Dehli was

at that period in the hands of Sultan 'Alau-d din, whose family

were saiyids. When Timiir Beg invaded Hindustan, before

leaving the country, he had bestowed the country of Dehli on

their ancestors. SultAn Bahlol Lodi Afghdn, and his son Sultdn

Sikandar, afterwards seized the throne of Dehli, as well as that

of Jaunpur, and reduced both kingdoms under one government.

The second prince was Sultdn Muhammad Muzaffar, in Gujarat. He had departed this life a few days before Sult4n Ibrahim's defeat. He was a prince well skilled in learning, and fond of reading the hadis (or traditions). He was constantly employed in writing the KurSn. They call this race Tang. Their ancestors were cupbearers to the Sultan Ffroz that has been mentioned, and his family. After the death of Firoz Shah, they took possession of the throne of Gujardt.

The third kingdom is that of the Bahmanis in the Dekhin, but at the present time the Sultdns of the Dekhin have no authority or power left. All the different districts of their kingdom have been seized by their most powerful nobles ; and when the prince needs anything, he is obliged to ask it of his own amirs.

The fourth king was Sultan Mahmud, who reigned in the country of Malwa, whieh they likewise call Mandii.^ This dynasty was called the Khilji. Eand Sanka, a Pagan, had defeated them and occupied a number of their provinces. This dynasty also had become weak. Their ancestors, too, had been originally brought forward and patronized by Sultan Firoz Shah, ahex whose demise they occupied the kingdom «f Mdlwd.

The fifth prince was Nusrat Shkh, in the kingdom of Bengal. His father had been king of Bengal, and was a saiyid of the name of Sultan 'A14u-d din. He had attained this throne by hereditary succession. It is a singular custom in Bengal, tliat there is little of hereditary descent in succession to the sovereignty. There is a throne allotted for the king ; there is, in like manner, a seat or station assigned for each of the amirs, VMzirs, and mansabddrs. It is that throne and these stations alone which engage the reverence of the people of Bengal. A set of dependents, servants, and attendants are annexed to each of these situations. When the king wishes to dismiss or appoint any person, whosoever is placed in the seat of the one dismissed is immediately attended a.nd obeyed by the whole establishment of dependents, servants, and retainers annexed to the seat which he occupies. Nay, this rule obtains even as to the royal throne itself. Whoever kills the king, and succeeds in placing himself on that throne, is immediately acknowledged as king ; * all ihe amirs, wazirs, soldiers, and peasants, instantly obey and submit to him, and consider him as being as much their sovereign as they did ,their former prince, and obey his orders implicitly. The people of Bengal say, " We are faithfiil to the throne ; whoever fills the throne we are obedient and true to it." As

'■ [" Mandfl " in the Jaghatai : a spelling observed in other ■works of this period.] * Strange as this custom may seem, a similar custom prevailed, down to a very late period, in Malabar. There was a jubilee every twelve years in the Samorin's country, and any one who succeeded in forcing his way through the Samorin's guards, and slew him, reigned in his stead. The attempt was made in 1695, and again a few years ago, but without success. See Hamilton's New Account of the East Indies, vol. i., p. 309.

for instance, before the accession of Nusrat Shali''s father, an Abyssinian,^ having killed the- reigning king, mounted the throne, and governed the kingdom for some time. Sultdn 'Alau-d din killed the Abyssinian, ascended the throne, and was acknowledged as king. After Sultan- 'Alau-d din's death, the kingdom devolved by succession to his son, who now reigned. There is another usage in Bengal ; it is reckoned disgraceful and mean for any king to spend or diminish the treasures of his pre- decessors. It is reckoned necessary for every king, on mounting the throne, to collect a new treasure for himself. To collect a treasure is, by these people, deemed a great glory and ground of distinction. There is another custom, that parganas have been assigned from ancient times to defray the expenses of each department, the treasury, the stable, and all the royal establish- ments ; no expenses are paid in any other manner.

The five kings who have been mentioned are great princes, and are all Musulm^ns, and possessed of formidable armies. The most powerful of the Pagan princes, in point of territory and army, is the E.4J4 of Bijanagar. Another is the Eana Sanka, who has attained his present high eminence, only in these later times, by his own valour and his sword. His original princi- pality was Ohitur. During the confusion that prevailed. among princes of the kingdom of M4ndu, he seized a number of provinces which had depended on Mandu, such as Rantpur (Rantambhor), Sarangpur, Bhils^n, and Chanderi. In the year 934, by the divine favour, in the space of a few hours, I took by storm Chanderi, which was commanded by Maidani Edo, one of the highest and most distinguished of liana Sanka's officers, put all the Pagans to the sword, and from the mansion of hostility which it had long been, converted it into the mansion of the faith, as will be hereafter more fully detailed. There were a number of other Edis and Rdjds on the borders and within the territory of Hindustan ; many of whom, on account

' This was Muzaffar Shih Habstf, who reigned three years.

of their remoteness, or the difficulty of access into their country, have never submittted to the MusulmAn kings. * * *

The countries from Bahrah to BihS,r, which are now under my dominion, yield a revenue of fifty-two krors, as will appear from the particular and detailed statement.^ Of this amount, parganas to the value of eight or nine hrors are in the possession of some Bdis and Hdj'ds, who from of old times have been sub- missive, and have received these parffanas for the purpose of confirming them in their obedience. * * *

' This statement unfortunately has net been preserved [in the Persian ; but the following statement is given in the Jaghatai version : " The whole of Hindustan had

thus actually submitted in a short time to my victorious standards. The revenues of the countries situated on this side the Indus such as —

Satlej, Bahrah, Lahore, Siilkot, Dib&lptir, and some others, TanTcas.

Territory of Dehli, the capital, and the Do5,b ...„ 3,69,50,254

MewM, inthe time of Sikandar, formed no part ef his states... 1,69,81,000

Eiji Muttana and Etj& Eup Barin (NarEiln f)

[There is an error in the French version, which says, " 1 kror, 803 lacs, 27,283 tankas." See also Ersklue's E&ber and Humayun, vol. i., p. Sll, and Thomas's Fath&n Kings, p. 390,]

When I first arrived in itgra, there was a strong mutual dislike and hostility between my people and the men of the place. The peasantry and soldiers of the country avoided and fled from my men. Afterwards, everywhere, except only in Dehll and .^gra, the inhabitants fortified different posts, while the governors of towns put their fortifications in a posture of defence, and refused to submit or obey. Kdsim Sambali was in Sambal, Nizam Khdn in Bay6,na, the Eaja Hasan Kh&n Mewitti himself in Mewdt. That infidel was ^ the prime mover and agitator in all these confusions and insurrections. Muham- mad Zaittin was in Dhtilpur, TS,t4r Khdn Sarang-Kh&ni in Gwalior, Husain Khan Lohdni in Edbri, Kutb Khan in Et&wa, and in Kalpi 'Ali Khan. Kanauj, with the whole country beyond the Ganges, was entirely in the possession of the refrac- tory Afghans, such as Nasir Khan Lohdni, M'aruf Farmuli, and a number of other amirs who had been in a state of open rebellion for two years before the death of Ibrahim. At the period when I defeated that prince, they had overrun, and were in possession of Kanauj and the countries in that quarter, and had advanced and encamped two or three marches on this side of Kanauj. They elected Bihar Khan,^ the son of Darya Khan, as their king, and gave him the name of Sultan Muhammad. Marghub, a slave, was in Mahaban. This confederation, though approaching, yet did not come near for some time. When I came to Agra it was the hot season. All the inhabitants fled from terror, so that we could not find grain nor provender, either for ourselves or our horses. The villages, out of hostility and hatred to us, had taken to rebellion, thieving and robbery. The roads became impassable. I had not time, after the division of the treasure, to send proper persons to occupy and protect the diSerent parganas and stations. It happened, too, that the

' [The Jaffhatai aaja, "These infidels were," etc.]

3 [Instead of this sentence, the Jaghatai says, " whence he (Marghfib) did not move for some time, although in the immediate vicinity."]

• [The Jagh. says, " I had not yet been able to divide the treasure, or to send," etc.]

beats were this year uncommonly oppressive. Many men about the same time dropped down, as if they had been afifected by the Simum wind, and died on the spot.

On these accounts, not a few of my Begs and best men began to lose heart, objected to remaining in Hindustan, and even began to make preparations for their return. * * * I no sooner heard this murmuring among my troops, than I summoned all my Begs to a council. I told them that, * * by the Divine favour, I had routed my formidable enemy, and achieved the conquest of the numerous provinces and kingdoms which we at present held, " and now, what force compels, and what hardship obliges us, without any visible cause, after having worn out our life in accomplishing the desired achievement, to abandon and fly from our conquests, and to retreat back to Kdbul with every symptom of disappointment and discomfiture ? Let not any one who calls himself my friend ever henceforward make such a proposal. But if there is any one among you who cannot bring himself to stay, or to give up his purpose of returning back, let him depart." Having made them this fair and reasonable proposal, the discontented were of necessity compelled, however un- willingly, to renounce their seditious purposes. Khwaja Kil4n not being disposed to remain, it was arranged that as he had a numerous retinue, he should return back to guard the presents. * * *

Although Eana Sanka,i the Pagan, when I was in Kabul, had sent me an ambassador'with professions of attachment, and had arranged with me, that, if I would march from that quarter into the vicinity of Dehli, he would march from the other side upon iigra ; yet when I defeated Ibrdhim, and took Dehli and Kgva,, the Pagan, during all my operations, did not make a single movement. After some time, he advanced and laid siege to

' Eki&, Sanka, the Efij& of ITdiptir, had made the principal RfijprJt states depen- dent upon him. He had enlarged his dominions by the conquest of several provinces in Milwi, that had formerly belonged to the King of Mandd; and was, upon the whole, the most formidable opponent whom Bihar had to dread.

Kandh&r,i the name of a fort which was held by Hasan, the son of Makon. Hasan Makon had several times sent me envoys, though Makon himself had not waited on me with his submis- sions. The forts around, such as Etdwa, Dhulpur, Gwdlior, and Baydna were not yet in my possession. The Afghans to the eastward were in a state of rebellion and contumacy ; they had even advanced two or three marches from Kanauj towards i^gra, and had then encamped and fortified their position. I was by no means secure of the fidelity of the country immediately about us. It was impossible for me, therefore, to send any detachment to his relief; and Hasan, in the course of two or three months, having been reduced to extremity, entered into a capitulation, and surrendered the fort of Kanddr. * * *

[In Muharram, Nizam Khdn, of Bayana], as soon as he had certain information of the approach of Ednd Sanka, the Pagan, seeing no remedy, sent for Saiyid Rafa', and by his mediation delivered up the fort to my troops ; after which he accompanied the Saiyid to the presence, and was graciously received and taken into my service. * * * Tdtdr Khdn Sarang-khdni, who held Gwdlior, had repeatedly sent messengers with professions of submission and attachment. After the Pagan had taken Kandhdr, and when he was approaching Bayana, one of the Eajds of Gwalior, Darmankat, and one 'Khkn Jahan, a Pagan, came into the city of Gwdlior, and began to attempt, by raising an insurrection and gaining a party, to produce a defection and seize the, fortress. Tdtdr Kh4n finding himself in considerable difficulty was willing to deliver up the fort to me. * * * I despatched Rahim-ddd with a party of Bahrah men and Lahoris, * * * who were directed to return after establishing Eahim-dad in Gwalior. When they got near Gwalior, Tatar Khdn had changed his mind, and would not suffer them to enter the fort. * * * Eahim-

• A strong hill-fort a few miles east of Eantambhor.

dad sent in notice that he was afraid to remain without from dread of the Pagans ; and proposed that he should be allowed to enter the fort with a few of his men, while the rest stayed without the walls. After much entreaty, T&tkr Kh4n assented to this arrangement. Rahim-ddd had no sooner secured his own admission, and that of a few of his men, than he requested that some of his people might be permitted to attend at the gate, which was granted; and accordingly some of his people were stationed at the Hastiapol or elephant- gate. That very night he introduced the whole of his men by that gate. In the morning Tatar Khan, seeing that there was no help for it, surrendered the fort very unwillingly, and came and waited upon me at Agra, * #»**

Humayun, who had proceeded against the rebels of the East, having taken Jaunpur, marched expeditiously to Ghctzipdr, for the purpose of attacking Nasir Khan.^ The Afghans in that quarter, on getting notice of his approach, passed the river Saru.* The light detachment of the army that had advanced marched back again, after plundering the country. Humayun then arranged everything as I had directed. * * * He crossed the Ganges at Karra-Manikpur, and marched by way of Kalpi to join me, * * * On Sunday, the 3rd of the last Kabi', he waited on me in the garden of the Hasht-UhisM,

At this time messengers began to come close upon each other from Mahdi Khwdja, to announce that the Rd.n4 Sanka was undoubtedly on his march, and had been joined by Hasan Kh4n MewS.tti. * * * In order, therefore, to harass the Edna's army, I pushed on before me, towards Baydna, a light force. * * * On the 9th of the first Jumdda, * * we received information that Rand Sanka had pushed on with all his army nearly as far as

1 [The Jaghatai here adds, " He being apprised of the danger whiDh threatened him crossed over the Ganges ; upon which Humkyiin proceeded from 6h&zip(ir to Khairibid."]

' The Sard or Sarjii is a branch of the Gogra, which joins it a little above Oudh. B^bar, however, applies that name to the joint stream, till it falls into the Ganges.

Baydna. The party that had been sent out in advance were not able to reach the fort, nor even to communicate with it. The garrison of Baydna had advanced too far from the fort and with too little caution, and the enemy having unexpectedly fallen upon them in great force, completely routed them. * * * It occurred to me that, situated as I was, of all places in this neighbourhood, SikrI being that in which water was most abundant, was upon the whole the most desirable station for a camp ; but that it was possible that the Pagans might anticipate us, take possession of the water and encamp there. I therefore drew up my army in order of battle, with right and left wing and main body, and advanced forward in battle array. * * * I had directed that the different Begs should have charge of the advance and scouts in turn. When it was 'Abdu-1 'Aziz's day, without taking any precautions, he advanced as far as Kanwahah, which is five kos from Sikri. The Pagans were on their march forward, when they got notice of his imprudent and disorderly advance, which they no sooner learned than a body of 4000 or 5000 of them at once pushed on and fell upon him. 'Abdu-1 'Aziz and MuUa Apak had with them about 1000 or 1500 men. Without taking into consideration the numbers or position of the enemy, they immediately engaged. On the very first charge, a number of their men were taken prisoners and carried off the field. The moment this intelligence arrived, I despatched Muhib 'All Khalifa, with his followers, to reinforce them. Mulla Husain and some others were sent close after to their support, being directed to push on each according to the speed of his horse. I then detached Muhammad Jang-Jang to cover their retreat. Before the arrival of the first reinforcement, consisting of Muhib 'All Khalifa and his party, they had reduced 'Abdu-1 'Aziz and his detachment to great straits, had taken his horse-tail standard, and taken and put to death * * * and Mulla Ap4k's younger brother, besides a number of others. No sooner did the first reinforcement come up, than Tdhir Tabari, the maternal uncle of Muhib 'All, made a push forward, but was unable to effect a

junction with his friends, and got into the midst of the enemy. Muhib 'All himself was thrown down in the action, but Baltu, making a charge from behind, succeeded in bringing him off. They pursued our troops a full kos, but halted the moment they descried Muhammad 'All Jang-Jang's troops from a distance.

Messengers now arrived in rapid succession to- inform me that the enemy had advanced close upon us. We lost no time in buckling on our armour; we arrayed our horses in their mail, and were no sooner accoutred than we mounted and rode out. I likewise ordered the guns^ to advance. After marching a kos, we found that the enemy had retreated. There being a large tank on our left, I encamped there, to have the benefit of the water. We fortified the guns in front, and connected them by chains. Between every two guns we left a space of seven or eight gaz, which was defended by a chain. Mustafa Rumi had disposed the guns according to the Eumi fashion. He was ex- tremely active, intelligent, and skilful in the management of artillery. As Ustad 'Ali Kuli was jealous of him,^ I had stationed Mustafa on the right with Humayun. In the places where there were no guns, I caused the Hindustani and Khuras^ni prisoners to run a ditch. * * * In order to re-assure my troops, and to add to the apparent strength of my position, wherever there were not guns, I directed things like tripods to be made of

' [M. Pavet de Courteille here appends a note, of which the following is the trans- lation : " The word ardba, which I have translated hy ' chariot,' has been understood by Mr. Leyden in the sense of 'gun,' which I do not consider correct;- at the utmost it signifies ' gun-carriage [affut).' It seems to me impossible to admit that Bihar had at his command such a large movable artillery. These ar&ba might be used to some extent in transporting field-pieces, but they were also employed in other ways, as the sequel shows." In the passage quoted from the Jaghatai version at page 251, it appears that the soldiers collected 700 ardbas, which Leyden translates "guns," and Pavet de Courteille-, " chariots." It is manifest that carts, not guns, must be there intended. On the other hand, the word ardba is used in India at the present day for a field-gun. Many passages in these Extracts show unmistakably that B6.bar had guns, and that XJstid 'Ali Ktill and Mustafa were gunners. The ardbas, whatever they were, were under the direction of these officers ; so perhaps they were used for the carriage of the guns, as M. de Courteille suggests, and to form a sort of rampart in which the guns were placed at intervals.]

" [The Jaghatai says, " had adopted quite a difi'erent method,"]

wood, and the spaces between each of them, being seven or eight gaz, to be connected and strengthened by bulls' hides twisted into ropes. Twenty or twenty-five days elapsed before these machines and furniture were finished. * * *

On Monday, the 23rd of the first Jumada, I had mounted to survey my posts, and, in the course of my ride, was seriously struck with the reflection that I had always resolved one time after another to make an effectual repentance. * * * Having sent for the gold and silver goblets and cups, with all the other utensils used for drinking parties, I directed them to be broken, and renounced the use of wine, purifying my mind. The frag- ments of the goblets, and other utensils of gold and silver, I directed to be divided among dartveshes and the poor. * * *

At this time, as I have already observed, in consequence of preceding events, a general consternation and -alarm prevailed among- great and small. There was not a single person who uttered a manly word, nor an individual who delivered a manly opinion. The wazirs, whose duty it was to give good counsel, and the amirs, who enjoyed the wealth of kingdoms, neither spoke bravely, nor was their counsel or deportment such as became men of firmness. During the whole course of this expedition Khalifa conducted himself admirably, and was un- remitting and indefatigable in his endeavours to put everything in the best order. At length, observing the universal discourag- ment of my troops, and their total want of spirit, I formed my plan. I .called an assembly of all the amirs and officers and addressed them : " Noblemen and soldiers ! Every man that comes into this world is subject to dissolution. * * * How much better is it to die with honour than to live with infamy ! * * * Let us, then, with one accord, swear on G-od's holy word, that none of us will even think of turning his face from this warfare, nor desert from the battle and slaughter that ensues, till his soul is separated from his body."

Master and servant, small and great, all, with emulation, seizing the blessed Kuran in their hands, swore in the form

that I had given. My plan succeeded to admiration, and its effects were instantly visible, far and near, on friend and foe.

The danger and confusion on all sides were particularly alarm- ing at this very moment. Husain Khdn Lohdni had advanced and taken Rabri.^ Kutb Khan's people had taken Chandwdr.^ A man of the name of Rustam Khan, having assembled a body of Doab bowmen, had come and taken Koel,' and made Kachak 'All prisoner. Zahid had been compelled to evacuate Sambal, and had rejoined me. Sultdn Muhammad Duldai had retired from Kanauj, and joined my army. The Pagans of the sur- rounding country came and blockaded Gwalior. 'Alim Khan, who had been sent to the succour of Gwalior, instead of pro- ceeding to that place, had marched off to his own country. Every day some unpleasant news reached us from one place or another. Many Hindustanis began to desert from the army. Haibat Kh4n Garg-anddz fled to Sambal. Hasan Khan Bariwal fled and joined the Pagans. Without minding the Pagans,, we continued to mind only our own force. On Tuesday, the 9th of the latter Jumada, on the day of the Nauroz, I advanced my guns * and tripods that moved on wheels, with all the apparatus and machines which I had prepared, and marched forward with my army, regularly drawn up and divided into right and left wing and centre, in battle order. I sent forward in front the guns * and tripods placed on wheel carriages. Behind them was placed Ustdd 'Ali Kuli, with a body of his matchlockmen, to prevent the communication between the artillery and infantry, who were behind, from being cut off, and to enable them to advance and form into line.^ After the ranks were formed, and every man stationed in his place, I galloped along the line, ani- mating the hegs and troops of the centre, right and left, giving

' In the DoS.b between Agra and Annpshahr.

' [" To see that the infantry advanced in order without getting separated from the chariots." — Pavet de Courteille.]

each division special instructions how they were to act, and to every man orders how to conduct himself, and in what manner he was to engage; and, having made these arrangements, I ordered the army to move on in order of battle for about a kos, when we halted to encamp. The Pagans, on getting notice of our motions, were on the alert, and several parties drew out to face us, and advanced close up to our, guns ^ and ditch. After our army had encamped, and when we had strengthened and fortified our position in front, as I did not intend fighting that day, I pushed on a few of oar troops to skirmish with a party of the enemy, by way of taking an omen. They took a number of Pagans and cut off their heads, which they brought away. Malik Kdsim also cut off and brought in some heads. He behaved extremely well. This incident raised the spirits of our army excessively, and had a wonderful effect in giving them confidence in themselves.

Next morning I marched from that station, with the intention of offering battle, when Khalifa and some of my advisers re- presented to me that as the ground on which we had fixed for halting was near at hand, it would be proper, in the first place, to throw up a ditch and to fortiiy it, after which we might march forward and occupy the position. Khalifa accordingly mounted to give directions about the ditch, and rejoined us, after having set pioneers to work on the different parts of it, and appointed proper persons to superintend their progress.

On Saturday, the 13th of the latter Jumada, having dragged forward our guns,i and advanced our right, left, and centre in battle array for nearly a kos, we reached the ground that had heen prepared for us. Many tents were already pitched, and they were engaged in pitching others, when news was brought that the enemy's army was in sight. I immediately mounted, and gave orders that every man should, without delay, repair to his post, and that the guns and lines should be properly strength-

ened.i As the letter announcing my subsequent victory contains a clear detailed account of the circumstances of the Army of the Faith, the number of the Pagan bands, the order of battle and arrangements of both the Musulraan and Pagan armies, I shall therefore subjoin the official despatch announcing the victory, as composed by Shaikh Zain, without adding or taking away.

[T/ms is a long and elaborate document in the grand style. JBdbar gained a complete victory; Sasan Mewdtti and many Sindu chiefs were slain, and great numbers of the enemy's men were hilled, wounded, or made prisoner s.^^

After this victory, I used the epithet of Grhd,zi in the imperial titles. Having defeated the enemy, we pursued them with great slaughter. Their camp might be two kos distant from ours. On reaching it, I sent on Muhammadi and some other officers, with orders to follow them in close pursuit, slaying and cutting them off, so that they should not have time to re-assemble. In this instance I was guilty of neglect ; I should myself have gone on, and urged the pursuit, and ought not to have intrusted that business to another. * * * Next day we continued on the same ground. I despatched Muhammad 'AH Jang-Jang and * * * with a large force against Ilyds Kh4n, who had made an insur- rection in the Doab, surprised Koil, and taken Kachak 'Alf prisoner. On the arrival of my detachment, the enemy, finding that they could not cope with them, fled in all directions in confusion and dismay. Some days after my return to ^gra, Ilyas was taken and brought in ; I ordered him to be flayed alive.

The battle was fought within view of a small hill, near our camp. On this hillock I directed a tower of the skulls of the infidels to be constructed. From this encampment the third march brought us to Bayana. Immense numbers of the dead bodies of the Pagans and apostates had fallen in their flight, all the way to Bayana, and even as far as Alwar and Mewdt. * *

1 [" I gave orders to the right and left Tving for each to take up its proper position for the battle, taking care to secure their lines hy means of carts ranged in front." — P. de Courteille.]

The country of Mew&t lies not far from Dehli, and yields a revenue of three or four krors. Hasan E!h4n Mewatti had received the government of that country from his ancestors, who had governed it, in uninterrupted succession, for nearly 200 years. They had yielded an imperfect kind of submission to the Sult&ns of Dehli. The Sultans of Hind, whether from the extent of their territories, from want of opportunity, or from obstacles opposed by the mountainous nature of the country, had never subdued Mewdt. They had never been able to reduce it to order, and were content to receive such a degree of obedience as was tendered to them. After my conquest of Hind, following the example of former Sultans, I also had shown Hasan Khan distinguished marks of favour. Yet this ungrateful man, whose affections lay all on the side of the Pagans, this infidel, regard- less of my favours, and without any sense of the kindness and distinction with which he had been treated, was the grand pro- moter and leader of all the commotions and rebellions that ensued, as has been related. The plan for marching into the country of the Pagans having been abandoned, I resolved on the reduction of Mew4t. I advanced four marches, and after the fifth, encamped six kos from the fort of Alwar, which was the seat of government, on the banks of the river Manisni. Hasan Kh4n's ancestors had made their capital at Tajara. * * * A person named Karm Ohand, one of Hasan Khan's head men, who had come to visit Hasan Khdn's son while he was a prisoner in iitgra, now arrived from the son, commissioned to ask a pardon. I sent him back, accompanied by 'Abdu-1 Rabim Shaghdwal, with letters to quiet his apprehensions, and promising him personal safety j^ and they returned along with Nahir Khan, Hasan Khdn's son. I again received him into favour, and bestowed on him a pargana of several lacs for his support. * * * I bestowed on Chin Timur Sultdn the city of Taj4ra, which

1 [The Jaghatai version diifers. " Afterwards he hrought back to me the son of Hasan 'All, son of Bahir Khta, whom I treated with great fayoiir, and to whom I granted for his support a district of several Iocs of revenue."]

was the capital of Mewat, granting him at the same time a settled provision of fifty lacs. To Tardika, who in the battle with "Rkak Sanka commanded the tulughma (or flanking division) on the right, and had distinguished himself more than any other, I gave an appointment of fifteen^ lacs, with the charge of the fort of Alw4r. I bestowed the treasure of Alwdr, with everything in the fort, on Humdyun.

I marched from this station on Wednesday, the 1st of Eajab, and having come within two Tcos of Alwar, went and examined the fort, where I stayed all night, and returned back to the camp in the morning.

On Sunday [29th Safar] UstM 'Ali Kuli fired a large ball from a cannon ; though the ball went far, the cannon burst in pieces, and every piece knocked down several men, of whom eight died. * * *

On Monday the 14th of the first Eabi', I set out, in pursuance of a vow, on a holy war against Chanderi, and marching three kos, halted at Jalesar. * * * On Friday, the 24th [of the second Rabi'], we encamped near Kachwah. * * * Having halted one day, I sent on a number of overseers and pioneers to level the inequalities of the road, and to cut down the jungle, to admit of the guns and carriages^ passing without difficulty. * * * * Leaving Kachwah, the second day's march brought us within three kos of Chdnderi, where we encamped, having previously crossed the river of Barhanpur.

The citadel of Chdnderi is situated on a hill. The outer fort and town lie in the middle of the slope of the hill. The straight road, by which cannon ^ can be conveyed, passes right below the fort. After marching from Barhdnpur, we passed a kos lower down than Chanderi, on account of our guns,' and at the end of

2 [" Chariots et canons."— P. de Courteille.] 3 [" Chariots."]

the march, on Tuesday, the 28th, encamped on the banks of Bahjat Ehdn's tank, om the top of the mound. Kext morning I rode- out and distributed the different posts around' the fort to the different divisions of my army, to the centre and to the right and left wings. In placing his battery, Ust^d 'All Kull chose a piece of ground that had no slope.^ Overseers and pioneers were appointed to construct works on whiflh the gUns were to be planted. All the men of the army were directfed to prepare tiirds and scaling-ladders, and to serve the tiirds which are used in attacking forts. Chdnderi had formerly belonged to the Sultans of Mandu. After the death of Sultan N&siru-d dfe one of his sons, Sultdn Mahmtid, who is now in Mandu^ got possession of Mandu and the neighbouring countries ; another of his sons, Muhammad Sh4h,. seized on Ohanderi, and applied to Sultan Sikandar for protection. Sultdn Sikandar sent several large armies and supported him- in his dominions. After Sultan Sikandar's demise, in Sultan Ibrahim's reign, Muhammad Shah died, leaving a young son of the name of Ahmad Shah. Sultan Ibrahim carried off Ahmad Shah, and established one of his own people in his stead. When Sanka advanced with an army against Ibrdhim as far as Dhti-lpur, that prince's amirs rose against him, and on that occasion Chdnderi fell into Sanka's hands. He bestowed it on one Medini Ed'o, a- Pagan of great consequence, who was now in the place with 4000 or 5000 Pagans. * * I sent to him to- assure him of my favour and clemency, and offering him Shamsdbad in exchange for Ohdnderi. Two or three considerable people about him were averse to con- ciliation, * * and the treaty broke off without success. On the morning of Tuesday, the 6th of the first Jumada, I marched from Bahjat Khdn's tank, for the purpose of attempting Ohdnderl by force, and encamped on the banks of the middls tank, which is near the fort. The same mornings just as we

1 ["XJstM 'All Kiili choisit uu terrain sans pente pour lancer sea projectiles. Des inspecteurs et des terrassiers farent charges d'elever des batteries pour y installer I'artillerie." — P. de Courteille.]

reached our ground, Khalifa brought me a letter or two. The tenor of them was, that the army which had been sent to the eastward (p&rab), while marching in disorder, had been attacked and defeated ; that it had abandoned Lucknow, and fallen back to Kanauj, * * * The enemy had garrisoned every part of the citadel [of Chanderi] strongly, but had placed only a few men, by ones and twos, in the outer fort to defend it. This very night my troops entered the outer fort on every side. There being but few people in the place, the resistance was not obstinate. They fled, and took shelter in the citadel.

Next morning, being Wednesday, the 7th of the first Jumida, I commanded the troops to arm themselves, to repair to their posts, and prepare for an assault, directing that as soon as I raised my standard and beat my kettledrum, every man should push on to the assault. I did not intend to display my standard, nor beat the kettledrum, till we were ready to storm, but went to see Ust4d 'Ali Kuli's battering- cannon play. He discharged three or four shot; but his ground having no slope, and the works being very strong, and entirely of rock, the effect produced was triflinsr. It has been mentioned that the citadel of Chanderi is situated on a hill ; on one side of it they have made a covered way, which runs down to the water. The walls of this covered way reach down below the hill, and this is one of the placies in which the fort is assailable with most hopes of success. This spot had been assigned to the right and left- of the centre, and to my own household troops, as the object of their attack. The citadel was attacked on all sides, but here with particular vigour. Though the Pagans exerted themselves to the utmost, hurling down stones from above, and throwing over flaming substances on their heads, the troops nevertheless persevered, and at length Shaham Niir Beg mounted, where the wall of the outer fort joined the wall of the projecting bastion. The troops, like- wise, about the same time, scaled the walls in two or three other places. The Pagans, who were stationed in the covered way, took to flight, and that part of the works was taken. They

did not defend the upper fort with so much obstinacy, and were quickly put to flight ; the assailants climbed up and entered the upper fort by storm. In a short time the Pagans, in a state of. complete nudity, rushed out to attack us, put numbers of my people to flight, and leaped over the ramparts.^ Some of our troops were attacked furiously, and put to the sword. The reason of this desperate sally from their works was, that, on giving up the place for lost, they had put to death the whole of their wives and women, and, having resolved to perish, had stripped themselves naked, in which condition they had rushed out to the flght ; and, engaging with ungovernable desperation, drove our people along the ramparts.^ Two or three hundred Pagans had entered Medini E4o''s house, where numbers of them slew each other, in the following manner : One person took his stand with a sword in his hand, while the others, one by one, crowded inland stretched out their necks eager to die. In this way many went to hell ; and by the favour of God, in the space of two or three ffharis, I gained this celebrated fort, without raising my standard, or beating my kettledrum, and without using the whole strength of my arms. On the top of a hill, to the north-west of Oh^nderi, I erected a tower of the heads of the Pagans. * * *

Next morning, being Thursday, I marched round the fort, and encamped by the fort of Mallu Khdn. When I came it was my design, after the capture of Chdnderi, to fall upon Eai Sing,^ and Bhilsdn (Bhilsa), and Sarangpur, which is a country of the Pagans that belonged to Salahu-d din, the Pagan ; and I intended, after conquering them, to advance to Ghitur against Sanka. On the arrival of the unfavourable news that has been alluded to, I convened the Begs and held a co'uncil, in which it was decided that it was necessary, first of all, to proceed to check the rebellion of the insurgents. I gave Chanderl to

' [" And drove them over the ramparts." — Jaghatai.l

2 ["At length my men forced them on every side to fly over the ramparts." — Jagh.']

^ [The Jaghatai confirms this reading, but the fort of RMsin must be intended.]

Ahmad Sli4h, who has been mentioH^d, the grandson of Sultan Nasiru-d din, and fixed a revenue of fifty lacs to be paid from it to the imperial treasury. * *

On Sunday, the 11th of the first Juradda, I eet out on my expedition. * * * On Saturday, the 24th, having halted at the passage of Kinar,^ I ordered the troops to lose no time in cross- ing with all possible speed. At this time I received intelligence that the detachment which I had sent forward, after abandoning Kanauj, had fallen back to E4bri, and that a strong force had advanced and stormed the fort of Shamsabad, which had been garrisoned by the troops of Abu-1 Muhammad Niza-baz. We were detained three or four days on the two banks of the river, while the army was passing. Having transported the whole army across, I proceeded, march after march, for Kanauj, and sent on a party of light troops before us, in order to gain intelligence of the enemy. We were still two or three marches fpom Kanauj, when they returned with information that, instantly on dis- covering from a distance the troops who had advanced to re- connoitre, the son of M'aruf had fled from Kanauj and abandoned it, and that Biban and Bayazid, as well as M'aruf, on hearing of my motions, had recrossed the Ganges, and occupied the «ast side of the river opposite to Kanauj, hoping that they would be able to prevent my passage.

On Thursday, the 6th of the latter Jumdda, I passed Kanauj, and encamped on the western bank of the Ganges. My .troops went out and seized a number of the enemy's boats, which they brought in. From above and from below they collected about thirty or forty boats in all, of diflerent sizes. I sent Mir Muhammad Jdlahbdn to throw a bridge over the river. He accordingly went and marked out a situation, about a kos below our encampment. I appointed .commissaries to provide every- thing requisite for the bridge- Near the place pitched on, TJstad 'AH Kuli brought a gun for the purpose of cannonading, and having pitched upon a proper spot, began his fire. * * *

■^ A ios or two below the junction of the Jumna and the Chambal.

Having planted a swivel on an island, at a place below where the bridge was constructing, a fire was commenced from it. Higher up than the bridge a breastwork was raised, over which the matchlockmen fired with great execution. * * * For several days, while the bridge was constructing, Ustad 'Ali Kuli played his gun remarkably well. The first day he discharged it eight times ; the second day sixteen times ; and for three or four days he continued firing in the same way. The gun which he fired was that called Deg-ghdzi (the victorious gun). It was the same which had been used in the war with Sanka, the Pagan, whence it got its name. Another gun, larger than this, had been planted, but it burst at the first fire. * * *

As soon as the bridge was nearly completed, on Wednesday, the 19th of the last Jumada, I moved and took post at the end of it. The Afghans, amazed at our attempt to throw a bridge over the Ganges, treated it with contempt. On Thursday, the bridge being completed, a few of the infantry and Lahoris crossed and had a slight action with the enemy. On Friday, part of my household troops, the right of the centre, the left of the centre, my best troops, and foot musketeers crossed over. The whole Afghans having armed themselves for battle, mounted, and advancing with their elephants attacked them. At one time they made an impression on the troops of the left, and drove them back, but the troops of the right and of the centre stood their ground, and finally drove from the field the enemy opposed to them. * * * The fight continued sharply till afternoon prayers. The whole night was employed in bringing back across the bridge such as had passed to the other side. If that same Saturday eve I had carried over the rest of my army, it is probable that most of the enemy would have fallen into our hands. But it came into my head, that last year I had set out on my march from Sikri to attack Sanka on New Year's Day, which fell on a Tuesday, and had overthrown my enemy on a Saturday. This year we had commenced our march against these enemies on New Year's Day, which fell upon a Wednesday,

and that if we beat them on a Sunday it would be a remarkable coincidence. On that account I did not march my troops. On Saturday, the enemy did not come out to action, but stood afar off, drawn up in order of battle. That day we conveyed over our artillery,^ and next morning the troops had orders to cross. About the beat of the morning drum, information reached us from the advanced guard, that the enemy had gone off and fled. I commanded Chin Tlmtir Sultdn to push on before the army, in pursuit of the enemy. * * * I also crossed over about the time of early morning prayers. * * * The detachment which had been sent on to harass the enemy, had little success. * * * On Saturday, the 29th of the latter Jumdda, I reached Lucknow ; and having surveyed it, passed the river Gumti, and encamped. * * * On Saturday, the 7th Rajab, I encamped two or three kos above Oudh, at the junction of the Grogar and Sirwu.* Till that day, Shaikh Bdyazid had kept his station not far from Oudh, on the other side of the Sirwu. * * * [Chin Tiraur] Sultdn began to make preparations for passing the river. When Kardchah had joined Sultan, they passed the river without delay. * * * Those who had passed over first, continued till evening prayers in pursuit of Shaikh Bayazid, who threw himself into a jungle and escaped. * * I halted some days in this station, for the purpose of settling the affairs of Oudh and the neighbour- ing country, and for making the necessary arrangements. _The remaining transactions of this year are not to he found.']

On Sunday, the 5th Muharram, intending to visit Gwdlior,

which in books they write Galiar,* I passed the Jumna and

entered the fort of A'gra. * * * On the 10th I alighted at a

Chdrhdgh, a kos from Gwdlior to the north, * * and next

3 [So says Erskine's version. Pavet de Courteille writes it " Kalpour." Probably, however, these are only incorrect versions of the spelling common at that period, viz.,

morning I entered Gwalior by the Hatipul gate, which is close by Edjd Man Sing's palace, and proceeded to EajS, Bikram^jifs palace. * *

On Tuesday, the 14th, messengers arrived from Bikramajit, the second son of R^na Sanka, who, with his mother Padmavati, was in Rantambhor. Before setting out to visit Gwdlior, a person had come from a Hindu named Asok, who was high in Bikramdjit's confidence, with offers of submission and al- legiance, expressing a hope that he would be allowed seventy lacs as an annuity. The bargain was concluded, and it was settled that, on delivering up the fort of Rantambhor, he should have parganas assigned him equal to what he had asked. After making this arrangement, I sent back his messengers. When I went to survey Gwdlior, I made an appointment to meet his men in Gwalior. They were several days later than the appointed time. Asok, the Hindu, had himself been with Padmdvati, Bikramdjit's mother, and had explained to the mother and son everything that had passed. They approved of Asok's proceedings, and agreed to make the proper sub- missions, and to rank themselves among my subjects. When R4na Sanka defeated Sultan Mahmud and made him prisoner, the Sultdn had on a splendid crown-cap and golden girdle, which fell into the hands of the Pagan, who, when he set Sultan Mahmud at liberty, retained them. They were now with Bikramdjit. * * * By the persons who came from him to wait on me, he now sent me this crown and golden girdle, and asked Baydna in exchange for Rantambhor. I diverted them from their demand of Bayana, and Shamsdbdd was fixed on as the equivalent for Rantambhor.

On Thursday, the 3rd of the first Jumada, I received letters for- warded by Khalifa from Agra, which contained intelligence that Mahmud, the son of Iskandar, had taken Bihar. The moment I received this information, I resolved to join the army. Next morning I mounted at six gharis, and reached Agra at evening

prayers. Next morning being Saturday, I called the amirs to a council. * * * On Thursday, the 10th of the first Jum^da, I set out for the Piirab (east). * * * On Saturday, the 17th of the second Jumdda, we marched eight kos, and halted at Dakdaki, a pargana of Karra, on the banks of the Ganges. * * While in this neighbourhood, intelligence reached us in rapid succession, that Sultdn Mahmud had gathered round him 100,000 Afghans ; that he had detached Shaikh Bayazid and Baban with a large army towards Sirwdr, while he himself and Fath Khan Sarwdni occupied the banks of the Ganges, and were moving upon Ohunar ; that Sher Khan Siir, on whom I had bestowed marks of favour, to whom I had given several parganas, and whom I had left in command in that quarter, had now joined these Afghans ; that with some other amirs he had passed the river, and that Sultan Jalalu-d din's people, being unable to defend Benares, had abandoned it and retreated. They excused themselves by saying, that they had left a sufficient force in the castle of Benares, and had advanced in order to meet the enemy on the banks of the Ganges. * * *

On the 24th, Sultan Muhammad Bakhshi came in a boat from the other side of the river. He brought accounts of the ruin of the affairs of Mahmud Khan, the son of Sultan Sikandar, whom the rebels had dignified with the title of Sultan Mahmud. * * * It appeared that the rebels had come and laid siege to Chundr, and had even made a slight attack ; but that, on getting the certain news of my approach, they were filled with consternation, broke up in confusion, and raised the siege ; that the Afghdns who had passed over to Benares had also retired in great con- fusion ; that two of their boats sank in the passage, and that several of their men were drowned in the river. * * *

On Monday, the 4th Eajab, I marched from the banks of the Jumna against Bihdr. * * * On the 13th, I visited the fort of Ohundr. * * * Here B4bi Khdn brought information that Mahmud Kh^n was on the banks of the river Son. I imme- diately convened the amirs, and consulted them about attempting

to fall upon th« enemy by surprise, when it was finally settled that we should advance by very long marches without a moment's loss of time. * * * On Wednesday, the 20th, I embarked on the river, and halted at a kos below Ghazipur, * * * On the 22nd, I embarked on the river as usual, and landed opposite to Cliusah (Ohowsar). * * The army encamped on the banks of the Karmnas. The Hindus rigorously avoid this river. The pious Hindus did not pass it, but embarked in a boat and crossed by the Ganges so as to avoid it. They hold that if the water of this river touches any person, his religion is lost ', and they assign an origin to its name corresponding with this opinion.^ * * *

On Saturday, the 8th Sha'bdn, a messenger from Dudu and his son Jalal Khan Bihdr Khan arrived in my camp. It ap- peared that the Bengalis had watched them with a jealous «ye. After having given me notice of their intentions that I might expect their arrival, they had come to blows with the Bengalis, had effected their escape, crossed the river, and reached the territory of Bihdr, whence they were now on their way to tender me their allegiance. The same day I sent word to the ambas- sador of Bengal, Isma'il Mita, that there was great delay on the part of his Court, in answering the three articles which had formerly been given to him in writing, and which he had forwarded ; that he must therefore despatch a letter, requiring an immediate and categorical answer; that if his master had really peaceable and friendly intentions, he could find no difficulty in declaring so, and that without loss of time. * * *

On Sunday, I marched and halted in the pargana of Arra. Here we received information that the army of Kharid ^ was en- camped at the junction of the Ganges and Sard on the farther side of the river Sarii, where they had collected 100 or 150 vessels. As I was at peace with Bengal, and had always been the first to enter into any ,understanding that had a tendency to

^ Karm-nds, ruin of religion or sanctity.

2 Kharid appears to have included the country on both sides of the Gogra near SikandarpiSr, and thence on its left bank down to the Ganges.

confirm a friendly state of things, though they had not treated me well in placing themselves right in my route, yet from a con- sideration of the terms on which I had long been with them, I resolved to send MuUa Muhammad Mazhib along with Isma'il Mita the ambassador of Bengal; and it was settled that the Mulla should have leave to return back to me, after making the same three proposals I had formerly offered.

On Monday, the ambassador of Bengal came to wait on me, when I sent him notice that he had leave to return. It was at the same time intimated to him, that I would be guided entirely by my own pleasure, in moving backwards or forwards, as seemed best for the purpose of quelling the rebels wherever they were to be found, but that his master's dominions should sustain no harm, either by land or water ; that as one of the three articles was, that he should order the army of Kharid to leave the tract in which I was marching, and return to Kharid, I was willing to send some Turks to accompany them on their march ; that 1 would give the Kharid troops a safe conduct, and assurances of indemnity, and suffer them to go to their own homes. If he^ refused to leave the passage open, and neglected to listen to the remonstrances which I made, that then whatever evil fell on his head, he must regard as proceeding from his own act ; and he would have himself only to blame for any unpleasant circumstance that occurred.

On Thursday, the 19th Sha'bdn, I called the amirs, both Turki and Hindu, to a council, and took their opinion about passing the river. It was finally settled that Ustad 'All should plant his cannon, his firingi pieces and swivels (zarb-zin), on a rising ground between the Ganges and Sard, and also keep up a hot fire with a number of matchlockmen from that post; that a little lower down than the junction of the two rivers, opposite to an island, where there were a number of vessels collected, Mustafa on the Bihdr side of the Ganges ^ should get all his artil-

^ [Pavet de Courteille makes this passage apply to the people of Kharid.] ' [" On the side of the Ganges facing (qui regarde) Bihar." — P. de 0.]

lery and ammunition in readiness, and commence a cannonade : a number of matchlockmen were placed under his command. * * * That Askari and the Sultans and Khdns named for the duty should set out expeditiously, and pass the Sard at the ghdt of Haldi, in order that when the batteries were completed, they might be in readiness to fall upon the enemy, who might thus be attacked in different quarters at the same time. * * * On the morning of Sunday the army began to cross the Ganges. I embarked and crossed over about the first watch. * * * On Tues- day we marched from the place where we had crossed the river, advanced towards the field of action, which is near the confluence of the two rivers, and encamped about a kos from it. I myself went and saw UstM 'All Kuli employed in firing his firingis and artillery. That day Ustad 'AH Kuli struck two vessels with shot from Yiisfiringi and sank them. * * * The same day a messenger arrived from Askari, with information that his army had now all crossed the river, and that early next morning, being Thursday, they would be ready to fall upon the enemy. I immediately issued orders that all the rest of our troops who had effected their passage should co-operate with Askari, and fall upon the enemy in conjunction with him. About noon-day prayers, a person came from Ustad with notice that the bullet was ready to be discharged, and that he waited for instructions. I sent orders to discharge it, and to have another loaded before I came up.

About afternoon prayers, I embarked in a small Bengali boat, and proceeded to the place where the batteries had been erected, listed discharged a very large stone bullet once, and fired the firingis several times. The Bengalis are famous for their skill in artillery. On this occasion we had a good opportunity of observing them. They do not direct their fire against a par- ticular point, but discharge at random. * * * On Thursday morning, I received intelligence from the men in the batteries, that the ships which were higher up the river were all sailing down, and that the enemy's whole cavalry had mounted, and were now moving against our troops, who were advancino'.

I set out with the utmost expedition, and repaired to the vessels which had passed up by night. * * * I ordered Ishan Timur Sultdn and Tukhta Bugha Sultan, who were protecting the vessels, to lose no time in crossing. On this occasion Ishan Timiir Sultan embarked with about thirty or forty of his servants in a boat ; they swam over their horses by the side of the boat, and so eflFected a passage ; another boat got across after him. * * * The vessels now began to cross in uninterrupted succession. The Lahoris and Hindustanis also began to pass separately, some by swimming and others on bundles of reeds, each shifting for himself.

On observing what was going on^ the Bengali ships^ which lay opposite to the batteries down the river, began to flee. * * * I despatched a messenger to the Sultans desiring them to keep together in a body such as had crossed, and that as the enemy's army drew near, they should take post upon its flank, and skirmish with them. The Sultans accordingly formed such as had crossed into three or four divisions, and advanced towards the enemy. On their approach, the enemy pushed forward their infantry to attack them, and then moved from their position to follow and support their advance, Koki arrived with a detach- ment from Askari's division on the one side, and the Sultans advancing on the other direction, they both charged. They fell furiously on the enemy, whom they bore down, taking a number of prisoners, and finally drove them from the field. * * *

Intelligence arrived again and again that the insurgents had passed the Sard and Gogra, and were marching on Lucknow. * * * On Friday, the 19th Kamazan, I received letters an- nouncing the taking of Lucknow. It appeared that on Saturday, the 13th of Ramazdn, the enemy had made an attack, but could effect nothing. During the assault, some hay that had been collected, being set on fire by the fireworks, turpentine, and other combustibles that were thrown on it, the inside of the fort became as hot as an oven, and it was impossible to stand on the parapet, and conse(][uently the fort was taken. Two or three

days afterwards, on hearing of my return, the enemy marched towards Dalamu. This day also, we advanced ten hos, and halted hard by a village named Jalesar, in the pargana of Sikri, on the banks of the river Saru. * * * On the 18th Shawwal, I at midnight reached the garden of the Hasht-bihisht at i!^gra.

_8hortly after this, with the ^vd Muha/rram, 936, Bdhar's Memoirs come to an abrupt termination.'\

[Theke is among Sir H. Elliot's MSS. an old worm-eaten MS., of small size, entitled Tabakdt-i Bdhari. This is described by a Persian note upon a fly-leaf as being " an account of Bdbar's fifth invasion of Hindustan, written by Shaikh Zain, one of the associates of the Padshah, whose name is often mentioned in the Tiizak-i Babari." The Nigdristdn-i Giti- numd quotes this work under the title of FuWidt-i Mind, written by Shaikh Zainu-1 'abidin. Sir H. Elliot's MS. has no introduction, but opens abruptly with "His Majesty's fifth expedition to Hindustan;" and it ends still more abruptly in the middle of the occurrences of the 15th Jumada-1 awwal, 933 H. (page 352 of Leyden and Erskine's translation). The MS. was written in the year 998 H. (1589-90 a.d.), and the scribe tells us that he had copied to the end of his taswid, or rough draft. So this MS. would seem to have been transcribed from the author's own copy, and we may fairly conclude that the work was never finished. It is a curious coincidence that this year 998 is the very one in which 'Abdu-r Rahim's Persian translation of Bihar's Memoirs was presented to the Emperor Akbar.

The work itself aiFords indirect corroboration of its having been written by Shaikh Zain. Babar (p. 291 of Erskine) describes a party of literary men who were with him in his boat on a particular occasion, and amused themselves with making verses; and among the names of his companions he

mentions Shaikh Zain. The author of the Tabakdt gives an account of this party, and also records the names of the guests ; but instead of Shaikh Zain, he . says this " insignificant and ignorant serrant," leaving no doubt of his and Shaikh Zain's identity. Shaikh Zain was Bihar's secretary, and wrote the Farmdn^ which is translated by Erskine (p. 359) and by Pavet de Oourteille (vol. ii., p. 287). Both translators remark upon the extreme magniloquence of this document. "Nothing," says Erskine, " can form a more striking contrast to the simple, manly, and intelligent style of B&bar himself, than the pompous learned periods of his secretary. Yet I have never read this Farmdn to any native of India who did not bestow unlimited admiration on the official bombast of Zainu-d din, while I met with none but Turks who paid due praise to the calm simplicity of Edbar." This description of the style of the Farmdn applies equally to the present work. It is not so much a translation as ' a paraphrase, in the lofty style, of Bihar's own Memoirs, and those scenes and occurrences are brought into prominence which offer the most tempting opportunities for a display of the author's eloquence and ingenuity, such as a description of a beautiful garden, or the charms of a pleasant party. It omits much that B^baT himself deemed worthy of record, such as the description of the natural productions of Hindustan ; and it appears neither to add any new facts, nor to throw any additional light upon the transactions of which it treats. There is sufficient difference, however, to show that the author was not wholly dependent upon Babar's writings, but that he had also some personal knowledge of the various events. Two passages have been translated which will show the author's style, and the general asrreement of his work with that of his master.!

[On Friday, the 1st Safar, may God end it with victory {mfar), in the year 932 of the Best of Mankind, when the sovereign of the stars (the Sun) was in the sign Sagittarius, and having VOL. rv. 19

come into his residence in the Bow, had raised the standard of obedience among the royal archers : at such a time the victorious ensigns, which enhance the splendour of the flags of the sun and moon, moved from their place of safety in the city of Kdbul, which is the seat of empire and prosperity, and the abode of honour and grace, under the gracious guidance of the Almighty and the beneficent conduct of the Eternal, and proceeded towards the vast country of Hindustan, to the greatness of which the text — "The great country is bestowed on you" — refers. The royal tents, the emblems of victory, were pitched on the west of the canal of Ya'kub, which is one of the best villages of that country, and the poles and ropes of the tents reached to the stars.

After this date (28th Jumada-1 awwal) the ears of the vic- torious army were every moment engaged in listening to the intelligence about Sultdn Ibrahim; for news was constantly arriving that, after marching one kos or two kos, he remained encamped in the same place for two or three days, but yet was advancing, attended by a numerous army, with the intention of attacking and pushing back our forces. Although the object of his proceedings and movements was palpable, Babar strength- ened his resolution for the conflict, and resolved to stake his fortunes upon the issue of battle. The heroes of his army also, seeing the enemy's preparations and resolution for fighting, braced up their courage and invigorated their determination. Leading forth the prancing steed of intrepidity into the arena of courage, they raised the banner of energy and resolve over the cerulean sphere. The army intent on victory made two marches from Shahabad, and, displaying the victorious banners on the banks of the Jumna, it encamped opposite to the town of Sirs^wah. His Majesty the. Khakdn, with an escort of his attendants, passed the river by a ford near some trees, and visited the town of Sirsawah. Having gratified his heart with a ma'jun, he proceeded to see the curiosities of the place. A fountain of

water in the town attracted his gracious notice, from which a small stream was flowing. The houses and gardens, the fields and the meadows, satisfied his not easily pleased eyes, and the nobles and companions agreed in his judgment. Tardi Beg Kh4ksdr began to praise the town, and some words in its eulogy proceeded from his tongue. His Majesty listened to these praises and said : " It is yours, take it," and immediately after- wards the revenue and the management of that place were granted as in'dm to Amir Tardl Beg, and were so entered in the records of government.

From that camping ground two marches were made along the banks of the river, and the camp was pitched upon its margin. Here Haidar Kiili, a follower of Amir Khwaja Eal4n, who had been sent on under orders to collect intelligence, came back and made his report that D^ud Khan and Haitam Kh^n, with 5000 or 6000 men, had advanced in the vicinity of the river, and, crossing over the Jumna, had sat down three or four kos in advance of the camp of Sultd.n Ibrahim. So for the purpose of overthrowing and destroying this force, there were sent on from the camp, vast as the firmament. Chin Timur Sultan, Saiyid Mahdi Ehwaja, Muhammad Sultan Mirza, and 'Adil Sultan ; from the amirs of the left wing — Sultan Junaid BirMs, Khwaja Sh^h Mir Husain, and Amir Katlak Kadam; from the amirs of the centre — Amir Yunas 'All, Amir 'Abdu-llah Kitdh-ddr, Amir Ahmadi ParwdnacM, and Amir Kitta Beg. Having placed the saddle upon the horse of victory, and un- furled in the sky the banner of resolution, the royal lieutenants crossed the Jumna after noon-day prayers on Sunday, the 8th Jum4da-1 dkhir. At the close of evening of that day they came in face of the enemy on that side of the river.

When the armies of the dawn raised their white standards over the legions of the stars, and the victorious army drew near to the forces of the foe, the enemy became aware of the dashing of the furious waves of the opposing armies, and of the throng of crocodiles in that sea of billows. A small part of the enemy

came onwards, but the conquering army instantly dashed forward and carried the whole of that force away before it, as a flood bears away the litter it meets with. Having beaten to the earth the heads of the enemy's chiefs, and made the wails of their half-killed followers to rise unto the skies, the victorious forces drove before them every man and ally of the vanquished force, separating riders from steeds and heads from bodies. The shrill blast of the clarion of destruction, and a scene like that of the day of judgment, full of awfiil and tremendous strife, now operating together, the meaning of the text, " When the heavens shall be rent," became manifest ; and the heads of the leaders of the armies of the time, like shooting-stars falling from the sky, fell like balls in the arena, and the meaning of the words, " The stars shall be scattered," became apparent. The brave chiefs of the victorious army spurred their fleet steeds in pursuit of the enemy, and, coming up with them, they despatched them one by one to the everlasting shades of non-entity and the eternal abyss of annihilation. In fine, the brave heroes of the conquering army having utterly defeated Daud Khdn and Haitam Khdn, they made prisoners of Haitam Kh^n and a large number of his followers. Many others were slain, and those who escaped to the camp of Sultan Ibrdhim made a fearfiil outcry. Haitam Khdn with seventy or eighty other amirs were brought before the throne of victory, and eight elephants which had been captured in the battle were presented to His Majesty. In obedience to the Khakdn's order for their punishment as ex- amples, and in execution of his severe decree, a command for the slaughter of all the prisoners was given. So the flames of the fire of vengeance blazed forth, and the flashes of the fire of the sword drove out the dark vapours of the souls of the followers of Ditid Khan, like smoke from the windows of existence.]

This " Marrow of History" is a general Asiatic Chronicle of considerable repute in Europe and Asia. It has been translated into Latin by MM. Gaulmin and Galland ; and Pietro de la Valle declared his intention of translating it into Italian. Whether he ever executed his task I know not, but in one of his letters, dated 1621, he expresses his intention "Di tradur da Persian© in Toscano un libro che chiamano Midolla delle Sistorie, et e un breve compendio della historia di tutti i Ke della Persia da Adam infin' a Sciah Tahmasp." It is also frequently quoted by the authors of the " Universal History," as Lohb ul Tawdfikh and Lebh Tdrikh, and by U'Herbelot, as Leh Tarik.

The author of this work was Yahya bin 'Abdu-1 Latif al HusainI of Kazwin, who composed it in a.d. 1541. Haji Khalfa gives his name as Isma'il bin 'Abdu-1 Latif; and in the Ma-dsiru-l TJmard he is called Mir Yahyd Husaini Saifi. The author of that excellent work describes him as a well- known theologian and philosopher, who had acquired such extraordinary proficiency in the knowledge of history, that he was fiilly acquainted with the date of every event which had occurred from the establishment of the Muhammadan religion to his own time.

In the opening of his career he was patronized by Shdh Tahmasp Saffavi, by whom he was called Yahya Ma'siim, and was treated by the king with such distinction, that his enemies, envious of his good fortune, endeavoured to poison his patron's

mind against him, by representing that he and his son, Mir 'Abdu-1 Latif, were the leading men among the Sunms of Kazwin. They at last prevailed so far as to induce the king, when he was on the borders of j^zarb4ijS,n, to order Mir Yahya and his son, together with thir families, to be imprisoned at Ispahdn. At that time his second son, 'Aldu-d daula, known by the name of Kami, the author of the work called Nafdisu-l Ma-dsir, was in Azarbaijdn, and sent off a special messenger to convey this intelligence to his father. Mir Yahjk, being too old and infirm to fly, accompanied the king's messenger to Ispahan, and died after one year and nine months, in a.h. 962,^ at the age of seventy-seven years.

Mir 'Abdu-1 Latif, however, immediately on receipt of his brother's communication, fled to Gilan; and afterwards, at the invitation of the Emperor Humdyun, went to Hindustan ; but, intermediately, that Emperor had departed this life, so that he arrived at Court with his family after Akbar had ascended the throne. By him he was received with great kindness and consideration, and was appointed, in the second year of the reign, as his preceptor. At that time the prince knew not how to read and write, but shortly afterwards he was able to repeat some odes of Hdfiz. The Mir, says his biographer, was a man of great eloquence and of excellent disposition, and so moderate in his religious sentiments, that each party used to revile him for his indifference. When Bairam Khan had incurred the displeasure of the Emperor, and had left Agra, and proceeded to Alwar, with the intention, as it was supposed, of exciting a rebellion in the Panjdb, the Emperor sent the Mir to him, in order to dissuade him from such an open breach of fidelity to his sovereign.

The Mir died at Sikri in a.h. 971. As he bore the same name as his grandfather, another source of confusion has arisen respecting the name of our author.

' This is the date according to the Ma-dsiru-l Vmard; other authorities fix it two years earlier, a,h. 960 (a.d, 1552-3).

His eldest son, Mir Grhiy4su-d din 'Ali, was also endowed with an excellent disposition, and served Akbar for a long period. In the nineteenth year of the reign, he accompanied the Emperor to Patna, and in the twenty-first, was appointed to command an expedition against the zaminddr of fdar. In the same year, 'Abdu-1 Kadir recounts a sad. accident which befell Grhiydsu-d din at a game of chaugdn, in which he and his brother Mir Sharifu-d din, when opposed, charged each other with such force, that the latter was killed by the concussion. When Akbar dismounted to ascertain what had occurred, and it was observed that his saddle was empty, several disaffected persons spread abroad a report that he had met with a severe accident ; and so rapidly did the intelligence gain ground, that he was compelled to write circular letters to his nobles, informing them of the real circumstances, and calling upon them to frustrate the designs of his enemies. In the twenty-sixth ^ year of the reign, he was honoured with the title of Nakib Khan, by which he is now best known. In the fortieth year, he attained the mansab of 1000, and two of his cousins married into the royal family, the king himself espousing one of them. In the time of Jahangir he attained still further honours, and in the ninth year of the reign, a.h. 1023, died at Ajmir, and was buried in a marble tomb within the area of Muinu-d din Chishti's mausoleum, where his wife lies buried by his side.

Nakib Kh4n inherited his grandfather''s devotion to the study of history, and it is said that he knew the entire contents of the seven volumes of the Rauzatu-s Safd. He was one of the com- pilers of the first portion of the Tdrikh-i Alfi, and was the trans- lator of the Mahd-hhdrata? He was also expert in geomancy and mental arithmetic. The royal autobiographer, Jahangir, records an instance of it in his Memoirs, where he relates that Nakib

1 Kewal E6.m says, in the Tazhiratu-l TTmard, that this occurred in the twenty- fifth year, and that he obtained the title for his gallant conduct in repelling a night attack made by Ma'sdm Kh5.n upon the royal camp.

2 This honour is nsuaUy ascribed to Faizl, but 1 doubt if he had any concern in it beyond the mere general superintendence.

Khan, on being asked how many pigeons there were in a particular floek then flying, responded instantly, without making a mistake of even one.

The Mir attained a good old age, and left a son, who bore the name of Mir 'Abdu-1 Latif, in the same way as his grand- father had done before him. He was a person of great worth and ability, and attained high honours, but died insane.

The Lubbu-t Tawdrikh is divided into three ^ Books.

Book I. — On Muhammad and the Imams. As all notice of Abu-bakr, 'Umar and 'Usman is excluded, D'Herbelot considers our author to be a Shia'. This contains two sections ; from page 2 to 13.

Book II. — On the kings who reigned before the advent of Muhammad — the Peshdddians — Kaianians — the Muluku-t Tawdif, from the time of Alexander to Ardashir Babagan — the Sdsanians, or Kaidsara. In four sections ; from p. 14 to 35.

Book III. — On the kings who reigned since the time of Muhammad. In three chapters [makdla), and six sections {bob) ; from p. 35 to 164.

Chapter 1. — Regarding the holy men, companions of the Prophet, 1 p.

Chapter 2. — The 'TJmmayide Khalifas, 4 pp.

Chapter 3. — The 'Abbiside Khalifas, 8 pp.

Section 1. — The Sultans of Tran, in eleven subsections (fast), comprising the Tdhirians, 2 pp. Saffdrians, 2 pp. Samdnians, 2 pp. Ghaznivides, 3 pp. Ghorians, 1 p. Biiwaihides, 5 pp. Saljdkians, 8 pp. Khwdrizm-shdhis, 3 pp. Atabaks, 5 pp. Isma'ilians, 6 pp. KarAkhitdis of Kirmdn, 2 pp.

^ In the Preface of the copy before me it is stated that the work is divided into four Books, but the details of three Books only are given. D'Herbelot says, the fourth Book contains the dynasties subsequent to Muhammad, and Hamaker says, that the Leyden copy has as the fourth Book, that which D'Herbelot gives as the contents of the third, viz., the reigning family of Persia.

Section 3. — The successors of Sultan Abu Sa'id in trin, in five subsections, 25 pp.

Section 4. — The descendants of Amir Timur, 19 pp.

Section 5.— The Kdra-kuinlu and A'k-kuinlu Turks,i in two subsections, 17 pp.

Section 6. — The descendants of Ttishi Khdn, son of Changiz Khdn, in Khurasan and Transoxiana, 2 pp.

The work is in too abridged a form to render any passage worth translating. Copies of the Luhhu-t Tawdrikh are rare in India, and I know of no good Manuscript. The most celebrated of Europe are those of Paris, Vienna, the Vatican, Bodleian, and Sir W. Ouseley. There are two in the British Museum. Hamaker also notices one in the Leyden Library, No. 1738, written a.d. 1645-6, but ascribed to Mas'tidi by some extra- ordinary mistake.*

• Compare Hamater, Specimen Catalogi cod. M88., pp. 48, 242. Ikmdgr, d. Or., Tol. ii., p. 299. Wien Jahrb., No. Ixix., p. 10. D'Herbelot, Bibl. Or. Art. Zabb al Taouarikh, BuscMng's Mag. f. d. neu Sist. und Qeog., No. xvii. Petis de la Croix, Abrege de la me des auteurs, etc., etc., p. 529. Ouseley, I^tome of Anc. Sist, of JPersia, pp. T., xxxi. Mod. Univ. Mist., vol. iii., p. 376.

This " world-adorning history " is a useful compendium, con- taining a brief account, not only of all the dynasties usually treated of, but several of less note.

The author is K4zi Ahmad bin Muhammad al-Grhaffdri al- Kazwini, to whom we are also indebted for the better known work entitled Nigdristdn?- From the short account given of him, amongst the biographies in the Tdnkh-i Baclduni, we learn that, having resigned his employment in Persia, he went, to- wards the close of his life, on a pilgrimage to Mecca, and that landing at Daibal in Sind, for the purpose of paying a visit to Hindustan, he died at that port, a.h. 975 (a.d. 1567).

The Jahdn-drd carries the history of Asia down to a.h. 972, of which number the author tells us that the title forms the chronogram. One section of the work was extracted by Sir W. Ouseley, and published in 1799, under the title of Epitome of the Ancient Sistory of Persia. India is noticed in several sections of the work, but they are not in sufficient detail to be of any value.

" M. Eousseau attributes a Persian anthology to him, but this appears to be an error.

The Books and Chapters of the Jahdn-drd are most fancifully divided and subdivided into leaves, pages, paragraphs, clauses, lines, letters, etc.

The Introduction treats of Chronology and of the Prophetical Office, p. ^9.

Book I. — The Prophets. — Muhammad. — The Twelve Imams, p. 9-39.

Book II. — Chapter 1st. — The kings who preceded Muham- mad. — The Peshdadians. ■ — Kaidnians. — AshgS,nians.— Sasdn- ians. — Kings of Babylon. — Syria. — Greece. — ^Yemen. — Ghassdn. — Khdkdns of Turks.

Chapter 2nd. — Kings subsequent to Muhammad. — 'Abbaside Khalifs. — T4hirians. — Arab Kings of Spain. — Sharifs of Mecca. — Isma'ilians. — Sultans of Gilan and Mdzandaran. — Saffdrians. — Btiwaihides. — Ghaznivides. — Saljukians. — Khwdrizm-shdhis. — Karakhitdis. — Atdbaks. — Ghorians. — Chiefs of Arabia. — The Caesars of Rum. — The Sultans of Hind. — Guzerdt. — Dekhin. — Chiefs of Ldr and Hormuz. — The Khdkdns of Mughals. — Sultdns of M4wardu-n Nahr. — Amir Timiir. — Shah Rukh. — Sons of 'Umar Shaikh. — Descendants of Miran Shdh. — The family of 'Usmdn. — The Sultans of Kdrd-ktiinlu, and of Ak-kuinlu,i pp. 39-433.

Book III.— The Saffavian dynasty, p. 434^578.

Size. — Small folio, 578 pp. of 18 lines each.

The subdivisions are given in greater detail in the Jahrhiicher, and in exacter correspondence with the original ; but it is strange

1 This is the usual reading in works ■written or copied in India, Malcolm {Sist. of Fersia, vol. i., p. 323) gives it as Jcoinho; Von Hammer-Purgstall {Jahrb. No. Ixix.), as hyunlit. [The proper orthography is y^.<^ leoyimlu, possessed of or related to sheep ; the word Jeoyun signifying sheep in Turkish. It is said that two tribes, each founding a dynasty, adopted respectively a white and a black sheep as the device of their standards, and hence their names of A'k-ltoyzmlu and Kdrd- koyunla. — Eedhouse.]

that all notice of Book III. is omitted. I haye seen copies in this country also, in which there is no mention of that Book.

Von Hammer-Pursgtall observes that the work is not common in Europe, but notices three copies in London, and one in his own collection. M. Fraehn also notices it among his desiderata. I know of three copies in India ; at Dehli, at Lucknow, and at Haidarabad, none of which are of conspicuous merit.^

^ Compare Eousseau, Farnaase Oriental, p. 96. Gesch. d. Gold. Sorde, p. xxiT. Gesch. d. soh. Eed. Fers., pp. 13, 307, 350. Wien Jahrb. Anzgb., p. 36. Ouseley, I^tome of Anc, Hist, of Fersia, p. xxxvi. Fraehn, Indications BiUiograph. No. 21S.

[This work was written by order of the Emperor Akbar, and its author bestowed upon it the title Tuhfat-i Akbar Shdhi; but Ahmad Yadgar, who wrote the Tdrikh-i Saldtin-i Afdghana a few years afterwards, calls it the Tdrikh-i Sher Shdhi, and so it con- tinues to be known.i The author of the work was 'Abbds Kh4n, son of Shaikh 'Ali Sarwani. Nothing is known of the author beyond the little which he incidentally mentions in the course of the work, that he was connected by marriage with the family of Sher Shdh, and so had peculiar sources of information as to the life and character of that adventurous and successful chief, whose craft and valour won a crown. 'Abb4s Khdn certainly had high connexions, but he attained no great distinction in his own person. He received the command of 500 horse from the Emperor Akbar, of which, by the intrigues of his enemies, he was soon deprived. This so wounded his feelings that he resolved to "return to the country of his fathers." But the Khdn Khandn took compassion on him, and being informed of his own history and that of his ancestors, procured for him " a

' The exact date of its composition is not given, but it was probably soon after 987 H. (1579 A.D.), a date which is mentioned by the writer in the course of the work when referring to his personal affairs.

clear 200 rupees a month," which he appears to have lost soon afterwards.

The work is valuable as the production of a contemporary writer who had excellent means of obtaining information, although its literary merit is but slender. It is a biography, not a history, and its method is one that requires a vigorous and versatile writer. The various actors are made to describe the scenes which occurred under their observation, and to set forth their own views and opinions. This is all done in a very prohx and tedious style, without the slightest diversity of character or expression. All the persons concerned talk in the same strain ; and their ostensible speeches, and the ordinary narrative of the author, are alike verbose and wearisome. In the following Extracts the expressions of opinion and sentiment have been greatly curtailed, but the narrative and records of events have been left intact. The dates given are few and far between, but there is nothing peculiar in this, as all other works of the period are similarly deficient.

Sher Shah has obtained a great reputation for his administra- tive ability, and this work has fortunately preserved the means of forming a judgment of his character and talents. Upon this part of the work Sir H. Elliot says : " The conclusion of the work containing the regulations is very valuable, though over- laudatory. The account which he gives of what the governors did and did not, shows a fearful state of existing anarchy. Much of this matter is also given in the Wdhi'dt-i Mushtdki.''''

Copies of the work vary very much, and, in some, long passages are omitted. Sir H. Elliot's own copy has been considerably abbreviated, but judgment has not always been shown in the work of excision. Sir H. Elliot is, no doubt, right in remark- ing "that the most long-winded probably best represent the original." The whole of the translation which follows is the work of Mr. E. 0. Bayley, B.O.S., who had three MSS. to work upon, but he appears to have afterwards received and used a fourth copy, "fuller and better, which probably belonged to

the Nawab of Tonk," The Editor has had at his command Sir H, Elliot's MS., and a better copy procured by General Cunningham.

Subsequent writers upon this period of history made great use of this work. Ahmad Yadg4r and Ni'amatu-Uah acknow- ledge their obligations in the Tdrikh-i SaldUn-i Afdghana, and in the Makh%an-i Afghani translated by Dorn. It has come down to us in an incomplete state, for the second chapter, containing the history of Islam Khan, and the third, containing the history of the princes descended from Sher Shdh, are not contained in the known MSS. ; but it seems tolerably certain that they were really written. Ni'amatu-llah (Dorn, 151) quotes our author for an anecdote of Islam Khan which is not contained in the first chapter of the work ; and Sir H. Elliot thinks that " the pro- siness of the speeches in Dorn seems to render it highly probable that 'Abbas Sarwdni is the author of them."

This " first chapter was translated into Urdu by one Mazhar 'All Khan, at the request of Captain James Mowatt or Mouat, and in the preface the Marquis of Wellesley and Lord Corn- wallis are praised. The translation, which has the title of Tdrikh-i Sher Shdhi, is easy and flowing.''^ M. Garcin de Tassy^ says that a translation into Urdu was made by Mirza Lutf 'All, of Dehli, in 1805, and he adds, " II semble, d'apres une note de M. Shakespear que cet ouvrage a 6te traduit en Anglais," but of this English translation nothing more is known. There is probably some mistake about the name of the Urdu translator, for it is not likely there are two translations. The date 1805 is just the time when the Marquis of Wellesley and Lord Cornwallis would receive a writer's laudation.

The following chronological table was drawn up by Sir H. Elliot, and has not been altered in any way. It difiers in some respects from the Table given by Mr. Thomas in his " Chronicles of the Pathdn Kings," page 393.J

' Joum. As. Soc, Bengal, 1871, p. 118. ^ £io0, Bibl. Sind, tome i., p. 536.

The chronology of this period is very difficult and various. I will put down the dates — the most trustworthy are those of Abu-1 Tazl. The others each give only a few.

932. Death of Ibrahim. — Prince Humayun goes to Jajmau and

933. Ee-called.— Takes Kalpi. — Sanka. — Kol.— Mewat.

934. Sambal. — Kanauj. — Muhammad 'All Jang-Jang against

B^yazid. — Babar to Chanderi. — Ganges. — Gogra.

935. Babar to Gwalior. — After return to Agra. — Again Agra. —

Boats on Jumna. — Etawa. — Kora. — Karra. — Chunar. — Benares. — Chaunsa. — Gogra. — ^Arrives at Agra.