1. Volume 5 — part 1

TRUBNER AND CO., 67 anb 69, LUDGATE HILL.

In this volume the history of the Afghan dynasty is completed. The reign of Humdydn is also' finished, and the annals of Akbar’s reign are carried on to the thirty-eighth year.

The Afghan TdHkhs are of no great literary value, but they are the best authorities for the period of which they treat. The first of them, the TdHkh-i ^aldtin-i Afdghana, has never before been translated; but the other, the MakJisan-i Afghdni or Tdrikh-i Khdn-Jahdn Lodi, is the book translated by Dom in his work entitled “ The History of the Afghans.'^

. Some notices of the first reign of Humaydn are given by the Afghan historians, and his overthrow and ex- pulsion are described by them from the Afghan side of the question in this and the preceding volume. The Humdyun-ndmd of the veteran historian Ehondamfr gives some curious accounts of the regulations estab- lished by Humayfin in the early part of his reign. This is followed by a few extracts from the valuable Tdrikh-i Kashidi of Mirzd Haidar, the brave and adventurous cousin of the Emperor Babar. The work is a general history of the Mughal Khdns, and does not contain

much about India ; but the Mirza was a vigorous writer, and what he has recorded of his Indian experience is very vivid and interesting. Some few passages have been extracted &om the Memoirs of Humaydn, written by his personal attendant Jauhar, and translated into English by Major Stewart. But the general history of this reign has been drawn from the Tdbakat-i Akbari of Nizamu-d* din Ahmad. Sir H. Elliot’s intention has thus been carried out ; for he had fixed upon the narra- tive given in the Tdrikh-i SaldUn-i Afdghana^ which proves to have been copied verbatim from the Tdbakdt.

Sir Henry Elliot had made no provision for the im- portant reign of Akbar, nor did he leave any notes indicating the MSS. he intended to employ. So it has fallen to the Editor to select and translate some history in illustration of this period. The rule of this work has been to prefer original contemporary writers, or, in the absence of actual contemporaries, those nearest in point of time. This rule reduced the choice to two works — the Tabakdt-i Akbari of Nizam Ahmad, and the Akbar-nama of Abfi-1 Fazl; for the Muntakkabu-t Tawdrikh of Badauni is avowedly founded on the Tahakdt, and the Akbar-namd df Shaikh Illahddd Eaizi. Sirhindi contains very little that has not been borrowed either from the Tabakdt or the greater Akbar-ndma of Abfi-1 Fazl. The latter work is of considerable length, and is written in a very ornate style; so the TaMkdt seemed best suited to the requirements of this work.

It has accordingly been translated in Ml, and only such passages as are trivial and irrelevant have been passed over. The reputation of the Tahakdt-i Akhari stands very high in India, and European writers also have joined in its praises. As a contemporary history, it is certainly of very high authority, though it does not exhibit much literary ability. The narrative is often disjointed and fragmentary, but the language is manly and simple, and in striking contrast to the polished phrases of Abd-1 Eazl. The Tdbakdt extends only to the thirty-eighth year of Akbar’s reign ; the history df tho latter end of the reign will be drawn from the works of Abu-1 Eazl, Shaikh Illdhdad, and other writers, and will appear in the next, volume.

In addition to the TcibakdUi AkbaH, some extracts have been made from the Tdrlkh-i Alfi, a general history compiled under the direction of the Emperor Akbar, and more copious selections have been taken from the Mmtakhabu-t TawdHkh of ’Abdh-1 K4dir Badauni. The latter writer introduces into his work much original matter; and all that he says about the personal affairs of the Emperor and his religious opinions is of great interest. Extracts from the two Akhar-ndmas relating to the earlier part of the reign will appear in the next volume ; so that although the history of the first thirty-eight years of the reign is comprised in the present volume, it will not be quite complete until those passages are printed. The Ain-i

Ahhari is the greatest monument of the reign of Akbar, and a new translation by Mr. Blochmann is now in course of publication in the Bibliotheca Indica, enriched with copious notes. That work supplies many of the deficiencies of the historians, and Mr. Blochmann’s labours haye happily made it quite unnecessary to do more here with the Ain-i Ahhari than to refer to his valuable production.

The notes in the Appendix are entirely the work of Sir H. Elliot, and are printed exactly as he left them.

» The following is, a list of the articles in this volume with the names of the respective writers : —

XXXIV. — ^Tarikli-i SaJatm-i Afaghana — ‘‘Eiisigii” C. F. Mac- kenzie, and a little by Sir H. M. Elliot.

XXXV.— Tarikh-i Khan- Jahan Lodi— ‘‘Ensign” 0. F. Mac- kenzie and Sir H. M. Elliot.

XXXVI. — Humayun-nama — Sir H. M. Elliot’s munsJii.

XXXVIII. — ^Tazkiratu-1 Waki’at — Major Stewart.

XXXIX.— Tarikh-i Alfi— Sir H. M. Elliot and the Editor.

XLI. — Tarikh-i Badauni — Sir H. M. Elliot and the Editor. Appendix. — ^The whole by Sir II. M. Elliot.

XXXIV. — Tdrikh4 8aldtin4 Afdghana, of Ahmad Yadgar - 1

XXXY. — Makhzan-i Afghdni and Tdrikh4 Khdn-Jahdm Lodi,

XXXVII. — TdHkh4 Baahldi, of Haidar Mirza Doghlat - - 127

XXXVIII. — Tazkiratu-l Wdki^dt, of Jauhar 136

XXXIX. — TdrikJi4 Alfl, of Maulana Ahmad and others - - 160 XL. — Tabahdt-i AkhaH, of Nizamu-d dm Ahmad, Bakhshf 177

XLI. — Mmtakhabvrt Tawdrikh; or, Tdrlkh4 Badduni, of

A. — ^On the Capture of Nasibin by means of Scorpions - - - 660

D. — On the Knowledge of Sanskrit by Muhammadans - - - 670

Vol. V. p. 116, lines 4 and 5, dele the words “ in all probability.”

Vol. IV. p. 289. Shaikh Zain was one of the most learned men of the time, and translated in an elegant style the memoirs written by the late Emperor Ukbar.” — Baddtinl, Text, vol. i. p. 341.

[Ahmad Yadgar, the author of this work, describes himself in his Preface as an old servant of the Siir kings, and says that D4ud Sh&h gave liim orders to write a History of the Afghan Sult&ns, and thus do the same for them as the TabakdUi Ndsiri and Zid-i Bami had done for the kings of their times. The book commences with the reign of Bahlol Lodi, and the last chapter narrates the defeat, capture, and execution of Himd. The author mentions incidentally that his father was wazir to Mirza ’Askari, when the latter was in command of Hum&ydn’s advanced guard in his campaign in Gujar&t ; and he also several times names the TdHkh-^i Nizdml and the M(fdanu~l Akhhdr-‘% Ahmadi as the works from which he copied.^

The date of the composition of this work has not been ascer- tained, but as it was written by command of Ddud Sh&h, who died in 984 h., and as it quotes from the Tdrikh^i Nizdml {TahakdUi Akbarl)^ which was written seventeen or eighteen

[I am indebted for these particulars to Mr. Blochmann, who has kindly supplied ^ i from the MS. in the library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. — £d.]

years afterwards in 1001-2 H., the probability is, that it was . completed soon after the latter date and before the Mahhzanri AfgMni^ which was written in 1020 h. Like the other Afgh&n historians, Ahmad Yddgdr shows a great liking for marvellous and ridiculous stories, but pays little regaVd to dates. He gives but very few, and he is incorrect in that of so well-recorded an event as the death of Hunidyun. Tho deficiency of dates may, however, bo the fault of the copyist, as blanks are left in the MS. for dates and headings. Sir H. Elliot found the work to “ differ much from Nramatu-lla,'^ but to “ give the idea of being subsequent to the Tdrikh-i BdiidU* Still, though it “ generally follows the Tdrikh-i Ddiidi closely, there are occasionally “ great differences; details being omitted, and novelties introduced.’^ The history of the reign of Humdyun is copied verbatim from the Tabakdt-i AkbaH; only one short variation has been discovered.

The MS. in the Library of tho Asiatic Society of Bengal contains 224 pages, of 11 lines to the page.

By far the greater part of the following Extracts were trans- lated by “ Ensign ” 0. F. Mackenzie, but a few, noted where they occur, arc from tho pen of Sir H. Elliot.]

The siege of Dehli by Mahmiid Shah Sharki,^

Mahmud Shark! was instigated to attack Sultdn Bahlol by his wife, who was the daughter of Sultdn ’Aldu-d din. She represented to her husband that the kingdom of Dehli had belonged to her father and grandfather, and who was Bahlol, that he should usurp their dominion P If her husband would not advance, she herself would bind on her quiver, and oppose ^ his pretensions.

Being galled by these taunts, Sultdn Mahmud came to Dehli in the year 856 H. (1452 a.d.), with a powerful army, and lOOO^^

•mountaln-Uke elephants. At that time, Sult&n Bahlol was near Sirhind, hut KhwAja B&yazid, and Sh&h Sikandar Sarw&ni, and Bibi Matu, the wife of Isldm Kh&n, with all the Afghdn families, had taken refuge at Dehli. There being but few men, Bibi Matu dressed the women in male clothes, and placed them on the battlements to make a show of numbers. One day, Sh&li Sikandar Sarwani was seated on the wall, when one of Sultdn Mahmdd's water-carriers was taking away some water from a woH under the bastion. Sh&h Sikandar drew his bow, and sent an arrow ^ right through the bullock that was carrying the water- bags, and from that time no one dare come near the fort.

But as Sultdn Bahlol delayed to relieve the garrison, they began to despair of succour ; and as the enemy advanced their redoubts and trenches, and discharged their shells with such precision that no one could venture out of his house, they were reduced to • propose terms of surrender, offering to give up the keys of the fort to any of Mahmild’s officers, on condition of their being allowed to leave the fort unmolested. Accordingly, Saiyid Shamsu-d din took the keys to Darya Khan Lodi, who had invested the fort, and asked to say a few words to him first in private. When Daryd Khan had sent away his attendants, the Saiyid inquired, ‘‘ What is your relationship to Sultan Mahmud P” Darya Khan replied, There is no relationship. I am his servant.'^ The Saiyid then asked, ‘‘ How are you related to Sultan Bahlol?” Daryd Kh&n replied, “ I am a Lodi, and he also is a Lodi.”^ The Saiyid then placed the keys of the fort before him, saying, ‘‘ Have regard to the honour of your mother and sister (who are now in the fort), and save the ladies from disgrace.” Daryd Khan said, What can I do ? Actuated by fraternal motives, I have intentionally delayed capturing the

^ The Tdrilch-i Ddudi says it was eleven palms long, and the distance to which it reached was 800 feet ; and that though it penetrated the water-bsgs os well as the bullock, yet the entire arrow was buried on the other side in the eartk

• The Tdrihh-i Dditdi is fuller; — ‘<We are brothers; he is a Lodi, and I am a Lodi ; his mother is my mother, and his sister is my sister.** This explains the allusion to “ mother and sister ” wliich occurs below.

fort, but Sult&n Bahlol delays to make his appearance. FoV the present do you retain the keys, and wait to see what I shall be able to effect in your behalf.”

Darya Kh&n then went to Sultan Mahmdd, and explained to him about the surrender of the keys and their restoration, ob- serving that Bahlol, according to common report, was advancing with a large army, and that it would be better first to pay attention to him ; for should he be conquered, Dehli would of itself fall into their hands. The Sult&n inquired what had better be done under the circumstances. Dary& Khd.n suggested that he and Fath Khan should be despatched against Bahlol, so as to prevent his passing Pdnipat. This counsel being approved of, they were sent with 30,000 horse and forty war elephants against Bahlol, who by this time had advanced as far as Narela, Mahmud’s army encamped two /cos on the side of Narela, and on the very night of their arrival the enemy twice carried off their bullocks, camels, and horses. Next day, both armies were drawn up in battle array. The army of Bahlol amounted to 14,000 cavalry.

Sultan BahhVs eoc^edition against the Band, and against Ahmad

Some time after, Sultan Bahlol marched out against the £&na, and pitched his camp at Ajmir, where ho collected a powerful force.^ Ohattar Sdl, son of the Band’s sister, was at Ifdipur with 10,000 cavalry. Kutb Khdn advanced towards that place, and fought an action with the rascally infidel. At first, the Sultdn’s army was repulsed by the impetuous onset of

2 This transaction is not mentioned by any other historian, nor do we find it in the B&jpdt Annals. One engagement between the Imperialists and Mewfiris is recorded in the time of R&l Mai, who ascended the gaddi in a.d. 1474, out the particulars differ in every respect. We are also told in general terms, that Mewfir had to contest her northern boundary with the dynasty of Lodi.— Tod, Amah of Ecgatthm, vol. i., p. 292.

the infidels, and several Afghdns obtained martyrdom in that contest ; but, in the end, Kutb £h&n and Khfin-khdndn Farmuli, determining to sell their lives dearly, advanced to close combat with swords and daggers, and so completely routed their black- faced foes, that Ohattar S&l was slain in the field ; and so many infidels fell, that a pillar was raised of their heads, and streams of their blood began to flow. Five or six elephants, forty horses, and much plunder fell into the hands of the Sult&n’s soldiers, while those of the E&nd took to flight. Subsequently, the made peace, and in l/dipdr prayers were offered and the coin was struck in the name of the Sultdn.

After that, the Sultdn carried his victorious army into Mun- khdr.i He plundered and depopulated that entire country, and the army acquired great booty. Thence he returned to Sirhind, and after two or three months, advanced with his troops towards Lahore, where he passed some days in festivities.

At that time, Ahmad Ehdn Bhatti,^ who had acquired great power in the country of Sind, and had 20,000 cavalry under him, had revolted against the Governor of Multdn ; whoso petition arrived, representing that Ahmad Ehdn was plundering the villages of Multan, and that if the Lord of the World would not come to the rescue, he himself would not be able to hold his own in Multdn 5 and that after tho loss of Multdn, the Panjab would be exposed to ravage. The Sultdn, vexed at this intelli- gence, appointed ^Umar Ehdn, one of his chief nobles, and Prince Bdyazid, to command an expedition against Ahmad Ehdn, at the head of 30,000 valiant horsemen. After taking leave of the Sultdn in all honour, they moved by continued marches from Lahore till they reached Multdn, where they were joined by the Governor, who acted as their guide till they reached the enemy’s country.

Ahmad Ehdn, proud in the strength and courage of his

^ One of the anecdotes related by this author mentions the entire destruction of MOmkhhr, and the deportation of its inhabitants. The Tdrlkh^i JDdUdl gives tho fiame facts, but speaks only of ** a village in i^Qpargam of MCinkh&r.*' — ^MS., p. 34.

^ These transactions with Ahi^ad Khkn are not related by any other historian.

army, disregarded the Imperialists^ and, not thinking it worth his while to move, sent his nephew, at the head of 15,000 cavalry, to oppose them. That youth was desperately enamoured of a strumpet, who was indeed surpassingly beautiful, and he never moved out on any excursion of pleasure or hunting without being accompanied by her ; and, even on the day of battle, he seated her in an ’amdH, mounted on an elephant, and carried her with him. Naurang Khdn, for that was his name, detached Ddud Kh&n with 10,000 cavalry against the Imperialists, and the two parties charged each other with such impetuosity that rivers of blood began to flow. In the end, Daud Kh&n was slain, and his troops defeated. When those who had fled from the field informed Naurang Ehan of the disaster, he took leave in sorrow of his mistress, and arrived on the field of battle, where he displayed such valour and desperation that he clove several men of the SultS.n^’s army in twain, and felled them from their horses. At last, a ball from a camel-gun cut him also in half, and killed him.

When the news of Naurang Kh&n's fate reached his mistress, she, being endowed with a masculine mind, put on a suit of armour, bound round her waist a gilt quiver, and placing a helmet on her head, joined the army of Naurang Kb&n. Upon consultation with his brother, she recommended that he should send all the troops to pay their respects to her, and should give out that the prince, the son of Ahmad Kh&n, had arrived, in order that the enemy might be distracted, and not entertain the persuasion that they had really killed the commander of their enemy’s troops. Accordingly, all the cavalry dismounted, and mado their obeisances, while the kettle-drums resounded with loud notes of joy. The Imperialists, notwithstanding their victory, were perplexed, and in the midst of their doubts, were suddenly attacked so furiously by Ahmad Khdn’s army, that they were put to flight. Ahmad Khan, when he heard of the yictory of his army and the salutary aid afforded by that woman, was astounded with joy ; and when he saw her arrive, decked ip

martial array, he praised her valour and conduct, and bestowed jewels upon her to the value of 10,000 rupees.

On the other hand. Prince Bayazid, after punishing the men who fled from the field of battle, sent for another army, and two or three great nobles were despatched to his assistance with large reinforcements. When these had all joined, they made an inroad upon Ahmad Kh&n’s territory, and he, after many battles, was at last taken prisoner and put to death, while his country was sequestered and included in the Imperial domain. B&yazid returned victorious to the court of Sultan Bahlo^ by whom ho was received with royal benignity.

Some historians relate that when Sikandar died, he left two sons by one wife : the first, Sult&n Ibrahim 5 the second, Jalfi.1 Khan. When Ibrdhim grew up, and became celebrated for his personal beauty and excellent disposition, the nobles determined to place him on the throne, to which they accordingly raised Iiim on Thursday, the 7th of Zi-1 hijja, a.h, 923 ^ (Nov. 1517). On that day, all those who were attached to the royal person prepare’d the tents, embroidered with gold and adorned with jewels, and spread carpets of various coleurs, worked with gold thread. They placed the throne of Sikandar, covered with gems of price and jewels of great value, on a coloured carpet. The tributary kings and nobles wore beautiful dresses and embroidered garments, and resembled the flowers blooming in a garden. The horses and elephants were decked with the most magnifi^cent trappings. So splendid a coronation had never been witnessed, and the people consequently long remembered the day on which this fortunate and youthful monarch obtained the crown.

The nobles and pillars of the State then gave Ibr&him’s

1 The Makhzan-i Afghdni and Tdrtkh~i Khdn^Jahdn Zodi say the 8th of Zi-l ka’da, which is doubtless correct, for our author concurs with the other historians in repre- senting that his predec^or died on the 7th of Zi-1 ka’da.

brother by the same mother, tho title of Sult&u Jal&lu-d dii> (he had been previously called Jalal Sh&n), and sent him ivith many officers and a large army to tako^ charge of the kingdom of Jaunpdr. Four months afterwards, ^Azam Hum&yun Lodi^ and the Khan-kh&n&n Farmuli came from their estates to congratulate the King, and took that opportunity of accusing the nobles attending on His Majesty, saying, that it was a great error for two persons to share a kingdom, and that two sovereigns could never rule together. As the poet says :

Accordingly, Sultdn Ibr&him cast the agreement which he had made with his brother into the recess of oblivion; and after taking advice, came to the conclusion that as the Shdhz&da was not thoroughly established, and had not as yet arrived at the seat of his government, it would be best to write and tell him that the Sult&n required his presence to aid him in transacting certain momentous affairs ; that he should come unattended ; and that after they had consulted together, he might return to the seat of his government,®

Haibat Kh&n, the wolftslayer, who was noted for his extreme cunning, was despatched on this errand, and directed to cajole the Sh&hzd.da to return with him,* It is said, that walls have ears, ai]Ld an account of this aa*rangement had, before this, come to the ears of Jal&lu-d din, so that he was not entrapped by the flattering speeches and attempts at deception which Haibat Kh4n

used profusely, and therefore he would not consent to come.

^ There was also an *Azam Hum&ydn Sarwhnl, whom we shall find afterwards men- tioned under this reign. It was a title, not a name ; and we find Bfibar thus speaking of it: ^Ono of these titles in Hinddsthn is <Azam Humfiydn, another is ^Kh&n Jah&n,’ another ‘ Khhn-kh&nhn.’ The title of Fath Ehhn’s father was ‘’Azam HumhyCin. As I saw no propriety in any one’s hearing this title except Humhydn hitnself, I abolished it, and bestowed that of ‘ Ehhn Jahhn ’ on Fath EMn jSarwhni.” — Memoirs^ p, 344,

• Tho Tdrikh^i Khdn-^ahdn adds, that the nobles were determined to keep up this agitation for their own sakes, “as they never considered it convenient that public affairs should be under the restraint of one absolute monarch.”

Haibat Eh&u reported his unsuccessful mission, and the King then sent divers other courtiers ; these were also unsuccessftil, as the Sh&hzdda steadily refused to go with them.^ After this, the Sultdn wrote famidns containing expressions of kindness and goodwill to all the nobles mdjdgirddrs of the siiba of Jaunpdr, and promised them munificent rewards if they would forsake their allegiance to Jaldl Khdn, and refuse to treat him as their ruler. He sent secretly a confidential servant to certain of the nobles, bearing dresses of honour, horses, etc., and commanded them, on the receipt of this farmdn^ to renounce allegiance to Jaldl Khdn.

As it was decreed by fate, that Jaldlu-d din should not reign, many of the grandees deserted him, and became his enemies. At this period Sh&hzdda Jaldl Khdii, having set up a jewelled throne, and covered the doors and walls of his palace with brocade, sat there in state on the 15th of Zi-1 hijja, 923 a.h. (Doc. 1517). He gave audience to the servants of the State, the courtiers and the soldiers, to all of whom he presented dresses of honour, swords,

^ These circumstances will he found differently related by Firishta. See Briggs, vol. i., p. 690. Sikandar Lodi dying at Agra, his son Ibrhhlm succeeded to the throne. At a very early period, contrary to the custom of his father and grand- father, he made no distinction among his officers, whether of his own tribe or other- wise, and said publicly, that kings should have no relations or clansmen, but that all should be considered as subjects and servants of the State ; and the Atghku chiefs, who had hitherto been allowed to sit in the presence, were constrained to stand in front of the throne, with their hands crossed before them. Shortly alter his acocssion a conspiracy was formed by the Lodi chiefs, by whom it was agreed tu leave Ibrhhlm in quiet possession of Dehll and a few dependent provinces, and to raise the Prince Jajhl Khan, his brother, to tho throne at Jaunpfir. The Prince, accordingly, march- ing from Khlpl in conjunction with tho disaffected chiefs, ascended the throne of Jaunpdr. He appointed his cousin, Fath Khhn, his v}azirj who gained over all thq. officers of the eastern provinces to his interest. Khfin Jahhn Lohknl was at this time proceeding from Raprl to congratulate Ibrhhlm on his accession ; when, falling in with the disaffected nobles, he blamed them severely for causing divisions in the kingdom, which, he said, would he attended with fatal consequences to Iho family of Lodi. The chiefs, admitting the impropriety of their conduct, ' determined, as the Prince Jalfd Khfm could not he yet well established, to divest him of his newly- assumed dignity ; and accordingly they sent Haibat Khfin Jalw&nl, with letters, to recaU him before he reached JannptSr. Haibat Khkn, however, having overacted^is part, ithe Prince JTal&l Khkn suspected some plot, and excused himself from coming. The Weft, unaware that he suspected them, deputed Shaikh Muhammad Formuli and ^fl^ers* to enforce their request \ hut the Prince proceeded to Jaunpdr.

girdles, daggers, horses, elephants, titles, and honours, according to their respective ranks. Having thus gained the good opinion of the people, he opened the gates of charity to the poor and needy, and increased their allowances ; and having thus established his authority, he ceased to obey Sultan Ibrahim, and caused the khutba to be read and coin to be struck in his own name. When he felt himself sufficiently powerful, he sent confidential agents to ’Azam Humdyun, who was at that time besieging the fort of K&linjar,' and wrote to him, saying, ‘‘You are in the place of my father and uncle, and are well aware that the compact has not been broken by me. Sultdn Ibr&him, of his own accord, gave me a portion of the inheritance which our father left, because I was his own brother, the son of the same mother. Ho has broken the phial of the con- nexion which we derived from our parent’s womb with the stone of unkindness. You ought to protect and help me because I am oppressed.’’ Previous to this ’Azam Hum&yiin had been ill-disposed towards Sultdn Ibrdhim. He was moved by the supplications of Jal&l Kh&n, and raised the siege of the fort. He entered into a treaty and compact with Jalalu-d din, and told him that he ought first to obtain possession of Jaunpdr, and then see what was best to be done. He then advanced towards Oudh by an uninterrupted succession of marches. The governor of that place, finding himself unable to contend with him, fled towards Karra, and sent information of what was passing to Sult&n Ibrahim, who wished to start immediately with some picked men for the purpose of repressing the disturbance. By the advice of certain of the nobles, he confined four of his brothers in the fort of Hansi, and entrusted them to the charge of Muhammad Khdn with 500 horse. He, moreover, summoned

1 So says the Tdrikh-i Ddiidi (MS. p. 144); but the Mahhmn-i Afghani (MS. p. 126) and the IHrikh^i Khdn-Jahdn Lodi (MS. p. 140) say “Gwfilihr.** Dom (p. 71) erroneously translates “ held the fort of Gualyar,” instead of “ besieged.** The two last authorities also mention that Jal&lu-d din was adyancing in force against ’A^am Hum&ydn, when he sent his conciliatory message ; that ho despised the mere kingdom of Jaunpdr; and, aspiring to a higher dominion, had proclaimed himself at £Mpi as he rival of his brother, and the claimant of the whole empire.

all the nobles into his private apartment, and gained them to his side by making them present^ in gold, and giving them titles and dignities; after which he ordered the bakhshls to issue arrears of pay to the army, and give them one month’s gratuity. On Thursday, the 24th of Zi-1 hijja, ha proceeded in the direc- tion of Jaunpfir by uninterrupted marches, and on arrival at Bhuiganw received intelligence that 'Azam Humdyun and his son Fath £hdn had forsaken Sultan Jaldlu-d din, and were on their way to pay their respects. The Sultdn was delighted at this news, and caused his army to halt, in order that he might make due preparations for their reception. On the day fixed for ’Azam Hum dy fin's coming, Ibrdhim sent a large concourse of his principal chieftains to meet him ; and when ho made his obeisance, his head was exalted by the many marks which he received of the royal favour. The Sultdn also pre- sented hhWats of cloth of gold, girdles, jewelled daggers, and some of his most valuable elephants to 'Azam Humdyfin, whom he rendered grateful by these attentions. Meanwhile be ap- pointed some of the principal nobles to conduct the war against Jaldlu-d din, and furnished them with a large army, war elephants, and all other needful equipments. Jaldlu-d din had marched towards Agra with a large army, consisting of 30,000 horsemen, besides many elephants ; leaving some of his partisans ill Kdlpi, to which place Sultdn Ibrdhim laid siege, and took it after a short resistance, and gave it over to plunder.^ After this, when he heard that his brother had gone towards Agra with a strong force, he sent Malik Adam Ghakkar ® to protect that place, which he accordingly reached with all expedition. Jaldlu-d din wished to treat Agra as the Sultdn had done Kdlpi ; but Malik Adam contrived to deceive and amuso him until he had sent for fiirther assistance, and given Sultdn Ibrdhim notice of what was passing. The Sultdn despatched 18,000 horsemen and 50 elephants to the assistance of the Malik, whose heart was so

^ See the Extracts from the Tdrlkh-i Kkdn-Jahdn Lodu ^ 2 [Here written “ Kfikar.*' See Vol. IV., p. 493.]

strengthened that he sent to Jalalu-d din, to say, that if he . would relinquish all claim to the empire, and would put aside the umbrella, the dftdbgir^ the muhat^ the kettle-drum, and other insignia of royalty, and would promise to conduct himself as one of the umard^ he (Malik ^dam) would use his interest in his behalf, and would obtain for him the Ma of K&lpi on the same terms as he formerly held it.

Sult&n Jaldlu-d din, led by his evil destiny, which had unfitted him for the char^ of a kingdom, although he possessed 30,000 brave horsemen and 160 war elephants, acted like a coward, and agreed to these conditions. All his chiefs said to him, “ Why arc you so weak-hearted P The Sultdn will on no account suffer you to live. We have eaten your salt for ten years; be firm and resolute, and give your faithful servants an opportunity of showing their devotedness to you. God is the Supreme Disposer of all things. The Sultdn is of a bad disposition. In the end the nobles and troops will side with you.^^ Notwithstanding their advice, as Providence had decreed his ruin, Jaldlu-d din was satisfied with the terms, and left off using the insignia of royalty. He sent Malik Adam Ghakkar to the King, to beg him to grant him oihQV jdgirs; but the Sultdn (who was then at Etdwa) would not agree to do so, and sought means to get rid of him. When Jalalu-d din heard of his intentions, he took refuge with the Rdjd of Gwalior, and his old soldiers dispersed. Sultdn Ibrahim took up his abode at Agra, and many nobles who had been hostile to him came and tendered their submission. Karlmdad Khdn Tdgh, with others of the umardy were sent to take charge of Dehll. Meanwhile, the army of the Sultan besieged Gwdlior, and ’Azam Humdydn was sent to take the command. Sultdn Jaldlu-d din accordingly left that place, and retired to Mdlwd; where, not being well received by the Sultdn Mahmdd, he fied to Garra-Kantak, where he fell into the hands of the Gonds, who seized him, and with a view to gain the good-will of the Sultdn, sent their captive to him. The Sultdn rejoiced at this intelligence, and caused all his

(Sourt to assemble. Sultdn Jal&lu-d din was brought hand-bound into this assembly, after which he was sent to the fort of Hdnsi. Whilst he was en route to that place, Ahmad Eh&n was sent after him, and administered the draught of martyrdom.

After these events, the Sult&n ruled the country without fear, and without admitting a partner to share his empire. The Efijd of GFwdlior, who had been his enemy for years, having departed to the infernal regions,^ was succeeded by his son, Bikramdjit. The Sultdn, after a long war, wrested the fort from him ; and taking down the copper bull,® put of whose mouth a voice issued, from its place over the gate, brought it to the fort of Agra, where it remained until the time of the Emperor Akbar, who caused it to be melted down for the pur- pose of making cannon.

When the Sultdn had conquered Gwdlior,® he went to Dehli, and waxed very proud, so that he began to maltreat and punish the nobles of his father, many of whom held him in groat aw6. He imprisoned some of them, and throwing Mian Bhiia into chains, who had been the most powerful and independent grandee

^ Thifl mode of expression, however common, sounds more than usually ungracious and intolerant in this particular instance, as the MaJchzan-i Afyhdni (MS., p. 130), and Tdrikh^i KhdU’-Jalidn Lodi (MS., p. 144), represent llfijd M&n os only ex- ternally a Hindd, and in heart inclined towards Isl&m.

• All tho other authorities represent that it was a brazen hull, and though they pronounce it to have been worshipped by the Hindds, mention nothing about the voice. They say also that it was transferred to the Baghdad gate of Dehli, where Nizimu-d din Ahmad tells us he himself saw it in Akhar's time, *Abdu-l Khdir, however, says that it was removed from Debit to Fathpfir, where he saw it. — See Extracts from the Tdrikh^i Baddkni, We can perhaps rcconcilo this by the Tdrikh-i KMn-Jahdn LodU whose author (MS., p. 144) says he saw it at DehlC before 999, when it was melted down for bell-metal. It was taken from an out- work of Gw&lior, constructed by llfijh Mkn, called B&dalgarh, which exists to the present day under tho same name. According to the Tdrikk-^i Ddudi (MS., p. 160), B&dalgarh was captured by the application of gunpowder, similar to the mode in which we took GhaznL

• This boasted capture of Gw&lior appears to have extended to nothing more than its lower outwork, Bhdalgarh ; but Firishta adds : “ Tho King now receiving advices of the reduction of Gwilior, which had been for a hundred years in the hands of the Hindus, he had leisure to turn his thoughts to the insurrection at Karra. *Azam HumUyUn and Sa’id Khkn, after the fall of Qw&lior, were permitted to go to their

jdgira^ from whence, uniting with Isl&m Khhn, they added strength to his power."

of the empire, and the absolute minister of Sultdn Sikandar, bis father, during a period of twenty-eight years, gave him over to the charge of Malik -^dam Ghakkar.^ Certain nobles, who were envious of the Midn, counselled the King to erect a building with a subterranean chamber beneath it. When two months had elapsed, and the chamber was thoroughly dry, they filled it with bags of gunpowder. They then procured the release of Midn Bhua and certain other nobles against wliom they were plotting, gave tliom dresses of honour, and money, and treated them with such kindness that they banished all apprehension from their minds. One day the King said to them, “ Islam Khdn was raised from the dust, and kindly treated by Sultan Sikandar ; but he has since become apprehensive, and has rebelled and proclaimed open enmity. I pray you now to retire to the new house which I have built, sit there and deliberate amongst yourselves what course I ought to follow. I have such confidence in you that I am certain the conclusion you come to will bo of benefit to me.’’ They went unsuspiciously to the place, and commenced their consultation. Suddenly the whole place was blown up, and Midii Bhua and all who were there present were scattered as leaves of trees by a gale of wind.^

Many nobles became aware of the King’s fickle disposition,

and raised the standard of opposition. Isl4m Kh&n® threw off

^ The reason of this estrangement and degradation is said in the Tdrikh^i Khdn» Jahdn Lodi (MS., p. 142), to have been, that the accession of old age, and consequent infirmity of limbs and sight, rendered him unfit for the duties of his judicial office ; besides which he showed an indifference about pleasing the Sultfin, — ample grounds, with such a tyrant, for imprisonment and assassination. — Bieax idem, et Tiherium acerbis facetiis irridere solitiis, quarwn apvd praepotentes m longtm wemoria est, — Tacitus, Ann. y. 2. In these better times, the first offence is visited with a handsome pension, and the second with exclusion from a crowded ball or dull dinner-party.

^ This barbarous gunpowder plot is not mentioned by the other historians; but they mention that the Mifin was imprisoned and deprived of his offices and estates, which were, nevertheless, bestowed upon his son, and that, in the end, he was privately assassinated or poisoned along with some other nobles. The Tdrikh-i Ldudi, which is generally in accordance with our author, contradicts itself ; in one place remarking that he died in prison (MS., p. 151) in another, that ho was murdered (p. 171).

3 The Tdrikh‘% Ldiidi (MS., p. 152), says that he possessed himself of his father ’Azam Humfiyfin’s army and camp-equipage. The Tdrikh-i Khdn^Jahdn Lodi adds

. flie mask of obedience in and began to assemble an army. When the Sult&n heard this, he wished to send troops against him 5 but, suddenly, several grandees left Dehli, and wont over to Islam Kh&n, and the insurrection was thus rendered more formidable. The Sult&n appointed others of the umard^ who proceeded towards Lucknow, near which place they were at- tacked by Ikbdl Khan, of the tribe of ^Azam Huin&yun, with 5000 horsemen.^ Many men were slain, and the King'^s army defeated.

When this news reached him, he despatched another army, and directed that the insurgent nobles should first be subdued, and tliat afterwards steps should be taken to overcome Ikbal Kh&n. The army of IslAm Khan amounted to nearly 40,000 horsemen,® ready for action. Shaikh Raju tried to induce the rebels to submit. They replied that they would do so if 'Azam Hum&yun were released from prison. The Sultan, on a reference made to him, would not consent to this,® and when all was ready for war such fighting took place as had never been witnessed. Three or four thousand soldiers fell on both sides, ^ and streams of blood flowed. At last, a soldier of the Siiltdn'’s, who was an inliabitaiit of Kabul, facing Islam Klian, discharged liis matcli-

(MS., p. 146), that ho waa jdgirddr of Karra Munikpiir, and that when ho heard of his father’s imprisonment, he not only seized all his property, but defeated Ahmad Kh&n, who had been sent to supersede him.

^ From an ambuscade, say all the other historians. This occurred at llhngarmau, near Kanauj.

• This is doubtless an error. The Tdrihh-i Ddudi (MS., p. 153) says 40,000 horsemen and 500 elephants, and so docs the Mahhzan-i Afghani (MS., p. 133) ; hut Dorn, in his translation (p. 75), has the same reading; as Ahmad Y&d(^hr. The two latter represent the Sultfim's horse as numbering 50,000.

8 The Tdrikh-i Bdiidl (MS., p. 153) says he summoned the royal army from the siiJba of BLhhr, and that the action took place after their junction. This is conlirmed by Nizhmn-d din Ahmad. The rebels must have been guilty of extraordinary supine- ness to have admitted this.

• The Maklvzm-i Afghani (MS., p. 135) says, “For many years such a san- guinary action had not occurred in Hinddst&n, and old men used to say that no such fight had taken place iu their time, Brother against brother, and father against son, urged by mutual rivalry and inborn bravery, mixed in the conflict ; and restyain- ing their hands from long arrow and spear, they contended only with dagger, s^rd,

«,and knife. In that battlo 10,000 gallaiLt Afghans fell on both sides.**

lock at »him, and struck him in the forehead, when he fell to the • earth. This caused the rebels to disperse, and the King^s army, taking advantage of the panic, attacked them. Thus the only reward which Isl&m Khdn met with for his rebellion and in- gratitude was death, while Sa^id Kh&n and others were made prisoners. The rebel forces were utterly routed, and the insur- rection suppressed, Wlien the King learnt this, he was much pleased, and behaved towards the army, which had fought so well and loyally for him, with the greatest kindness ; but he did not forget the malice of the nobles.

At this period an army was prepared for the purpose of at- tacking E&n& Sankd.^ Mi&n Husain Khdn Zarlahhsih Mi&n Kh&n-kh&ndn FarmuU, and Mian Ma'ruf,^ who were the chief commanders in the army of Sultan Sikandar, and whom he had distinguished beyond all others by associating with them, and increasing their rank and preferments, — who were the bravest men of the age, and could have instructed even Rustam in the art of war, — and who during the reign of the deceased Sultdn had fought many battles and taken many castles ; — ^theso generals the Sultdn placed under Mian Mdkhan, the coramander-in-chief of this expedition.^ When they arrived in the Rdna^s country, the Sultan wrote, ordering Mian Mdkhan to seize Mian Husain Khdn and Midn MaVuf Khan in the best way he could, and send them prisoners to him. Mdkhan Khdn went to the tent of Ma’ruf Khdn, under the pretence of condoling with him for the loss of his son, notwithstanding he had died two months previously. Mian Husain Khan was informed of this, and went speedily thither, and told Mi&n M&khan that he had better forego his intention of imprisoning Mian MaVuf, and that he had better rise and depart in safety, remarking that the King had

^ This expedition is not mentioned in the other histories except the Wdk^dUi KmhtdU (MS., p. 117), and the Tdrihh-% Dditdi (MS., p. 156).

^ A few particulars will be found respecting this officer in an extract from the WdMdt-i Mushtdhi^ showing him to bo a sanctimonious and obstinate old Pharisee. (SeeVol. IV., p. 648.)

3 The Tdrikh-i Bdiudl represents that this was of itself subjecting them to groat indignity.

• |]jbne mad. M&khau upon this remonstrance departed, and sent intelligence of the circumstances to the Sult&n, \Yho replied by inquiring why he went to people’s tents, and ordering him to raise a large tent in the plain, and send information to the chiefs that a royal farmdn had arrived, and that they must come and hear its contents. Mi&u M&khan was commanded to seize Husain Kh&n first, and he obeyed these orders. When the chiefs were assembled, Mian Husain came, bringing with him a thousand men clothed in chain armour, which was concealed by white clothing. He directed them to keep strict watch outside when die entered the tent. Midn Maklian had caused another tent to be erected near the first, in which he had placed a thousand soldiers, with orders, when Ma’ruf Khdn approached, to lay hands first on Husain Khan. When Husain Kliaii arrived near the tent, he was told that soldiers were concealed in it for the purpose of seizing him and Ma’ruf Khdii. Wlien Mian Husain Khdn reached it, he ordered liis men to undo the ropes of the tent in which Midn Mdkhan's soldiers wore placed in ambush, and consequently the tent fell on them.^ Ho then wont into the other tent, and requested Mian Makhan to read the farmdn, Midn Mdkhan said, ‘‘It is contrary to orders to read it after this fashion.’' Midn Husain Khdii replied, “lam fully aware that the object of these troops and this farmdn is to take away my life, and I am not going to yield it to any such worthless contriv«.nco.” Ho then took the hand of Mian Ma’ruf and went out.

When Midn Husain saw that there was no escape from the King’s injustice, he determined to send his mliil to the lldnd to inform him of his coming. The Rand was at first fearful and suspicious of Husain Khan, of whoso renown he had heard. He was afraid that he meditated some stratagem. After entering into. a compact, Midn Husain went to the liana with a thousand

^ The Tdrikh-% Ddudi says, 'When the ropes were cut, the tent fell down and exposed them to view.’*

horsemen, and the Bdn& sent his own nephew to meet hiifl* After which they had an interview.

On account of the departure of Husain Khan, Mi&n Mdkhan, notwithstanding that he had with him 30,000 horsemen and 300 gigantic elephants, was much discouraged. The day after he put his army in battle array, for the purpose of attacking the Bdna. The Band, together with Mian Husain Khdn, advanced against him with an innumerable army, and the elephants of Husain Khan were recognized amongst them. Midn Mdkhan sent a message to Mian Ma’ruf, saying, “You and Husain Khdn arc great friends. He is now in rebellion, and has joined the Sultdn’s enemies ; what is the good of your remaining with us?’’ Ma’ruf replied, “ I have eaten tlio salt of Sultdn Bahlol and his offspring for thirty years ; and I was chief commander of the army during the reign of Sultdn Sikandar. The fort of Jiind was captured through my skill. I slew the Edjd of Nagarkot j and that stone, which the Hindus had worshipped for 3000 years, I exposed to be trodden under foot by all the people. From the period of the revelation of Isldm to the present day, many noble rnonarchs, who fancied that they re- sembled Faridun and Sikandar, and who vanquished the world, were unable even so much as to besiege that fort ; yet it yielded to my prowess, I brought seven mam of gold from the Rdjd of Bihdr. Since King Ibrdhim's accession to the throne all sorts of upstarts have arisen, who accuse me of being faith- less and rebellious. Even now I am ready to undertake any duty that may bo assigned, and will not flinch from its performance.”

Whilst this was going on, information was brought of the ’arrival of the Band's troops, whereupon Mdkhan arranged his army. He placed Sa'id Khdn Furat and Hdji Khdn with 7000 horsemen on the right; and Daulat Khdn, Alldh-ddd Khdn,. and Yusuf Khdn on the left; whilst* Mian Mdkhan himself com- manded the advance. Midn Husain, although much vexed with Midu Mdkhan, did not present himself, on account of his having

•eaten the salt of the Sultan,* When both parties were prepared ^ for action, the Hindus advanced most valiantly, and succeeded in defeating the army of the Sult&n. Many brave and worthy men were made martyrs, and the others were scattered ; whilst Mian M&khan returned to the place from which he had set forth. During the evening, Mi4n Husain Kh&n sent a message to Mi&n M&khan, saying, *‘Now you. have learnt what men of one heart are. It is a hundred pities that 30,000 horsemen should have been defeated by so few Hindus. Now you may learn what deeds the remembrance of past favours will induce vassals to perform when they are united heart and soul. Send Mian Ma’ruf duly prepared for action to me at midnight/^ He also wrote to Midn Ma'ruf, to tell him that ‘‘ they had both seen how fit Midn Mdkhan was to command, and that now it , was proper that they should recollect what they owed the Sultdn, although he did not treat his good servants as he ouglit ; otherwise people would say, ‘ You ate the salt of Sultdn Sikandar for thirty y^rs, and were numbered amongst his chiefs, never- theless you were ungrateful enough to side with his foes.^''

Accordingly Midn Ma'riif, accompanied by 6000 horsemen, left his camp, and halted at the distance of two hofi from Midn Husain, which chief, on receiving intelligence of his arrival, came and joined him. Tlie army of ^ic Rdnd, flushed witli their success, were rejoicing and amusing tliomselves, and the angel of death was smiling at their heedlessness, when suddenly the sound of horns and kettle-drums withdrew the cotton from the ears of their senses, and the BAjput chieftains were dismayed. The Afghans rushed on them sword in hand, and commenced a promiscuous slaughter; the BAnA was wounded, but contrived to escape with some of his men, — the rest were put to the sword. In the morning this news was brought to MiAn MAkhan, and he was ashamed.

^ This is not confirmed by the Tdrihh-i JDditdU which, on tho contrary, says that he led the Efin&’s troops, and pursued Mifin MAkhan as far as BayAna, and so alarmed BultAn himself, that he advanced from Agra to the river.

Mian B&yazid, the son of ’At& Lodi, who was the hakhshi of* the army, and a connexion of Mi&n Husain Khan, wrote to the King announcing the victory which Mi&n Husain Kh4n and Mian Ma^ruf had gained, after which Mian Husain Kh&n sent fifteen of the elephants and 300 of the horses of the B&n& to Dehli. The Sult&n was much pleased at this success ; he caused the kettle-drums to be beaten loudly, and sent khiVats^ girdles, daggers, two valuable elephants, and four horses, to Mi&n Husain and Mi&n Ma’ruf. He also caused a farmdn to be written, in which he loaded both of them with a hundred expressions of favour and good-will.^

About this time ^Azam Humdyun, one of the chief nobles, who, together with his sons, held a mansab of 12,000, was sent to reduce the fort of Gw&lior. When he reached that district, his skill and activity soon made him master of several He besieged the fort of Gwdlior, and dug trenches in which he sheltered his men whilst he made his approaches, and distributed the several batteries amongst his officers. He pr4)jected fiery missiles, or shells, into the fort, and the Hindus filled bags with cotton steeped in oil, which they ignited and threw down upon the enemy. Many men were consumed on both sides. Tlio Sult&n’s troops brought forward their artillery, and fired their balls with such effect t|iat the defenders of the fort were unable to move to and fro in its interior, and were at last so much distressed that they wore near surrendering. The Raja had already determined to send seven mans of gold, several pair of elephants, and his daughter to the Sult&n, when, unexpec-

^ As the other historians say not a word of the expedition against the R&n&, we learn nothing from them of the boasted perfidy of the honoured scoundrel Husain Kh&n ; and in the WdkCaUi Mushtdkl and the Tdrlkh-i Ddudi there is quite a dliferent conclusion of this affair, comprised in a rambling unconnected statement, which is not worth translation or abstract Suffice it to s&y that, according to both these works, he was, in the end, murdered at Chanderi by order of this vindictive Sulttn, who rewarded the assassin with 700 gold pieces, and ten villages in itCdm, which is calculated to give us a high idea of the origin of rent-free holdings. All the authorities agree in the statement of the murder, and of the disgust and alarm it inspired.

. tcdly, a farmdn arrived, ordering ^Azam Humayun as soon as he received it to proceed to Court.

When ’Azam HumS-yun learned its contents, he raised the biege and prepared to depart. His sons and friends expressed to him their suspicions that the Sult&n intended to take away his life, as he had already done that of other noblemen; and several grandees who were attached to him also advised him not to go. ’Azam Humaydn replied that he had eaten the salt of that family for forty years, and had been one of their staunchest adherents, and that if he now forsook them he would be considered ungrateful, and he could not suffer the disgrace of that imputation. Mahmud Kh&n Lodi and D&ud Ehdn Sarwani, who were among the chief grandees, said, “ The Siiltdn has lost his senses, he cannot distinguish between those who serve him well and those who serve him ill. You have now 30,000 horse with you. Go to your son’s residence, and take measures for the protection of your life, because we are fully convinced that he has sent for you for the purpose of treating you as. he did M14n Bhua and Il&ji Khan.” ’Azam Humayun replied, “ I cannot act thus. I cannot turn aside and blacken my face, let what may happen.”

After this discussion he marched towards Dchli. On the road news reached him that the Sultdn had put to death Mahmud Sarp&ni and HishAm KhAn Sahti-khail, two of the principal nobles. D&ud Khdn and Alldh-ddd Klidn said, “Wo evil lias yet befallen you; return from this and go to your son at Jaunpur.” ’Azam Hum&ydn said, “You speak truth; his actions are indeed bad: but I cannot act as you suggest.”

As ’Azam Humdydn’s doom was sealed, ho did not pay atten- tion to the warnings of his friends and well-wishers, but continued his march to Dehli. When he approached it, the Siiltdn’s order arrived, directing him to give up all his horses and elephants. This he had no sooner done, than his whole army became dis- organized. When he was within two Icos of the city, the King’s cup-bearer, by name Mukhlis, was sent for the purpose of

depriving him of the command of the army, treasury, and their, appurtenances, Mukhlis was likewise or^ed to mount him on a small pony, and bring him into the city, and cast him into a * dungeon ; all of which he did, and deprived him of everything. 'Azam Hum&yfin sent to tlie Sultdn to say, You of course will do what pleases you, but I have two things of importance to represent to you : the first is that my son ^ is very turbulently disposed, and that measures should be taken speedily to repress him ; tiie second, that I may not be prevented from obtaining water for my ablutions, and the necessaries for purifying myself after performing the offices of nature.” ® After this he made no further petition, and at last the Sult&n caused this single-minded man to be slain in his prison, and thus destroyed the root of his empire with his own hands. The murder of 'Azam Ilumdyun was the first cause of the decline of the kingdom,® for Fath Kh&n, his son, who commanded 10,000 horse, and was Governor of Bih&r, joined himself, in Bih&r, with the son of Daryd Xh&n Loh&nl, Shdhbdz Khdn by name. They then openly rebelled against the Sult&n, and collected 70,000 horse, Sh&hb&z Kh&n* assumed the title of Sult&n Muhammad. This insurrection was of a very serious nature, as all Bihdr ceased to obey the Sultan.

At this period, Daulat Khdn Lodi, son of T&t&r Khdn, who

^ The Tdrikh‘i Ldudi (MS., p. 169) transfers the scene of this disgraceful treat- ment of an -old and attached adherent to the more probable locality of Agra instead of Dehli.

3 The Tabahdt^i AJchari and the Tdrikk^i Khdn-Jahdn (MS., p. 148) seem to ascribe an equal effect to the deliberate murder of Husain Kh&n Farmuli.

• The Wdki'dt^i Mu8?Udk^ the Akbar-ndmay the Sher Shdhiy Ahmad Yhdg&r, and the Memoirs of Bdbar^ style him Bihhr Eh&n; but he is more generally called Bahhdur Eh&n, as ;n Firishta, the Makhzan-i AfgMniy and in the Tdrikh-i Khdn-Jahdn Lodi, where there is a fuller account of his rebellion. The , Wdki‘dt-i Mmhtdki says the khutba was read in his name for two years and some months (MS. p. 82), In that work will be found still ampler details respecting this insurrection and the subsequent proceedings, which, however, are not of suflioient importance to be translated. There is also a difference about whether the father or son first assumed the title of “ Sultfin Muhammad Shhh.'* The Makhzan-i Afghdni, the Tdrikh-^i Khdn-Jahdn Lodi, and Tdrikhri Ddiidiy say the father, Dary& Kh&n ; Firishta, Ahmad Yfidgkr, the TahakdUi Akbari, the WdMdUi Mmhtdkiy and the Memotrsy say the son, Bahfidur Eh&n.

, ‘h&d long governed the Panjdb, was sent for from Lahore. He delayed to come, and sent his youngest son, Dildwar Khan, instead. The latter was asked why his father had not come in person. He replied that he would come hereafter and bring treasure with him. He was told that ^f his father did not come, he would be seized like the other nobles. The Sult&n tlien ordered him to be taken to the dungeons, in order that he might see several nobles who were suspended from the walls. When Hil&war Khdn witnessed this sight, he was seized with a fit of trembling, and was much alarmed. On his return to the presence, the Sultdn said, “You have seen the condition of those who have disobeyed me.” Dildwar Khan prostrated himself. It is said that the Sultan intended to blind him with a red-hot bodkin, and suspend him also against the wall 5 but when Dildwar Khdn perceived that there was no other means of escaping the Sultdn’s severity, he fled from Dehli, and came to his father in six days, and«told him that if he did not look to himself, the Sultdn would put him to death in some cruel manner.

Daulat Khdn was thrown into a deep meditation. He reflected that if he rebelled he would be accused of ingratitude ; and that if he fell into the clutches of the Sultdn^s wrath, he would not escape alive. At last he determined to place himself under allegiance to some other sovereign. He accordingly sent Dild- war Khdn to Bdbar Shdh, in order that he mjght make known to him, in detail, the evil disposition of the Sultdn, the discord which existed amongst the nobles, and the disgust of the army, and beg him to invade Hindustdn.^

Dildwar Khdn went with all expedition, and reached Kdbul in ten days. He intimated to those who stood at the foot of the throne that an Afghdn, who had been oppressed by his sovereign, had come from Hindustdn, and wished to speak to the King. The order was given for his admission. He went as a suppli- cant, and explained, in detail, the distressed state of Hindustdn.

^ These and the subsequent events will be found differently recounted in the extracts from the TdrUeh^i Khdn^Jahdn Lodi,

Babar said, “You have eaten the salt of Sultdn Ibr&him and.bf* his father and grandfather for thirty years, and your grandfather and father have held high posts for the last twenty years ; how is it that you have thus all at once forsaken him and sought this court?” Dildwar Khdn replied, “For forty years my grand- father and father have risked their lives in his service, and^ strenorthencd his throne. But Sultan Ibrdhim maltreats his

father’s nobles, and has put twenty^three of them, the supporters of his kingdom, to death, without any cause, and ruined their families. He has suspended some from walls, and has caused others to be burned alive. When many of the nobles saw that they could hope for no safety from him, they sent me to your presence. They are all ready to obey you, and they look with anxiety for your coming.”

At that period the marriage of Mirzd Xamrdn was celebrated with princely magnificence in the King's garden. * ♦ * When the bridal ceremonies had been completed in a manner satis- factory to his benevolent intentions, the King passed the whole of that night in the garden. When day dawned, he repeated his prayers to the Great Disposer of all things, and stretching forth the hand of supplication, said, “ O God ! if the govern- ment of Hindustan is destined to be given to me and mine, let these productions of Hind be brought presently before me, betel-leaves and njangoes, and I shall accept them as an omen.”

It so happened that when the mango season was approaching, Daulat Kh&n had sent half-ripe mangoes preserved in , pots of honey, and betel-leaves, by the hand of Ahmad Kh&n. The King was told that Ahmad Kh&n, the ambassador of Daulat Khan, desired an audience. Dil&war took the offerings into the royal presence, and displayed them. When Bdbar's eyes Jfell on the fruit, he arose from his throne, and prostrated himself before the Almighty, who, he was persuaded, of His boundless generosity, had granted him the sovereignty of Hind. He gave a horse and khiVat to both Dil&war Kh&n and Ahmad Kh&n, and entrusted to them ten 'Ir&ki horses, and some pieces of fine linen for

Daulat Khdn ; and then directed Ahmad Khdn to precede him with these articles.^ ♦

From that day he prepared for the invasion of Hindustdn, and despatched Jahdngir Kuli Khdn, with 2000 Mughal horsemen, to take precautions for securing the roads and ferries, and for the collection of timber fot the purpose of making boats.

On Wednesday, 2nd Shawwdl, a.h. 932 (July, 1526 a.d.), he set forth as a mighty monarch should, and marched to Peshawar, which city he plundered. ^ When the royal army advanced from thence, Daulat Khdn came to pay his respects to the King, and presented 10,000 gold aahrafis and twenty elephants. When Bdbar left Kdbul, he had only 2000 Mughals with him.® But after his agreement with Daulat Khdn, he ordered fresh troops to be enlisted ; and by the time he reached Lahore he was sur- rounded by a numerous array, and the Panjdb fell into the hands of the Chaghatdi nobles.

When news reached Sultan Ibrdhim, in Agra, that the Mughals had conquered the Panjdb as far as Lahore, he was thunderstruck, and repented him of having put his faithful servants to death. But what benefit can be derived from water wtich has fallen down from the head and been spent ? Bdbar, like a roaring lion, advanced into the field ; while Ibrdhim came to Dehli from Agra, and wrote to Daulat Khdn, saying, You attained your present rank through my father’s kindness ; why have you brought the Mughals into my paternal inheritance, and made it over to them ? I will now make peace with you, and will never molest you or your children. I swear this on the Kurdn. Beflect, and abandon your present absurd project,” Daulat Khdn replied, “ It is true that I was reared and raised from the dust, and brought up by Sultdn Sikandar. I passed my

^ The TdHhh^i Ddvdi (MS. p. 171) says that about this time Mi&n BhUa was put to death ; that Daulat Kh&n Lodi iied ; that Sult&n Muhammad, the Bih&r rebel, also died; and that’Alam Kh&n, son of Balilol, was proclaimed Icin^ under the title of 'Al&u-d din, by some of the disaffected nobles, who solicited the support of B&bar to maintain him in opposition to Sult&n Ibr&him.

^ Other authorities give the more probable amount of 10,000,

life in endeavouring to serve him. That monarch (who has found mercy) endured much fromf his nobles ; he was studious of pleas- ing : and he never endeavoured to put me to death. Whereas, whilst you were yet young, you listened to what two or three insidious advisers said to you, and thus shook your empire to its foundation. You also destroyed several of your father's servants, the pillars of the kingdom, and put an end to the confidence which others reposed in you. I have not brought the Mughals ; but your own bad actions have.'*

Whenithe whole Panj&b, and the country extending as far as Sirhind and Hisdr Firozah, had fallen into the hands of the Ghaghat&f nobles, they marched towards Dehli.

Sultdn Ibrahfm was in Sonpath, when news arrived that cer- tain grandees, thinking the opportunity a good one, and having heard of the coming of Bdbar Shdh, had besieged Dehli with nearly 40,000 men. On hearing this, the Sult&n again turned his steps towards Dehli, to defeat the rebels, who came to the conclu- sion that it would be improper to fight with the Sultan during the day, because they would be put to shame on account of the benefits which he had conferred on them ; and that it would be preferable to attack him by night.^

When the night was far spent, they reached the Sultan's army, and in the mean time several chiefs managed to escape from the Sultdn^s camp and join them. After putting the Sultdn's troops to flight, and compelling the Sult&n to conceal himself, a portion of the rebel force was scattered tumultuously in search of plun- der. After sunrise, when the Sultan looked out in the direction of the rebel army, on observing 'Alam Kh&n ^ and a few atten-

^ This is ascribing to these slippery and peijured knayes finer feelings than they were capable of entert^ning. Bkbar gives a much more probable ^reason for the selection of the night: — ^‘*The confederates concurred in opinion that if Ae battle was fought in the daytime, the Afghans, from regard to their reputation with their countrymen, would not flee ; but that if the atta^ was made by night each chief would shift for himself” — MemoirSf p, 29d. We have another amusing instance of this facial modesty and timidity ascribed to the townsmen of Agra, at the beginning of Isl&m Sh&h’s reign.

^ This was the Sultkn*s uncle, who had been proclaimed King under the title of

dants standing near, he ordered his^men to attack them ; upon \i^hich they all fled away. Thus the rebels derived no benefit from their disloyalty, in spite of their having assembled a*force of 40,000 men.

After this, when B&bar heard of the confusion prevailing in the Sultdn’s army, he left Earndl, and Sultdn Ibr&him arrived in pargana Ganaur, and there inquired of the astrologers in order that he might learn from the celestial bodies what was to happen. He inquired on whose side the victory should be. The as- trologers cautiously replied, It appears from ‘ the motion of the stars that the whole of our horses and elephants have gone over to the Mughal army.” The SultS,n said, “ This is a proof that I shall vanquish the Mughals.” They replied, “ So let it be.”

The astrologers, being aware that Bdbar would be victorious, deserted the camp. Amin Ehdn also fled from the same place, and presented himself before B&bar. Whilst these events were going on, Hamid Khdn, of the Sult&n’s own tribe, was coming to the assistance of the Sult&n with 4000 sawdrs^ when he encoun- tered the advance-guard under Prince Muhammad Humayun, and a battle began, in which Hamid Eh&n’s troops being defeated, many were killed, and the rest dispersed.

On Thursday the Sultdn summoned all his nobles and soldiers, and ordered them to dress themselves in the best clothes they had with them. He caused his embroidered tents and satin canopies to be erected, and all the preparations for a festival to be made. He threw amongst them all the gold, jewels, pearls, and which he possessed, and said, “0 friends, to-morrow

we shall do battle with the Mughal army. If I gain the victory,

I will endeavour to please you ; if I do not, be at least content

’Al&tt-d din. The Ahh(ir~ndma tells ns that this action occurred near Hodal, a few miles S. from Dehli ; and that Bhbar, after his conquest of Upper India, sent ’ Alam Ehhn to be coilfined in a fortress in Badakhshhn, whence he efTected his escape ; and after finding refuge amongst the Afghans, fled at last to Gujarht. His son, Tht&r Eh&u, made himself conspicuous during the reign of Humhydn, and was slam at Mandrhil, in 941 h. (1534 A.!).), in an action with the Hughals.

with these presents and my^declared intentions/^ ^ The whole i&f, that day was spent in feasting and rejoicing. On the morrow they, made ready for war. Sultdn Ibrdhim, on the one side, marched two kos to the west of Panfpat ; whilst Bdbar, on the other, mounting his horse at the sardi of Qaraunda, chose his position two kos in the direction of the east.

The Mughal army was 24,000 strong, and that of Sultdn Ibrdhim numbered 60,000 men® and 2000 war elephants. But the entire force of Sultdn Ibrdhim was' disgusted and vexed with his evil deeds. On Friday, the 4th® of Eajab, a.h. 932, Ibrdhim being destined to die, the armies were ranged in battle array, facing each other. Bdbar advanced, and both parties made ready for action. Bdbar ordered the Mughals to bo separated into three divisions 5 the advanced guard to remain in its place, and the other two to advance and attack the enemy Although the Afghdn army greatly outnumbered its opponents, yet the soldiers were dispirited and disheartened from the Sultdn’s ill- treatment, and the nobles were offended. A fierce conflict, never- theless, took place in the plain to the cast of Pdnipat: so desperate

^ B&bar, however, represents that he was so penurious that he could not he in- duced to give away anything, and was “beyond measure, avaricious in accumulating pelf." — Memoirs of Bdbar, p. 304. [See YoL IV. of this work, p, 252.]

• Abd-1 Fazl, following Bhbar himself, says 100,000, and elephants 1000. His own army did not amount to more than 12,000 men ; but his artillery seems to have been very effectively served. The Tdrikh-i BdMi (MS. p, 176) says 100,000 cavalry and 1000 elephants ; B&bar’s army being 15,000 horse and foot and a few elephants. The Mahhzan^i AfgMni (MS. p. 140) rates Ibrhhim’s army at 100,000 cavalry, a strong force of infantry, and 5000 elephants. The Tdrikh-i XMn-JaMn Lodi (MS. p. 150) gives the same, adding, however, the important element of “much artillery" — jW*? ^ — omitted even by Niz&mu-d dfn Ahmad and Firishta, and noticed

3 This is an error. The Tdrikh-i Bdudi says the 8th ; though in its version of a Hindi quatrain it has the 7th. The Makhzan^i Afghdni and Tdrikh4 Khdn-Jahdn Lodi say the 7th, Firishta the 10th. Bkbar is not quite precise, but signifies that it was either the 7th or 8th, corresponding with April 20th or 2lBt, 1526.

^ The original and the Tdrikh-i Bdudi (MS. p. 176) say, “The other two divisions to advance from behind the army of the Sult&n and commence thef attack." The Tdrikh-i Khdn~Jahdn Lodi and the Makhzan-% Afghdni are equally incomprehensible, as will be seen from Dorn’s translation, p. 78. B&bar js, as usual, clear and explicit. —[See Vol. IV., p. 254.] -

• a battle, indeed, had never been seen. Many of the Sult&n’s soldiers were killed. He himself was standing with some of his men near him, when . Mahmud Khdn came forward, and said, “ Our afiairs are in a very desperate condition 5 you had better leave the field of battle. ^ If the King is saved, it will be easy to find another army, and again make war against the Muglials. We shall soon be able to find ai^ opportunity of accomplishing our wishes. This is my opinion; but whatever His Majesty thinks is best.” The Sultdn replied, “0 Mahmud Khdn, it is a disgrace for kings to fly from the field of battle. Look here, my nobles, my companions, my well-wishers and friends have partaken of the cup of martyrdom. One has fallen here, another there; where then can I now go? My horse's legs are dyed with blood up to his chest. Whilst I was King, I governed the empire as I pleased ; now, perfidious Fortune has sided with the Mughals, what pleasure is there in life? It is better that I should be like my friends, in the dust and in blood.” On saying this, he rushed into the thickest of the fight, with 5000 brave horsemen, who were all that remained to him of his best troops, and slew many of the Mughals. After which, towards the close of the day, he obtained martyrdom.^ He fell on the spot where his tomb now is. When Bdbar was informed of his death, he was standing in the rear. He sent Dilawar Khdn to make inquiries as to the truth of the intelligence. He accordingly went out to the plain where the slain were lying, and beheld that powerful

^ The Mahhzan^i Afghdnl (MS. 142) adds the following Eulogy upon this execrable tyrant : — On every Friday night an extraordinary number of people are collected at his tomb, and pilgrims present their oblations and prayers in behalf of that falcon of the Empyrean of martyrdom—- no King before him having attained that dignity, t-lia" which none can be more exalted. May God enlighten and grant him rest in Paradise ! ” Instead of “ oblations and prayers,” Dr. Dorn (p. 7b) translates “ the

pilgrims of Narwar and Kanoj,” reading instead of

There could not be a better illustration of the amazing difficulties we have to contend with in deciphering Oriental manuscripts; for the words, when deprived of their diacritical points, are almost identical. This should induce a spirit of caution and forbearance in commenting on the errors and lapses of our fellow-labourers in this un- inviting field of literature.

Saltan prostrate in the dust and weltering in blood, the royal, crown fallen from his head, the state canopy also on the ground.^

Dilawar Khdn returned and related what he had seen. The tender heart of B&bar prompted him to visit the spot. He raised his head from the earth and said, Honour to your bravery ! ” He then commanded brocade to be brought, and sweetmeats to be prepared ; and ordered Dildwar Kh&n and Amir Khalifa to bathe him and bury him where he had fallen. He also directed that care should be taken of the property of Ibrdhim. On the same day 2700 horses, and 1500 elephants, and the royal treasure were brought into Bdbar^s camp.

The next day he marched thence, and encamped on the western side of the city, from whence he despatched Amir Khalifa, Alldh-ddd Khdn, and Tursara Bahddur, with 10,000 of the bravest Mughal horsemen, for the purpose of protecting the valuable property and riches which were in the cities of Dehli and Agra.

The Afglidns, after being absolute rulers for seventy years, left their habitations, their goods, and their wealth, and proceeded to Bengal, and a complete dispersion of them ensued.

After making arrangements with regard to the spoil of the Sultdn’s camp, Bdbar departed for Dehli, where, on his arrival, he took possession of the vacant throne.

1 The author of the TdriJeh-i Bdudl (MS.p. 178) tells us that ho had heard from a mau 120 years old, who hid been present in this action, that Sultdn Ibr&him, mounted on a black *]^rhki horse, and dressed ui his royal habiliments, had fled from the field of battle, and endeavoured to cross into the Do&b at the ferry at Buriuia; but not being able, after a long search, to procure a boat, he plunged his horse into the river, followed by some of his horsemen, of whom some few escaped safe to the other side. The Sult&n himself was drowned in the attempt. All this was witnessed by the narrator's own eyes, for he was standing on the bank of the Jumna looking on. The old narrator may have witnessed this scene, but who— -as the sarcastic histonim of the Dedine and Fall remarks in a similar instance— who will be witness for the old narrator P

•Occidents and Occurrences in Sultan IbrahIm’s Reign.'

Anecdote of a woman who committed three murders in one house.

There was a man in Sam ana who gained his livelihood by trading. He was called away from home on business, and en- trusted the care of his house to a trustworthy individual, between whose habitation and his own there was only a wall. This neighbour, therefore, used frequently to go into the merchant'*s house, and assist and advise in all its concerns, and see that matters went on smoothly during the owner’s absence. When- ever he went there, he saw a young man frequently entering. He fancied at first that the young man must be some connexion of the owner of the dwelling ; but he afterwards reflected th«t if ho were, the house would not have been given into his own charge. He therefore determined to find out all about the youth. He then made a hole in the partition wall, and from time to time looked through it into the next house. One night he saw the young man, dressed in white and seated with perfume, enter the mer- chant’s dwelling, place a handsome carpet near the merchant’s wife, and spread out upon it sweetmeats, wine, and jpdw; after partaking of which, shortly afterwards, they lay down together and indulged in improper familiarities. The woman had a child, which slept in another room, and when it cried she gave it some milk, and then returned to her lover ; but as the child persisted in worrying her with its cries, the woman went and squeezed its throat so that it died, and slept the sleep which knows no waking. After which she again sought the youth's embraces. When a short period had passed, the young man said, “ Why ha^ not the child cried again for such a long time The woman replied, “ I have taken steps to prevent it from crying altogether.” The young man was greatly disturbed, and inquired wliat she meant. She answered, “ I have killed the boy on your account.” The

^ ^ It is strange that no mention occurs here, or in any other Afgh&n history except the Tdrlkh^i Ldvdif of the extraordinary abundance which prevailed during this reign. — See Vol. IV., p. 475.

youth said, “ 0 creature, who fearest not God, for the sake of ,"a moment’s pleasure you have slain the fruit of your own woitib 5 what confidence can I place in you ? ’’ He immediately put on his clothes, with the intention of quitting the place. The woman seized his skirt, saying, “ It is through you that I have acted thus, and you cease to love me ; for God’s sake do one thing to save me from shame, ^ Make a hole in the corner of this room in order that I may bury him.” The youth at last reluctantly consented. She accordingly brought a mattock, and gave it to him, and he dug the hole ; when the woman brought the child, and gave it to him to conceal it in the ground. The young man, taken in by the woman’s artifice, bent down towards the hole for the* purpose of placing the child in it 5 and that deceitful woman then raised the mattock with both hands, and struck him so violently on the head, that she split it in two, and he fell dead into the hole. She covered him over and smoothed down the earth. The neighbour had witnessed all that had Iiapponcd, and was thunderstruck at the womanis atrocity. Nevertheless, the woman, feigning the deepest grief, went about, weeping and ex- claiming, “ A wolf has eaten my child.”

When, after a lapse of some time, her husband returned, people came to condole with him ; and they repeated the usual prayers. When they went away, the friendly neighbour said to him, “ Como for a short time to my house to dissipate your melancholy.” The merchant accordingly accompanied him, and after they had par- taken of food, he rehated to him the whole history of the deaths of both the child and the young man, and said, ‘‘ Pretend that you have hiclden some gold, and that you want a mattock for the purpose of digging it up.” He consented to do this, and the woman, much pleased when she heard about the treasure, readily brought the mattock, upon which he immediately began to dig up in the spot which had been indicated. When the woman perceived that her secret would become known, she fastened the door of the room in which the digging was going on with ft chain, and sot fire to the roof. When the flames burst forth, she

})egan to cry out for her neighbours to come, as her house had caught fire and her husband was burning. By the time they ' arrived, the unfortunate man was roasted. The friend had even seen all this likewise, and having collected all the inhabitants of the neighbourhood, went with them to the kotwdl^ and explained what had occurred. On the receipt of this information, they opened the hole, and found the bodies of the youth and child. They then buried this bloody-minded woman up to the middle, in the centre of the bdzdr^ and goaded her with arrows till she died.

Haibat Eh&n was called the wolf-slayer, and had thus obtained the name. One day he went out hunting in the neighbourhood of Baydna, and made a pleasant party in the Sikahdari garden, with Daryd Khfin Sarwdni, Mahmud Xhan Lodi, and Baulat Khdn Urmar. While they were seated there, two large wolves carried away some sheep, and the shepherds began to lament loudly. It happened that Haibat Xhdn had gone to perform the offices of nature. The wolves approached him ; he took his bow from a servant, who was in attendance, and as he was a powerful shot, the arrow left the bow, passed through the bodies of both wolves, and stuck in the ground beyond. From that day he received his honorary surname.

At drinking parties he was so liberal that every one wondered. One day Jalal Khdn, the brother of Sultdn Ibr&hlm, said, ‘‘0 Haibat Kh&n, 1 have heard that you are generous when intoxi- cated; if you were so when you are in your senses, I should consider you worthy of praise.^' Haibat Khan from that day left off drinking wine, and gave away so much, even with his wits about him, that people were still more astounded ; for he broke up all his gold and silver drinking vessels, and gave even them away.

4 One day, an inhabitant of Bay&na, by name Mtimin, repeated some lines in praise of the Kh&n, and gave them to the minstrels

to recite in the presence of the exalted Kh&n, on the day the nobles assembled at his iSte. Upon the minstrels’ recitation of this panegyric, the Kh&n presented the carpet, on which he ' was that day sitting, to the poet, and 2000 tankas to the min- strels. This will serve, in some degree, to show to what an extent he carried his generosity.

Historians relate that in the year 932 (1526 a.d.), Sh&h B&bar, the Conqueror of the World, remained encamped for a week on the battle-field on which ho had gained his victory, and made himself master of all the property, elephants, equipages, war- like implements, etc., of Sult&n Ibrahim. He considered that that spot had been a fortunate one to him. He summoned the elders of the city, and gained the goodwill of all by his liberality; and made Sult&n Muhammad Aughuli, who had come to his assistance during that action with great diligence and bravery accompanied by 10,000 horse, governor of P&nipat, and granted him as a gift the revenues due upon one harvest. After which he directed his course towards Dehli, the inhabitants of which city, from dread of the pride and power of the Mughals, had deserted it. He accordingly despatched worthy men of Hindust&n for the purpose of calming the fears of the elders and gentry of the city and its environs, and induce them by promises of the royal favour and liberality to come to the Court of the Protector of the World,

When His Majesty arrived at Sonpath, the chiefs and chaudharls of the city, together with the soldiers and bankers and other classes, went to visit him, and were treated with honour and kindness. During the first two months of His Majesty’s reign, he behaved to every one with such kindness and generosity, that dread and terror were banished from the hearts of all men, so that they were well disposed towards his government. He remained a month and some days in the neighbourhood of the fort of Indrapat, on the banks of the river Jumna, and reposed

hfmself there, as it was a pleasant and agreeable spot;^ In the same year, he sent Amir Khalifa and Amir Kuli Beg to Agra, where the mother and family of Sult&n Ibrdhim were; and they went thither by uninterrupted marches. Sult&n Ibr&him's mother sent them a list of the property, valuables, treasures, money, gold and jewelled plate, horses, elephants, camels, tents, male and female slaves of the late king, and entreated him to spare her, Mahmud Kh&n, a slave of Sultan Ibrahim, took this list, and road it in the presence of Amir Khalifa, who forwarded it ta Babar, and remained himself with his troops to protect the fort and those who were inside it, and at the same time prevent them from quitting it, and taking any of the property away with them.

At this time, news came that some of Ibrahim'^s nobles had assembled at Jaunptir, and begun plundering the country. The Conqueror of the World sent Amir Kuli Beg, together with Prince Mirzd Kdmrdn, in that direction. When the Afghdns received intelligence of the advent of the fortunate prince, they fled towards Patna, and Jaunpur fell into his hands. Mi'rzd Kdmr&n left Amir Kuli Beg there with a large army, and then returned to Court; after which he was ordered into the Panjab, and Mirza ’Askari was appointed to the charge of Kdbul, and directed to make himself speedily master of Thatta. Muhammad Humdyun Mirzd, the eldest son of the King and heir-apparent, remained with His Majesty.

When the fortunate princes and valiant nobles had thus been established in different places, information reached the Court of the rebellion of Hasan Khan Mew&tti and B&nd, Saiika, who had collected a large force in Mewdt. Orders were given for the enlistment of new troops, and Ibrahim’s treasures were distri- buted amongst the army. Hasan Khan was a man of royal descent from several generations, and his family had possessed regal power until the reign of Firoz Sh&h. B&na SAnkd, who was at that time a powerful chief, sent a message to Hasan ^ This is not at all in accordance with the Memoirs of Bhbar.

Kh&n, saying, “The Mughals have entered Hindust&n, have slain Sult&n Ibr&him, and taken possession of the country ; it is evident that they mil likewise send an army against both of us ; if you will side with me, we will be allies, and not suffer them to take possession.’’ Hasan Kh&n, carried away by the vanity which the possession of so large a force produced, and by the R&ii&’s message, did not send the presents which he had pre- pared for the Sultdn, and the King’s vakil returned home without accomplishing his purpose. These things came to the King’s hearing in j^gra, and Mirz4 Hindal and Muhammad Mahdi Khwdja, the king’s son-in-law, were sent with an immense army, which was shortly afterwards followed by B&bar himself.

When Hasan Khan was informed of the approach of the vic- torious army, he sent to tell Band Sanka of it. Upon this the Band left his home, and assembled an army of Hindus with the intention of making war. He marched and joined Hasan Khdn, and prepared for action in the plains near Firozpur Jharka. Bana S&nk& placed Hasan Khan on the right, and took up his own post on the left. As he was secretly displeased with Hasan Khan, he determined to ensnare and ruin him. He, therefore, privately sent a vakil to Mirza Hinddl and Khwdja Mahdi, to say that he was the slave and obedient servant of the King, and that he consented to the reading of the khutba and the coining of money in His Majesty’s name ; that Hasan Khdn had com- peMcd him to go to war, but that he would not fight the royal troops, but retire early; and that they should make arrangements so that Hasan might be either captured or slain, as in the event of his death they would obtain the country of Mewdt.

When the battle began, and both parties were slaughtering one another, Mahdi Khwdja attacked Hasan Kh&u, who was unable to contend with him, and after a short engagement took to flight, and his soldiers were scattered all over the country.

h&i Kh&n, a slave of Hasan Kh&n, having displeased him, joined his brothers, and by their advice behaved with infidelity towards his benefactor. When Hasan Kh&n had been forsaken

by all his friends and followers, and no one remained with him,

, he arrived at a well, and said to his servant, “ If you have any- thing to eat, bring it.” He brought some cakes and roast meat, and placed them before him. He had eaten only a few morsels, when a noble of Shdh Babar arrived. Hasan Kh&n arose in a state of confusion, with the intention of mounting, when his servant drew his sword on him, wounded him, and threw him into the well ; after which, he seized his horse, and fled. After his flight, Hindu Beg pursued and plundered his army, none of whom attempted to resist. The troops of the Vanquisher of the Universe obtained immense booty in horses, camels, etc., and gained a great victory. That district was entirely subdued, from one end to the other, and collectors were appointed in various places. Orders were issued for reading the khutha and coining money, and z^jdgir was bestowed upon the fortunate Shdhzada.

One year after His Majesty ^s accession, Mirzd Kamr&n came from Lahore, and brought many horses and much wealth, which he had taken from the Bhattis and Khokars (Ghakhars), which he presented to the Sult&n. About this time, news arrived from Jaunpur, that Sultdn Muhammad, the Afghdn, had assumed regal authority in Bihar, caused money to be struck and the khutha to be read in his own name, and had brought an army against Mirzd Hinddl, who, not being strong enough to resist him, fled from Jaunpur, and was pursued by the troops of Sultan Muhammad. At last, the Mirzd gave him battle, and lost many men. His Majesty appointed Sultdn Junaid Birlds and Haidar Malik Hulak to proceed with other Mughals and a Hindustdni army, Junaid made two marches in one, and arrived there, and faced Sultdn Muhammad. Such fighting took place as no age has witnessed. The Afghdns were unable to resist the impetuous valour of the Mughals, and were dispersed. Jaunpur again fell to the Sultdn, and an account of the victory, together with the spoil and horses, was sent to the Imperial Court. Sultdn Junaid was directed to remain there, and to send the. Mirzd to the

presence. Junaid behaved in such a way towards the Afglidns that no one sided with them, and the hearts of the rebellious « Afgh&ns and other disaffected men were filled with terror and dread of him. MirziSl Hind&l was again sent to Kandahar, and in the second year of His Majcsty^’s reign a beautiful garden was made on the borders of the river Jumna, and pathways were introduced into Hindustan for the first time, they not having been in use before. He passed his time in that garden, in com- pany with Mughal companions and friends, in pleasure and enjoyment and carousing, in the presence of enchanting dancing girls with rosy cheeks, who sang tunes, and displayed their ac- complishments. The Mughals, who had for many years desired the possession of Hindustan, at last governed it. Mirzd Kdmr&n also prepared a splendid garden similar to this in Lahore. Amir Khalifd, being a person of influence, and possessing the chief authority, managed the government, and his decrees were like those of the Sultan himself.

When the royal affairs had been well and firmly established, and the mandates of the King had spread over land and sea like running water, the Eajd of Ohanderi rebelled. Arghdn Khan, who was in that province, attacked him. The Baja, however, plundered on the road the money which was being sent to the royal treasury. The Euler of the Cniverse sent Arghuii Khan’s brother and Ahmad Sultdn against him with a strong force. The Ohanderi Edjd, being puffed up with vanity on account of the defeat which Arghun Khdn had sustained, came out of Ohanderi with an army of Hindus, and a battle took place near a village called Pddahar, in which he likewise defeated Arghun Khdn’s brother, together with his troops, and returned victorious to Ohanderi. After this misfortune, Amir Khalifd received orders to prepare all the royal equipage. When it was ready. His Majesty left Agra in state, and marched steadily in that direction, having previously despatched Amir Hindfi Beg with 6000 gallant horsemen. ’Aliwardi Kh&n Shdmiu, who was then in Malwd, received instructions to join Amir Hindu Beg, for the

'purpose of destroying that infidel. The Uajd of Ohanderl, being ^ very proud of his succe^, collected his adherents from all quarters, and appointed his nephew to oppose those two valiant and warlike chieftains. A battle was fought between them on the banks of the river Jumna. In the first attack, the infidels behaved with such extreme valour, that many of the men of the army of the King of the World became martyrs. When the - two amirs saw that their soldiers were terrified at the Hindus, they retreated, and took refuge in a garden, and the nephew of Shahrak retired to a garden two kos distant. When the King was told of the defeat of these two amirs, he marched towards the enemy. On the amirs being informed of the King’s arrival, they divided their forces in two on a very dark night, darker than the heart of an oppressor, fell on the infidels, and took their revenge. They killed most of the evil-doers, and made prisoners of the remainder; and so much plunder was taken from that heathen army, that the King’s troops obtained sufficient to support them for years. His Majesty marched on towards Ohanderi. But when the Eajd heard of the defeat of his brother, ho was confounded, because that profligate wretch was a great warrior. Not knowing what else to do, he assembled a body of men, and came to fight the Sultan. That vanquished one did not know how difficult it is for a gnat to keep its feet when a cold boisterous wind is blowing, or for a sparrow to fly against a hawk. In the very first onset, that dark-faced man was over- thrown, and his army slaughtered. When the chiefs of the Kajd had been trampled on by elephants. His Majesty encamped near Ohanderi with much pomp. The warriors of his vanguard, having already taken the fori, made captives of the connexions and family of the Edja, and despatched them to the foot of the royal throne. His Majesty presented two of the daughters of the Bdjd, whose beauty was unrivalled, who had never been pxposed to the view of man, or to the hot winds, one to Mirzd K&mr4u, the other to Prince Muhammad Humdyun, and gave the others to the sarddrs of his army. After which he spent

two months in that place, in country excursions and hunting, and then returned to Xgra,. •

In the third year His Majesty proceeded towards Lahore. At Sirhind he was met by the Bdja of £ahlur, who presented him seven falcons and three mans of gold, and was confirmed in the zaminddrl of that place. When the King‘*s camp reached Lahore, Mirzd Kdmran was honoured by admission to the pre- sence, and he brought the zamlnddrs of the country to kiss the feet of the Conqueror of the World. The King’s encampment was located in the environs of Lahore, and the royal tents were pitched in the garden of Mirzk KainrSn, who gave a magnificent banquet, which lasted three days. At its conclusion the King left the garden, and took up his abode in the fort. The whole road thither, from the garden to the gate of the city, was lined by the servants of Shdhzdda Kamran, dressed in silk and brocade, decked like bridegrooms ; and the troops, with their gay red and yellow flags, resembling the early spring. Elephants, adorned with gilded trappings, covered with jewels, were led in front of the royal cortege. When they entered the city-gate, money was thrown to the poor and destitute, and a grand enter- tainment was given in the palace of Sikandar Lodi.

The King was pleased with the sights and hunting which the Panjab afforded, and he therefore remained there for the space of a year, during which Mirz& Hind&l came from K&bul. He was admitted to the presence, and treated with marked distinction. When the cold season was over, Mirza Hinddl returned to Kdbul, and at the time of his departure he received, as a present from His Majesty, two elephants, four horses, girdles, and jewelled daggers.

On the fourth day of the month of Rajab, the exalted monarch set forth on his return to Agra. When he reached Sirhind, one of the kdzis of Samdna complained to him that Mohan Mnn- ddhir had attacked his estate {imldk) and burned it, plundered all his property, and slain his son. His Majesty, the Con- queror of the World, appointed ’AH KuH Hamadani, with three thousand horse, to avenge the injury which the Munddhir had

^one to the petitioner. ’All Kuli proceeded against the village of the Mundahirs. By chance a marriage was being celebrated amongst the Mund&hirs, when he approache'd them with the in- tention of attacking them. It being winter-time when the King’s troops arrived there, in the morning, they were unable to pull their bows, on account of the severe cold. The Mundahirs, who had just risen from warming themselves before fires in their houses, discharged such flights of arrows that the soldiers were unable to withstand them. Many fell, and ’AK KuH was unable to effect anything on account of the vigilance of the Kanw&rs. The army retreated into the jangal^ where they collected a quantity of wood, set fire to it, and relieved themselves from the rigour of the weather ; after which, they again assaulted the village, but were again repulsed.

When information of this was conveyed to the King, he sent Tarsam Bah&dur and Naurang Beg, with 6000 cavalry and many elephants. They reached that place one night, when the Mund&hirs were celebrating another marriage, and enjoying themselves. Towards morning the army was divided into three portions : one was sent to the west, and ordered to show itself. When the Mundahirs, proud of the defeat which ’Al£ Kull had sustained, came forward to the attack, according to instructions received, the Royalist troops tunied their backs and fled, followed by the Kanwars, until they arrived at the distance of one koB from the village. Tarsam .Bahadur took advantage of this opportunity to attack and set fire to the village, and put all the inhabitants to death. When the Mund&hirs perceived the flames, they ran towards their homes, but were intercepted on their road and attacked by the Royalists, sword in hand. Nearly a thousand of them were killed, and a thousand men, women, and children taken prisoners. The slaughter was great, and there was a heap of severed heads ; and Mohan was taken alive. An account of the conquest of the village was sent to the Sh&h. The village had been fully inhabited for no less than 160 years in ih.epargana of Kaithal; but was then made, and still continues to be, a

desert, and has never been inhabited again, although 160 years * have elapsed since its destruction. When the prisoners were brought to Dehli, all the women were given to the Mughals. The offending Munddhir was buried in the earth up to his waist, and then pierced to death with arrows.^ *

Such was the respect for the army which this produced amongst the people of Hind, that thenceforth no one ventured either to rebel or disobey. After this His Majesty passed two months in hunting and other amusements in the neighbourhood of DehlL He then turned his face towards Xgra, and sent Prince Muhammad Humdyun, with a large force, into the siiba of Sambhal, and declared him his successor. The following was the cause of his selection. One evening the King was in his cups, and summoned Muhammad Humdyun. When that offspring of the royal tree came into the presence, His Majesty, overpowered by the wine, had fallen asleep on his pillow. The Shdhzdda remained there standing, motionless, with his hands joined. When the King awoke from sleep at midnight, he beheld him standing, and said^ “ When did you come P He replied, ‘^When I received your commands.” The King then remem- bered having sent for him, and was much gratified, and said.

If God should grant you the throne and crown, do not put your brothers to death, but look sharply after them.” The Shahz&da bowed down to the ground and acquiesced in all that His Majesty said, so that, notwithstanding that Mirza ’Ask&ri and Mirzd Hind&l treated him a hundred times with disrespect, and even went to war with him, he, nevertheless, when he had vanquished them, ceased to think of their hostile proceedings. Whenever they came before him, he treated them with the greatest affection, and never reminded them of the rancour they displayed towards him. To be brief, Mirzd Humayun was sent with a large army into the siiba of Sambhal.

^ [If this be correct, the date of the composition of this work is later than has been supposed. See au^rd^ p. 2.]

^ It is strange that there should be no mention of this transaction either in the large histories ox the Memoirs of Bhbar.

Two or three months after this event, it became evident that His Majesty^s health &iled him. He was carried to his garden on the bank of the river, and Amir (Khalifi) Niz4mu-d din pre- scribed for him, and also managed the business of the State. When the King’s sickness increased day by day, and he was convinced that there was now no hope of life, he determined to provide the empire with a ruler, and prevent it from falling into a stranger's hands 5 so he confirmed his previous election. His illness at length became so severe at Agra, that, in the year 937 H., he departed, by the decree of the Almighty, from this earth to heaven, and forsook this thorny world of trouble for the rose-garden of paradise.

^ After throe days had been devoted to mourning the death of Isldm Shdh, on the fourth, his eldest son, Firoz Shdh, was placed upon the throne, and the chiefs and nobles, in compliance with the will of the deceased monarch, came forward and professed allegiance. They^ distributed a donative of two months' pay amongst the soldiers, and issued their orders to the governors of the subas. They elected Taj Khdn Kirdni to the mzdrat, and Kutb Khdn Niazi, equally skilful with his pen and sword, was nominated bakhshL

As Firoz Khdn was but young, being only twelve years old, and had no experience in matters of government, Tdj Khdn issued whatever orders he chose to the nobles, but he was well- affected to the interests of the state and of his pageant master. Nevertheless, some disaffected nobles did not approve of this arrangement, and after consulting together, represented to Bibi B&i, the mother of Firoz Kh&n, that Taj Khdii was a seditious intriguing person, and though he had been raised to high power by Islam Shdh, and was admitted to his intimate friendship, yet

^ The term might also apply to the King, but it seems meant for the nobles by the context.

that monarch did not centre all power in him. You have hoyr' constituted him absolute minister, and he, already contemplating the acquisition of supreme power, has summoned his brethren, and intends to remove this child from the throne and occupy it himself.” She inquired of them what shq ought to do. They replied, Send him to the aiiba of M&lw&, to supply the pUce of Shujd’ Kh&n.” After giving the matter a little reflection, Bibi B&i sent him to Mdlwd, though he was the prop of her son’s empire, and all the other nobles quailed before his presence, and Isldm Shah on his death-bed had expressly consigned the boy to his care.

About a month after Tdj Kh&n’s departure, Mamrez Kh&n ^ her brother, son of Midn Nizam, brother of Slier Sh&h (who had lived at Baydna, feigning eccentricity and madness, in order to escape death or blinding under the late reign), thought this a good opportunity of ofiering his congratulations to his nephew, and, under that pretence, of making away with him and seizing the crown for himself. With this view, he entered into a secret correspondence with some of the nobles whom he brought over to his interests. So after two months,® he entered Gwdlior with a large army, and, all covered with dust as he was, went direct into the presence of Firoz Khdn, with the intention of seizing and expelling him. His sister, astonished at seeing him under an aspect different from that under which she had ever beheld him, stood between him and her son, and exclaimed, Mamrez Kh&n, what are you dreaming of P Have you no fear of God before your eyes, that you seek to extinguish my lamp by the blast of violence, and seat me in the dust of oppression? You also have children. Did I not save you from the hands of Isl&m Shib, and is this the reward I am to receive P ”

^ This author always calls him by this name. All others call hhn Muh&riz Khiin.

• It does not say from what time, but we may presume the death of Isl&m BhCdi, According to other authors, this murder occurs within a week (three days being the general statement) after this event, and we hear nothing whatever of the ministry of Tkj Kh&n Kir&ni, or his transfer to M&lw&, and the whole statement is so entirely at variance with others, that we must reject it.

• But all her cries and remonstrances were of no avail, for the wretch severed the child's head from his body, and thus accumu- lated curses upon himself for ever. After killing Firoz Kh&n, he came out again from the palace, and, with the consent of two or three of the devilish nobles who were with him,i seated himself on the throne. Then were all astonished and perturbed, and a tumult arose in the city.

^ Seven days after the slaughter of Firoz Eh&n, Mamrez Eh&n came to the throne. Before he took possession of it, he caused tents of damask and brocade to be erected in the hdzdr; after which, be seated himself on the throne and assumed the title of ’Adil Sh&h.^ He opened the treasures of Isl&m Sh&h and Sher Sh&h, and scattered them with an unsparing hand amongst the people, so that they thought little of the murder of Firoz Kh&n.^ As there was no member of Sher Sh&h^s family to succeed to the crown, the nobles sided with him, and were honoured with titles and dignities. When, after two months, he found that every one was well inclined towards him, he turned his face towards Ghun&r, where the treasures of Sher Sh&h were. After conciliating the Kanjurs, he came to Gw&lior, and thence led an army himself against Salim Sur, who had rebelled on the ground of the murder of Firoz Kh&n. When he came into that neighbourhood, Salim Kh&n, finding himself unable to cope with

^ The WdkCdUi Mushtdki 8(i|.ys that the great favourites whom he constituted as absolute at the beginning of his reign were Bahdr Kh&n Sarw&ni, Ibr&him Kh&u S&r, and Shamsher Kh&n, younger brother of Khaw&s Kh&n, ** To these three he distributed the puhlio treasure as well as the whole country/’ — MS. p. 143. The Tdrikh-i Ddiidl says Shamsher Kh&n and Daulat Kh&n Loh&ni were appointed to the wizdrat (MS., p. 367). Others mention only the former name.

^ [From this point to the end the translation is Mr. Mackenzie’s.]

9 The Makhzan*i Afghdnl says tliis name was changed to ’ AdaK, which Dom says signifies ^foolish.’ In one MS. of the work it is said the name was changed into unjust [Firishta’s version of the nick-name is different. He says it wan the Hindi audhaliy * blind.’] The WdkidUi Muahtdki (MS. p, 142) says he was raised to the throne with the title of Sult&n Mahmdd.

^ One instance of this foUy is recorded in the MakhmnA Afghdnl and Tdrlkh^i DdhM and other works. He used to scatter, amongst other donations, certain em- blematic tokens, worth 600 imkas each, which were paid, on presentation, to the fortunate holders into whose houses they had fiUlen.

him, fled to the hill country, and was pursued by a large ar^y sent after him by ^iiidil ShAh.

After remaining a month in that place, he despatched an army against the RAjA of Andrun, When he arrived in his country, the RAjA went to the fort of Kisht, at the foot of which he caused outworks to be erected, which he gave in charge to his chiefs. The Hindus made use of ^arddas and manjaniks^ and placed large cannon on the bastions of the fort, and kept up such constant volleys of stones, that a bird would have found it im- possible to flypast. The AfghAns also prepared trenches and batteries and niade war ; but by no means could they contrive to gain the victory, and they lost many of their men. They cast fiery missiles {hukka1id~i dtish) into the fort ; while from the inside of the castle the defenders threw bags of cotton steeped in oil and set on fire. By this means many men were burned on both sides, and ’Adil ShAh was much distressed at the state of his prospects. He lost men daily during a whole month. At length, one night, he beheld in a dream a venerable man of brilliant countenance, who said to him, “You will conquer this fort if you do one thing.” ^Adil ShAh said, DarwesJm take more interest in the condition of IslAm than kings do ; you ought not to withhold your prayers from the ai’my of the faithful, because the MusulmAns are sorely distressed in this affair. If I return without gaining the victory, I shall destroy the royal name ; and if I endeavour to obtain possession of the fort, many MusulmAns will fall: for this reason my soul is immersed in the river of anxiety.” The dancesh replied, “ There is a shopkeeper in your army whose name is ZankA, who has a daughter, the splendour of whose beauty exceeds that of the sun, and whose face puts the roses of the garden to shame 5 the locks of her hair are lovelier than the hyacinth : buy her from her fether for whatever sum he may ask, dress her in costly garments, deck her with jewels, and send her on horseback in the direction of the desert before the rose of the sun has risen from the garden of the east. After which, make ready your army, and attack the fort on all sides.

With the blessing of God, you will be victorious.” After he had said this, the King awoke. In the morning he summoned his confidential chiefs into his private apartment, and related the vdream to them, and made inquiries after the shopkeeper. The kotwdl searched for him, and brought him to the foot of the throne. They satisfied him with presents and money, and received his daughter, whom they dressed in fine clothes and jewels, and sent off to the desert at the time indicated by the darwesh. She had scarcely reached the distance of a bow-shot, when a rosy-cheeked young man, whose beard had not yet begun to grow, came from the opposite direction ; he had a gilt saddle and jewelled trappings, and rode a cream-coloured horse, and had a gold-worked quiver fastened to his waist, with a tiger’s tail hanging from it, with a regal cap set jauntily on his head, and plumes from the wings of the sUmurgh, That fair girl made him a saldm^ and they both took the road of the desert. The men who accompanied the lady were con- founded at the wonderful and mysterious occurrence which they had witnessed, and were still further astounded, when, in the twinkling of an eye, they both disappeared from their sight. Upon this, they returned, and told what had happened to ’Adii Shdh, and the wise men of the age who were there present were wonder-struck.

Proclamation was made by beat of drum, that the soldiers should prepare for battle. They advanced against the fort. By the decree of the Most Mighty, such dread had taken possession of the defenders, that they sent a message to the effect, that, “ If D&ud Kh4n would bring a written promise of mercy from the King, the Eaj& would give up the fort to His Majesty’s troops, and come to pay his respects.” D&ud Kh4n sent this message to ’Adil Shdh, who was much astonished, and said, ” 0 Baud Kh&n, I was put to great annoyance by this fort, ‘because so many of the faithful had fallen and were falling. I could not gain possession of it. I therefore felt inclined to leave it, and return to Gwdlior 5 but now I have proved the truth of the

promises of a darwesh. Thank Gnd, he has not misled me, ; Qo and give them my written promise of mercy.” D&dd Eh&n did as he was directed. The came into the presence with his*- turban suspended from his neck, and the fort was vacated. Much treasure and many fine elephants and horses were pre- sented to ’^idil Shdh. The King gave the fort into Datid Kh&n^'s charge, and returned thence victorious to Gwdlior, ^

When he had reigned two years, and his authority was firmly established, he began to treat the nobles with severity. There was a man named Himun, who was a weighman in the bdedr^ who had found means to approach the King on different affairs, and in whom he daily reposed more and more confidence. By degrees ho became very powerful and influential, so that he managed the business of the State. About this time, Junaid Kh&n, the son of Ahmad Khan, who was governor of Bayana, and his son, the faujddr of Ajmir, rebelled in Ajmir, plundering and spoiling certain parganas of that province, making prisoners of the women and children, and gaining much booty, which he gave to his men. By all which he succeeded in collecting a large force, the motions of which he directed with great exportness and address.

’Adil Shdh had at this time gone to Ghun&r; Jamdl Khan, who was in Gwdlior, assembled a force and went out against him with seventeen elephants in his train. A battle was fought at Kanul&pur, near Ladanah. The fighting was severe. Junaid Khan overcame Jam&l Eh&n at the first onset, and slew many of his best men. He also obtained much plunder, horses, elephants, etc. When this news reached the King, he was greatly distressed. Himun said, “ 0 Lord of the World, if you will trust me with a small force, I will either overcome Junaid Kh&n, or perish in the attempt.” ^Adil Sh&h at first objected to this, on account of the meanness of his origin, but at length he yielded to^his solicita- tions, and sent him with 3000 or 4000 horse and four elephants." He set off, and Junaid Kh&n, vain of his victory over Jamil Khin, took no notice of him, saying, ‘‘ My grooms will kuock,;y*^

out his brains with the pegs to which their horses are ^.siened.^' He then ordered Daulat EUi&n, who was the superintendent of his stable, to proceed against him with a large army, and enjoined him not to kill Himdn, but to bring him alive into the presence. He gave him leave to depart, and himself went to hunt tigers. How very reprehensible is arrogance !

Daulat Kh&u went, after making all his arrangements, and towards the close of day found himself within a hos of Himun’s army. He sent some boastful and foolish messages to Himdn, saying, “ 0 shopkeeper, why do you meddle with war P Eetum to your scales and weights.” Himtin sent no answer, but allowed him to remain in his fancied security. When night came, he called the Afghans, and said, Junaid Hh&n, in the first place, defeated our troops, and is vain-glorious on that account; to-morrow, if you behave valiantly, we have every hope of gaining the victory, and you will be praised and honoured by His Majesty.” The Afghdns, on hearing this, declared their intention of doing their best in the battle which was about to ensue, saying, that “ Victory was in the hands of God.” When the light of the sun parted the curtain of dark- ness, the brave men of both parties mixed together. Providence decreed success to the banners of ^Adil Sh&h. Daulat Xh&n was slain, and his army put to flight. Himun pursued them for two ko8^ and put many to death ; a portion of them only managed by a thousand devices to save their lives from the swords of the royal troops.

When J unaid Khan was informed of this, bis head, which he had lifted to the heavens, was brought low. He ordered his troops to prepare for action, and marched with the intention of fighting. Towards night he arrived close to the army of ’Adil Sb&h, and encamped. After counting his troops, he found that he had with^ him 8000 cavalry and 3000 foot, whom he had assembled from different quarters, together with ten war- elephants and a numerous artillery. During the night he endeavoured to infuse spirit into his men. *

When* Himun saw the large force of the enemy he was dis- turbed, because he had only brought 3000 horsemen with him, and many of his men were wounded. Ho came to the conclusion that he could not cope with the foe by day. He said, “ If you, who are warriors, are of this opinion, which has firm possession of me, we may hope for success.’’ All the Afghans said, “ Your opinion is ours.” Himun said, “ I advise a nighU attack to be made on their army, let what may happen.” He then picked out *one body of 2500 horsemen, and kept 1000 himself,^ with the intention of attacking the enemy from two different quarters, with kettle-drums sounding, during the last watch of the night, and putting them all to the sword.

With this view he prepared his men for the attack. The enemy remained on the alert during three watches of the night ; but in the last watch they grew negligent, and fell asleep. When they were overpowered by drowsiness, the soldiers of ^Adil Shdh fell furiously on them on all sides, and awoke them with the sound of drums and trumpets. Hiraiin did not give them time to put on their armour, and the Afgh&ns, sword in hand, passed through their army, slaughtering all they met, and many also fell by the hands of their comrades. They took to flight, and suffered severe loss from His Majesty’s troops.

When Junaid Kh4n saw that he was unsuccessful, he thought himself lucky in being able to save his life, and fled alone to the desert ; all who were not cut to pieces also saved themselves by flight. The spoil which this victory granted by the Almighty yielded, amounted to 200 camels, with daggers and swords in- numerable. A portion of this was given to the army as a reward for its valour, the remainder was forwarded to ^A'dil Shah. Himiin despatched an account of the victory to His Majesty two days before he set forth himself. He then went to Court, taking the plunder with him, and gave a detailed account of the war and of his victories, and showed the articles of booty one by one

^ Something here defective in the arithmetic. He has just stated there were only 3000 men in all," and of these many were disabled.

t(5 the King. He then stood with folded hands in front of the throne. *^dil Sh&h^ honoured him with a purple khiVat^ the collar and skirt of which were covered with jewels. Himun said, “ I am a miserable shopkeeper, and can of myself do nothing. To Your Majesty's good fortune this success is due. But the swords and bravery of these soldiers are the means. Your Majesty should first recompense them." The King praised this speech, and rewarded all those who had distinguished themselves in the field, by giving them high mamahs and splendid dresses of honour.

On account of this war, Himun’s power increased greatly. One day, at the time at which the King was in the habit of quitting his private apartments, the nobles were seated in the Darbdr4 *dmm^ v^mXjdgirs were being distributed. Ibr&hirn Khdn, who had married ’iiidil Shdh's sister, entered, and all the amirs rose to salute him, with the exception of T5j Khan, one of the chief nobles as well as warriors, who remained sitting in his place. Ibr&him Klidn was vexed at this, and became ininiically disposed towards Tdj Khdn. Some days after this, T&j Klidn went to pay his respects to ^Xdil Sh^ih. The day was very cloudy, and he was assaulted by an Afgh&n, named Nizam Khan, in the doorway of the ^audience chamber, which was itself a dark place, independent of the darkness which the clouds occasioned. He was, however, only slightly wounded. Taj Khan attributed this attempt to Ibr&him and ^dil Shah. Wlien, after a week or so, his wounds were healed, ho made ready his adherents, and advanced from Gwdlior in the direction of Bengal. Information of this was soon conveyed to ’Adil Shah, wlio sent a large force to pursue him, and much fighting took place. Taj Kh&n forced his way, sword in hand, and the royal troops returned. After this, Taj Khdn went to Ahmad Khdii, who was governor of Jaunpur, and a relation of his. ’Adil Shah sent a/<Tmdw, enjoining him to induce Tdj Khan to come back, seeing that the cause of his displeasure did not originate with the King, but was entirely owing to his enemies. Ahmad Khdn

did all he could to persuade T£j Kh&u, who, however, would not listen to him.^ ^

"iiLdil Sh&h’s suspicions caused divers of the nobles to be inimical to him. He put Daulat Khdn Jalw&ni and Firoz Kh&n Kakar to death, and pulled up the root of his empire with his ,uwn hands by killing these two amirs^ who were the pillars of his monarchy. He then began to entertain evil intentions towards Nasib Khan Sarw&ni, Isma'il Kh&n, All&h-d&d Kh&n Miana, and Nizdm Khan Sahu-khail, and he became daily more ill-disposed towards the nobles. 'Adil Shairs sister, the wife of Ibrdhim Khdn, went one day to her brother's house, and learned from some of the women there, who had long been friends of hers, that the King was ill-disposed towards her husband, and meditated some evil design against him. She being very fond of her husband, was much distressed at this news, left the palace in a hurry, and went to her own house, where she told what she had heard to Ibrdhim, who, being seized with a panic, fled from Gw&lior and wont to Dehli. When ’Adil Sh&h was informed of his departure, he sent a large army in pursuit of him, and a battle took place near Agra. The King's forces sustained a total defeat, and Ibr&him Kh&n marched victorious into Agra.^

Jalal Khan, who was in the province of Sirhiud, also joined Ibrahim Kh&n, and made over to him all the money which had been collected from the parganas of that province. Mahmud Khan Pundak, Aizam Kh&n, and Alif Kh&n likewise allied themselves with him, so that he mustered about 3000 cavalry. He caused the khutba to be road and coin to be struck in his name, and raised the standard of rebellion. Whilst this was going on, ’Adil Shdh had gone to the treasury of Chunar ; but when he heard of the insurrection of Ibrdhiin Kh&n, he marched

^ It is impossible to ascertain the precise dates of these transactions, so much con- fusion, negligence, and contradiction occur ; but they seem to be a mere variation in the account of Ttij Kb&n's secession irom the council, when he was defeated at Ghliabramau, the details of which will be found amon^tbe extracts from the TdrOcM Khdn^Jahdn Lodi* f. , ^

^ At that time Ibr&him Eh&n’s fiither, Ghazi Eh&n Sdr, was governor of and UindCin. >

to Grw&lior, and released Nasib Kh&n and Alldh-d&d £han, whom he had imprisoned, ^e then treated them kindly, gave them rich purple dresses of hyiour, and 80,000 rupees for their expenses, and did his best to please them; At the time of their departure he presented them with an elephant, a girdle and a dagger, and sent them against Ibr&him. These two noWes pro-^ ceeded in great state from Gw&lior to Dehli, but they too joined Ibr&him Ehdn. When ’Adil Shdh was informed of their joining the rebels, he lost heart, because these two men of name had sided with his foe.

At this period, the EfijA of Andardun, seeing the disordered state of the King’s affairs, revolted in Ujjain. 'Adil Shah reached Gw&lior by uninterrupted marches; and when the Edj4 was informed of the King’s coming, he left his nephew TaiA Ohand with a portion of his army in Ujjain, and advanced him- self two ko8 from Ujjain with a numerous force to meet the royal troops. ’Adil Shdh appointed Niz4m Kh&n Sdr and Path Khan Sarw&nt to oppose him. They attacked him with their brave Afghans, At first, the E&j&’s valour had such an effect that some of the best Afghans obtained m*artyrdom, and the Sultan’s army were on the point of running away. ’Adil Shdh possessed two elephants, in whose powers of travelling he had great confi- dence, and two fleet steeds, and he determined to fly to Chun&r with all the royal jewels in the event of the defeat of Nizdm Kh&n and Path Khdn. Niz&m Kh&n and Fath Kh&n had like- wise resolved to leave the field, as they had lost many men by the hands of the infidels, and could not hope to do anything with the few who remained.

Whilst they were thus despairing of the-ir success, it happened by the blessing of God, that one of the zamliiraks or swivels of the royal army was discharged. It struck the Eaji of Andardun, who was standing in front of his army, on the head ; his skull was knocked to pieces, and his brains scattered like the fragments ^ 6f a cheese. When the B&j&’s men saw this, they all took to llflight. Niz&m Kh&n, seeing that the infidels had suddenly dis-

persed, believed that some unforeseen event had occurred, and injtde a slight attack on them with his retnaining troops. The infidels fled before them, and on advajpdng they found the of Andardun lying in the midst of dust and blood. They returned thanks to God, and sent news of the victory to ’Adil ^hah, and counselled him to come speedily to TJjjain. His Majesty was astonished at the mysterious dispensations of Provi- dence, and pursued the fugitives until he reached Ujjain. The Eaja’s men resisted during three hours, hut at last gave way ; his wives and children were taken prisoners, and such spoil of horses, camels, elephants, gold, jewels, property, and clothes was obtained, that the soldiers had wherewithal to support them- selves for years.

After this victory, ^Adil Shdh passed some time in Malwd, and Ibrdhim Khdn at this time availed himself of the opportunity thus afforded, and extended his authority. Having collected much money from the parganas of the provinces, he de-

spatched his emissaries in all directions, and gained the whole country from Dehli to Rohtas. When A'dil Shdh arrived from Mdlwd, and heard of the power and success of Ibrahim Khdn, he was distressed. He felt satisfied that it would be necessary to proceed against him in person, and ordered the necessary prepa- rations to be made for that purpose.

At this time, Mansur Khdn, who was a young man of great courage, and had married the King's younger sister, excited 'Adil Shdh’s suspicions. He was anxious to hinder him from revolting like Ibrdhim Khdn, and, therefore, determined either to blind him with a red-hot bodkin or slay him. His wife was by some means or other informed of this, and told her husband that “ she had learnt in various places that 'Adil Shdh was desirous of either putting him to death or blinding him, and that if he wished to save his life he had better fly." MansurKhdn had suspected this from the first. His wife said, “ You have 4000 horse, who are your ancient servants : and I have much gold and property in jewels; let us sell it, and obtain adherents. As

Ibr&him Eh&n forsook this place, and obtained such extensive authority by his courAge, do you also, in like manner, not only avoid the chance of destruction, but increase your possessions.”

Mansur Kh&n listened to the wife's advice, which was given in the spirit of a man; and one day, under the pretext of liunting, when informed by his spies that ’Adil Shah was in his cups, left Gwalior (having previously sent off his troops and baggage), and arrived at Dehli, where he had an interview with Ibrahim, who entertained him hospitably for two or three days, after which he requested Ibr&him to give him charge of the Panjdb, and merit his gratitude by doing so, since it had pleased the Most High to make Ibrdhim a man high in authority, and the possessor of an extensive territory. Ibrahim's youthful, over- bearing pride led him to be displeased at this. Next day, Mansdr Khdn sent his mother and wife to the wife of Ibrahim Khan, and told them to entreat her to persuade Ibrdhim Khdn to entrust the Panjdb to him. His wife and mother went there, and said to her^ sister (the wife of Ibrdhim), “ You are like a mother to us. God has exalted you, and given you great posses- sions ; and if through your means the land of the Panjdb be given by your husband to mine, I shall consider myself your slave, and my husband will become one of your servants.” The elder sister consented, and sent them away with a present of gold and jewels. At bedtime that evening she related what had happened to her husband, * Ibrdhim Khan's pride again caused him to refuse to listen to the request, and she, being vexed, arose and left him. In the morning the wife told her sister of the denial she had met with. Mansur was enraged at this, and determined to have one trial of arms with Ibrdhim Khdn. He deliberated with his trusty Afghdns, and said, “What is the good of this life to me? If the Most High grants me success, my situation will be bettered ; at all events, it will be better to die than remain in this wretched condition.’’

[Ibrtililm Kh&n and Ahmad Kh&n (here called Mansdr) had each of them married a sister of ’Adali's.]

As God had decreed that Manstir Kh&n should be victorioiis, all the nobles and Afgh&ns of note joined him, and agreed with him in everything, so that he mustered .8000 horsemen. Ibrdhim, however, commanded 30,000. Mansur Ehdn made ready for war, and sent to Ibrdhim to say, “ Great friendship existed between us j but you have forsaken the path of afiection, and it is unworthy of a man to be led away by pride, and forget the rules of courtesy. Let what will happen, I will come and essay one trial in arms against you#’ Ibrdhim laughed at this message, and said, ‘‘Why do you seek death beneath the feet of my elephants P ” At last, on Friday, the 7th of Sha’bdn, a severe action was fought.^ It pleased the Almighty to over- shadow the banners of Mansur Khan, and Ibrdhim, being routed, fled to Sambhal, in spite of his 30,000 cavalry and many elephants.^ His troops deserted him, and came and pledged their allegiance to Mansdr Khdn, who, after the victory, pro- strated himself in thanksgiving on the field. He collected the army, the elephants, horses, treasures, and household property, etc., and came speedily to Dehli, where he took possession of the throne, and issued orders for the reading of the khutba and coining of money in his own name. Ibrdhim’s overweening pride caused him to lose all his possessions, and he fled towards the East.

Mansur Khdn assumed the title of Sikandar,^ and from that day [962 A.H. (1554 a.d.)] his^prosperity increased.^ ’Adil Shdh ruled the country from Jaunpur to Mdlwd. He endeavoured to

1 At Farra, a town about twenty miles from Agra.

• Other authorities, as the MaJchmn^i Afghdnl and Tdrikh-i Khdn~Jahdn Lodt^ represent Ibr&him's cavalry at 70,000 men. Wo are also told that there were no less than 200 of his officers who occupied tents lined with velvet, each having the privi- lege of beating the naubat, — See Briggs’ Firishta, vol. ii., p. 147.

® The Wdh^dUi Muahtdkiy the Makhzan-i Afghdni, the Tdrikh^i Khdn»Jahdn^ Abd-1 Fazl, and indeed all historians, say Sikandar Eh&n's name was Ahmad Eh&n Sdr ; and we must reject Mansdr £h&n as incorrect.

^ According to Firishta he ascended the throne at Agra in 962 h. He makes him out to be the nephew of Sher Shhh, and says that his sister was married to *AdaU. Our author has just said that ’ Adalfs sister was married to him.

wrest his conquests from Sikandar, but did not succeed. Sikandar # agreed to own him as his liege *lord, and wrote to him, saying,

I am a friend of yours, and will behave like one of the other nobles. You are my King.** In effect, he always treated ’Xdil Sh&h with great consideration.'

At this time, three different khuthas were read in the empire of Hindust&n, and money was coined in the names of three monarchs, when before there had been only one khutba and one person’s name on the money. The couiftry from Agra to Malwd, and the coniines of Jaunpdr, owned the sovereignty of ’Adil Sh&h ; from Dehli to the smaller Eoht&s on the road to K&bul, it was in the hands of Sh&h Sikandar ; and from the borders of the hills to the boundaries of Gujar&t, it belonged to Ibr&him Kh&n.2

When Hum&yun Sh&h received intelligence of the feeble rule of ’Adil Sh&h, the dissensions of the nobles, and the partition of the territories of Hind, he felt persuaded that the discordance which then existed amongst the Afgh&ns would enable him to take easy possession of Hindustan, and he therefore made up his mind to invade it. But his differences with his brothers, Mirz& K&nir&n, Askari, and others, who had wrested many of his territories from him, together with the small number and unprepared state of his troops, opposed great obstacles. He wished to go to Mariam Mak&ni, and seek succour and assistance from her. On a prosperous day, he sent Khw&ja Muazzam and Bairam Kh&n to fetch Mariam Mak&ni and Prince Akbar, who went with expedition and brought them. As the winds were exceedingly hot, Akbar Mirz& spent that time on the borders of Mahain. From thence King Hum&yun set off with 200 men, Bairam Eh&n, Khw&ja Mu’azzam, B&b&-dost Bakhshi, Khw&ja' Gh&zi, Muhammad Haidar Akhtabegi, Mirz& Kuli Beg and his

1 The represents Bikandar's opposition as immediately consequent

upon ’Adali's murder of Firoz Kh&n. Elphinstone (yol. ii., p. 156) also says he was a nephew of Sher Sh&h. The event he assigns to 961 a.h. (1564 a.d.)

s But he had just fled towards the East, and must necessarily have been excluded from these western possessions.

brothers, Shaikh Yusuf, Ibr&him the Lame, and Hasan Kuli, ail nobles of note.

[The history of Humdyun, which follows in the MS., is copied verbatim from the TabakdUi Akbari^ as hereafter given among the Extracts from that work. The following account of the battle of Sirhind is the only passage in which Ahmad Yadgar differs from the Tabakdt,‘\

The tents of the Prince Akbar Mlrz& had been pitched near the fort at the Hauz-i Rasuldna. All the Khdns displayed on this day great courage and valour, such as it would be impossible to exceed, and they obtained their desires. Sikandar Sur fled, forsak- ing everything that appertained to the possession of the empire, and the victorious troops pursued the enemy, and put many of them to the sword, Sikandar escaped with a few follow^ers. Two hundred and fifty elephants, mi three hundred and odd Jiorses, treasure, gold and silver vessels, and all the palace furniture, were cap- tured. Muhammad Akbar came victorious into His Majesty’s presence, and made the customary congratulations. His Majesty honoured that lamp of brilliancy with an ornamented khiVat and a jewelled crown, and made him happy by granting him the high title of heir-apparent. He also gave him twenty elephants and 100 horses out of the spoil, lihe munshis despatched /amdws describing the victory in every direction, and they attributed the success to the skill of the Prince of the World and the valour of his servants.

When intelligence of what had occurred to Hum&yun reached Chun4r, ^Adil Shdh deliberated with his courtiers, and deter- mined that, as the Mughal army had lost their king, they must bo disheartened and distressed; that if they were attacked by a large force, they would fly without figliting, and Dehli

would easily be taken ; that Sikandar was in the Siwdlik hills in a state of great want ; and that there was no one sufficiently powerful to have designs against Dehli. Himun observed, “ If the King will send Ahmad Khan Sur, Alldh-dad Khdn Sarw&ni, and Daulat Shah Kir&nf, with a large army, and some powerful elephants, with me, by the fortune of the King, I will overthrow the Mughal troops, and gain possession of DeliH. There was a soothsayer in ’Adil Shah's service, who could interpret the ap- pearances of the heavens as easily as he could the signs on an astrological table. He was extremely skilful in explaining every- thing that related to the heavenly bodies. Th« King said to him, ‘‘I am about to send an army against Dehli. You must therefore pay great attention to the state of the heavens, and then tell fearlessly what you have learnt before the throne.’^ The man spent three days in carefully contemplating the stars and aspects, and then went before the King, and said, This I have learned from the revolutions of the heavens and the changes of day and night, — that after Humayun, his son, who is seated on the Imperial throj|ie, will be entrusted with the entire government of Hind, and the rulers of all countries will place their foreheads in the dust before his throne, and no one will vanquish him. The land of Hindustan, from Kandahar to the sea of the south, and from Kambhayit (Cambay) to the sea of Bengal, will own his sway,’' 'Adil Sh&h was much dispirited at this unfavourable speech. Himun said, “ O King, the case is thus : he is now a child ten years old, who has lost his father, and the Mughal army is not yet firmly established. It is easy to root up a small plant." 'Adil Sh&h derived confidence from his speech, and prepared a powerful force. He sent 7000 horsemen and twenty war-elephants with Himun ; who went, march by march, to Gw&lior.

'Ali Kuli, who was at that place, came against him. The valour of the Afghdn troops enabled them to overcome him in the first attack, and many Mughals fell. 'All Kuli fled, accompanied by a few followers, and all his property and

valuables fell into the hands of the Afgh&ns. Hfmdn, rejoiced at this victory, sent an account of his success, together with the spoils captured from the Mughals, to 'iidil Shdh, who was exceedingly pleased when he received it, and looked on this first piece of good fortune as a proof that he was always destined to be victorious. He gave a great festival, and sent Himtin a dress of honour, adorned with jewels and worked with gold thread, and an elephant, and made him promises of unlimited favour.

When Himun learnt the bestowal of these favours, he advanced, and after he bad passed Agra, rumours reached Dehli of the coming of ^Adil Shdh’s troops. The Chaghatais assembled from different directions and consulted together. Tardi Muhammad Khdn said, “ It appears to me that it would be better to quit this place and join the Prince, that the never-failing good fortune of Jaldlu-d din may overshadow us.^^ Abii-1 Ma'ali and the other Chaghatdi nobles said, “ This shows want of heart. The Afghdn army has not yet arrived, and we have not been vanquished by their superior force. If we then quit Dehli, 'v^at answer shall we be able to give to-morrow before the throne P Tardi Beg would not, however, agree with them, say what they would, and separated himself and his army from them. The other nobles prepared for action.

Himun encamped in the neighbourhood of Old Dehli, and set forth from thence with his army ready for fighting in three divisions. Tho nobles of the tribe of Ohaghatdi came forth from Dehli with their valiant troops, and the blood-drinking elephants which had fallen into the prosperous hands of King Humdyun during the war with Sikandar Stir. Tardi Beg also came out with his men, and took up his post on the left. Severe fighting took place. At first the Mughals, careless of life, kept up a constant fire of arrows, and the hearts of many Afgh&ns were pierced through and through by their deadlj" points. They were on the point of flying’^from the field of battle, when Himtin, seeing that his affairs were getting desperate in that quarter.

directed Alldh-d&d Eh&n to go to their assistance from the left. All&h-d&d Kh&n, who was so brave a man that he had never turned his back to the enemy in any battle, attacked the Mughals, and for a short time kept them in check ; but they again fell on him both from the left and right, wounded All&h-d&d Eh&n with their piercing arrows, and scattered his troops as the wind does the clouds. Tardi Beg did not leave his position to assist either party.^

When Himun saw that the Mughals were in good spirits, and the Afghdns disheartened, he advanced with his own division of 3000 cavalry, made an onslaught on the Mughals, and routed* them. They were unable to rally, and as they were utterly defeated, they took to flight. Himdn pursued them, and slaugh- tered many. The Afghans did not treat Abd-l Ma’&li with great severity, because he had a secret understanding with them. So much plunder of the Mughal army fell into Himun’s hands, that it was impossible to take an account of it — 160 elephants, and 1000 horses of Arab breed, and an immense quantity of property and valuables; — Hlrndn collected all, and kept them himself : and from obtaining possession of so many things apper- taining to royalty, he began to entertain ambitious ideas, and say, “ 'Adil Shdh is helpless. Although he possessed a valiant army, he could do nothing when Ibr&him and Sikandar rebelled. Now all his elephants and soldiers are with me.” Looking on things in this light, he distributed all the spoil, with the exception of the elephants, among the Afghans who accompanied him, and gained them over to his own side. With their concurrence, he

^ The Tdrikh-i Bdiidi (MS., p, 374) says he fled with the speed of the wind from BehU to Sirhind, where, at the instigation of Bairam Khhn, he was put to death. Some authorities, as Firishta, represent that he gare battle at Behli, and did not fly till he was defeated. Firishta says that his death was fully justified by the condition of the Mughal chiefs, who were prepared to act like the Afgh&n chieftains of Sher ShtJi, ** each considering himself equal to a Kaikob&d and Kaikhiis.” His death, nevertheless, was very discreditable to Bairam £h&u, who took advantage of Akbar's absence on a hawking party to execute him, without even the ceremony of tftVng the Ring’s orders respecting this old and familiar companion of B&bar and fitun&ydn.

entered Dehli, raised the Imperial canopy over him, and ordered coin to be struck in his name. He appointed governors of his own, and brought the Dehli territory and the neighbouring parganm under his control ; and in order to console the King, he sent an account of the victory in these words : Your slave, by the royal fortune, has routed the Mughal army, which was firm as an iron wall; but I hear that Hum&ytin’s son commands a numerous force, and is advancing against Dehli. For this reason I have kept the horses and elephants of the Mughals, in order that I may be able to face the valiant enemy, and not allow them to reach Dehli.'^ Shdh was comforted by these deceitful

When the nobles of the tribe of Chaghat^i were defeated, and the royal troops retired disheartened from Dehli, news of the defeat of the chiefs, and of the skill and bravery of the infidel, reached the high-fortuned and exalted prince. He marched with- out halting, with Bairam Khdn, and the remainder of the nobles who accompanied him during that expedition, to Sirhind, where he showed great anger against the chiefs. Tardi Beg was punished. The treasury was opened, and gold distributed, and many people were enlisted. They then marched towards Dehli. When they arrived at Thanesar, a census was taken of the army, which was found to consist of 26,000 horsemen. Shah Badagh Kh4n was sent on ahead with 4000, and directed to keep always one march in front of Ilis Majesty. A halt of some days’ dura- tion was made at Thanesar. One day, during the time when accounts of Himun’s vigorous measures were daily arriving, Bairam Khdn took the Prince into the presence of the Kutbu-1 Aktab Saiyid Jalal Thanesari, and procured him the honour of kissing the feet of that most holy individual. When they were about to depart, they begged him to give them the assist- ance of his prayers. They said, ‘‘This accursed infidel is coming with an army numerous as ai^ts and locusts ; it is proper that your holiness should protect the cause of Islam.” The Saiyid reflected for a short time, and then said to them, “ Have you not

Ifieard what little boys at play say P ” He then dismissed them. On the morrow they marched to a* distance of seven /cos from Karndl, where they encamped. Himun, who had taken posses- sion of the Dehli throne, being informed of the coming of the Mughal forces, went out with regal pomp from Dehli, with the intention of fighting them. It is related, that when Himun was proceeding to Dehli against the nobles of King Hurnayun, he encamped near Old Dehli. The evening preceding the day on which he expected a battle, he went to the sanctified mausoleum of the Kutbu-1 Aktab, His Highness Kutbu-1 Hakk, the pole- star of religion and piety, and placing the head of entreaty on the august threshold, vowed that if he were destined to conquer Dehli, — if the throne of Dehli were granted him, and the Mughal troops put to flight, — he would become a Musulmdn on his return to Dehli, and diffuse the religion of Muhammad. The Almighty gave him victory. But ho perjured himself, and did not become a Musulm&n, or forsake his heathen prejudices; nay, he even persecuted the Musulm&ns. But at last he saw what he did see.

When he was going to fight on the field of P&nipat, the night before the battle, he beheld, in a dream, a torrent come down and carry away the elephant on which he was mounted. When he was nearly drowned, a Mughal came, cast a chain round his neck, and drew him out. On aw^aking, he sent for the interpreters of dreams, related his td them, and asked them to explain it. The interpreters, after thinking over the business, looked at one another, ajid Himun inferred that there was some- thing unpleasant in the explanation. Ho therefore said, “Banish fear from your minds, tell what you have discovered.” The interpreters said, “ The torrent which you saw is the Mughal army, which comes with such force that it carries away you and the horse on which you are mounted, and the chain signifies the blood which will flow from your body when you are wounded, and cover you entirely.” Himun became fearful, and said, “The very reverse of this dream will happen.”

On the morrow, wlien he mounted to proceed to battle, heavy

rain fell, and the best elephant of that infidel, which was of gigantic size, was struck id two by lightning.^ On account of this, Himun became very thoughtful, and aware that the good fortune of the Mughals was in the ascendant, and that the victory was not for him, he was much terrified at the explanation of his dream, and set forth unwillingly to the fight. His Highness Akbar Mirza had before this reached P&nipat. Himtin had encamped two kos west of that city. He had with him a force of 40,000 calvary, while the Mughal army did not exceed 20,000 horse and foot.^ The soldiers of both sides had frequent trials of strength during the space of a. week. Three days before the battle Bairam £h&n gave a great entertainment, and raised a large audience-tent, adorned with embroidered satin, like the flower-beds of a garden in the early spring, or Paradise itself. He spread carpets of various colours, and on them he placed a golden throne, and caused Prince Akbar Mirzd to sit on it; after which, the darbdr was opened to the public. The nobles of the Ohaghatdi tribe were made joyful by the gift of expensive dresses of honour, and regal presents, and promises of future . favour were likewise made to them. Bairam Kh&n said, This is the commencement of His Majesty's reign. This infidel has routed the whole royal army, and is now making preparations against us. If you do your best in this business, with one heart and soul, Hindust&n is yotrs. I place my trust in God, If we fail in this, you, whose homes are at a distance of 600 kos^ will not be able to find an asylum.''

All the nobles placed their heads at the foot of the tlftone, and said, ‘‘ If it please the Most High, we will not be found wanting in the performance of our duty as long so we have breath in our bodies." > After this they said to Ahmad Beg, the madman, who was unequalled throughout the world in foretelling the future by what he saw in the blade-bone of a sheep, “ Tell

' We have seen (Vol. IV., p. 487) thata similar event is said to have preceded the battle of Amb&la between the Nf&zis and the Imperlali|ts.

3 The author has just before stated that ^e cavalry alone mustered 26,000 strong*

ns by means of your art who will gain the victory/’ After feasting and eating he tried his art, and then, being filled with joy and gladness, said, “ The victory is on our side, but one chief of rank will obtain martyrdom during the fight/*

At length, after two or three days, Himtin, having made ready for action, came out into the plain, and seated himself in a howda on an elephant, in order that he might be able to over- look and superintend his troops. He also caused the golden standards to be displayed. Bairam Khan also drew up the people of Ohaghat&i to the right and left in battle array. Sh&h Baddgh Khan and Shfih Abu-1 Ma‘*ali, with 6000, passed to the left of P&nipat, and came to the rear of the armies. Bairam Kh&n placed Akbar Mirz&‘*s own private tent in an elevated position, and left 3000 horse to guard him. He then placed his reliance in Him in whose hands all human affairs are, and on whom victory depends, and turned his attention to the battle.

Himtin was excessively . arrogant on account of his troops and elephants. He advanced, fought, and routed the Mughals, whose heads lay in heaps, and whose blood flowed in streams. He thus at first vanquished the Mughal army; but as the brilliancy of the star of Prince Akbar’s fortune was not destined to be diminished, it chanced that, by the decree of the Almighty, an arrow struck Himun in the forehead. He told his elephant driver to take the elephant out of the field of battle. When the Afghans saw that the animal was retreating, they believed that Himtin was flying ; but on approaching him they saw how matters stood, and as no benefit is ever derived from disloyalty he sustained a complete defeat. Shah Abu-l Ma’dli, however, one of the chief nobles, obtained martyrdom on that day.

When Sh&h Kuli Beg was told of what had occurred, he came up to the elephant, and brought it into the presence of Bairam Kh&n. Bairam Kh&n, after prostrating himself, and returning thanks, caused Himun to descend from the elephant, after which he bound his hands, and took him before the young and fortunate Pilince, and said, “As this is our first success, let Your Highness’s

own august hand smite this infidel with the sword.” i "The Prince, accordingly, struck him, and divided his head from his unclean body (Nov. 6, a.d. 1556).^

(Muhammad Shdh ’^dil was slain in the year 964 a.h.,® in an action with Khizr Khdn, the son of Muhammad Xhdn Gauria. His body, which was not yet quite dead, was, at his conqueror^s command, fastened to the foot of an elephant, and dragged about. His miserable reign lasted about three years.)

1 Here Ahmad Yadgfir concludes his history, and, with characteristic negligence, omits to mention a word about the fate of AdaU, upon whose reign he has just been engaged. The Tdrikh^i Ddiidi and many other histories say the young Prince declined to commit this wanton act of brutality, and his subsequent actions render this highly probable. Firishta says, that at Bairam Kbhn's importunity, he merely touched the head of the captive with the sword, by which he became entitled to the appellation of “ Ohdzi.'

2 The Tdrikh-% Ldiidi (MS. p. 377) says 968 ii.

[The Makhzan^i Afghdni and the Tdrikh-i Khm^Jahdn Lodi are frequently mentioned and referred to as separate works, but they are essentially one and the same. The Tdrikli contains, in addition, a memoir of Khdii-Jah&n Lodi,^ from which the book takes it name, and it also gives a meagre history of tho life of Jahdiigir; but in other respects it may be considered as only a revised version of the Makhzan. It is fuller than the latter in some parts, especially in the lives of the saints, but still the notes in tho following Extracts will show that, although it is generally better, it is occasionally inferior to the Makhzan,

The author of the work was Hi'amatu-lla, who hold the office of wdki^-nawis or historiographer at the Court of Jahdngir ; and he tells us that his father, Khwdja Habibu-lla, of Hirat, passed thirty-five years in tho service of Akbar. But Ni'ainatu-lla, though he had the chief hand in the work, was assisted or perhaps even directed by Haibat Kh&n, of Sdm&na. Ni’amatu- 11a, after stating in the preface to the Makhzan^ that he under- took the work in the year 1018, “at the command of Naw&b

^ The Nawhb KhCm-JahSui Lodi, one of the most illustrious generals of Jahhngir. He rebelled in the reign of Shfch Jahan, and was slain by the Imperial troops, a.d. 1631.— See Vol. IV. of this work, p. 537, and Blochmann’s Aln~i Akbarif p. 602.

Khdn- Jah&n Lodi/’ goes on to say that, “ supported by the amiable kindness of Haibat Khdii bin Salim Kh&n of Sdmana, one of Khan-Jah&n’s attendants, who collected and arranged the scattered and confused genealogy of the Afghans,” he wrote the

history in accordance with the labours and researches of the said Haibat Khan.” At the end of the MS. of the TdrikJiri Khan- Jahdn Lodi^ Ni’amatu-lla informs us that he finished the work at the city of Burliduptir, and a few lines later it is stated that “there remain some words to be added on the genealogy of the most humble and most abject of slaves, Haibat Khan, who is occupied in writing and verifying this work.” The pedigree and history, of his family are then related at some length. The terms of humility accompanying the name indicate that they were written by Haibat Khdn himself. The authorship of the work is thus distinctly asserted both by Ni’araatu-lla and Haibat Kh&n ; and strange to say, there has appeared to be yet another claimant. At the end of the second or Historical part of the MahJizan, there is found in the various MSS. the following passage, which the Editor of this work translates afresh, as Dorn’s version is not satisfactory : “ The original author of this Tdrihlt-i Sher Shdhi is ’Abbas Sarwdni.^ But as this work is deficient in some parti- culars, such as the afiairs of B^z Bahadur, the memoirs of the Kiranis and Lohanis, and in some other matters, the history was incomplete. So in these days the humble servant Ibrahim Batni has made extracts from the Tdrikh-i Nizdmi^ which also con- tains the history of Sher Shah and Islam Shfi;h, and he has selected sundry matters from the Makh%an-i Afghani^ written by Ni’aniatu-lla, and having introduced them into this history, has made it complete.” These words are evidently applicable to some atnended version of the Tdrikh-i Sher Shdhi^ not, as Dorn supposed, to the Makhzan-i Afghdni; for the most bare- faced

‘ Dorn’s rendering is, “ The original of this history is the Tdrtkh^i Sher ShdMf of ■’Abhus Surwknf;** but the Persian words are

and the lirst words, musannif-i asl^ arc commonly used for “ an original author.**

plagiarist and book-maker would hardly assert that he had improved and completed a work by adding to it selections from its own pages. It is curious to find such an entry in all the known MSS. of ih^Makhzan; for the only way of accounting for it is by supposing that it wal^ inserted by mistake in the Makhzan^ instead of the work for which it was intended ; and if this be so, all the known MSS. of the work must have been derived from the copy in which the false entry was made.

The work begins with Adam, and professes to trace the origin of the Afghans ; but says Sir H. Elliot, “ Nothing can be more meagre than the whole of the introductory book about the settlement of the Afghdns in Ghor. It is nothing but a rifacciamento of the childish Muhammadan stories of the Creation and of the prophets, especially Israel and Saul, all of which, as well as the early Muhammadan history, is taken from the commonest sources, without a single independent statement to encourage the least notion of correctness, research, novelty or probability. The Tdrikh-i Khdn-'Jahdn Lodi is nearly verbatim the same, and offers no differences of the least consequence. As a history of the early days of the Afgh&ns, it is utterly untrust- worthy, and should by no means be considered as tlio basis of the annals of a nation of which we remain as ignorant as if the work had never been written,” The following Extracts are taken from the second or Historical part of the work. The third part con- tains memoirs of sixty-eight Afghan saints.

The second book is valuable as the work of one who lived near the times of which he writes, and had a special interest in the subject. The work was fi\nshed in the year 1021 h. (1612 a.d.). Dorn observes, ‘‘ Ni*amatu-lla was contemporary with Firishta, and commenced the history of the Afgh&ns in the same year when Firishta finished his work ; but he is nowhere mentioned. The identity of the sources they used in compiling their respec- tive works is evident, from the extreme, often verbal coincidence of the style and thread of the history of the reigns of the Lodi race and the family of Slier Sh&h.

The following is Sir H. Elliotts analysis of the MS: — “In the history of Sher Shah the Tdrlkh-i Khdn-^Jahdn Lodi is of about the same length as the Makhzan4 Afghani, The only additions are two long eulogies of Khawds Khdn and Haji Khdn, and some of the regulations of Sher Shah, which are added at the end of the reign. It follows the same order as the Makhzan^ but varies from it considerably, and is altogether inferior. In this reign he quotes the Tdrikh~i Sher Shdhiy Tdrikh-i Nizdmi^ Madan-i Akhar^ and Akhar-ndma^ and appears to be in doubt as to which should be followed, for he is con- tradictory in some parts. The history of Isldm Shah follows, or exactly resembles, Ddiidi^ and is not in the least like the Makhzan, The reign of 'AdaM is identically the same as the Makhzan; so are the notices of Shujdwal, Bdz Bahddur, and Taj and ’Inidd Kirani, On the subsequent periods of Afghdn dominion in the East the history is brought lower down, and gives an account of Ddiid of Bengal, and a full history of the proceedings to the year 1021. Tlie account of the saints does not occupy quite the same position. It is pretty nearly verbatim the same ; but some lives differ, as Khwaja Yahya K&bu, which is longer. While some of the Makhzan has been omitted, other matter equally absurd and childish has been introduced. Almost all the additions given by Dorn, from Dr. Lees' copy, in his notes, are to be found in my copy, and show that the two are identical. Both contain the life of Jahangir.

“ The Makhzan-i Afghdni has been well and faithfully translated by Dorn 5 and in my translations I have almost copied verbatim from him."

Tim author mentions in his Preface the following authors who “have written books lately on the history of Sultdn Bahlol Lodi," viz. KhwAja NizArnu-d din Ahmad, in the TdHkh-i Nizami; Shaikh ^AbbAs SarwAni, in the Tdrikh4 Sher Shdhi; MaulAnA MushtAki, in his Tdrikh (called the Wdki^dUi Mush-- tdki) ; MaulAna Mahmud bin IbrAhim KAlwAni, in the history of Sultan IbrAhim, and named Ihrdhim Shdhi,