2. Volume 5 — part 2

The Extracts relating to the reign of Sultan Bahlol were translated by “ Ensign ” Charles F. Mackenzie 5 the others are from the pen of Sir H. M. Elliot himself.

Those works, relating to the Afgh&n dynasties, come a little out of their chronological order; but it was not desirable to post- pgne them to the reign of Akbar for the mere sake of maintaining the chronological sequence of the authors.]

It is narrated by the author of the Tdrihh-i Ibrahim Shahid ani by the historian Niz4m{, that Malik Bahlol Lodi was the nephew of Sult&n Shah Lodi, who bore the title of Isl&m Khdn during the time of Sultdn Mubarak Shdh and Saiyid Khizr Khdn, and was one of the grandees of that period. He held the pargana of Sirhind in jdgh\ and governed the neighbouring dis- tricts. [Malik Bahlol, son of Malik Kdid, was his full nephew, and] when he perceived that his nephew possessed discernment and good sense, he treated him as his son, and constituted liiin his successor [and caused his own turban to be bound on his nephew’s head.] ^ After the decease of Isldm Khdn, Bahlol became governor of Sirhind, and established his authority firmly. Kutb Khdn, the son of Isldm Khdn, declining to acknowledge the authority of Bahlol, went to Sultdu Muhammad, who was then King of Dehli, and complained against Malik Bahlol. In consequence of his representations, Hisdm Khan, who was called Hdji Shudani, one of the dependents of the Saiyid dynasty of l)ehli, who had attained the rank of a noble, was despatched by Sultdii Muhammad with a numerous army against Malik Bahlol.* Both parties met near the village of Karra, in the pargana of Khizrdbdd, and a fierce battle took place. Hisdm

^ [These sentences are supplied from the MSS. of the Mahhzan^i Afghdiill * [The MSS. of the Makhzan~i Afghani read, “ These complaints raised the anger of Sult&n Muhammad, and accordingly he sent Hhjf Shudani, ivhom he had exalted by the title of Hishm Kh&n, along with several other amin^ to Sirhind against Malik Bahlol.*’]

Khdn, being defeated, retreated to Dehli, whilst Malik BahloFs power and authority were greatly increased.

It is related, that during the time he was with his uncle Isldm Ehdn, he went once to Sdmdna for the purpose of transacting some urgent and important business, taking with him two of his intimate friends, and hearing that there was a holy mm named Saiyid ibn Majzub in that place, who made predictions (m/ub i lafa bM)y^ Malik Bahlol went to see that darweih^ accompanied by his two friends, and, after having treated him with every courtesy, sat down. That person, who was ab- stracted from worldly thoughts, asked, “ if any one of them was able to buy the kingdom of Dehli from him for 2000 ianlia%r Malik Bahlol had 1300 tankas in his purse, which he took out and placed before the saint, and said, “ This is all I possess/’ ^ That worthy person consented to accept the sum so proffered, and said, ‘‘ May the empire of Dehli be fortunate to you ! ” When his two associates began to ridicule his superstition, tho Malik said, ‘‘ One of two things must happen : if the event be successful, I shall have made a good bargain; if not, in the day of judgment there are rewards for good deeds done to darweshes^ It is said in certain histories that Malik Bahlol traded 5^ but the truth or falsehood of this has never been clearly ascertained. It is known that his grandfather and father were merchants, and wore in the ,habit of visiting Hind.^

Malik Bahlol, after the death of Isl&m Kh&n, gained posses- sion of the territories of Sirhind [and the Panjdb] ® by the

' [This sentence is from the MSS. of the Ma}chzm.'\

^ [This agrees with the MS. of the East India Library, but Dom, and all tho MSS. of the Makhzan say that he gave tho whole 2000.]

3 This is very plainly asserted in the Tdrikh~i JDdUdU Indeed, we find that his subsequent fortunes were in a great measure dependent on his success in controlling a turbulent parganuy which Saiyid Muhammad, King of Dehli, had assigned to him, in payment of his bill for horses.

• [I’he MSS. of the MakMan^i Afghdni differ slightly. “It is said that Malik Bahlol traded, but this has not been proved.*’ His ancestors were engaged in trade — horse-dealing, according to one MS.]

assistance of his other uncle Malik Firoz, the brother of Isl4ra Ehan, aided by the whole of his kindred, and strengthened him- self and established his authority. The speech which Shaikh ibn Majzub had made to him in his early youth caused him to aspire to the throne, and he was desirous of bringing the bird * ♦of empire into his net.. After vanquishing Hisdm Kh&n, Malik Bahlol wrote a letter to Sult&n Muhammad, complaining of the mal-administration and depravity of His&m Kh&n, and lauding his own candour and sincerity. Ho stated also in it that he would obey and serve His Majesty, if the loiMrat were taken away from Haji Hisam Khdn,^ and given to Hamid Khan. Sultan Muhammad, who was totally inexperienced, believing what Malik Bahlol said to be true, put his guiltless and faithful servant Ildji Hisdm Khdn to death on the following day, and raised Hamid Khdn to the rank of chief minister. Malik Bahlol and the whole of the Lodis, when they heard this news, came forward without hesitation, and having paid their respects to the Sultdn, were confirmed in the possession of their

After this reconciliation, Malik Bahlol made war, in the name of Sultdn Muhammad, against Sultdn Mahmud Kbilji of Malwa, [who was ruling over Hisdr Firozah, Hdiisi, and Kdgor,] ® and overcame him. Upon which the Sultdn ennobled him by giving him the title of Khdn-khanan. Thus the Lodis became gradually more powerful, and possessed themselves by force, with- out King Muhammad's consent, of Lahore, Dipdlpur, Sanndm, Hisdr Firozah, and various other parganas^ and paid no atten- tion to what Sultdn Muhammad wrote to them in remonstrance. They raised the standards of rebellion, collected a force, and went against Sultdn Muhammad who was in Dehli, and besieged that place ; but failing in their attempt, they returned to Sirliind, where Malik Bahlol assumed the title of Sultdn, but abstained

^ [All the MSS. agree in stating that he required the death of Hishm Kh&n.]

• [This sentence is given by Dom, and is in throe MSS. of the Makhzan; *but it is not in the East India Library MS., and it seems to be wanting in the MS. from which this translation was made.]

from having the khutba read and coinage struck in his name until Dehli should fall into his hands.

About this time Sultan Muhammad died, and the nobles and chief men of the State placed his son, Sultan ’Alau-d din, on the throne. The whole of Hind was divided into provinces governed by petty rulers {mtiliik-i tawa\f) \ but the Lodis pre- dominated. Ahmad Khan Mewdtti possessed the country from Mahrauli to Ladhd Sard!, near the city of Dehli. The Lodis hold the country of Sirhind, Lahore, Sdmana, Sanndrn, and Hisar, as far as Panipat.^ Daryd Khdn Lodi governed the territory of Sarabhal, up to the ferry of Khwaja Khizr, which adjoins Dehli.^ Tsd Khdn Turk-bacha held Kol and Jaldli. Kutb Khdn, the son of Hasan Khdn the Afghdn, was governor of Edpri.^ And Rdi Partab held the towns of Bhuigdnw, Pattidli, and Kampil. Baydna was in the hands of Ddud Khdn Auhadi; and Sultdn *Aldu-d din ruled only in the city of Dehli, and a few of the neighbouring villages,^ There were also kings in Gujardt, the Dekhin, Mdlwd, Jaunpdr, [Mdndu],^ and Bengdl.^

Sultdn Bahlol, collecting an army for the second time, marched from Sirhind to Dehli ; but as he could not succeed in capturing the fort of Dehli, he again returned to Sirhind. At this time, Sultdn ’Aldu-d din consulted Kutb Khdn Lodi and Rdi Partdb,

1 [This agrees with the East India Library MS., hut the others say PSinipat, Lahore, Il&nsi, Hishr, N&gor, and as far as the confines of MuUfin.]

• Ei*anLatii-lla in the Makhzan mentions the pargana of Loni as his western boundary.

® [The Makhzan adds, “ Chandfiwar and Etfiwa.**]

^ [The Makhzan adds, ’Alfiu-d din possessed only Dehli, Ffilam, and two or three other paTgana9y\ The Tdrikh~i Ddiidi records a current distich as expressive of the contempt with which the circumscribed power of the Imperial government was viewed at that time.

The empire of the King of the Earth extends from JDehli to Tdlam,

® The Makhzan adds, that Gwfilior, Dhdlpdr, and Dhadfiwar had each their own Kfijfis (MS., p. 76).

on the means of strengthening himself, to which they replied, ‘^If the Sultdn will degrade Hamid Kh&n from the rank of wazir^ and imprison him, we will wrest some parganas from the hands of the nobles, and make them over to the exchequer. Accordingly, Sult&n ^Alau-d din ordered Hamid Khan to be confined, and then marched from Dehli to Burhdnabad, and en- camped near Amroha. Kutb Khdn, Kh&n, and Partab came there to pay their respects, and promised to make over forty parganas to the Sultan, on condition that he would put Hamid Kh&n to death. Partdb incited the Sult&n to slay Hamid Kh&n, because the Khdn'’s father in former* days had plundered his estate and seized his wife. Sultdn *Alau-d din, who was unfit to govern a kingdom, gave directions, without thought or reflection, for the execution of Hamid Khdn, whose brothers, learning these intentions, managed to liberate him from confinement, and then fled to Dehli. Malik Muhammad Jamdl, in whose custody he had been, pursued Hamid Khdn to his house and attacked him ; but in the tumult he was killed by a spear, and many people joined the party of Hamid Khdn. The wazir removed the wives, sons, and daughters of the Sultdn, exposed and bare-headed, out of the fort of Dehli, and then took possession of the treasures and regalia. Sultdn ’Aldu-d din’s irresolution hindered him from doing anything, and after putting off his revenge from day to day, he remained in Baddun on account of the rainy season. Hamid Khdn resolved to avail himself of the opportunity, and to establish another sovereign in the room of Sultdn ’Aldu-d din ; but as Sultdn Mahmud, King of Jaunpur, was connected with Sultdn ’ Aldu-d din, and Sultdn Mahmud, King of Mdndu, was too distant to admit of his holding communication with him, he did not think proper to make any determined move. Whilst he was meditating on his future schemes, Bahlol, having received intelligence of what was * in contemplation, came with, his entire army from Sirhind to Dehli. Hamid Khdn did not quit his post, as he considered himself sufficiently strong to prevent Sultdn Bahlol from entering

the city.^ After entering into a convention, Sult&n Bahlol gained permission to enter the city, and he, in order to meet the neces- sities of the times, treated Hamid Khan with all possible polite- ness and courtesy, and went daily to visit him, at the same time always keeping near his own person many Afgh&ns who had joined him from Eoh. His determination was to make himself king, and turn Hamid Khdn out.

One day Hamid Khdn gave a grand entertainment, and in- vited many nobles as his guests. Sultdn Bahlol, who was one of the party, had instructed his Afghdns to behave in a foolish and indecorous mannner, during Hamid Khdn’s feast, so that he might look on them as a set of idiots, and ceasing to regard them with any apprehension, might pay no further attention, to them. When the Afghdns ^ent into Hamid Khdn’s presence, they acted in an unusual and strange manner. Some fastened their shoes to their girdles, some placed their shoes in the recess above Hamid Khdn^s head. Hamid Khdn inquired what this meant. They answered, “Wo are taking precautions against thieves/’ After a short time the Afghdns said to Hamid Khdn, “Tour carpet is wonderfully coloured; if you give us each a blanket from it, wo will send it as a rarity to our native land of Roh, to make caps for our children, that the inhabitants of the world may know that we are in the service of Hamid Khdn, and are treated with much dignity, honour, and respect.” Hamid Khdn smiled, and said in reply, “ I will make you presents of the most costly articles for rarities.” And as tjiey were bringing round trays containing perfumes, the Afghans licked the scent bottles, and ate the flowers. They opened the leaves which covered the pdn. First they ate the lime, and when this had heated their mouths, they chewed the pdn afterwards, and in other respects conducted themselves in an extraordinary manner. Hamid Khdn asked Malik Bahlol, “Why do they act thusp” He replied, “They are a set of

^ These circumstances are diiferentlv represented in the Tdrikh-i Duiidi [antk Yol. IV., p. 435].

clowns^ and have associated but little with men; they only know* how to eat and die.'” It became BahloFs custom to bring some of these men whenever he went to see Hamid Khdn ; but the greater portion of his attendants remained standing without. On one occasion, when Hamic^ Khdn was feasting Malik Bahlol, the Afghans, in obedience to secret instructions received from Malik Bahlol, beat the door-keepers, and forced their way in, saying, “ We are likewise servants of Hamid Khan ; why should we be prevented from coming to salute him P '' When a tumult and disturbance had arisen, Hamid Khdn asked the reason of it. They, as they were entering, abused Malik Bahlol, and said to the minister, “ We are just as much your servants as he is ; he comes in, and why should not we?"” When Hamid Khdn directed that they should be admitted, the Afghdns crowded in, and two of them placed themselves near every servant of Hamid Khdn. When the eating part of the entertainment was over, and many of Hamid Khdn's men had gone out, Kutb Khdn Lodi drew forth a chain from his bosom, and laid it before Hamid Khdn, saying, “The best thing for you will be to retire from public life for a short time. As I have eaten your salt, I do not intend to put you to death,” After this he caused Hamid Khdn to be seized, and gave him in charge to his officers.^

Thus Malik Bahlol took possession of Dehli, without hindrance or opposition ; and on the 17th of the month Rabru-1 awwal, A.H. 855® (19th April, 1451), at the prosperous moment and auspicious time which the astrologers learned in the stars, and experienced Brdhmans had indicated, he seated himself on the Imperial throne, and ordered the khiitba to be read and coin to be struck in his own name. He assumed the title of Sultdn Bahlol; and did his best to conciliate the nobles and

1 Ahmad Y&dg&r gives an account of this transaction in greater detail ; but the particulars are scarcely worthy of notice. — ^MS. p. 7.

So says Ni’amutu-lla and the Tdrlkh’^i Ddiidi; but Ahmad Y&dg&r «ay8 27th ot Muharram. [Firishta makes it a year earlier, 864.]

soldiery, and gain the goodwill of great and small, by his extreme liberality and generosity. He won the people over to his side, and when he had secured a firm hold on Dehli, after some days, he -wrote to Sultdn ^Aldu-d din, saying, ‘‘ Since I was educated by your^ father, and consider myself as in fact your regent for this country, I will allow the royal power, which had left your hands, to remain as it was; and I will not prevent the khutba from being read in your name.’’’ Sultan ^Aldu-d din wrote iif reply, “As my father looked on you as his offspring, I likewise have looked on you as my elder brother, and have therefore made over the government to you, and contented myself with Bad&un.’’^ Sultan Bahlol, being successful and prosperous, ruled the empire with vigour. He wrested the parganas bordering on Dehli from the people who had usurped them, and took them into his own possession. Ho also, in the first year of his reign, went to settle the province of Multdn.

Some of Sultdn 'Aldu-d din^s nobles, who were dissatisfied with the government of the Lodis, wrote to Sultdn Mahmud of Jaunpur, and summoned him to their assistance. Accord- ingly, in the year 865,* he advanced from Jaunpur to Dehli, which place he besieged. Khwdja Bdyazid, the son of Sultdn Bahlol, with other nobles, remained there to garrison- the fort.® Sultdn Bahlol,^ on hearing this, left Dipdlpur and came and encamped in the village of Narela, fifteen kos distant from Dehli. In spite of all his endeavours to make peace, Sultdn Mahmud’s pride and arrogance prevented an accommodation. Sultdn Mahmud sent Fath Khdn Hirwi, with 30,000 horse- men and 39 elephants, against Sultdn Bahlol. These came

^ [Soc Vol. lY., p. 86. ’Alau-d din lived quietly at Bad&dn till his death in 883, A.D. 1478.]

3 The account of this siege of Dehli is given in greater detail among the Extracts from Ahmad Y&dghr {auprd page 2), whose account agrees with that of *Abdu-lla in the Tdrfkh-i DdMi.

^ [This is in accordance with the MSS., but differs from Dom, whose version makes B&yazid come from Diphlpdr.]

into action in three divisions. The leading elephant of Fath Khan’s army was disabled by Kutb Khan Lodi, who was an unrivalled archer, with a single shot. Darya Kh&n Lodi, who had joined Sult&n Mahmud, was fighting in the same field, Kutb Kh&n called out to him with a loud voice, “ Your mother and sisters are in the fort ; it is not fit that you should do battle for the stranger, and lose sight of the reputation of your family,’’ Darya Kh&n said, “ I will leave the field, provided you do not follow mo,” Kutb took an oath that he would not pursue him ; and thus, on account of Daryd Khan’s retreat, Fath Khan’s troops were defeated, and he himself was taken prisoner. Sult&n Mahmud, being thus foiled, and being unable to effect anything, retired to Jaunpur.

Sultdn Bahlol then settled himself firmly, and increased his dominions and authority. He took measures to gain entire possession of the country; and with this object in view, first proceeded into Mewat. Ahmad Kh&n Mewdtti submitted ; upon which the Sultdn deprived him of seven parganas^ but allowed him to retain the remainder. Ahmad appointed his uncle, Mubdrak Khdn, to be perpetually in attendance at Court, The Sultdii proceeded from Mewat to Baran, Darya Khan Lodi, governor of Sambhal, also came before His Majesty, to tender his allegiance and submission, and presented him with seven parganas. The Sultdn went thence to Kol, and confirmed ’fsi Khdn in the possession of that place on the former terms. When he reached Burhandbdd, Mubarak Khdn, governor of Sakit, came to pay his respects; he was likewise confirmed in the possession of the districts which he held in jdgir. Rdi Partdb, chief of the zaminddrs in those parts, was also confirmed in possession of Bhuingdnw. From thence he went to the fort of Rdpri.^ Kutb Khdn, the son of Husain, who commanded in Edpri, resisted, but his fort was speedily captured. Khdn Jahdn, after making a solemn promise of safe conduct to Kutb KhdjU, brought him into the King’s presence, when he also was 1 [“ To E&pri and Chand^war.** — MakUmn,"]

confirraed in his jdglrs. From thence, Sultdn Bahlol went to Et&wah, the governor of which likewise offered his homage.

At this period Mahmud Sharki, by the advice of Malika Jahfi.n, who was the chief lady of his harem^ and was related to Sultan ’Al&u-d din, again assembled a force, and came against Sultan Bahlol, and encamped in the country about Et&wah. On the first day, both armies engaged in hostilities ; on the second, Kutb Khdn and R4( Partdb made amicable arrangements, and agreed that the whole of the territory which had belonged to Mubdrak Shah, King of Dehli, should be left in the hands of Sultan Bahlol, and that which Sultdn Ibrdhim, King of Jaunpur, had held, should be left in the possession of Sultdn Mahmud; also that seven elephants which had fallen into the hands of Sultdn Bahlol in the fight with Fath Khdn should be given back to Sultdn Mahmud. Shamsdbdd was to be con- sidered the property of Sultdn Bahlol, and was to be made over to him by J und Khdn, the agent of Sultdn Mahmud. After this truce, Sultdn Mahmud returned to Jaunpur, and Sultdn Bahlol wrote a farmdn at the appointed time to Jund Khdn, directing him to leave Shamsdbdd, and give it into the hands of Ildi Karan. As J und Khdn resisted ‘ the execution of the order, Sultdn Bahlol went in person to Shamsdbdd, took the fort and town from Jund Khdn and gave them to Edi Karan.

Sultdn Mahmud, when informed of these transactions, again went against Sultdn Bahlol, in violation of his solemn engage- ments. They met face to face at Shamsdbdd, and Daryd Khdn Lodi and Kutb Khdn^ made a night attack on the army of Sultdn Mahmud. By chance, Kutb Khdn’s horse stumbled, and he was thrown to the ground and taken prisoner. Sultdn Mahmud confined him and sent him to Jaunpur, where he remained captive for seven years. Sultdn Bahlol, leaving Prince Jaldl Khdn, Sikandar Khdn, and Tmddu-1 Mulk in

^ This was Kutb Kh6n Lodi, fii'st cousin of Bahlol, and son of Islhm Kb&n. The other Kutb Khhn, frequently mentioned in this reign, was the son of Husain Kh&n AfghSin, and governor of R&prf on the Jumuh. Dary& Kh&n was also a first cousin of Bahlol. — Tdrikh~i Dditdh MS. p. 24,

front of Sultan Mahmdd's forces, for the purpose of render- ing assistance to R&i Karan, who was in the fort of Shams- db&d, went in person against Sult&n Mahmud. * At this time the Sultdn [Mahmdd] fell sick, and in two or three days the measure of his age was filled to the brim, and he ceased to exist. His mother, Bibi R&ji, who was a very wise, clever and ex- perienced woman, with the assistance of the nobles, seated Prince Bhikhan Khdn on the throne of the kingdom, and gave him the title of Muhammad Sh&h. Certain of the chief nobles and grandees of the State interposed, and made peace between the two monarchs, under which it was agreed that the territories of Sult&n Mahmtid should be ruled by Muhammad Sli&h, and that those, owned formerly by Sultan ’Alau-d din should bo governed by Sultdn Bahlol.

After this compact, Muhammad Shdh retraced his steps to Jaunpur, and Sultan Bahlol went towards Dehli. On his arrival near Dehli, Shams Khatun, sister of Kutb Khdn, and the chief lady of the Sultdn’s harem^ sent to say, that as long as Kutb Khdn remained the prisoner of Sultdn Muhammad Shdh, it would be unlawful for the Sultdn to take sleep or repose of any kind, [adding that she would kill herself]. I This speech made such an impression on Jthe Sultdn, that he turned back from Dehli, and set off again against Muhammad Shdh. When Muhammad heard this, ho set out from Jaunpur, with the view of meeting Sultdn Bahlol ; and on reaching Shamsdbdd, he took that district away from Edi Karan, Sultdn Balilol's governor, and reinstated Jund Khdn. Although Edi Partdb had formerly been on the side of Sultdn Bahlol, yet ho now became alarmed on account of Muhammad Shdh's successes, and joined his party. Muhammad Shdh reached Surseni by uninterrupted inarches. Sultdn Bahlol encamped in the pargana of Edpri, which adjoined Surseni, and fighting took place for some days between the two armies.

Muhammad Shdh wrote a farmdn to the Kotwdl of Jaunpur, ^ [Makhzan^l

ordering him to put his (the Shah's) own brother, Hasan Khdn, and Kutb Khdn Lodi, who were both detained as prisoners, to death.^ The Kotwdl represented that Bibi Edji protected both of them, and that he had not sufficient authority to kill them. When Muhammad Shdh learnt the contents of the reply, he wrote in a perfidious, plausible and treacherous way to his mother, saying, ‘‘My brother, Hasan Khdn, suffers greatly in prison; it is proper that you should come here and make peace between him and me ; after which an estate shall be given to him." Bibi Raji set forth on receiving the letter ; and when she was some stages on the road, one of Shdh Muhammad'‘s courtiers put Prince Hasan Khdn to death by order. This news reached Bibi Edji at Kanauj. After mourning for Hasan Khdn in Kanauj, she declined to enter the presence of Muhammad Shdh. When Muliammad Shdh heard of his mother's return, he was wroth, and wrote to her, saying, “ Why do you mourn on account of the execution of an individual P All the princes will meet with a like fate, and then you can mourn for them all at once!" The nobles and ministers were in continual dread of Muhammad Shah, for he was of a very ferocious, blood- thirsty, and passionate disposition.

During those transactions, Husain KJidn, a younger brother of Muhammad Shdh, sent Sultdn Shdh and Jaldl Khdn Ajodhani to inform Muhammad Shdh that the troops of Sultdn Bahlol intended to make a night attack ; that 30,000 horsemen and thirty elephants had been detached for the purpose, and had taken a position on the banks of the Jharna.* Sultdn Muhammad,®

1 In the Tdrilch-i JDdiidi (MS. p. 25) they are called two sons of Sultan ShS.h, by name Hasan Kh&.n and Kutb KhSin. The insertion of “Lodi*' must be an error, though his father’s name also was Sultfiin ShCih. These princes were evidently of the Jaunpdr family, and Sullfi.n Sh^h himself appears as one of the conspirators against Muhammad Shhh. [Still, Kutb Kh&n Lodi was a prisoner in Jaunpilr at this time.]

• The Afghan histories arc not sufficiently explicit on the subject of these move- ments; but it appears from the Jaunpdr annals, that the conduct of the two brothers arose from disaffection to Muhammad Shhh.

• [The original translation and the MS. of the East India Library say, “ Sult&n Bahlol,” but this clearly wrong. The MSS. of the MaJehzan are correct. See also Born, p. 49 ]

on receiving this news, sent a division of his troops to oppose them. Prince Husain Khdn desired to take his brother Sh&h- zaua Jaldl Kh£n with him, and sent a man to call him; but Sultan Sh&h remonstrated against the delay, representing that Jal&l Kh&n might come up afterwards. Upon this, tliey went off in the direction of the enemy. It so happened, that Sultan Bahlol’s army was prepared for these movements ; so that when Prince Jalal Khdn, in obedience to the sum- mons of Husain Kh4n, had left the army of Muhammad Shdh, and started for the Jharna, he found himself in the presence of the Sult&n’s troops, instead of Husain KhAn^s. Thereupon, Sult&n Bahlors men seized Jalal Kh&n, and brought him. into the presence of their sovereign, who imprisoned him, deter- mining to retain him as a hostage for the safety of Kutb Khdn. [Husain Kh^, when he heard of this capture of Jalal Khan, being in fear and dread of Muhammad Shdh, took to flight and went to Jaunpdr.] ^ Muhammad Shdh was terror-stricken when he learnt the capture of one brother and the flight of another, fearing that the latter might go and do damage to his ibterosts throughout tho country ; but being unable to offer any oj)posi- tion, he went to Kanauj, and was pursued as far as tho Ganges by Sultan Bahlol, who returned to Dehli after plundering a small portion of the baggage [and capturing some elephants and

Sh^hzada Husain Khan, in the year 857, came, at Jaunptir, into the presence of Bibi R4ji, to pay his respects; and as slie was greatly displeased with Muhammad Shdh, she, with tho aid of the Sharki nobles and grandees, raised him to the throne of the kingdom of Jaunpur, with the title of Sult&n Husain.® Malik Mubarak Gang, Malik ’AH Gujarati, and other chiefs were appointed to attack Muhammad ShSh, who had taken up a position at R&jgarh, on the river Ganges. When

• This date is quite irreconcilable with the JaunpAr hiatory— according to which, even Mahmiid Shhh did not die till the year 862, and Muhammad Shfih's reigu lasted for five months.

Sultan Husain’s army approached, divers nobles who were dis- satisfied with Muhammad Shdh forsook him, and joined the forces of Sultdn Husain. Muhammad Shah fled, accompanied by 100 of his body-guard, and arrived at a garden which was in that neighbourhood, where he was surrounded by the Sultdn’s soldiers. Muhammad Sh&h, being a capital archer, took up his bow and arrows ; but previous to this, Bibi Raji had per- suaded the armourer of Muhammad to remove the points from the arrows which he had in his quiver, so he found, at the time of action, that all the arrows which he drew forth from his quiver were pointless. At last ho threw down his bow, and took to Ills sword, with which he smote down several persons ; but an arrow from the bow of destiny was sent by tho hand of Malik Mubarak Gang, which struck Muhammad Sh&h in the throat. The wound caused him to fall from his horse to the ground, when he attained martyrdom.

Our mother, Nature, never bore a son whom she did not slay I

Beware, distrust the love of this murderer of her offspring

After these events, the Almighty established Sult&n Husain firmly in the possession of tho kingdom. He made peace with Sultdn Bahlol, by which they were both bound to remain satis- fied with their own possessions for four years, R&i Part&b was induced by Kutb Khan to side with Sult&n Bahlol.^ When Sultdn Husain had made peace, and arrived near the Haiiz4 Sariya^ he sent for Kutb Khdn [Lodi] from Jaunpur, and after presenting him with a horse, a royal dress of honour, an elephant, girdles, daggers, and jewelled swords, he gave him leave to depart, and having thus treated him with all possible honour and respect, sent him to Sultdn Bahlol. Sultan Bahlol, likewise, gratified Prince Jalal Khdn by the kind and polite manner in which he behaved to him, and then sent him to Sultdn Husain.

Some time after, Sultdn [Bahlol] determined to go to Shams- dbddj which place he again took from Juna Khdn, and gave it

^ £This fieatenoe is found only in the Tdrlkh'‘% Khdn^Jahdn Lodi^ ^

to R&i Karan. He also presented the kettle-drum and standard which he had wre&ted from Dary& Khan to Narsing Deo, the son of Rai Partab.^ Dary4 Khdn took advantage of . an oppor- tunity, and, with the approval of Kutb Khdn, slew Narsing Deo. Kutb Khdn, Husain Khdn, Mubdriz Khdn, and Rdi Partdb, having entered into a conspiracy^ went over to the Shark! monarch.^ Sultdn Bahlol, finding himself too weak to resist them, went back to Delili I and after some time, started for Multdn, with the in- tention of putting an end to the disturbances in the Panjdb. He left Kutb Khdn Lodi and Khdn Jahdn in Dehli, to act as his deputies during his absence ; but whilst he was yjet on the road,* news reached him that Sultdn Husain, with a well-appointed army and war-elephants, was marching towards Dehli. Sultdn Bahlol turned back, and with all possible speed returned to Dehli, and went out to meet the foe, with whom, after some time, ht) found himself face to face. Continual fighting took place between the two parties during the space of seven days, when at length, after much slaughter, by the efforts of the chiefs, a peace was brcrught about 5 and it was agreed that both kings should remain within the boundaries of their respective territories for three years.

After this truce, Sultdn Bahlol abode in Dehli for three years, and Sultdn Husain returned to Jaunpur, and attended to* the affairs of his kingdom and army. During this period, Sultdn Bahlol proceeded against Ahmad Khdn Mewdtti, who had before been an ally of Sultan Husaittv When ho arrived in Mewdt, Ahmad Khdn was induced by tlie representations of the Khdn-khdndn, one of the chief nobles of Sultdn Bahlol, to come in and pay his respects,

1 Firishta represents this in quite a different light : — *‘ Part&.b R61 had formerly taken a standard and pair of drums from Daryk Khkn Lodi id action ; and that chief, in order to avenge himselt^ assassinated Karsing H&ir in spite of the opposition of Kutb Kh&n, the son of Husain Khhn. Mubhrak Kh&n, apprehensive of Daryk Hhkn’s influence at Court, fled to Husaiu Shkh Sharki." — Briggs, voL i. p. 556.

^ Ni'omatu-lla represents that this conspiracy arose in consequence of the assassina- tion of Narsing Deo (MS., p. 87 ; Dorn, p. 51) ; hut there seems no connexion. [No mention is made of Kutb Khkn” in any of the MSS. of the Makhzan^

\ [“ Before he reached Lahore.”— JKoMzaw.]

About this period Ahmad Kh&n, the son of Yusuf Kl^dn Jalwani, governor of Bay&ua, broke out into revolt against Sult&n Bahlol; and having caused the khutba to be read and coin to be struck in the fort of Bay&na in the name of Sult&ii Husain, sent intelligence of this to Sult&n Husain.^ No dispute had occurred during the period of the three years’ truce 5 but now the Sultan marched towards Dehli with 100,000 horse and 1000 elephants. Sultdn Bahlol came out of DeliH, and drew up his forces before the enemy in the neighbourhood of Bhatwdra. Kh&n Jahdn interposed, and efiected a reconciliation between the parties ; after which Sultdn Husain went to Etawah, and remained there, whilst Sultdn Bahlol returned to Dehli.

After the lapse of some time, Sultan Husain broke his oath, and again advanced against Sult&n Bahlol. Sult&n Bahlol loft Dehli, and both sides skirmished during several days in the vicinity of the Sarai Lashkar; they, however, ended by making peace. About this time Sultdn Husain’s mother, Bibi Rdji, departed this life in Etdwah. Ka1y4n Mai, the son of R&i Karan Sing, Rajd of Gwalior, and Kutb Khdn Lodi, went from Chanda- wdr to condole with Sultdn Husain. Kutb Kh&n found that Sultan Husain was inimical to and disposed to injure Sultdn Bahlol, so he flattered, the SultSh by telling him that Bahlol was his subject, and unable to cope with him as a rival, and that he would take no rest until he had obtained possession of Dehli for him. After thus deceiving SuUdn Husain, Kutb Khan took leave of him, and presented himself to Sult&n Bahlol, and said, Wo have escaped from the hands of Sult&n Husain by wiles and contrivances, and have discovered that he entertains a rooted hatred to you. It is necessary for you, there- fore, to look to- yourself. Be on the alert.”

About this time, Sultdn ’Al&u-d din departed to the mercy of God in Badaun. Sulidn Husain went there for the purpose of ofiering condolence, but he finished by wresting Bad&un from ’AlAu-d din’s son, and in doing so injured his reputation. From

thence he went to Sambhal, where he confined Mubarak Kh&ii, the son of Tdtdr. Khan, the governor of that place, and sent him to Saran. He then proceeded in person against Dehli, with a large army and 1000 elephants, and arrived at the ferry of Kanjh, on the river Jumna, in the month of Zi-1 hijja, A.H. 893, and encamped there. Sultan Bahlol was, at this period, in the direction of Sirhind, but came to Dehli when he heard the news. Both parties were employed in fighting for • some time, and the eastern forces were generally victorious, owing to their superior strength and numbers. In the end, Kutb Kh&n sent a person to Sult&n Husain with a message, saying, “ I am the grateful servant of Bibi E&ji ; she treated me with the utmost kindness when I was a prisoner in Jaunpur. I think that the most advisable course to pursue at present is to make peace, and return. Let the countries on the other side of the river Ganges be ruled by you, and those on this side by Sultdn Bahlol.” Thus did Kutb Khdn’s interposition put an end to this warfare.

Sultan Husain, relying on the truce which had been concluded, marched away, leaving his baggage behind. Sultan Bahlol took advantage of the opportunity, pursued Sultdn Husain, and plun- dered his baggage, A portion of the valuables and treasures, which had been laden on horses and elephants, fell into the hands of Sultdn Bahlol. Moreover, forty noblemen of Sultdn Husain'‘s army, who were grandoos of his kingdom, including Katlagh Khdn, the wa%ir^ who was one of the most learned men of the age, Odhu, the ndib^ and others like them, were made captive. Sultdn Bahlol put Katlagh Khan in chains, and gave him in charge to Kutb Khdn. The defeated Sultdn himself also fled ; Malika Jahan, the chief wife of Sultdn Husain, was taken prisoner. ^ Sultan Bahlol appointed eunuchs to keep strict guard over the wife of the Sultdn; and after some time she was 'sent, with the 'greatest honour and respect, to Sultdn Husain. Sultdn Bahlol seized several parganas which belonged to Sultdn Husain, such as Kampil, Pattidli, Sakit, Kol, and

Jal&lf,^ and appointed his own governors. He then went himself in pursuit, and when the pursuit had lasted some time, Sult&n Husain faced about, and posted himself in the village of R&m- panjw&ran, which is attached to E&pri, At length, a truce was agreed upon, the conditions of wh^ch were that both the Sult&ns should remain contented with their old boundaries. After the conclusion of peace, both returned to their respective countries.*

In the next year Sultdn Husain, at the instigation of Malika Jah&n, forgetful of his oath, again came to attack Sult&n Bahlol, ^ at the head of a large army. A desperate battle* was fought, near the village of Sonh&r, and Sultan Husain, being again routed, went to Rdpri. Sultan Bahlol pitched his camp near the village of Dhdpdmu. An immense amount of valuable property fell into the hands of the Lodis, the possession of which tended much to increase the power and authority of Malik Bahlol.

About this time intelligence arrived of the decease of Kh&n Jahdn Lodi, and Sult&n Bahlol granted to his son the title of Eh&n Jah&n, and conferred on him the appointments held by his father. He then went to B&pri against Sult&n Husain, and was victorious, after much fighting and slaughter, Sult&n Husain, being defeated, fled across the river Jumna. Whilst passing that stream, several of his wives and children were drowned in the river of mortality ; this caused Sult&n Husain excessive pain and affliction. He, after suffering much trouble, and repentance, went off towards Gw&lior, intending to pro- ceed from thence to Jaunptir. On his way to, Gw&lior, the Bhadauryas attacked his camp. When he arrived at that place, Eai Earan Sing, the E&ja of Gw&lior, showed his allegiance, and received him with regal honours. He presented an offering to the Sult&n, consisting of some lacs of tankas^ various descrip- tions of tents, with some horses, elephants, and camels, and thus proved himself one of the well-wishers of the State, He

^ Ni’amatu-Ua omits the names, but Firishta adds' those of Shams&b&d and hfarhera, and mentions Jales&r in lieu of Jalhli.

^ The Mahhzan-i Afghdni represents that i^tual possession was the basis of this hollow truce between these perfidious princes.

also sent a body*' of his own troops to accompany the Sultdn as f^r as K&lpf.

Whilst this was happening, Sultdn Bahlol determined to pro- ceed to Etdwah. Ibrahim Kh&n, the brother of Sult&n Husain, and Haibat Kh&n, called Qurg-anddz^ the wolf-slayer,” who diad posted themselves in Et&wah, fought for three days, after which they begged for mercy, and surrendered that fortress. Sultan Bahlol appointed Ibrahim Khan Lohdni to command in Etawah, and assigned some parganas of Et&wah to B&i D&dand. He then went with a numerous force against Sult&n Husain ; they met at the village of Il&ng4nw, which belongs to Kdlpi, and both parties were engaged for some time in preparation for battle. The river Jumna was between them. At this period E&i Tilak Ohand, the governor of the territory of Baksar,^ came to pay his respects to Sultan Bahlol, and took his army across the river by a ford, against the troops of Sult&n Husain, who, being too weak to resist, fled to the Panna® country, the Rdjd of which place came out to meet him, and presented him with some lacs of tankas^ and 100 horses and elephants, after which he sent his own soldiers with him as far as Jaunpur.

Sultan Bahlol collected a body of men, with the intention of , gaining possession of Jaunpur, and when he drew near, Sultan Husain, being unable to resist, retired toward Bahraich, towards which place Sult&n Bahlol likewise directed his steps, and they met on the banks of the Rahab.® After a contest, which tended as usual in the defeat of Sult&n Husain, the whole of the regalia^ fell into the hands of the Lodis. Sultan Bahlol, after the victory, made up his mind to go to Jaunpur, which place he

1 Firishta has Katehr (Rohilkhand). — Briggs, vol. i., p. 669. ’Abdulla says, governor of that place (£&lpi). — TdHkh^i Ddiidl^ MS. p. 28.

3 Patna’* is tb^ most common reading, but I conceive that Panno,” in Bundel- kband, is meant.

8 Firisbta says tbe Kkli Nadi.-— Briggs, vol. i., p. 669.

Firisbta adds that Bibi Kbunza, daughter of tbe late king, Saiyid ’ Al&u-d diji, and chief lady of Husain Sbbb’s household, was taken captive and treated with respect. Ahmad T&dg&r (MS. p. 10) represents her as Instigating her husband Mahmdd to hostilities against Bahlol.

took possession of. Leaving Mub&rak Kh&n to govern Jaunpur, and Xutb Kb&n Lodi and Khan Jahan, with some other nobles, in the territory of Manjhauli, he himself proceeded in the direction of Badaun. Sultan Husain availed himself of the opportunity thus offered, and returned to Jaunpur, with a large army ; upon which the nobles of Sultdn Bahlol quitted Jaunpur and went to Manjhauli ; but finding themselves unable to hold that place, they entered into an arrangement with Sult&n Husain, and amused him under various artifices, devised by Kutb Khan, until such time as succour should arrive. Sultdn Bahlol sent his own son, B4rbak Shdh, to aid them, and also followed in person. Sultan Husain, being unable to do anything, went to Bih&r.

When Sultan Bahlol arrived in the town of Haldi, he heard the news of the death of Kutb Khdn Lodi, the son of IsUm Khan, the Sultdn^s uncle. After passing some days in the performance of the customary mourning, he went to Jaunpur; and having established Bdrbak Shdh on the throne there, returned himself to K&lpi, which place he gave to ^Azam Humayun,^ the son of Prince Khwaja B^yazid. He then pro- ceeded to Dhtilpur by the road of Ohandawar ; and the Rdi of Dhulpur came forth to meet him, and presented him with some mam of gold, so that the Eai was treated as a well-wisher of the State. The Sultan inarched thence and came to the pargana of B&ri. Ikbdl Khdn, the governor of Bari, having paid his respects in a fitting and respectful manner, was appointed a servant of the State. He made an offering of some mam of gold to the Sultdn, who confirmed him in the possession of Bari.

^ Bahlol, being now old, divided his dominions among his sons. Jaunpdr was conferred on Bhrbak Khhn ; £arra and Mknikpdr on ’Alam Kh&n ; Bahrhich on his nephew Shhhzhda Muhammad Farmuli, known by the name of K&1& Pahkr (the black rock) ; Lucknow and KSilpi on *Azam Hunikybu, whose father, Bhyazid Khkn, was assassinated by one of his own servants ; Badh&n was allotted to Kh&n JTah&n, a relation, and one of his oldest officers ; and Dchli with several districts in the Bofib were conferred on his son Prince Niz&m Sh&h, known afterwards by the name of Sikandar, whom he now declared his heir and successor.” — Firishta, vol. i., p. 660. The nobles are represented by the same historian as considering the succession to be the right of ’ Azam Hum&y dn.

From ^thence, proceeding towards Alldh&pur, a dependency of Kantambhor,^ he overran that country, and spoiled its fields and gardens. After which he came to Dehli, where he remained, and spent some time in ease and festivity, in performing deeds of justice and displaying liberality.®

At the close of the rainy season and the rising of the star Canopus, he went to Gwalior, the ruler of which place, R4ja Mdn, came forth to show his obedience ; and after presenting an offering of eighty hcB of tankas^ ho was confirmed in the posses- sion of Gwdlior.® From that place the Sult4n marched to Etiwah, from the government of which place he dismissed Rai Sangat Sing, the son of Eai Dadand,^ and then went back to Dehli. On the road he fell sick, on account of the excessive heat, apd near the village of Maldwi,® which is in the territory of Sakit, in the year a.h. 894 (a.d. 1488), he departed from this transitory and troublesome existence to the regions of eternity, in obedience to the summons of the Almighty.® Ho reigned during the space of thirty-eight years eight months and eight days; and one of the most learned men of the age has made this verse in his praise ; — In the year 894 departed from the earth the mighty monarch, the vanquisher of kingdoms, tlio world-conqueror Bahlol.”'^

^ The Tahakdt-i Akbarl assigns 887 h. as the year of the invasion of Rantanibhor.

® Among the Extracts from Ahmad Yhdghr {suprd^ p. 4), will be found passages relating to transactions with the Rhi of LTdipur and Ahmad KhCiu Bhatti. It is impossible to assign their proper dates.

® Ahmad YhdgSir represents that Mhn died during BahloPs reign, and that his son consented to pay an mwiisX peshkmh of twelve elephants and 200,000 rupees. These border fthjhs were the object of constant plunder to the Kings of Dehli, J aunpOr, and Mhlwh, as each in his turn obtained the temporary predominance. [The Makhzan puts it rather differently, and says “ the Sulthn postponed the conquest of Gw&lior.”]

^ [“ Jal^U” in the MSS. of tlfc MakhzanJ^

® He was buried iu Jiid Bhgh, near Dehli. — Tdrikh-i Ddvdi^ MS. p. 29.

’ A very favourable estimate of Bahlol’s character will be found among the Extracts from the Tdrikh-i Dditdi (sitprd, VoL IV., p. 436). Pirishta is equally panegyrical “ Bahlol Lod£ was esteemed a virtuous and a mild prince, executing justice to the utmost of his knowledge, and treating his courtiers rather as companions than subjects. When he obtained the crown, he divided the public treasure among his friends, an4

The proceedings of SuUdn Sikandar Lodi at Owdlior and Bay dm.

— Behellion in Jaunpiir. — Retreat from Banna.— Conquest of Bihdr.—(A.Ti. 897-901.)

Sultan Sikandar then pursued his march to Kdlpi, of which he dispossessed 'Azam Humaydn, the son of Prince Khwdja Bayazid, and bestowed it upon Mahmud Kh&n Lodi. After which he proceeded to Baksar Chhetra, whose governor, Tdtdr Khdn, showed the most entire homage and allegiance to him, and was confirmed in the government of Ohhetra. He then directed his progress to Grwdlior; from whence he despatched Khwdja Muhammad ParmuU with an honorary dress to Rdjd Mdn, who acknowledged his authority, and sent in return a nephew of his to attend upon the Sultdn. His way now led him to Baydna, where Sultdn Ashraf, a son of Ahmad Khdn Jalwdni, presented himself before him, professing his submission. He was, nevertheless, ordered to evacuate Baydna, and to take in exchange Jalesar, Mahrera, Ohandawar, and Sakit. Ashraf, in conformity with this command, took 'Umar Khdn Sarwdni with him to Baydna, under the pretence of delivering the keys over to him ; but when within the walls, he foolishly drew the shield of rebel- lion over his face, closed the gates, and put the fort in a state of defence, and was imitated by Haibat Khdn Jalwdni, one of his vassals, in Agra, which was a dependency of Baydna.

The Sultdn had, in the meanwhile, pitched his tents on the banks of the Jumna, whither he retired in order’ to avoid the

could be seldom preyailed on to ascend the throne, saying, * That it was edougb for him that the world knew he was king, without his making a display of royalty/ He was extremely temperate in his diet, and seldom ate at home. Though a man of no great literary acquirement himself, he was fond of the company of learned men, whom he rewarded according to their merit. Ho placed gre^ reliance on the courage of his Mughal troops, on which account they met with such encouragement among] his relations and courtiers, that it is estimated there were nearly 20,000 Mughals in the service of the government during his reign. He was a wise and brave prince, and personally well acquainted with Muhammadan law. He also studied the best insti- tutes for maintaining order in his government, which he invariably adopted. He was prudent, and, above all things, deprecated hurrying matters of State ; and, indeed, his conduct throughout life sufficiently evinced how much he practised this quality.**'

heat, and amuse himself with fishing. When the news of these occurrences arrived, he left some of his chiefs to lay siege to jSigra, and drew his army back to Bay4na, which he closely invested. Sultdn Ashraf, being hard pressed, offered to surrender, and thus Baydna was conquered in the year 897^ (1492 a.d.). Sultdn Sikandar entrusted the fort to Ehan-khdndn Farmuli, and him- self returned to Dehli. He had arrived at this place only twenty-four days, when intelligence was brought from Jaunpur, that the zamlnddn of that province, headed by the Bachgotis, had collected together a force of nearly 100,000 men, horse and foot, and deposed Mubdrak Khdn, the governor of Jaunpur, and even killed his brother Sher Khdn ; that Mubdrak Khdn himself had crossed the Ganges by the ferry of Jusi, but had fallen into Mulld Khdn’s hands 5 upon which Rdi Bhid, Rdja of Panna, had seized and carried him off a prisoner. Bdrbak Shdh, from his inability to offer resistance, abandoned Jaunpur, and retreated to Muhammad Khdn Farmuli, who bore the title of Kdla Pahdr (‘black mountain'). The Sultdn marched in 899 (1493-4), in that direction, and when he arrived at Dalamau, Barbak Shdh and all his nobles presented themselves humbly before him, and were received with royal favour and kindness. Rai Bhid, being apprehensive of the Sultdn’s displeasure, sent Mubdrak Khdn to the Sultdn ; upon which, the latter proceeded to Katehr, where the zammddrs had concentrated themselves in large numbers, and offered a well- contested battle ; but being finally defeated, dispersed themselves in all directions, and the army of Islam captured a great quantity of booty.

He now returned victorious to Jaunpur, and having for the second time settled the administration of the place upon Bdrbak Shdli, ho again set out on his return to Dehli. Ho enjoyed himself in field sports during one month in the neighbourhood of Oudh ; but when he reached Katehr, he received intelligence that Bdrbak Shdh could not maintain himself in Jaunpdr against

1 Dr. Dom {fliatory of the Afgham^ p. 56) says 898 ; but my copy of the Makkmi^i Afghdni reads 897 .

the attacks of the zamlnddrs; upon which the Sult4n detached Muhammad Khdn "Farmuli, ’Azam Humdyun, Kh&n Jahdn, and Khdn-kh&n&n Loh&ni by way of Oudh, and Mub&rak Kh&n by that of Karra, with orders to put B&rbak Shdh in chains, and send him to Court. This being faithfully executed, he gave him in charge to ’Umar Khan Sarwdni and Haibat Khdn, and pro- ceeded himself to the fort of Ohunar to chastise some nobles of Sultdn Husain Sharki. These, however, after giving battle, were obliged to retreat, and fortified themselves in Ohundr, which being very strong and almost impregnable, he did not stop to besiege it, but proceeded towards Kantit, a dependency of Panna;’^ the Rajd of which place, Rdi Bhid, came out to meet him, and proffered his allegiance, for which the Sultdn confirmed him in the possession of Kantit, and moved on to Arail and Bayak. It was at this time that Rai Bhld, in consequence of his suspicious temper, abandoned all his camp-equipage and effects, and fled. The Sult&n ordered his whole property to be collected together, and sent to the Edja.^ On his arrival at Arail, he ordered the gardens and habitations of that district to be laid waste ; after which, he proceeded, by the way of Karra, to Dalamau, where he married the widow of Shor Khan LohS,ni, who was one of the most beautiful and intelligent women of the age ; and then continued his march to Sharasabad, from whence, after a stay of six months, he proceeded to Sarabhal, but returned again from thence to Shamsabad. On his way thither, he destroyed a place called Pareotakal, tlie sink and receptacle of marauders, and put to death most of that rebellious gang.

After spending the rainy season at Shams&bad, in a.h. 900 (1494-5), he set out in the direction of Panna, for the purpose of chastising Rajd Bhid ; but on his arrival at Klidn Ghati, he fell in with his son Bir Sing Deo, who ofibred battle, but, being put to flight, fled towards Panna, pursued by the army of Isldm. On

1 Briggs (vol. L, p. 670) reads ** Kootumba,** a dependency of Patna, and calls the “ Bulbhudur Bay.**

^ The Mahhzan-i AfgMnl^ on the contrary, says (MS., p. 100) that the Sult&n gave it over to be plundered, which is by far the most probable statement.

the Siilt&n’s arrival at Panna, E&j& Bhid fled towards Sirguja, but died on the road. Sultan Sikandar then penetrated as far as Phaphund, belonging to Panna but he was compelled to tetreat to Jaunpur, in consequence of the extreme scarcity of provisions, opium, salt, and oil. Besides which, almost all the horses perished ; so much so, that ninety out of every hundred died. In consequence of this, Lakhni Ghaiid, a son of B&jd Bhid, and all the zammddrs wrote to Sultan Husain, repre- senting that Sikandar did not possess a single horse, all having perished. Husain, upon this, marched out of Bihdr at the head of a large force, including 100 elephants, with the intention of defeating Sultan Sikandar; who, having crossed the Ganges at the ferry of Kantit, went first to Chundr, and thence to Bendres. He detached Khan-khandn to Salbahan, the son of Edjfi, Bhid, with directions to conciliate him, and induce him to accompany the Khan. Meanwhile, Sultan Husain had reached within thirteen ho8 of Benares, and Sultdn Sikandar drew near with all expedition ; and having marshalled his troops, with the divine aid, commenced the engagement, supported by Salbdban, who had opportunely arrived to his support. The battle was well contested ; but at length the fortune of the day suddenly turned against Sultan Husain, who fled towards Patna ; but being closely pursued by Sultan Sikandar at the head of 100,000 cavalry, ho took tho route of Bih&r. After the lapse of nine days, Sultdn Sikandar succeeded in reaching Husain's camp, and then heard that he had fled to Bihar. Thither also he was pursued by Sikandar, and on his ascertaining this to be the case, ho left Malik Kandu behind in the fort, and sought shelter at Khalg&nw, a dependency of Lakhnauti.® Sultan Sikan-

^ The MaJchzm-i Afghdni (MS. p. 100) says ** Kanauj.” But though there is a Phaphfind in the Dofiib, which was formerly a dependency of Kaiiauj, this evidently refers to some other wilder district in the Bundelkhand hills. Dorn in his translation also has <Kanauj.’

? We learn from Firishta (i., p. 672), that the fugitive was received by ’Alhu-d dfn, King of Bengal, with the utmost courtesy. Under his protection ho passed the remainder of his days in obscurity, and in his person the Shark! dynasty became extinct.

dar then detached from his camp at Deob&r, a force to lay 'waste Bihar. Malik Kandu, from his inability to resist the Sultan’s troops, took to flight, and Bihdr thus fell into the possession of the Sultan. Sikandar having left Muhabbat Kh&n, together with several chiefs, in Bihar, proceeded to Barweshpur, where he left Khdn-khan&n in charge of his camp, and advanced himself in all haste to Tirhut, whose R&ja advanced to receive him with all humiliation, and agreed to the payment of several lac% of tankas as a fine, for the receipt of which the Sultan left MubS^rak Xhdn behind, and proceeded a second time to Barweshpur.

Sultan Sikandar punishes the governor of DehlL — His proceedings at Owdlior^ Baydna, Bhiilpur^ and MandraiL — Foundation of , Agra. — Earthquake at Agra. — Proceedings on the Cham- bal. — Capture of Awantgar. — Disastrous march to Agra. — (a.h. 906-913.)

About the samo time intelligence of the mal-administration and misconduct of Asghar, the governor of Behli, reaching the sublime ear, Khaw^s Khdn, governor of Machiwdra, was corh- missioned to apprehend and transmit him to Court. But prior to the arrival of Khawas Khan, Asghar, on the 1st of Safar, 906 H. (27 August, 1500), fled from Behli to Sambhal, to offer his sub- mission ; but by the high command of the Sultdn, he was seized and thrown into prison. Khawas Khdn repaired to Behli, and leaving there his son Isrna'il Khdn, returned, according to orders, to Sambhal. The Sultdn received him most graciously, and presented him with an honorary vest. Soon after, SaTd Khdn Sarwdni, who belonged to the seditious party, came from Lahore to pay his respects. The Sultdn banished him, together with Tdtdr Khdn, Muhammad Shdh, and the other disaffected chiefs, from his empire ; and they accordingly took the route of Gwdlior, and went off in haste to Mdlwd and Grujardt.

Bdjd Mdn, of Gwdlior, sent one of his attendants, Nihdl,

with valuable presents to the Sultdn ; but when the envoy was admitted to him, he returned such coarse and improper answers to the questions put to him, that the Sult6*n, in a rage, uttered a threat ^ that he would himself command an expedition against the fort (of Gwdlior) and capture it.

Meanwhile,' the report of the death of Kh&n-khdndn Farmuli, governor of Baydna, having reached the Sult&n, he appointed the two sons of the deceased, ’Irndd and Sulaiman, to succeed him ; but as Baydua, owing to its strong fort and frontier situation, was the scat of sedition and tumult, they both came with their attendants to Sambhal, to consult with the Sultan about some affairs. Deeming their arrival inopportune, he appointed Khawas Khdn governor of Baydna ; and after some days, Safdar Khdn was nominated governor of iiigra, one of its dependencies. To ’Imdd and Sulaimdn he gave Shamsdbdd, Jalesdr, Manglaur, Shdhdbad, and some other districts. After that, he ordered ’Alam Khdn Mewdtti, and Khdn-khdndn Lohdni, jdgirddr of Rdpri, in conjunction with Khawas Khdn, to reduce the fort of Dhulpur, and wrest it from the hands of Rdi Mdnik-deo. When these chiefs, in execution of the command, directed their route against that place, the rdi came out to repel force by force, and much life was daily lost on both sides. Amongst the killed was Khwdja Ben, one of the most gallant of combatants.

On account of these occurrences, Sikandar himself marched on Friday, the 6th Ramazdn, 906 (March, 1501), upon Dhulpur; but Raja Mdnik-deo, placing a garrison in the castle, retreated to Gwdlior. This detachment, however, being unable to defend it, and abandoning the fort by night, it fell into the hands of the Muhammadan army. Sikandar, on entering the fort, fell down on his knees, and returned thanks to God, and cele- brated his victory. The whole army was employed in plunder- ing, and all the groves which spread their shade for seven ko8 arpund Baydna were torn up from the roots. After a residence

1 The word in the originaland in the Makhzan^i Afghani (MS. p. 106) is Jo which Dr. Dorn has converted (p. 60) into the name of a fort called “ Tahd.*'

of one month in Dhulpur, the Sult&n marched to Gwdlior. There he left ^dam Lodi, with most of the nobles, and passing the Chambal, encamped for two months on the banks of the Xsi or Mendhi, where his people fell sick, owing to the badness of the water. Bdjd Mdn not only delegated ambassadors for peace, but expelled from the fort Sa’id Khdn, >Bdbu Khdn, * and Rdi Ganesh, who had formerly deserted the Sultdn, and taken refuge with hiin. Besides that, he sent his eldest sen, Bikramdjit, to wait upon the Sultdn, who bestowed upon him a robe of honour and a horse, and then allowed him to depart. From thence the Sultan returned towards -^igra ; and when he reached Dhtilpur, he bestowed that district upon Rdi Binaik-deo, Afterwards, he set out for Baydna, the seat of the empire, which he honoured with his presence, and spent there the rainy season.

In Ramazdn of the year 910 (1504 a.d.), after the rising of Canopus, ho raised the standard of war for the reduction of the fort of Mandrdil ; but the garrison capitulating, and delivering up the citadel, tho Sultdn ordered the temples of idols to be demol- ished, and mosques to be constructed. After leaving Mian Makan and Mujdhid Khdn to protect the fort, he himself moved out on a plundering expedition into the surrounding country, where he butchered many people, took many prisoners, and devoted to utter destruction all the groves and habitations ; and after gratifying and honouring himself by this exhibition of holy zeal, he returned to his capital Baydna,

. In the same year the heat of the air became so intense, that almost all the people fell grievously sick of .fevers. It had foi a long time occurred to the Sultan to found a town on the banks of the Jumna, which was to be the residence of the Sultdn, and the head-quarters of the army, and to serve to keep the rebels of that quarter in awe, and deprive them of further opportunity of growing refractory, for frequently the dar% and government servants and the peasantry in general in sarkdr Baydna had complained of the violence to which they were subject. With this view, he commissioned, in the year 911 (1605

A.D.), some judicious and intelligent men to explore the banks of the river, and report upon any locality which they might consider the most eligible. Accordingly, the exploring party left Dehli in boats, and, as they proceeded, examined carefully both sides of the river, until they arrived at the spot where Agra now stands ; and having approved of it, communicated their selection to the Sultan. Upon this, he left Dehli and marched to Mathura, where he took boat, amusing himself by the way with various kinds of sport. When he approached the site indicated, he observed two elevated spots which seemed suitable for building ; and inquired of Mihtar Mulla Khdn, who was called "iVaiA/ and commanded the royal barge, which of those two mounds appeared to him the most suitable. He replied, That which is Agra^ or in advance, is the preferable one.” The Sultan smiled, and said, ‘‘ The name of this city then shall be called Agra.’' He then repeated the fdtiha^ and in an auspicious moment issued orders for founding the city, when portions of mauzd' Pashi and mauzd Poya, pargana Dull, sarMr Baydna, were occupied for .that purpose 5 and i\iQ pargana of Agra was henceforward added- to the fifty-two parganas which comprised the sarkdr of Baydna. From that period this city continued to advance in population, and became the seat of government of the Sultdns of Hind.

The Sultan, after giving orders for the construction of a fort, went towards Dhulpur ; and on entering the fort, transferred the charge of it from Rdi Bindik-deo to Malik Mu’izzu-d din, and himself returned to Agra, giving his nobles leave to retiro to their respective

On Sunday, the 3rd of Safar, 911 (July, 1505 a.d.), a violent earthquake occurred at Agra, and even the very hills^uaked, and lofty buildings were thrown down. The living thought the day of judgment had arrived ; the dead, the day of resurrection. No such earthquake had been known in Hinddstdn since the days of Adam, nor is any such recorded in the page of history. One of the able scholars of Hind has traced its date in the word “K&zi.” Many people say, that on the self-same day

an earthquake was felt throughout most of the provinces of Hindustan,^

When the rains had passed, and some time even after the rising of Canopus, towards the close of the year 911, the Sultdn went towards Gwilior. He remained a month and a half at Dhulpur, and then wont to the Ohambal, where he remained several months encamped near the ferry of Gaor. Having left Prince Jalal Kh&n and other Khans there, he himself advanced to wage the holy war and to plunder the country of the infidels. He butchered most of the people who had fled for refuge to the hills and forests, and the rest he pillaged and put in fetters. As scarcity was felt in his camp, in consequence of the non- arrival of the Banj&ras,® he despatched 'Azam Ilum&yun for the purpose of bringing in supplies ; but when ho was on his march, he was attacked by the Baja of Gwdlior in an ambuss cade at Ghatdwar, about ten kos from that place. A bloody action followed, when Baud Khan and Ahmad Khan, the sons of Kh4n Jahdn, displayed signal bravery; and as the Sultdn's army came up from the rear to render assistance, the* Rajputs were put to flight, and many were either slain or taken captive. The Sultan bestowed the title of Malik Dad upon Ddud, and treated him with the greatest kindness. Afterwards, in consequence of the approach of the rainy season, he bent his steps towards jfligra, after leaving some of his chief nobles at Dhulpur. At the capital he passed his time in pleasure and amusement. •

In 912, after the rising of Canopus, the Sult&n went towards the fort of Awantgar, and sent on ’Im&d Kh&n Farmuli and Muj&hii KhS,ii, with several thousand cavalry and 100 elephants, to reconnoitre the place, while ho himself remained behind. He conferred the oflB.ee of chamberlain on Kdzi 'Abdu-lla, the son of T&hir, of K&bul, a resident of the town of Thdnesar, and

Briggs (vol. i., p. 679) observes that this is the first mention wo have of Ban- j&ros in Muhammadan history.

on Shaikh ’Umar and Shaikh Ibrdhim. K&lpi, after the death of Mahmtid Khdn Lodi, had been bestowed upon his son Jal&l Khdn ; but as quarrels arose between him and his brothers, they rej)resented matters to the SuMn, Upon this, the Sult&n sent Firoz Aghw&n to bring into his presence Bhikaii Khan and Ahmad Khan, the brothers of JalSl Khdn, and on their arrival, they were received by him on the banks of the Chambal with royal favour and kindness.

On the 23rd of the month the Sult&n invested the fort, and ordered the whole array to put forth their best energies to capture it. At the time which the astrologers had declared to bo propitious, he himself advanced to the attack, and the contest raged on every side. The bloodthirsty soldiers hung on the walls like so many ants or locusts, and displayed the most daring courage. All of a sudden, by the favour of God, the gale of victory blew on the standards of the Sult&n, and the gate was forced open by Malik ’Al&u-d din. After making a stout resist- ance, the garrison begged for quarter, but no one listened to them. The Rdjputs, retiring within their own houses, continued the contest, and slew their families after the custom of jauhar. Meanwhile, an arrow pierced the eye of Malik ^Aldu-d din, and blinded him. After due thanksgivings for his victory, the Sultan gave over charge of the fort to Makan and Mujahid Khdn, with directions that they should destroy the idol-temples, and raise mosques in their places; but on its being represented that Mujdhid Khdn had received a bribe from the R&jd of Awantgar, on the understanding that he was to induce the Sultdn to retire from that country, the Sultdn, on the 16th Muharram, 913 (28th May, 1607), seized Maul&nd Juman, who was in the special con- fidence of Mujahid Kh&n, and made over the fort to Malik T&ju-d din, and directed the Kh&ns who were at Dhulpur to imprison Muj&hid Khdn. The Sultdn returned towards Agra at the close of Muharram, 913. During this march he made a halt one day, in consequence of the narrowness and unevenness of the road, in order that the people might pass through without any scramble

or precipitation ; but here the whole camp was greatly distressed for want of water, and a large number of men perished from that cause, as well as from being trampled and crushed by the beasts of burden, which were all huddled together in a confused mass. Ajar of water could not be procured under fifteen Sikandari tankas. Some men died from exhaustion, and some, who had found water, quenched their thirst with such avidity that they also fell victims to their excess. When an account was rendered, it was found that 800 men had perished.^

On the 27th of Muharram, the Sultan reached Dhulpur, and after some days entered Agra, where he spent the season of the rains. On the rising of Canopus, he started on an expedition to Narwar, one of the dependencies of Malwd.

Sultan Sikandar^s proceedings at Hatkdnt^ Lucknow^ Ndgovy and

After remaining one month at the town of Lahair, where he received a visit from Ni’amat Khdtun, in the year 915 (1509 a.d.), the Sultdn directed his route towards Hatkant, which he scoured of idolaters and banditti ; and when he had put to the sword the rebels of that quarter, and established small posts at every place, he returned again to his capital. Soon after, information was conveyed to him, that Ahmad Khdn, son of Mubdrak Khdn, governor of Lucknow, had associated with infidels, and even apostatized from the true faith ; on which he issued a farmdn to Muhammad Khdn, a brother of Ahmad Khdn, to secure and send him to Court. It was also about this time that Muhammad Khdn, a grandson of Sultdn Ndsiru-d din of Mdlwd, from dread of his grandfather, sued for protection at the Imperial Court. A farmdn was issued to Prince Jaldl Khdn, importing that as sarkdr Ohanderi^ had been settled on Muhammad Khdn, he was to be

1 [This passage is also given in the Tdrikh^i DdMl, See Vol. IV., p. 466.]

• This means that he had held it as z.jdgirddr of Mhlwh, for it belonged to that kingdom, not to Behli. And we learn from the Makhzanri Afghdni and this work, that Sult&ii Sikandar had two years previously attempted to procure its surrender to him by Shahhbu-d din, a discontented son of the King of Mhlwh. Subsequently we

firmly supported in its possession, and that the Prince was to avert from him any molestation on the part of the army of M&lw&. The Sult&n himself went to Dhulpur, for the purpose of hunting ; and caused a pavilion and palace to be erected at each stage between that place and the capital.

When, in the year 916 (1510 A.D.), his empire was firmly established and prospering, in a fortunate moment, while he was engaged in his field sports, another kingdom fell into his net. The facts were briefly as follows : ’All Kh4n and Abu Bakr, two relations of Muliammad Kh4n, ruler of N4gor, concerted a plot against their master, and endeavoured by stratagem to make away with him, and seize possession of his country. He, however, being informed of their treachery, prevented them from executing their plans, and determined to inflict capital punishment on them. Upon this, both of them effecting their escape, repaire'd to the Court of the Sultdn. Muhammad, apprehensive of the evil consequences arising from the enmity of his relations, the dis- affection of his intimates, and their having taken refuge with this powerful Sultdn, sent not only the assurance of his allegiance, with a great many valuable rarities and offerings to him, but ordered the khidba to be read and coin to bo struck at Ndgor in the Sultdn'*s name. The report of this submission gave the monarch such joy and delight, that he sent Muhammad Khan a horse and honorary dress. Ho then left Dhulpur, and honoured the capital, ^gra, with his presence, and spent some time in a round of pleasure and fStes, in visiting of gardens and in hunting expeditions.

It was about this time that iigra, formerly a dependency of Bayana, was fixed upon for the residence of the sovereign ; but he soon after departed from Dhfilpur, and transmitted an order

shall find Buhjat Kh&n, goyernor on the part of Mahmfid, King of Mhlwfi, placing Ohanderi in the possession of the Sultfin ; and this work also informs us (MS. p. 172) that early in the reign of Sulthn Ibrkhim he appointed Shaikhzhda Manjhdr to the government of Ohanderi, and gave the office of peshwd to Sulthn Muhammad, grandson oC the King of Mhlwfi. Dom has by an oversight (p. 73) translated the corresponding possage^of the Mahlmn-i Afghani, ** under Sult&n Muhammad.”

to Sulaim&n, a son of Khdn-khdndn Farmuli, to advance \vith his large array towards Awantgar and the confines of Suisupur, in support of the new convert, Husain, whose name before was Rdi Dungar. But Siilaimdn excused himself, by alleging that he could not prevail upon himself to be so remote from the King’s person.^ The Sultan then went to the town of Bdri, and made over pargana to Shaikhzdda Makan, having resumed it from the son of Mubdrak Khan. Then, after staying interme- diately at Dhulpur, he returned to A^gra ; where, according to former custom, ho issued farmdns to many of the chief nobles on all the frontiers to call them to Court. It was at this time that he was taken ill. * * *

Punishment of the Zaminddrs of JaHolL^Captiire of Kdlpi,

About the time of ’Azam Humdyun^s junction with Ibrdhira Lodi, ’Umar Khdn, son of Sikandar Khdn Stir, having lost his life while fighting against a body of the zaminddrs of JartoH, a place dependent on Eol, and receptacle of the most notorious vagabonds and rebels, Kdsim Khdn, governor of Sainbhal, marched to that place, and inflicted the merited punishment upon them. Having put their leader to death, and suppressed the rebellion, he waited on the Sultan at Kanauj.* Most of the nobles in the shba of Oudh, Jaunpur, and Lucknow, including ^ Sa’id Khan and Shaikhzdda Farmuli, came likewise to pay their respects, having abandoned the cause of Jaldl Khdn, and were enrolled amongst the servants of the State. In short, everything seemed to promise success to the Sultan. The Sultdn soon after

^ The Makhzan^i Afghdni (MS. p. 113) says that the Sult&n transferred Imjdgir to Makan Shaikhz&da, and adds that the Sultkn, incensed at his reply, forthwith dis- missed him ^om his service, directing him to quit the camp, but, nevertheless, con- ferred the revenue of Biram upon him for his future maintenance.

• Dr. Dorn {EUtory of the Afghdm^ p. 72) represents this very differently. That ’Umar Kh&n was himself the victor, and returned triumphantly to Kanauj, and nothing is said of Malik Kksim. As my Makhzan-^i Afghdni (p. 128) corresponds with the statement in* the text, I suspect there must be an omission in Dr. Dorn’s manuscript.

detatched ’Azara Hum&ydn Lodi, ^Azara Hum&yun Sarw&iii,

• and Nasir Khdn Loliini, with a formidable army, and ferocious elephants, against Jal&lu-d d£n, who was at Kdlpi. Previous to their arrival, he had left ’Imadu-1 Mulk, Malik Badru-d din Jalw&ni, and Ni'amat Kh&tun, together with the family of Kutb Khdn Lodi and his whole harem^ in the fort of Kdlpi, and marched himself towards the capital, with 30,000 cavalry and several elephants, in order that he might spread alarm through- out the province, and capture, if possible, the fort of Agra. The nobles of the Sultan, on their arrival before KAlpi, laid siege to it, and for some days the contest was carried on with cannons and matchlocks ; but, in the end, the garrison surrendered, and delivered up the keys of the fort. The town was plundered, and rich booty captured by Sultan Ibrahim'^s troops. * * *

Rebellion of Bahddnr Klidn in Bihar. — Of Daulat Khan Lodi in the Panjdb, — Bdbar^s Invasion of Sindustdn.

Not long after, Dary& Khdn Lohdni [governor of Bilidr] died ; and his son, BahAdur Khdn, succeeding to his father’s dignity, assumed the new title of Muhammad Sh&h, at the same time ordering the khutba to be read and coin to be struck in his name. He equipped an array of 100,000 horse, and having been joined by the nobles who were disaffected against the Sultdn, they united their forces on the borders of Bihdr, At the same time, Nasir Khdn Lohdni, the governor of Gh&zipur, who commanded the Imperial forces, sustained a defeat, and came in to Bahadur Kh&n.^

^ The original says merely, “ Nasir Khhn having sustained a defeat from the army of the Sulidjif came before himJ* The Makhzan^i Afffhdni (MS. p. 137) says pre- cisely the sam^ The passage is very confused, but the Sultfm alluded to is the new Sult&n, Muhammad Shhh. Yet Dr> Dom translates (p. 77), Nasir Khhn, after his defeat, returned to the SuU&n (e e, Ibrhhlm), but was ordered to take the field afresh with a strong army, and to destroy the usurper,” for which there is no authority in his original. The meaning is made altogether plain by the WdkVdt-i MushtAki : — ** Mihn Mustafh plundered GhAi^lpdr, whence he expelled Nasir KhCin, who came to Sultfin Muhammad.” (MS. p. 83.) This Mlhn Mustafk was brother' of Shaikh B&y^d Farmull, who subsequently made himself conspicuous under Bkbar. The Miku had been sent at the head of a large army against Nasir Ehkn of Gh&zipdr, and died near the Soane. We dnd Nasir Khkn again in possession of Ghkzlpdr ill Bkbar's time. — MemoirSf p. 349.

In short, the whole country of Bihdr was reduced under the orders of Sultdn Muhammad,^ and Ibrdhlm raised a large force to repress this alarming insurrection.

About the same period the son of Daulat Khdn Lodi, governor of Lahore, presented himself before the Sultdn : but inferring from the usual proceedings of this monarch, that ho would be apprehended, he took to flight, and repaired to his father, to whom ho gave a full account of the Sultdn^s temper, and the general dread entertained by the nobles. Daulat Khdn, from these accounts, perceiving that there was no means of evading the Sultan’s violence, and being sensible of his own inadequacy to oppose him, formed an alliance with Gh&zi Khdn Lodi, and the other nobles and jdglrddrs of the Panjab ; and renouncing his allegiance to Sultdn Ibrdhim, addressed through ’Alam Khdn Lodi an invitation to the Emperor Bdbar at Kdbul, to repair to Hindustdn. No sooner had this monarch perused the letter, than he despatched some of his most distinguished nobles with ’Alam Khdn, in advance, to subdue the country; who, when they had taken Sidlkot and Lahore, reported these conquests to the Emperor. Upon which, he himself, on the first days of the first Rabi', in the year 932 (December, 1625), entered upon a campaign to reduce Hindustdn.

’Alam Khdn, on his arrival at Lahore, proposed to tho Mughal chiefs that, as they had been sent to render him assistance, they should advance with him at once against Sultdn Ibrdhim, and take Dehli, before Bdbar’s arrival. But this the Mughals re- fusing to comply with, ’Alam Khdn separated from them, and marched, at the head of 40,000 horse, upon Dehli, which he invested. ‘When Sultdn Ibrahim received the account of these transactions, he hastened out of Agra with 80,000 horse, and pitched his camp at a distance of six miles from Dehli. But 'Alam Khdn one night surprised him* so successfully, that, his army being dispersed, and he himself, with about 5000 orlBOOO

^ Other authorities mention that he obtained full possession of all the Eastern country from Sambhal to Bih&r.

men, cut off from the main body, was compelled to withdraw to some place of security. Early in the morning he received in- formation that 'Alam Kh&n was standing protected by only 300 horso ; whilst the rest of his troops were employed in plundering and collecting booty. That moment appeared to afford him an excellent opportunity of gaining important advantages for him- self ; so, with the rising of the sun, he threw himself upon his foe, like a hill of iron, who, incapable of parrying this charge, fled into the Do&b ; but the greater number of his gallant men were slain, and tho remainder were dispersed in all directions, which rendered tho Sult&u’s triumph complete.

About this time B4bar P&dshah arrived at Lahore; when Ghizi Kh&n and Daulat Kh4n, in violation of the subsisting treaty, advanced against tho fort of Bilwat.^ The prime minister of the Mughal Emperor, Mir EJialifo, brought ’Alam Khan to pay his respects to the Emperor, and he was well received. After some time, Daulat Kli&n also presented himself in submission before tho Emperor, and his example was imitated by Dildwar Kh4n.

The Emperor marched from Lahore towards S&m&na and Sanndm, and detached Tardi Bog ' Kh4u, with 4000 horse, in advance ; to oppose whom, the Sultan sent D&ud Khan, one of his principal aniifSf at the head of 10,000 cavalry, besides a train of elephants. Upon information of his approach, laidi Beg marshalled his troops, and concerted a night attack upon D&dd Khdn’s camp ; who, unable to sustain the shock of the aggressor, fell back, and his troops were dispersed in all direc- tions, many of his men were slmn, and Dddd Khdn himself, with seventy men of high rank, fell into the hands of tho enemy. * * *

On being remonstrated with for giving way to low spirits, when he had done so much for the good of the people during his short reign, after urgent solicitation, he said, “I have had three

1 [The “ Milwat” of Babar, See Vol. IV., p. 244.]

or four desires in my heart, which still remain without accom- plishment, and cannot be eradicated except by death. One is, I wished to have depopulated the country of Eoh, and to have transferred its inhabitants to the tract between the Mldb and Lahore, including the hills below Ninduna, as far as the Siwdlik ; that they might have been constantly on the alert for the arrival of the Mughals, and not allow any one to pass from Kdbul to Hind, and that they might also keep the zaminddrs of the hills under control and subjection. Another is to have entirely destroyed Lahore, that so large a city might not exist on the very road of an invader, whore, immediately after capturing it on his arrival, he could collect his supplies and organize his resources. Another is, to have built two fleets of fifty large vessels each,^ as commodious as sarciis^ for the use of pilgrims from India to Mecca ; and to have made them so strong, that wind and storm should not have been able to disperse them ; and that all people might go to and ftoni that holy place in ease and comfort. The last is, to have raised a tomb to Ibr&him Lodi in Panipat, but on the understanding that opposite to it there should be another tomb of the Chaghatdi Sultdns, whom I may have despatched to martyrdom ; and to have constructed both

^ This is not in strict accordance with the text, but may be gathered as the real meaning from a passage which follows in the same page. Ahmad Y&dgfir (MS.p. 313) says only ^<two ships/’ which is far too small for such imperial aspirations as Shcr Shfih entertained ; and especially as many more plied between India and Arabia for the transport of pilgrims.' Dorn, who quotes thia passage in his Notes from Dr. Lee’s text, resolves these into fifty to fifty-four solid edifices on the road from India to Mecca” (part ii., p. 106). I cannot at all concur in this view, and quote therefore the passages from the original : —

The specific number of fifty-four sounds absurd under the circumstances, and “ ships,” both in this and other authors, is too plain to be overlooked.

with such architectural embellishments, that friend and foe

might render their tribute of applause, and that my name might remain honoured upon earth until the day of resurrection. None of tiiese aspirations has God allowed me to carry into eflfect, and I shall carry my regrets with me to my grave.”

Resumption and transfer of Jdglrs hy ^AdalL— Commotion in the CounciL — Flight of Taj Khan Kirdni

One day a distribution of jdgirs made in ^Adali’s ^ex- chequer, which was attended by all the amirs; when ’Adali dispossessed Slidh Muhammad FarmuU of his estates in Kanauj, and transferred them to Sarmast Khdn Sarwani. This induced Sikandar Kh&n, Farmulfs son, a young and bold man, to ex- claim : To what a pass have things come, that our estates are taken from us, and settled on the tribe of Sarwanis, who are no better than sellers of dogs ! ” A stormy debate ensuing from both sides, Sh&h Muhammad, who was then sick, endeavoured to persuade his son not to use such abusive language. But to this ho replied ; When Sher Sh&h had one day cast thee into an iron cage, with the intention of putting thee to death, Islam Shah came and induced the Shah, at his intercession,^ to grant thy life : and now dost thou not perceive the design of all these to ruin thee ? Why should one brook such insult ? ” At this moment Sarmast Khdn, who was a tall and robust man, placed his hand familiarly upon Sikandar‘‘s shoulders, as though to pacify him ; but, in fact, with the intention of securing him in his grasp, and said : My friend, what is the reason of such anger and exasperation ? ” However, Sikandar, perceiving his inten- tion, drew his dagger, and despatched him on the spot. A general uproar and tumult pervaded the Council, and all rushed upon Sikandar to apprehend him ; but ^he, with a drawn sword in his hand, cut down or wounded all t<iwards whom he turned. *AdaU, on witnessing this sanguinary scene, ran off to his private

1 So says the corresponding passage of Ualahzm-i AfgMni, but Dom translates : “ I induced the Shhh by irg; intercession.*'— JEfis#. of Afghdm^ p. 173.

apartment, pursued by Sikandar ; whom he, however, succeeded in excluding by chaining the door. The greater part of the amirs had previously thrown away their swords and fled; and Sikandar stalked about everywhere like a madman, and in this manner two hours elapsed. At last, Ibr&him Khdn Sur, brother- in-law of ’Adali, drew his sword and attacked Sikandar; who, being surrounded on all sides, was killed; and Daulat Ehdn Lohdni despatched Muhammad FarmuH with one blow. The res^jlt of these transactions was a general dispersion of tlie amirs^ ’Adah’s authority rapidly declined, and every one looked after his own interest alone, as soon as he had secured his per- sonal safety by flight.

Before this scene transpired, T4j Kiraiii, a brother of Sulaiman, having, from the difierent expressions of the Council, foreseen what would happen, had left the Council- room, and proceeded as far as the gate of the citadel of Gwalior, by which he was about to descend, when he met Shah Muhammad FarinuU. He ex- plained to him the uproarious state of the Council, and said that no respect was shown to any one, and that there was no unanimity in their deliberations ; it was therefore the safest way not to frequent the Council any more, but to retire into private life : he himself would not appear any more. He invited Shah Muham- mad to join him, and repair to a place affording security against misery, till affairs took a better turn. Shah Muhammad rejected this offer, in consequence of which he was killed in that riotous Council. Taj Kirani went to his house, and made all prepara- tions for flight. When he had received intelligence of what had passed, he set out in the afternoon for Bengal, and ’Adali despatched an army in pursuit of him.^ * * *

Defeat of the Mughak at the pass of GarhL — Humdyiin^s entry

The vanguard of the Mughal army, which, in seven divisions, had marched in advance of the main body, pitched their camp at

^ [The details of what transpired subsequently will be found among the Extracts from the T&rihhri Ddudi, Vol. IV.^ p. 606.] ^

a distance of three kos from the defile of Garhi ; and every morning, urging their horses at full speed towards the entrance of the pass, threw their arrows and clubs at its defenders, and then retreated. A part of them, with loud voices, poured forth most bitter invectives against Jaldl Kh&n, calling him an un- manly coward, cowering in the defile like an old woman ; that if he were a man, and the son of a man, and in the least endowed with impetuosity and ardour, he would descend to the field of battle to measure strength with men, as he had not yet come in contact with Mughals. Similar invectives were repeated every day, and a great number of Afghdns perished by the fire of the cannons and matchlocks. Jaldl Kh&n, being informed of these proceedings by his attendants, went one day to H&ji Kh&n, explaining to him, with the bitterest complaints, that the Mughals, coming up every day to harass them in their position by missile weapons, and then retreating, uttered the most abusive language ^gainst him, which he could not brook any longer, for his patience was quite exhausted. He himself certainly was too weak to put a stop to such injuries ; but if tho other chiefs would assent, they ought at once to march out and make their attack, and see what the curtain of secresy would reveal. H&jf Kh&n said, “This is not in accordance with your father’s command, with which you are well acquainted.’’ Jal&l Kh&n wont on to assure him that as long as his request should not bo complied with, he was determined to abstain from water and food. Upon which H&ji Kh&n replied, that if such was his resolution, he certainly must yield; and every coward returning alive from the battle would sufier punishment by Slier Kh&n’s order; but in case victory should crown their enterprise, all would be right. He then, in order to insure success to his enterprise, read tho fdtiha^ and Jal&l Kh&n withdrew to his own quarters.

The next morning the Mughals, according to custom, charged their horses, and then retreated to their tents, and relieved them- selves of their armour. The troopers then went out to forage, whilst the officers resorted to the carpet of repose. Noon had

approached, when the Afghans, opening the gate in the defile, sallied forth. A few only of the Mughals, whose horses were at hand, mounted, and put themselves in an attitude of defence ; but the greater part, being disconcerted in the extreme, turned their faces to flight. The action, nevertheless, proved to be of the most obstinate nature, and Mub&rak Farmuli and Abu-1 Fath Langah, besides most of the Mughal ofiBlcers, fell victims to the sword. The whole camp of the Mughals, baggage, horses, camels, elephants, etc., fell into the hands of the victors ; and nearly all were slain, with the exception of a very small number of Kipchl horsemen. It is related that there was no Afghan footman but obtained four or five horses, valuable robes, and many boxes of precious things, out of the spoils.^

Slier Klidn had such a mass of wealth and treasures to carry ofif from Gaur, that he could not gather a sufficient number of porters for that purpose, and was at a great loss how to convoy these effects to Rohtds. In the meanwhile, ho receipted intelli- gence from Jaldl Khdn of this victory, at which he was exceed- ingly rejoiced ; and immediately wrote to him, to procure, for a suitable compensation, all the captured elephants, camels, oxen, in short all beasts of burthen, from any person who might possess them, and to send them, as he was in much want of them. Slier Khan, upon the occasion of that victory, made use of this adage, “ That if a cock, in a fight, had been once beaten, he would, on being brought into the field a second time, set up his crowing, but never resume the fight.” Jalal Khan after this exploit closed the gate, and stopped the progress of Huinayun for more than a month — a circumstance that enabled Slier Khan at his ease to transport by way of Jharkand all his treasures to Roht&s, whither he now likewise called Jalal Kh&n.

The Emperor Humayun, upon this, made his entrance into Gaur. Sher Kh&n had previously fitted up all the mansions of that place with an exquisite variety of ornaments and embellish- ments, and rendered them a perfect gallery of pictures, by party- » [SeeVol.IV.,p. 367.]

coloured carpets and costly silk stuffs, in hopes that Hum&ydn > charmed with it, would be induced to prolong his stay there ; and his designs were unexpectedly seconded by fate, for Hum&y6n remained four months in Gaur, and had no leisure for any other occupation than pleasure and enjoyment*

The Battle of Chauma. — Capture of SumayiirCe Queen.^

^ In this conflict Muhammad Zam&n, with a large force, stood forth and commenced the action ; but was, in one charge, not only defeated and obliged to retreat, but killed. There was no one who could withstand ; and every one who found his horse ready turned his face to flight. A bridge of boats having boon previously laid over the Ganges, all the fugitives, whether horse or foot, endeavoured to escape over it. Hum&yun had not yet performed his ablutions, when his troops wore thrown into com- plete disorder ; he therefore, immediately finishing them, lent all his thoughts to save his own person ; for to save his favourite lady, with all the other beauties of the liarem^ was impossible. He sent Khwdja Mu’azzam, with some other persons who were just at hand, in this painful situation, to rescue Begam Mariam Mak&ni from her dangerous position, wliilst he himself hastened to reach the bridge ; but it having been broken down by the throng of the fugitives, and the pressure of the great and small, he plunged his horse into the river. He was nearly drowned, but Shamsu-d din Muhammad Ghaznavi succeeded in extricating him from that destructive element by his skilful efforts and th^ aid and favour of fortune. In consequence of his excellent service, Shamsu-d din's sons were raised to high and honourable stations.

When, in the meanwhile, Khwaja Mu'azzam had conveyed himself as far as the entrance of the Imperial tent, he perceived that the Afgh&ns were sedulously employed in massacre and plunder, and he could not find an opportunity of rescuing the veil-covered ladies. Nevertheless, he sacrificed his life in

the execution of his master’s command. The greater part of the Mughals perished in the river^ and an immense number besides fell by the sword ; whilst the *Afghdns, by the rich booty they captured, had all their wants abundantly supplied. The Imperial consort likewise fell into their hands, with all her establishment.

Constructs new Bohtds. — Its cost. — KJiizr Khan governor of

Sher Shdh threatened to construct such a fort in that country that it should not only effectually restrain the Ghakkars, but also the passage of the Mughals. He therefore himself made a tour through the hills of Oirjhdh Ninduna [mountains circum- jacent],^ and finding a fit spot, he laid the foundations of the fort, which he called Rohtas,

Besides that, he sent a large force against Raii«Sdrang, the Ghakkar, and not only was the country subdued, and the hill of Balndth plimderedy which was then the residence of the Ddrogha of that tracts but the daughter of its chief was taken prisoner, and conducted before Sher Shah, who presented her to Khawds Khdn ; upon which Sprang, they relate, sent a quantity of [hemp] blankets and millet to Sher Sh4h, with the remark that in such only consisted their raiment and food, besides which they could afford nothing; according to others, he sent a lion’s skin and some [arrows] spears^ which he said was their only property. With this conduct, however, Sher Sh&h was by no means satis- fied. Sfi.rang [S&rang’s troops] being weakened by [skirmishes] the attacks of the holy warriors^ and greatly reduced and straitened^ submitted himself in person to Sher Shdh^ who ordered him to be flayed alive, and his skin to be filled with straw, and so pay the penalty of his misdeeds.

Sher Sh&h issued farmdns to complete the fortifications of Roht&s 5 but Todar Khatri represented that the Ghakkars, to

1 The passages printed in italics in' this Extract show the yaiiations from Dr. Dorn's yersion, ^ reading being retained in brackets.

whom that country belonged, would not allow any one to work for wages ; and that they had agreed amongst themselves, upon oath, to expatriate every person that should contravene their wishes, slier Shdb, in answer, told him [that he should noways be allowed to give up that work, which he only wished to do in consequence of his greediness for gold] ^ that the work did not seem to advance under his superintendence^ and that a man who woe fond of money ^ and was alarmed about disbursing it, would never accomplish the king^n designs. Todar, on the reception of this fresh command, fixed first a goldon ashrafi as the enormous remuneration for one stone, which induced the [Kakers] Ohaklmrs to flock to him in such numbers that afterwards a s^ne was paid with a rup^ee^ and this pay gradually fell to five tankas^ till the fortress was completed.*”

Sher Sh4h, during his stay in the environs of [Tatta] the river Behat^%t\ieiXQ he amused himself with hunting, received intelligence that Khizr Khan Surk, the governor of Bengal, had married a daughter of Sult&n Mahmtid, and [maintained princely household] sat on the roof of the palace^ after the manner of the kings of Bengal^ at which disrespectful conduct Sher Shah was highly displeased.

^ Besides the correction of the text, Sher ShSih’s answer, as given in the Tdrikh-i Khdn^Jahdn^ MS. p. 178, shows that Todar’s representation could not have arisen from avaricious views: — “You are too cautious about the expenditure of money, and do not desire that my words may he obeyed. It is right you should show no regret in disbursing it, for whatever is expended shall be repaid from my treasury.*’ In the same work we arc told that when the fort was ftnished, Todar was highly ex- tolled for his management and supervision.

^ From a rupee it fell, after some time, to ten tanJeas [the black tanJea^ equal to -^th rupee^ until it reached as low as a Bahhli [=^th rupee]. — TdriJeh-i Khdn- Jahdfif MS. p. 178. [See Thomas’s Ohronicles of the Pathkn Sings, pp. 360, 366.]

[This is the last work of the historian Khondamir. It records an event in Zi-1 kaMa at the end of 940 h., and the writer died in the following year 941 (1634-6 a.1).)«^ The book seems to have received little notice, and reSiains almost unknown. It is in all probability the same as the Kdnun-i Humdyiini quoted by Abti-1 Fazl in the Akhar-ndma. It shows that Khondamir had become quite a courtier in his old age, and had abandonegl the studies of the historian to become a royal panegryist. His work also shows that he was high in favour at Court, and he gives specimens of odes and verses which he composed on occasions of royal festivity. He records how various attendants of the Court received titles of honour descriptive of their characters, and that which he received was Amir^i Akhhdr^ ‘Hhe noble historian.” Notwithstanding the high-flown strain of eulogy in which the work is written, it contains some points of interest, and a few Extracts follow.

Sir H. Elliot did not procure a copy of the MS., and the Editor has had no copy to consult. The Extracts which follow have been selected from what appears to be a complete translation made by Sir H. Elliot’s private munshi from a manuscript in the possession of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.]

When this humble and insignificant slave, Ghiy&su-d din, son of Hum&mu-d din, alias Hhondamir, — may God fiaicilitate all 1 [See anU VoL IV., p. 143.] ^

difficulties to him !--Qbtained the honour of meeting this great king, and the rays of royal kindness shone on the surface of liis hopes and circumstances, he conceived the desire and entertained tlfe idea in his mind that he would describe, as a memorial for future days, some of the works and inventions of this monarch ; because the histories of kings, by means of the black water of ink, which has the effect of the water of life, are immortalized, and the great names and writings of clever authors, by virtue of their, praises of celebrated kings, are stamped on the page of time. For instance, the excellencies of Mahmud were described by ’XJtbi and ^Unsuri, and the poems of Mu’izzi and Anwari celebrated the character of Sanjar.

Had he not spoken about Sanjar and his works ?

Because ’Utbi conferred praises on Mahmud,

Therefore he obtained the object of his desire. ‘ Sharaf'was celebrated in the world,

Because he wrote the eulogy of Timur Gurgan.”

Although the compiler of this book, on account of his having little knowledge and possessing no ability, withheld his tongue from commencing the history of this renowned monarch’s ex- ploits and deeds, and did not allow the pen which possessed two tongues to describe the character of this most prosperous king, yet he always entertained that desire in his faithful heart, and the intention never forsook his mind. One night which was full of light, this insignificant man (the author), having obtained the honour of being present in His Majesty’s Court at Gw&lior, was ordered to sit down, and the fingers of the generosity of that sun of the heayen of glory opened the gates of kindness to l^m, and the tongue of that king of kings, who was as dignified as Alexander the Great, pronounced these pleasing words : ‘^It seems proper a>nd desirable that the inventions of my auspicious mind, and the improvements of my enlightened understanding, should be arranged in a series, and written down, in order that in future

ages the light of these happy works may shine among the people of countries near and remote.” Consequently the writer, who was wishing for a long time that such an order might pass, engaged, like his pen, in writing these very interesting subjects; and having coinmenced to mention the wonderful inventions, he has imparted eloquence to the pen which possesses two tongues. He hopes that through the favour of the Almighty God, these pages, which contain useful things, will meet the approbation of the most clever characters of the high Court, and that they will view these lines of the book of eloquence with the eye of acceptance, and overlook the mistakes which may have been committed therein by the deficient tongue of the pen.

In the beginning of Jumdda-1 awwal, a.h. 937, when the King, who was as dignified as Sulaiman, whose seat is now in Paradise, viz. Zahiru-d din Muhammad Babar, left the throne of this world for the eternal heaven, the celestial herald of the Supreme Lord raised the pleasing cry, We made you king on the earth,” to the ears of this rightful prince, and the hand of the kindness of the Creator of souls and substances put the happy robe of royalty on the person t>f this able monarch, the Conqueror of the World.

“ The hope which was excited by prosperity is now realized ;

The desire which the world entertained is satisfied.”

On Friday, the 9th of the said month, in the Jama^ masjid at Agra, the khutha was read in the name and title of this noble king, and the noise of congratulations which arose from the crowd of yie people reached beyond the heavens.

Among the -other wonderful accidents which happened to the great Nawdb, one was that in the year in which the late king, who was as dignified as Sulaim&n and destined to enter paradise,

marched with prosperity from K&bul towards Kandah&r, he left this sun of the heaven of royalty and power (Humaydn^ in trust of the government duties. One day the latter rode on his horso; and went to ramble about in the forest, hills, gardens, and mladows. On the road he wished to take an omen, and having called the great Mauldna, Masihu-d din Eiihu-lla, who was his tutor, he* told him it had just entered his mind that he should ask any three persons who might first come before him their names, and take an omen from them. The Mauland said it would be proper if he asked only one man’s name ; but the King was firm in his resolution. After they had gone a little distance, they saw a man about forty years of age ; and on their asking him his name, he replied, “Murdd Khwaja.” After him another person, driving an ass loaded with wood, came before them ; and when they inquired of him for his name, he said, ^^ Daulat Khwfija.” On this it passed from the secret-telling tongue of the King that if the name of the third person who might happen to meet them should be Sa’ddat Khw&ja, it might be considered a very curious accident ; and the star of success, according to the omen, would rise from the horizon of prosperity. At this moment a boy, who was leading cattle to graze, came in sight ; and when they asked him what was his name, he answered, ‘^Sa’ddat Khwdja.” This excited, of course, great wonder and surprise in all the people who accompanied the King, and they were all sure that this prosperous prince would soon, by the Divine assistance, attain the highest pitch of fortune and glory ; and the hand of the favour of God would open to him the gates of success in all his sacred and worldly hopes.

When "the auspicious throne of royalty was filled by this dignified and brave monarch, all the officers of the State and inhabitants of the kingdom were divided into three classes. The brothers and relations of the King, the nobles and ministers, as well as the military men, were called Ahl4 Daulat (officers of the

State), because it is evident that — ^according to the words, “ Th^re can^ be no dominion without men **’ — no degree of wealth and prosperity can be attained without the assistance of this class of brave and courageous people ; and no one can obtain the throne and power without the aid of warriors and heroes.

“ Kings, with the assistance of their a^y,

Place their feet upon the throne of empires.

He alone can obtain wealth and rank Who is assisted- by his army.,”

The holy persons, the great mushaikhs (religious men), the respectable saiyicU, the literati, tho law oflScers, the scientific persons, poets, besides other great and respectable men, formed the second class, and wore denominated Ahl-i ScUddat (good men), because to observe, honour, and regard these people, and to associate with such men, secures eternal prosperity, and enables men to rise to high dignities and ranks.

It is not in tho power of the mighty man to obtain it.

Those who possessed beauty and elegance, those who were young and most lovely, also clever musicians and sweet singers, composed the third class, and the appellation of AhUi Murad (people of pleasure) was conferred on them, because most people take great delight in the company of such young-looking men, of rosy cheeks and sweet voices, and are pleased by hearing their songs, and the pleasing sound of the musical instruments, such as the harp, the sackbut, and the lute.

Is never realized but when they meet persons whose cheeks are rosy.

He who is fond of hearing songs and music

Has the gates of happiness opened for himself.”

According to this classification, the wise King also divided the days of the week, and appointed one day for each of these three classes. Thus, Saturdays and Thursdays were fixed for pious men, and visits were received on these days from literary and religious persons. On these two days the tree of the hope of this estimable body of the people produced the fruit of pro- sperity by their obtaining audience in the paradise-resembling Court. The reason why these two days were appointed for this class was, that Saturday is ascribed to Saturn, who is the pro- tector of good and religious men and persons of old respectable families; and Thursday is appropriated to Jupiter, who is the preserver of the saiyids, the learned men, and the strict followers of the Muhammadan law. Sundays and Tuesdays were fixed for the State officers ; and all the government business and duties connected with the management of the country were discharged on these days. The King, the destroyer of enemies, sat in the public court, and consequently all the nobles and plebeians were able to obtain the honour of seeing him. Tho advantage in appointing these two days for opening the Court, and attending to tho State affairs was, that Sunday belongs to tho Sun, to whom, according to tho will of Grod, is attached the fates of all rulers and kings; and Tuesday is the day of Mars, who is the. patron of warriors and brave men. Hence it is evident that to adorn the throne of sovereignty in the public court-hall by his royal sessions on these two days, and to devote himself to the discharge of the •government duties, was very proper. Amongst the other customs which were introduced by this just and generous King, and were observed on tho days of the sessions, one was, that when he adorned the throne of royalty by sitting on it, drums were beaten, to inform the people, who, immediately on hearing their noise, came to see him ; and when he left the Court, the gunners fired guns to let the people know that they might retire. Also on those days the keeper of the

wardrobe used to bring some suits of fine apparel, arid the treasurer several purses of money, and they placed them in the Court in order that rewards and robes might be given to any one from them, and no delay should take place. Also that several persons who resembled Bahr&m, having put on coats of mail, and taken blood-drinking swords in their hands, stood before the throne to seize and punish those who might be proved guilty. Mondays and Wednesdays were allotted for pleasure parties, and on these days some of the old companions and chosen friends were con- vened, and a band of musicians and singers was called, and they were all satisfied in their wishes. The cause of appointing these days for this purpose was, that Monday is the day of the Moon, and Wednesday of Mercury 5 and it was therefore reasonable that on these days he should keep company with young men beautiful as the moon, and hear sweet songs and delightful music. On Fridays, as the name (juma^) imports, ho called together all the assemblies, and sat with thorn as long as he found leisure from his other duties.

Another inveiftion of this King was, that he got three arrows of gold made, and called them each after the name of the three classes above mentioned. Each of these was given to one of the most confidential persons of the respective classes, and this person was to manage all the affairs of that class. As long as the man who was entrusted with the arrow conducted the duties attached to him with such care as to insure the pleasure of God and satisfaction of the King, he was maintained in the^'trust. But when he was intoxicated by the effect of the wine of arrogance and pride, or when his foresight was obscured by the dimness of negligence, and he did not look after his business, but through his misfortune thought only of collecting riches, then the arrow of his wishes failed to hit the point of success, and he was ordered to be removed from office by the pen pf destiny for his insolent deeds. * ♦ *

Among the customs introduced by this King, one was, that of the distribution of arrows, by means of which the distinction of ranks and stations among servants of the throne was marked. The pen of eloquence thus writes a full detail of this particular head. According to the different standards of gold, the ranks of all the people composing the three classes were divided into twelve orders or arrows, and every one received a grade and rank suitable to himself. The twelfth arrow, which was made of the purest gold, was put in the auspicious quiver of this powerful King, and nobody could dare to touch it. The eleventh arrow belonged to His Majesty’s relations and brethren, and all the Sultdns who were in the government employ. Tenth, to the great muBhaikhs^ saiyids^ and the learned and religions men. Niigih, to the great nobles. Eighth, to the courtiers and some of the King’s personal attendants. Seventh, to the attendants in general. Sixth, to the harems and to the well-behaved female attendants. Fifth, to young maid-servants. Fourth, to the treasurers and stewards. Third, to the soldiers. Second, to the menial servants. First, to the palace guards, camel-drivers, and the like. Each of these arrows or orders had three grades ; the highest, the middle, and the lowest.

Another of the arrangements of this King was, that he divided all the affairs of government into four departments, after the number of' the four elements, viz. the Atashl, Hawaii A'bl^ and Khaki; and for conducting the business of these departments he appointed four ministers. The department to which belonged the artillery and the making of arms, weapons of war, and various sorts of engines and other such things in which assistance > was taken from fire, was called Atashi ; and the superintendence of this departme|it was placed under Khw&ja ’Amidu-1 Mulk, and the fire of his care infiamed the ovens of the hearts of those

who were employed on these works. The duties connected with the wardrobe, kitchen, stable, and other great and important offices belonged to the department, and the care of them was

entrusted to Khwaja Lutf-ulla. The SharbaUhhdnai Suji-khdna^ the digging of canals, and all the works which related to water and rivers, were comprised in the AU department, and its super- intendent was Khwdja Hasan. Agriculture, erection of buildings, resumption of Khdlka lands, and some household affairs formed a department which was called Khdhi^ and this was placed under the management of Khwdja Jal&lu-d din Mirz& Beg. Formerly one of the nobles was ordered to look after each department. For instance, Amir Ndsir Kuli supervised the fire department, and he always used to put on red clothes. After his death, the cypress of the garden of dignity and grandeur, Mir Nihdl, was appointed to the same duty. But in the days when the com- piler wrote these pages, the supervision of all the four depart- ments was entrusted to the care of the best of nobles, the most learned man, Amir Wais Muhammad.

Another great work of this just and generous King was the city of Dinpanah, which was really the asylum of religious men. The musk-resembling pen perfumes the minds of good people by writing an account of its foundation. In the month of Sha’bdn, A.H. 939 (1533 A.D.), when the fort of Gwalior was made the object of envy to the high revolving heavens by the royal presence, the great King one night sat there on the Imperial throne, and having ordered all his great courtiers and learned companions to sit down, conversed with them on various topics. In this discourse he poured from his tongue the secrets of the pearls of these words, that long time since it was his intention to found near the capital of Dehli a large city, the ramparts of which from their loftiness might open the tongu^pf reproach and scorn at Khawamak and Sawir, the palaces of Bahr^niy and that the keeper of its^bastions might claim equality with Saturn. Also

that in this city a magnificent palace of seven storeys should be erected, surrounded by delightful gardens and orchards, of such elegance and beauty, that its fame might draw people from the remotest comers of the world for its inspection. That the city should be the asylum of wise and intelligent persons, and be called Dinpan&h. Those who were present in the assembly which resembled paradise, opened their tongues in approba- tion and applause of such a scheme. At the same time, it was discovered by the most witty and clover Mauland Shahabu-d din Ahmad Mu’amra&i, that the numerical value of the words Shahr4 pddshdh Dinpandh was 940, and he said that if the city were built in that year it would be a very remarkable fact. The same moment these words were brought to the notice of the King, who, as well as all the officers of the high Court, was greatly struck with them. All persons that were present at the time began to sing with their tongues the following stanza before His Majesty, who understood the excellencies of poetry well :

<‘The picture which your imagination draws on your mind, Nothing contrary to it is done by the hand of destiny.

What your understanding writes on a leaf Agrees with the book of the Will of God.”

In short, the King accordingly fixed the resolution in his en- lightened mind. After, under the protection of the Almighty God, he had returned from Gwalior to Agra, he turned the reins of his world-travelling horse, in the beginning of the month of Zi-1 hijja, A.H. 939, towards the city of Dehli. When he had reached the city, which was as beautiful as heaven, safe under the care of God from all evils, and had taken omens and religious advice, a rising ground adjacent to the banks of the stream of Jumna, about three koB from the city, was selected for the foundation of the city of DiManah.

In the middle of the montl|lc)f the sacred Muharram, a.h. 940, at an hour which, was prescribed by^ the most clever astrologers and the greatest astronomers, all the great mmhaikliB^ (religious

men) the respectable saiyids, the learned persons, and all the elders of the city of Dehli, accompanied the King, who was as gonerens as the ocean, to the spot, prayed the Almighty God to finish the happy fi}audation of that city, and to strengthen the basis of the King’s wealth. First, His Majesty with his holy hand put a brick on the earth, and then each person from that concourse of great men placed a stone on the ground, and they all made such a crowd there that the army, people, and the artists, masons, and labourers found no room or time to carry stones and mud to the spot. On the same date work was also commenced in the King’s own palace.

At this time, i.e. the latter part of the month of Shaww&l of the same year, the walls, bastions, ramparts, and the gates of the city of Dinpan&h are nearly finished.

[The writer of this valuable work was the son of Muhammad Husain Mirza, who was the eldest son of Haidar Mirz& Doghlat, Amir of Kdshghar. Muhammad Husain marriod the younger sister of the Emperor Babar’s mother. So our author, Haidar Mirzd, was first cousin of Babar, and he seems to have inherited from his mother no small share of that ability and vigour which distinguished his more eminent relative. His father, Muhammad Husain, was put to death at Hirdt in 914 (1508 a.d.), under the orders of ShaibAni Khan. Haidar Mirz& himself was also doomed, but he was concealed and saved. In the following year B&bar sent for him to Kdbul, and there received him with con- siderate and generous afibetion, of which tho Mirzd speaks in the warmest terms of gratitude. ‘‘It was a sad day,” says he, “ that deprived me of my father ; but, through the unremitting kindness of the Emperor, I never felt tho loss. * * During the whole time of my stay with him, he always conducted himself towards mo with parental observance and affection.”

Haidar Mirzd was as bold and adventurous as B&bar himself, and played a notable part in widely distant places. He was actively engaged as a military leader in Badakhsh&n and K&shghar, and seems to have there given proofs of eminent military talents. Nor was he at all deficient in that literary ability which distinguished his cousin. He saw much, and ho observed and recorded what passed under his own eyes, and what he learnt from diligent inq[uiry. “ The Tdrikh^i RoBhidi,** says

Mr. Erskine,^ well deserves to be published in the original or translated. It is the production of a learned ^nd accomplished man fl and, in the two latter parts, of a contemporary, intimately acquainted with the men and events he describes.”

“The history of Jhe Kh&ns of the Mughals, and of the Amirs of Kdshghar, subsequent to Timur Tughlik Kh&n, forms the proper subject of the first two books. These details are the more valuable as the succession of the Mughal Kh4ns and of the Amirs of Kashghar from that period is not contained in any other work with which I am acquainted.” In the writer's own time, “ Central Asia was in a transition state, which ended in the settlement of the Uzbeks in Transoxiana, of the Kirghiz confederacy in Mughalistan, and of the Ghaghatai Turks in India. The minute details which the author gives of his own sufferings, and of the sufferings of his nearest relations, during the period that followed the ascendancy of Shaibdni Khdn in Mdwardu-n nahr and Khurasan, of their escapes, adventures, successes, and discomfitures, let us more into the condition of the country and feelings of the inhabitants of these states and of Kdsbghar at that crisis, than perhaps any other monument extant. A portion of the last book relates to the history of Kashmir and Hindustan, and the whole work is interspersed with geographical accounts of countries, especially to the east of Mdwarau-n nahr, little known in Europe. The rise and fall of several tribes, or associations of tribes, in the desert, are recorded with much clearness and a perfect acquaintance with their ex- ternal and internal policy. It would form a most valuable accompaniment to the Commentaries of Babar, which it illus- trates in every page. The two royal cousins are worthy of each other, and do honour to their age.”

Haidar Mirzd‘'s notices of India are fragmentary, and are con- fined to what passed under his own observation ; but they give a vivid picture of the disorder and incapacity which marked the early reign of Humiyun, and were the causes of his downfall. In * See Vol. L, p. 193.

the course of hie adventurous life Haidar Mirz& had served in Kashmir, and vdiile he was acting as governor of Lahore on behalf of Prince K&mr&n, a number of malcontent nobles of that country e:ideavoured to obtain his aid in dethroning their unpopular ruler. He entered warmly into the project, but the troubles of Hindust&n delayed its execution. After passing into the service of Humdyun, and witnessing the disastrous rout of Kaiiauj, described in one* of the following Extracts, he endeavoured to induce Humdytin to secure a refuge and a vantage-ground in Kashmir. The Emperor was inclined to follow his advice, and sent some forces to enter upon the conquest of that country. But his plans were thwarted by his brother Karardn, and he was compelled to ily beyond the Indus. Haidar Mirzd soon showed the practicability of the advice he had tendered. With a force of^only 4000 men he marched against Kashmir, and evading the troops drawn up to oppose him, he made his way secretly by unfrequented routes to Srinagar .the capital, and captured it without opposition in Bajab, 947 (November, 1640), The whole country fell into his possession, and he successfully resisted the attempts of the dethroned prince to recover his kingdom, although 8her Sh£h aided the exile. Haidar Mirzd ruled the land which he had won with great wisdom and ability, and so recruited its resources that it was restored to prosperity and happiness. He reigned for eleven years, and was eventually killed in a ni^ht attack by a party of conspirators in 958 (1551 a.d.). To his honour be it recorded, he did not in his prosperity forget his unfortunate kinsman the Emperor Hum&yun, but urged him to come to Kashmir, and to make that country a point (Tappui for the recovery of his lost empire.

The MS. used is a small 4to, belonging to the Nawab of Jhajjhar, containing 729 pages, of fourteen lines each. There is a transcript of this MS. among Sir H. Elliot's MSS. It seems th differ occasionally from the MS. used by Mr. Erskine, as may be seen by comparing the following Extracts with those given by' Mr. Erskine.]

[When all the brothers were assembled, they conferred together upon the state of affairs. The discussion was protracted, but no profitable decision was arrived at ; in fact, nothing yas proposed that was worthy of the occasion, for as it is said, “When Fortune's adverse, minds are perverse." K4mrdn Mirzd was very anxious to return, but Humayun disregarded all his repre- sentations. Seven months were wasted in weary indecision, until the opportunity was lost, and Sher Kh&n was on the Granges ready for war. In the midst of this confusion K&inr&n Mirza became very ill. The climate of Hindustan had brought on some serious disorders.^ When he had thus suffered for two or three months, he lost the use of his hands and feet. As no medicine or treatment relieved him, he became the more desirous of depa^- ing to Lahore. At length his maladies so increased, that he made up his mind to return thither. This departure of K4mr&n Mirzd was the turning-point in the rise of Sher Khdn and the downfall of the Ohaghatdi power. The Emperor greatly urged him to leave some of his officers and forces as auxiliaries, but K^mran Mirzd, on the contrary, did all he could to induce all the men of Agra to go away with him, and strenuously rejected the proposal to leave his own army behind. Mir Khw&ja Kal&n, wl|o was his prime minister, also exerted himself to the same purpose. K&mr4n Mirzd sent him on in advance, and then followed in person.

While this was passing, Sher Khdn advanced to the banks of the Ganges, and passed his army over. Kutb Kh&n, his son, marched towards Et&wa and K&lpl. These territories were the ikta^s of Husain Sultdu, who was one of the Uzbek Sult&ns, and Y&dg&r N&sir Mirza, son of Nasir Mirzd, the brother of the Emperor Babar. Part of E41pi belonged to K&mrdn Mirz&, and he had sent to that distiuct Iskandar Sult&n as his represen- tative. These three persons marched against Eutb Khdn, who 1 [Tbe yariouB complications are specified.]

was slain in the battle, and they gained a complete victory. The Emperor now inarched from ^gra towards the Gauges against Sher Khan. [The writer goes on to explain at length h:s reasons for leaving K&mr&n, and joining the Emperor.] Although Mirzd K&mr&n would not consent to my parting from him, I remained behind without his consent. K&mr&n MirzA himself, shamefully leaving onlj" Iskandar Sultan with about 1000 men as auxiliaries, went off to Lahore, taking with him all the men of Agra he could carry with him ; thus giving strength to the enemy and preparing defeat for his friends. The Imperial army reached the banks of the Ganges in the best way that it, could. There it encamped and lay for about a nfkonth, the Emperor being on one side of the river, and Sher Khdn on the other, facing each other. The armies may have amounted to more than 200,000 men. Muhammad Sult&n Mii'za, of the house of Timtir, and grandson by a daughter of Sult&n Husain (of Khur4s4n), had come to India to wait upon the Emperor Bdbar, and had been received with every mark of kindness and kingly favour. After B&bar’s death he had several times revolted against Hum&ytin ; but being unsuccessful, he had sought forgive- ness, and had been pardoned, Now having colluded with Sher Khan, he deserted. A new way was thus opened. Everybody began to desert, and the most surprising part of it was, that many of those who deserted did not go over to Sher Khdii,,and so could expect no favour from him. A heated feeling ran through the army, and the cry Svas, “ Let us go and rest in our own homes.’’ A number also of K&mran's auxiliary forces deserted and fled to Lahore.

Among the equipments which were in the train of the Emperor were 700 carriages {gardun)^ each dawn by four pairs of bullocks, and carrying a swivel {zarh-zan)^ which discharged a ball {kalola)^ of 600 miskdls weight. I myself several times saw that from the top of an eminence they unfailingly {be-khatd) struck horse- men who slightly and unsuspectingly exposed themselves. And there were twenty-one carriages, each drawn by eight pairs of

bullocks. Stone balls were of no use in these, but the shots were of molten brass, and weighed 6000 miskdls^ and the cost of each was 200 miskdk of silver. They would strike anything that was visible at the distance of a parasang.

As the army had taken to desert, it was judged better to risk a battle than to see it go to ruin without fighting. If the result was unfavourable, in that case we could not at least be accused of having abandoned an empire like Hindust&n without striking a blow. Another consideration was, that if we passed the river, desertion would be no longer possible. We therefore crossed over. . Both armies entrenched themselves. Every day skirmishes occurred between the adventurous swaggering spirits of both sides. These proceedings were put an end to by the monsoon rains, which came on and flooded the ground, rendering it unfit for a camp. To move was indispensalile. Opinions were expressed that another such a deluge would sink the whole army in the abyss of despair, and it was proposed to move to a rising ground which the inundation could not reach, and which lay in front of the enemy. I went to reconnoitre, and found a place suitable for the purpose. I said that we would on the morrow try the enemy on the touchstone of experience, for he ought not to attack while we were on the march, as the arraying of an army at the time of marching is contrary to sound judgment.^ The morrow was the 10th of Muharram, and wo must keep our forces well under control until we see if the enemy comes out of his trenches and advances against us. Then at j^st a regular pitched battle will be fought between us. The proper plan for us is to place the mortars (d^g) and swivels {zarb-zan) in front; and the gunners, nearly 5000 in number, must be

Mr. Erskine or his MS. makes better sense of this passage, but the words of our MS. wiU not admit of the interpretation. His version runs thus : 1 represented that

when we did march, it would be desirable to divert the attention of the enemy by engaging them in skirmishes, as it would not do to be drawn into a general action, when the army was marching to change its ground.*’]

stationed with the guns. If he does eome out to attack us, tl^re is no time of place more suitable thaoi this for battle. If he does not come out of his entrenchments, we must remain drawn up till about mid-day, and then return to our position. Next day we must act just in the same way. Then the baggage must move to the new position, and we must follow and occupy the place. This scheme of mine met with general approbation.

On the 10th Muharram, 948 h., we mounted to carry the plan into effect, and formed our array. As had been determined, the carriages {gardim) and mortars {deg) and small guns {topakchiydn) were placed in the centre. The command of the guns was given to Muhammad Kh&n Bumi, the sons of Ust&d ^Ali Kuli, TJst&d Ahmad Bumi, and Husain Khalifa. They placed the carriages and mortars (deg) in their proper positions, and stretched chains between them. In other divisions there were amfrs of no repute, men who were amirs only in name. They had got possession of the country, but they had not a tincture of prudebce or know- ledge, or energy or emulation, or nobility of mind or generosity — qualities &om which nobility draws its n^e. The Emperor had posted the author of this work upon his left, so that his right flank should be on the Emperor^s left. In the same position he had placed a force of chosen troops. On my left, all my retainers were stationed. I had 400 chosen men, inured to warfare aud familiar with battle, fifty of whom were mounted on horses accoutred with armour. Between me and the river {jki-hdr) there was a force of twenty-seven amirSy all of whom carried the banner. In this position, also, were the other components of the left wing, and they must be judged of by the others. On the day of battle, when Sher Kh&n, having formed his divisions, marched out, of all these twenty-seven tkgh banners not one was to be seen, for the great nobles had hidden them in the apprehension that the enemy might advance upon them. The soldiership and bravery of the amirs may be conceived from this exhibitioy of courage.

Sher Kh&n came out in five divisions^of 1000 men each, and

in advance of him {pesMar i o) were 3000 men. I estimated the whole as being less than 15,000, but I calculated the Ohaghat&i force as about 40,000, all mounted on tipcMk horses, and clad in iron armour. They surged like the waves of the sea, but the courage of the amirs and officers of the army was such as I have described. When Sher Kh&n^s army came out of its entrench- * ments, two divisions U^uh\ which seemed to be equal to four divisions, drew up in that place, and three divisions advanced against their opponents. On our side I was leading the centre, to take up the position which I had selected; but when we reached the ground, we were unable to occupy it : for every amir and wazir in the Ghaghatdi army, whether he be rich or poor, has his ghuldms. An amir of note with his 100 retainers and followers has 500 servants and ghuldms^ who in the day of battle render no assistance to their master and have no control over themselves. So in whatever place there was a conflict, the ghuldms were entirely ungovernable. When they lost their masters, they were seized with panic, and blindly rushed about in terror.^ In shoi^ it was impossible to hold our ground. They so pressed upon us in the rear, that they drove the centre upon the chains stretched between the chariots, and they and the soldiers dashed each other upon them. Those who were behind so pressed upon those who were in front, that they broke through the chains. The men who were posted by the chains were driven beyond it, and the few who remained behind were broken, so that all formation was destroyed.

Such was the state of the centre. On the rfght Sher Khdn advanced in battle array; but before an arrow was discharged, the camp followers fled like chaff before the wind, and breaking the line they all pressed towards the centre. The ghuldms whom the commanders had sent to the front rushed to the lines of chariots, the whole array was broken, and the mir was separated from his men, and the men from the mir. While the centre was thus thrown into disorder, all the fugitives fipm the right ^ [This idea is expressed by a simile borrowed from falconry.]

bore down upon it. So before the enemy had discharged an arrow, the whole army was scattered and defeated. I had estimated the Chaghatai army as numbering 40,000 men, ex- cluding the camp followers {ghuldm) and workmen (shdgird- pesha). They fled before 10,000 men, and Sher Eh&n gained a victory, and the Ohaghat&is were defeated in this battle-field where not a man, either friend or foe, was wounded. Not a gun was fired, and the chariots {gardiin) were useless.

When the Ohaghat&is took to flight, the distance between their position and the Ganges might be nearly ^parmang. All the amirn and braves {pahddurdn) fled for safety to the river, without a man of them having received a wound. The enemy pursued them, and the Ghaghat&is, having no time to throw off their armour and coats, plunged into the river. The breadth of the river might be about five bowshots. Many illustrious amirs were drowned, and each one remained or went on at his will. When we came out of the river. His Majesty, who at mid-day had 17,000 workmen in attendance upon his Court, was mounted upon a horse which had been given to him by Tardi Beg, and had nothing on his head or feet. “ Permanence is from God, and dominion is from God.” Out of 1000 retainers, eight persons came out of the river; the rest had perished in the water. The total loss may be estimated from this fact. When we reached Agra, we made no tariy, but, broken and dispirited, in a state heart-rending to relate, we went on to Lahore, On the new moon of Rabru-l awwal, 947 h., the princes, amirs^ and people had drawn together at Lahore. The throng was so great that it was difi^cult to move about, and still more difficult to find a lodging. Every one acted as his fears or his interests led him.]

These are the private Memoirs of the Emperor Hum&yiin written by his dftdbchi^ or ewer-bearer, Jauhar. They have been translated into English by Major Stewart, and published by the Oriental Translation Fund Lond, (1832). [The MS. used by Stewart bore the above title, under which the work has become generally known, but in Sir H. Elliotts copy of the MS. the author is made to name the work Sumdyitn ShdhL It is also called Tdrlkh-i Hurndyiirin'^ These Memoirs afford much amusement from the naive and simple style in which they are written. The author was a constant attendant upon the Emperor, both during his adversities and successes, and is so devoted an admirer of his patron, that he rarely sees anything to reproach in his con- duct. He gives the most trivial details with the utmost candour and gravity, thinking nothing too insignificant to relate of so great an Emperor. ‘‘ Let no one,” says Dion, after recording (lib. Ixxii. 18, 18) some of the public exposures and debaucheries of Oommodus — “ Let no one reprove me for degrading the im- portance of .history because I write such ^hings. In another case I would not have written them ; but since they were done hy an Emperor^ and I myself saw and heard them, I thought it right to conceal nothing, and to transmit these mattess for the in- formation of posterity, as if they had been of the utmost consequence.”

Of himself Jauhar says, ^*1 was at all times, and in all stations, in constant attendance on the royal person ; it there-

fore occurred to me as desirable that I should write a narrative of all the events to which I had been an eye-witness, that it may remain as a record of the past interesting occurrences. I have endeavoured to explain them to the best of my humble ability, although in a style very inferior to the dignity of the subject. I commenced this work in the year 996 (a.d. 1587), and have named it the TazUratu-^l Wdki^dt^ ‘ Belation of Occur- rences.' It is not my intention to narrate ail the occurrences which have taken place during the late reign, but I shall confine myself to those operations in which His Majesty was personally concerned. I shall therefore commence this work with Humd- ydn’s ascending the throne, and shall conclude with his return from Persia and his regaining the sovereignty. I shall further explain with what fortitude and perseverance the Emperor en- couAered so many hardships and difficulties, and through the favour of the Almighty God, thereby recovered his dominions, in the hope that this book may hand down the name of the author to posterity, and inform mankind of these extraordinary events.” ^

[The Memoirs bear all the appearance of truth and honesty, and are to a great degree exempt from that exaggeration and fulsome eulogy to which Oriental biographers are prone. But the fact of their having been commenced full thirty years after the death of Humdyfin greatly diminishes their claim to be considered a faithfiil and exact account of the occurrences they record. They are not contemporary records of the events as they occurred, but reminiscences of more than thirty years* standing, so that, whatever the sincerity and candour of the writer, time must have toned down his impressions, and memory had doubtless given a favourable colour to the recollections he retained of a well-beloved master. The conversations and obser- vations attributed to the various personages who figure in his Memoirs must therefore contain quite as much of what the author thought they might or ought to have said as of what really was uttered.

When Hum&ydn recovered Lahore, he immediately divided the appointments of the province among his adherents, and Jauhar was appointed collector of the village of Haibatpdr, Before he departed, the King told him a familiar story as a warning against extortion. Jauhar made a courtly reply, and proceeded to his charge. Upon arriving in the district, he found that it had been the custom of the Afghdn farmers to give their wives or children in pledge to the Hindu bankers for money advanced on account of the collections. Therefore, the first thing he did was to collect all the grain that had been hidden in dry pits, and having sold it, he paid the bankers and liberated the families of the peasants. On hearing of this affair, His Majesty was much pleased, and promoted him to the col- lectorsliip of the villages belonging to the Afghdn chief, T&t&r Kh&n Lodi. Soon after he had an opportunity of displaying his energy and determination. The Panjab having been left without troops, in consequence of Humdyun^s onward march, a body of 400 Afgh&ns entered the province of Lahore, and began to plunder. The collectors met to consult, and by Jauhar's advice they collected all the men they could, and placing themselves under the command of a brave and active young man, they fell upon them by surprise, defeated them, and took five of their chiefs prisoners. Jauhar does not tell us what position he held when he wrote his Memoirs, but it is evident that he became a man of some mark. Abu-1 Fazl men- tions his appointment to the district of Haibatpur, and subse- quently speaks of him as ^^Mihtar Jauhar, treasurer of the Panj&b.”] .

His Majesty then inquired from his ministers and nobles what intelligence there was of Sher Kh&n Afgh&n, where he was, what he was doing, and what he was intent upon? He was informed that Sher Khdn had taken the fort of Bohtds and

Bahrkunda, that he had been for some time besieging the capital of Bengal, and was upon the point of taking it. Upon hearing this untoward news, His Majesty exclaimed to his nobles, To what a pitch the daring of these Afgh&ns has reached ; please God, we will to-morrow march to the fort of Ohun&r.” His Majesty then questioned Bdmi Kh&n as to the powers of resist- ance of the fortress, and he replied that by the Emperor^s good fortune, and the favour of the Almighty, they would take the fortress by force. Thereupon the Imperial forces marched to- wards Chun&r, and on the 8hab4 hardt they came to five ko^ distance from the fort. The engineer (Bumi Kh&n) then debated with himself how he could find out the exact condition of the fortress, what bastion he ought to attack, and on which side he should mine. He had a slave named KhaUfdt, whom in furtherance of his plan ho so flogged that the weals were visible upon his body. He then directed him to go into the fortress, and say that#he was the slave of Bdmi Xhdn, and that his master had so beaten him without any cause that he had fled and sought protection with them. So he was to find out the particulars of the fortress and return. He acted in accordance with these instructions. When the Afgh&ns saw his condition, and the marks of the chastisement plainly visible on his body, they believed him, and strove to heal his wounds. One day the slave proposed to the Afghdns, that if they saw no objection they should show him the defences of the fortress, and he would advise as to the best means of resisting the guns which Bdmi Ehan had planted, so that the garrison might be safe. The Afghans complied with this proposition. After staying a few days in the fortress, and making his observations, the slave made his escape, and returned to his master, whom he acquainted with the exact condition of the fortress. He advised him to attack the bastion on the river-side, and to construct a mine on that same side. Bdmi Eh&n brought up his guns, and battered that bastion, and he placed other batteries under his various officers. ♦ * •

Edmi Kh&n then sought His Majesty’s permission to con- strtict a floating battery, by means of which he proposed to cut the garrison off from the water, and prevent them from being able to maintain life. The royal order was given for him to do what he deemed expedient. Under this authority he employed himself for six months in constructing a battery upon three boats, so high that on the top of it all the soldiers of the gar- rison were plainly discernible. When it was completed, he sought the royal authority to move his battery, make it fast to the fortress, and carry the place by storm. Permission being given, the attack was kept up till mid-day, and the royal army lost nearly 700 men. For all their efforts they could not take the place, and the garrison by their fire smashed one poi*tion of the battery.^ Next morning Etimi Kh&n again prepared his battery. The Afgh&ns saw that the assailants were resolute and vigorous, and that the place must soon fall, so they pro- posed to capitulate. Under His Majesty’s commai^ the garrison marched out, and the royal forces took possession of the fortress. Eumi Xh&n, being very irate and furious, cut off both hands of 300 gunners and others who had formed part of the garrison. When His Majesty was informed of this, he was very angry with Eumi Khdn, and declared that no injury ought to be inflicted on men who had surrendered. After the capture of the fort a grand banquet was given and great rejoicings were made ; rewards were distributed and great honours were bestowed. His Majesty then asked Eumi Ehdn as to the fortress and to the way he would deal with it. The Khdn replied, that if the place were in his hands he would not allow a Bengdli to approach within a kos of it. And upon His Majesty asking who ought to be placed in command of it, he replied, that he knew of no one fit for the position but Beg Mirak. Upon this advice His Majesty placed Beg Mirak in command of the fortress. This counsel so incensed all the nobles against Eumi Ehdn, that

' [Muhhdlifdn az mardiib^i sar-kob mikddr-^i yak mr^kobrd ba zarb^i zang dar kam shikastand*']

they conspired against him, and caused poison to be placed in his cup, so that he died.

The King moved forward with the whole army, and in four * days with little difficulty took possession of ®aur, the capital of Bengal, and drove away all the Afghans. After cleansing and repairing the city, the first act of His Majesty was to divide the province into Jdgirs among his officers ; after which he very unaccountably shut himself up in his harem, and abandoned himself to every kind of indulgence and luxury. While the King had thus for several months given himself up to gfeasure and indolence, information was at length conveyed to him that Sher Kh&n had killed 700 Mughals, had laid siege to the fortress of Chundr, and taken the city of Benares ; and had also sent forward an army along the bank of the Ganges to take Kanauj ; that he had further seized the families of several of the officers, and sent them prisoners to Rohtds.

As soon as the peace was concluded, the treacherous Sher Khdn summoned his principal officers and said to them, “ Is there any of you brave enough to go and storm the Mughal camp?'' At first not one of the Afghdn officers would under- take the task. At length a person called Khaw&s Kh&n ® said, “ If he would give him a detachment of good soldiers and a number of war-elephants, he would attempt it, and exert himself to the utmost adding, ^Hhis is a business of chance; but let us see to whom God will give the victory.”

Sher Kh&n was much pleased with Khaw&s Khdn's proposal, and gave him his choice of all the troops and several war- elephants; but although the detachment marched from the

camp at ten o^clock of the morning,^ the artful general loitered al^ut till night. In the mean time^ Shaikh Khalil sent ofT a m^senger to His Majesty, cautioning him to be on his guard ; but ‘‘ when fate descends, caution is vain,” ♦ * *

The King woiij^ not believe the information, or that Sher Kh&n would be guilty of such a breach of honour and religion, and passed the night without taking any precautions. But just as the sun rose next morning, the Afghans entered the rear of our encampment, made a dreadful uproar, and caused the greatest confusion both among the troops and followers. His Majesty, on hearing the noise, ordered the kettle-drums to be beaten, and in a short liime about 300 cavalry assembled around him. In a few minutes one of the enemy’s war-elephants approached ; on which His Majesty made a sign to Mir Bajka, who was celebrated for his valour, and who with his two sons, Glarg ’Ali and Tatta Beg, one of whom carried the King’s double-barrelled gun and the other the royal spear, to attack the elephant; but as none of them had the heart to do it, His Majesty snatched the spear from the hand of Garg ’AH, spurred on his horse, and struck the elephant with such force on the forehead that he could not draw out the spear again. In the moan time an archer who was seated on the elephant discharged an arrow, which wounded the King in the arm, and the enemy began to surround him. His Majesty then called to his troops to advance and charge the enemy, but no one obeyed ; and the Afghtos having succeeded in throwing everything into confusion, one of the King’s followers came up, seized his bridle, and said, There is no time to be lost ; when your friends forsake you, flight is the only remedy.” The King then proceeded to the bank of the river, and although followed by one of his own elephants, ^ he urged his horse into the stream, but in a short time the horse sank. On seeing

^ [The MS. says, narndz^-i digar^ “ afternoon prayer.”]

• [The MS. says, ** He came to the bank of the river, and his elephant Gard-bds ■was along with him. He ordered the elephant-driver to break down the bridge, and then he urged his horse into the stream, with the intention of swimming over ; but the current was rapid, and the horse was carried away from him.”]

this event, a water-carrier, who had distended his leathern bag {masah) with air, offered it to His Majesty, who by means o^the bag swam the river. On reaching the nor|hern bank, he asked the man his name ; he said, “ NizAm.’’ The King replied, “ I will make your name as celebrated as th^t of NizAmu-d din Auliya (a famous saint), and yon shall sit on my throne.” * * ♦

Soon after the King had remounted his throne, the water- carrier who had enabled him to cross the Q-anges paid his respects; and His Majesty, remembering his royal promise,, seated him for two hours upon the throne, and desired him to ask for whatever he wished.

After the battle had raged for some time, information was brought to His Majesty that the Prince HindAl had discomfited the Afghans opposed to him, but that the left under ’Askari was compelled to retreat. MirzA Haidar represented that in order to let the fugitives pass, it was requisite to loose the chains of the carriages (Vm6«), which formed a barricade in front of the centre. His Majesty unfortunately complied with this advice, and the chains being unloosed, the runaways passed through the line of carriages in files.

During this time, an AfghAn clothed in black advanced and struck the King’s horse on the forehead with a spear, on which the animal turned round and became unmanageable.^

His Majesty afterwards related that as soon as ho could control his horse, ho saw the AfghAns employed in plundering^ the carriages, and wished to have charged them, but some person caught the reins of the steed, and led him to tbe bank of the river. Here, while undetermined how to act, he saw an old elephant which had belonged to the late Emperor. He called

® [Instead of this paragraph, the words of Sir H. Elliot's MS. simply say, “A man dothed in hlack came and seized my bridle Qtlau), and so turned the reins (indn) of my horse.*’]

to the driver to bring the elephant to him, who did so. He then mounted, and asked a eunuch who was in the howdahy what was his name. He rep^ed, “Kafur.” His Majesty then ordered the driver to carry him across the river, but the fellow refused, and said the elephant would be drowned. On which the eunuch whispered, that he suspected the driver wished to carry them over to the enemy ; it would therefore be advisable to take off the fellow’s head. The King said, “ How shall we then make .the elephant cross the river The eunuch replied, that he understood something of driving an elephant. Upon hearing this. His Majesty drew his sword and so wounded the driver that ho fell off into the water, and the eunuch stepped down from the howdah on the neck of the animal, and caused him to pass the river. His Majesty further related, that when he arrived near the bank, it was so steep that he could not find a place to ascend. At length, some of the camp colour-men,^ who were on the look out for him, tied their turbans together, and throwing an end of the cloth to him, he with some difficulty climbed up. They then brought him a horse, on which he mounted and proceeded towards Agra. ♦ * *

The King having been joined by the Princes Hinddl and 'Askari and the Miizds Yddgdr Ndsir, etc., proceeded joyfully towards Agra. When they reached the village of Bhaih-g&nw, the peasants, who were in the habit of plundering a defeated army, stopped up the road, and one of them wounded Mirzd Yddgar with an arrow. On which the Mirza said to the Prince ’Askari, “ Do you go on and punish those villagers, while I stop Ho dross my wound.” The Prince was displeased at this request, and gave the Mirzd some abuse, on which the other retorted in harsher language, and the Prince struck him three times with his horsewhip, which was returned with interest on the other side. When intelligence of this unpleasant fracas reached the King, he said, They had better have vented their spite on the robbers than on each other. What has happened cannot be 1 [The word is tugh-b&nduy ** nobles of the ^li^A-banner.’]

recalled, but let us hear no more of it/^ In short, the King reached A!gra in safety.

One of the scoundrels of the enemy approached the King, and struck him on the head with his sword, and was about to repeat the blow, when His ]|ajesty, looking at him, said, “ You wretch, how dare you — upon which the fellow desisted ; and soine other officers coming up, led the King out of the battle ; but he was so severely wounded, that he became weak from loss of blood, and therefore threw off his jahha (quilted coat), and gave it in charge of an Abyssinian servant ; but his servant being obliged to make his escape from the battle, throw away the jahha^ which having been found by some of Karar&n’s followers, it was brought to the Prince, who immediately proclaimed that the King was killed.

At this time there only remained with His Majesty eleven persons, including servants, and the author of those pages. Wo therefore took him out of the battle ; and as his own horse was unquiet, wo mounted him on a small amblin^steed, two of the chiefs supporting him on either side, and endeavouring to console him by anecdotes of former princes who had suffered similar adversity, and encouraged him to exert himself, as it was pro- bable the enemy might pursue him. On liearing this, ho resumed his fortitude, and proceeded towards the pass of Sirtun. On the march we were joined by some of the chiefs, and at niglitfall reached the entrance of Sirtun. As it was then very cold, and His Majesty suffered much from weakness, a sheepskin cloak was brought and put on him.

In the morning we reached the top of the pass ; and as it was then getting warm, the King dismounted on the bank of the river, performed his ablutions, and washed his wound ; but as there was no carpet for prayer to be found, the humble servant, Jauhar, brought the cover of a stool of scarlet cloth, and spread

it for His Majesty, who knelt thereon, and performed his devo- tions, and sat down facing the kibla (Mecca). * ♦ *

The King again mounted, and rode on to Parwdn, where he alighted. At this place the only tent that could be procured was a small shamiydna (canopy), sufficient only to screen one person ; under this His Majesty lay down and slept. In the morning the author of these pages awoke His Majesty, and told him it was the hour of morning prayer. He said, “ My boy, as I am so severely wounded, I cannot bear to purify myself with cold water.” I represented that I had got some warm water ready for him; he then arose, performed his ablutions, and said his prayers. He afterwards mounted his horse, but had not ridden far when he complained that the clotted blood on his clothes hurt him, and asked of the servants if they had no jama (coat) they could lend him. Bah&clur Khdn replied, he ‘‘ had a jdma^ but it was one His Majesty had discarded and given to him, and he had worn it.” The King said, Never mind that, bring it.” He then put it on, and gave the dress which was stained with blood to this humble servant, Jauhar, the dftdhchi^ Jind said, “ Take care of tlUb dress, and only wear it on holy days.”

From Parwan we proceeded to Kahamriid, where Tdhir Muhammad had the honour of paying his respects. He had pitched an old tent for the King, and had prepared an enter- tainment for him ; but the blockhead did not bring any present, not even a spjire dress. His Majesty ordered his followers to partake of the dinner, but went himself to the edge of a fountain, where they pitched an old tent, grimed with smoke and soot, for him ; but as there was no necessary tent, the humble servant went and procured two hurdles, which he fixed up as a privy. At this time an old woman came and offered His Majesty a pair of silk trousers. He said, “ Although these are not proper for a man to wear, yet, as my own are defiled with blood, I will put them on.” He then inquired what the woman had for her support ; and on bJing Informed, wrote an order to the collector not to demand any tribute from her in future.

When His Majesty left K&bul, he bestowed the government on K&sim ^AH, who had formerly been a servant of K&mran’s ; out notwithstanding this circumstance, he for some time refused to give up the fortress, till assured by Kdmr4n that the King was dead, who in proof thereof produced the jabba or quilted coat ; in consequence of which the Prince was allowed to enter the fort, and again took possession of the young Akbar. * * After remaining a month and twenty days at Andar&b, * * the King determined on marching to oppose the rebels ; but ho first as- sembled all his chiefs, and proposed to them to take the oath of allegiance. H&ji Muhammad Kh&n said, It was also incumbent on His Majesty to take the oath of confederacy.” The Prince Hinddl said, “Such a proceeding was highly improper.’’ But the King said, “ If the chiefs wished it, he would take the oath to satisfy them.” In short, the oaths were ratified on both sides ; and, to give the ceremony more solemnity, the King fasted all that day.

Kdmrdn surrendered by the Oakhars, and blinded,^

The King received letters from Sult&n Adam, chief of the Gakhars, stating that “ the Prince K&mr&n was now in his « territory, and that if His Majesty would take the trouble of coming there, he would give him up.” * ♦ ♦ Tlie Prince arrived, and advanced with great humility. The King, however, received him graciously, and pointed to him to sit down on the bed on his right hand. His Majesty then sat down on the bed also, having the young Prince Akbar on his loft hand. Sult&n Adam, ^Abdu-1 Ma’&li, and the other chiefs were also seated in due order. After some time. His Majesty called for a water-melon, one-third of which he took and divided with his brother. ♦ ♦ • Preparations having been made for an entertainment, the whole night was passed in jollity and carousing. * * * [Four days after],

the business of Mirza K&raran was taken into consideration, and it was resolved, in tlie first place, to remove all his servants from him. Then the King ordered five of his own people \names^ and his humble servant Jauhar, to attend upon the Prince, and he said to me, “ My boy {ghuldm)^ do you know where you are sent?” I said, ‘‘Yes, and I know Your Majesty’s (wishes).” He replied, “ Your business is to take care of the interior of the tent, you are desired not to sleep for a moment.” * * ♦

Early in the morning the King marched towards Hindustan, but before his departure determined that the Prince should be blinded, and gave orders accordingly ; but the attendants on the Prince disputed among themselves who was to perform the cruel act. Sultan 'AH, the paymaster, ordered 'AU . Dost to do it. The other replied, “ You will not pay a Shdh-Eukhi (3s. 6d) to any person without the King’s directions ; therefore, why should I commit this deed without a personal order from His Majesty? Perhaps to-morrow the King may say, ‘ Why did you put out the eyes of my brother P ’ What answer could I give ? Depend upon it I will not do it by your order.” Thus they continued to quarrel for some time. At length, I said, “ I will go and inform the King.” On which I with two others galloped after His Majesty. When we came up with him, ’AU Dost said, in the » Ohaghatai Turk! language, “No one will perform the business.” The King replied in the same language, abused him, and said, “Why don't you do it yourself?”

After receiving this command, we returned to the Prince, and Ghul&m ’AH represented to him, in a respectful and condoling manner, that he had received positive orders to blind him. The Prince replied, “ I would rather you would at once kill me.” Ghuldm ’AH said, “We dare not exceed our orders.” He then twisted a handkerchief up as a ball for thrusting into the mouth, and he with the fardsh seizing the Prince by the hands, pulled him out of the tent, laid him down, and thrust a lancet into his eyes (such was the will of God). This they repeated at least fifty times \ but he bore the torture in a manly manner, and did

not utter a single groan, except when one of tho men who was sitting on his knees pressed him. He then said, “ Why do yon sit upon my knees P What is the use of adding to my pain P ” This was all he said, and he acted with great courage, till they squeezed some (lemon) juice and salt into the sockets of his eyes. He then could not forbear, and called out, “ 0 Lord, 0 Lord, my God, whatever sins I may have committed have been amply punished in this world, have compassion upon me in the next.” * * * The author of these pages, seeing the Prince in such pain and distress, could no longer remain with him. I therefore went to my own tent, and sat down in a very melancholy mood. The King having seen me, sent Jan Muhammad, the librarian, to ask me, “ If the bilSiness I had been, employed on was finished, and why I had returned without orders P” The humble servant represented that “the business I had been sent on was quite completed.”' His Majesty then said, “Ho need not go back, let him got the water ready for me to bathe.'”]

This work comprehends a History of Muhammadan nations up to the thousandth year of the Hijra era. It is from this cir- cumstance that it obtains its name, Alf signifyii^ in the Arabic language one thousand. The Emperor Akbar directed its com- pilation by several learned men,^ and may have perhaps fixed upon this particular period of one thousand years, in conformity with a notion he is said to have entertained and expressed, that the Muhammadan ijeligion would be abolished, after lasting that period.2

At the commencement of the work, many different autliors were employed, but, subsequently, the chief labour devolved upon Maul&na Ahmad, the son of the Kdzi of Thatta,^ and the author of Khuldsatu^l Haydt^ “the Essence of Life.” An in- teresting account of the different parties engaged on it is given by ^Abdu4 K&dir Bad&uni in the following passage from his Muntakhahu^t Tawdrikh,

“About this time (a.h. 990), Mulla Ahmad, of Thatta, a bigot, who had the impertinence^ to call himself a physician,

^ Two hondrod years before a similar scheme was executed by Guthrie and Grey, and there was one before theirs. See Gesch, d, aeh, Redek, Feraims^ p. 353. P. Cyclop, Tol. xi., p. 197.

^ Troyer and Shea, Fabiatm^ vol. iii., p. 98.

3 His birthplace is diiferently given by others. Dr. Bird calls him son of Nasrallah of Nineveh. General Briggs calls him Mullh Ahmad of Nineveh. See Siatory of Guzerat^ p. 88. Firishta, vol. i., p. xlix. Fabiatan, vol. ii., p. 160.

^ The author of the Ma~da%ru-l Umard^ who was himself a Shl’a, speaks more tenderly of these absurdities. He says the Mullh was partial to religious controversy, and rarely missed an opportunity of indulg^g his propensity, even in mixed societies.

came from the Dekliifi,^ and was presented at Court. His ances* tors, who resided in Sind, were Fdr&kis of the Hanifah sect, and Mulld Ahmad used, in consequence of his apostacy, to shower anathemas upon those unfortunate i^rsons. * In the time of Sh&h Tahmdsp he associated in ’Irdk with some heretic frdniaus, but he even exceeded them, notwithstanding their notorious heresy. When Shdh Ism’ail II. deserted the faith of his father, and became a Sunni, and persecuted the heretic Shi'as, Mulld Ahmad accompanied Makhdum Shark! (an un- compromising Sunni, who wrote the KUdbii^n Nawdfiz) on a pilgrimage to Mecca. Thence he proceeded to the Dekhin, and afterwards to Hinddstdn, and finding no opposition to the pro- secution of his designs, he began to teach his absurd doctrines,^ and invite converts to the Shi'a persuasion ; but in a short time he mqt the penalty of his evil deeds. He had as yet had no interview with Shaikh Faizi, and had not yet assumed that air of confidence, with which his intimacy with that minister in- spired him, when I saw him one day in the bdzdr^ where some 'Ir&kis took the opportunity of mentioning my name to him in terms of praise. Upon this, lie addressed me, and said, ^ I see the mark of a Shfa stamped on your forehead.^ ‘Just as much,* I replied, ‘ as I see Sunni stamped upon yours.* The bystanders laughed, and were much gratified at the retort. I shall, please God ! notice the close of his life in the proper place/'