3. Volume 5 — part 3

“The year 1000 of the Hijra era, which is in general use, being now completed,* the Emperor Akbar ordered a history to be written of all the Muhammadan kings, and directed that such a name should be given to the work as to denote the year of its composition. It was for this reason that the work was entitled Alji, He further ordered the word Bihlat (death) to be sub-

The Ma-dsiru-l Umard does not give so sorry an account of his claim to be a physician, as will be seen below.

^ This is said in the paulo-post future sense, because the order for the compositipn of the Tdrihh’iAlfi is recorded os one of the events of 990 h., and we find *Abdu-l Khdir going to Lahore to revise it in 1000 a. The translation of the Mahdhhdrata was also ordered in 990 h.

stituted for Hijra (flight) in the different dates, and employed seven persons to undertake the compilation from the date of the decease of the Prophet to the present day, and to mention therein the event# of the vdiole world.”

‘‘ He assigned the first year to Nakib Khdn, the second to Sh&h Fath-ulla, and so on to Hakim Hum&m, Hakim *Ali, Haji Ibrahim Sirhindi (who had just then arrived from Gujardt), Mirzd Nizaniu-d din, and myself ; so that by such distribution thirty-five years wore finished in the course of a week.”

During the period that I was compiling the events of the seventh year, and was engaged on the life of Khalif ^Uniar, the model of purity (may God bo propitious to him !), I had just completed an account of the foundation of Kufa, and the destruc- tion of Mad&-in, from the ruins of which the new city was embellished, and the marriage of Ammi Kulsum, the daughter of the Amiru-1 murainin ’Ali^ (may God be propitious to him !), as well as the institution of five, stated times for prayer, the fall of the city of Nasibin, and the large black scorpions which were made use of to effect its capture, when, one night, Mirza J’afar iiisaf Kh&n thought proper to dispute the correctness of these facts:* Notwithstanding this. Shaikh Abu-1 Fazl and Gh&zi Kh&n Badakhshi confirmed my assertions. Shortly after- wards, when I was asked whence I got this information, I replied that I had seen it in books, and had written accordingly, and that it was not ray own invention. Immediately the Baiizatu-l Ahhdh and other historical books were called for from the library, and given to Nakib Khan to verify the accuracy of the state- ment, which, by God’s grace, being found correct, I was relieved from the charge of invention.”

‘‘ At the recommendation of Hakim Abu-l Fath, the compila-

^ Sprenger calls her the fifth child of Muhammad, and spells her namo “ 0mm !Kolthum.** Muhammad had both wife and daughter of the name. Ecinaud, Blacas, vol. ii., p. 128. Univ, JSist.y foI, L, p. 176. Ockley, p. 270. Irving's Sf4€ee8sora o/Mahomety p. 133. Weil, vol. i., 144, and for others, see Index to Weil, “ Umm Kolthum.*'

tion of the work from the thirty-sixth year was entrusted solely to Mulld Ahmad of Thatta, who, however, wrote whatever coincided with his sectarian prejudices — a fact which is well known. The compilation of two volumes was finished up to tho time qf Ohangiz Kh&n, when Mirza Fuldd, one night, pretend- ing that the King had sent for Mull4 Ahmad, summoned him from his house, and murdered him in a street of Lahoi^, in revenge for some injury which he had suffered at his hands, as well as because he was violently opposed to him in matters of religion. For this act ho was sentenced to death.*^

“ The remainder of the work was written by Asaf Khdn, up to the year 997 ^ h. In the year 1000 h.^ I was ordered to proceed to Lahore, to revise tho composition, to compare it with other histories, and to arrange the dates in cheir proper sequence. I compared the first two volumes in one year, and entrusted the third to Asaf Khdn.” ^

In another part of his History (a.h. 1003), ^Abdu-1 Kddir again speaks of tho Tdrikh-i Alfi being divided into three books, two composed by Mulld Ahmad, the heretic, may he meet with his deserts !” and the third by Asaf Khdn (J'aiar Beg).^ Major 0. Stewart, however, in his Catalogue of Ti'pu Sultdii’s Library,

^ Not having seen tho last part of the History, I am not ablo to ascertain whether it extends only to 997 h. Tho Ma^dsiru-l XTmard uses tho samo expression. Bird’s Quz&raty p. 88, says it was completed in 995 h. Tho Hyderabad copy goes to 974 of the Eihlat^ and a copy belonging to Wilhyat Husaiagoes to 984 of Mihlat or 994 it.

® In another portion of his History he says, that he presented <the first volume of the edition, which had been revised by him, in tho 39th year of the reign, correspond- ing with A.U. 1008, in which labour, his friend, Mullh Mustafh, a famous copyist of Lahore, hod been associated with him. He was then asked by Akbar to revise tho second, as it was full of tho religious opinions of Mull5, Ahmad, but ho excused him- self from doing more than merely revising the style, without altering tho sense, or correcting the dates ; in order that his enemies might not say he had been introducing his own sentiments instead of thuso of the author, and substituting one set of pre<< judices for another. As the Tdrikh-i Alfi is quoted in the TahaMi-i Ahhari^ which is brought down only to the end of the 38th year of tho reign, corresponding with 1002 u., it is evident it must have been available before *Abdu-l K&dir had revised it.

3 Respecting him see MirdUi JaMn^numd^ p. 692, and Bagh-i mdni, s.v., where he is s^d to have written the annals of 400 years. See also Ikbdl-ndma Jahangiri^ third volume, MirdUi 'Alam. Sprengers BibL, p. 57.

isays it is divided into five books, and that it extends from a.d. 622 to 1692. The error of making it commence from A.D. 622 arises from his supposing that its dates refer to the Flight, instead of the Death, of Muhammad [making a difference of ten years and two months]. This alteration of a universal era, syad the substitution of one especially for this work, is a very objection- able%ature of the Tdrikh^i Alfi^ excellent as it is in many other respects.

It will be observed that ^Abdu-l Kadir promised to relate further particulars of Mulla Ahmad in their proper place, and he fulfils that promise in the following passage, which affords as amusing an instance of odium theologicum as is to be met with in any country.

“During this month (Safar, 996 A.h.) Mirz& Fulad Birlas persuaded the heretic Mulli Ahmad, who was always openly reviling the first Khalifs^ to leave his own house at midnight under some pretence, ’and then assassinated him. The chrono- grams of which event are, ‘ Bravo ! Ful&d’’s stiletto ! ’ and * Hellish hog ! ’ ^ and indeed when I saw that dog in the agonies of death, I observed his countenance to be exactly like that of a hog: others also observed the same. (May God protect me from such a dreadful fate!)^ Mirzd Fulad, was bound alive to the leg of an elephant in the city of Lahore, and thus attained martyrdom.

“ When Hakim Abu-l Fath sent some one to inquire of him, whether sectarian prejudices had induced him to kill MuU& Ahmad, he replied that had that been the reason, he would have selected a more noble victim than the Mull&. The Hakim reported this speech to the King, who remarked that Mirzd Ffil&d was an implacable villain, and ought to suffer death. He therefore ordered him to be drawn, while yet living, by an elephant, although he was very nearly obtaining a pardon

A Shi’a, who marked the rubrics on the mar^n of the copy I have used, takes a most summary revenge, by heading this passage thus : ** The assassination of the blessed Mullh Ahmad by the ruthless dagger of an accursed son of a pig.*’

through the intercession of the ladies ^ of the royal household. The Mull& expired three or four days after the Mira^.

It is said, that when the Shi’as were bathing the Mulld pre- vious to burial, they fixed, according to the observances of their religion, a tent peg in his back, and dipped him several times in the river, and that when he was buried. Shaikh Faizi and Shaikh ‘^Abii-l Fazl appointed watchmen to guard his fomb ; notwithstanding which, when the Court departed for Kashmir, the people of Lahore disinterred his vile carcase, and burnt it.”

The author of the Ma-dsiru^l Umard adds a few particulars respecting Mulla Ahmad, in his biography of Ful&d Kh&n. He says that the accomplice of Mirza Ful&d personated one of the royal messengers, and summoned the MullA to the King’s pre- sence ; that when the Mulla had left his house, he was attacked, and had one of his hands cut ofip by a sword ; that the assassins, mistaking it for his head, ran off, satisfied that their work was accomplished; that he fell from his horse, and when he had recovered a little, picked up his own hand, and went to the house of Hakim Hasan for succour ; that when Ful&d Kh&n was seized, he confessed the crime before Abu-1 Fazl, Kh4n-kh&nfi.n, and Asaf Kk&n.

He says also that Mulla Ahmad went in his twenty-second year to Meshhed, and thence to Yezd and Shir&z, where, under the instructions of the physicians Kamalu-d din Husain and Mull& Mirz& Jdn, he entered on a course of medical study, and read the Kulydt^i Kdniin of Avicenna, and the Sharh-i Tajrid^ with all the commentaries. He then went to Kazwiu, where he had an interview with Shdh Tahm&sp, and when Shdh Ism’&il the Second was converted to the Sunni doctrine/ he went to 'Ir&k-i ^Arab and Mecca, and after mixing with several celebrated

1 The Ma^dairu-l TTmard says by the nobles of the State The determination to carry the sentence into effect shows the sterii justice of the Emperor. The Birl&s tribe had served his for eight generations, and MirzSi Fdl&d had himself been selected by Akbar to accompany an embassy to ’Abdu41a Eh&n Uzbek, in the twenty-second year ei the reign. Mod. Univ. Mist., voL iii., pp. 333, 340 ; Shqfrat ul Atrak^ p. 61; Matldu-a Sa'dainy p. 250; EUt. Qmecdog. d. Tatarsy p. 152.

scholars in those parts, proceeded to the Dekhin, to the Court of Kutb Sh&h of Golconda, and in the twenty-seventh year of Akbar’s reign came to Fathpur Sikri, where he received orders to compile the Tdrlkh~i AlfL

He used to read out his composition to Akbar, who asked him upon one occasion, why he had dwelt so long upon Khalifa ’Usmiii’s reign. He replied openly, says the Ma-dsiru-l Umard^ before all the Tur&ni nobles, who were Sunnis, that that period is the ^^Raiizatu^s Shuhadd*^^ of the Sunnis, and to abridge it would give offence.

The inconvenience respecting the introduction of a novel era in tlie Tdrikh-i Alfi has already been noticed. Another very serious accusation has been laid against this work, of leaving out several important events during the period it embraces ; and the omission of the decisive battle of Oadesiah in a.d. 636, which preceded the final subjugation of Persia, has^ been ©specially commented on as a proof of carelessness. But a much greater objection to be made to the Tdrikh4 Alfi is the plan of the work: it is constructed in the form of Annals, like the tedious Historical Library of Diodorus ; and thus we are compelled to turn over page after page of this voluminous history, before we can trace the connexion of events in any particular country which may happen to be the subject of our investigation. Nothing but an excellent Index could remedy such a defect. There is confusion also sometimes about the dates. And protracted affairs are grouped under one year, the exact dates of their various phases not being sufficiently stated.

The compilers appear to have availed themselves of all the best sources of information open to them; for there is no historical work, Arabic or Persian, of any celebrity amongst ” modem European scholars, which they do not quote; often applying a very judicious criticism in selecting the most trust-

1 Tlie Itausatu-8 Shuhadd, “the garden of martyrs,” is the name usually given tc works recounting the tragical fate of the sons of *Ali. The author evidently con- siders the remark of the Mullh to be witty and severe. He also quotes the retort, of which ’Abdu-1 Ehdir boasts above, at p. 161,

worthy records, and rejecting the fabulous legends with which so many of them abound. The authorities quoted on Indian •affairs are few, but more may be mentioned in the Preface, which was written by Abu-1 Pazl, according to his own ac- knowledgment.

The work is not often quoted, but it was greatly used by Haidar It&zi. ^

I have seen* no notice of the existence of this work in European libraries.^ Parts of it are to be met with in India, but not one library, which I know of, contains a perfect copy. It is a work of great size. The portion I have seen was a folio of 1646 pages, with 40 lines to a page, and it was very incomplete. At Haidar^bad there is a copy in two volumes, which, though im- perfect, contains, in the first volume, 1336 pages of 19 lines each, and, in the second, 2066 pages of 31 lines each. One of the l||st manuscripts is in the ^possession of tho Naw&b of Murshiddbdd, which is thus described :

The second volume consists of 976 pages of 20 lines, and contains the events from the year 127 to 600, after the death of Muhammad,

The third volume consists of ^640 pages of 20 lines, and contains the events from the year 601 to 672.

The fourth volume consists of 1092 pages of 21 lines, and contains the events from tho year 673 to 974.

Two more volumes therefore are required to make this work complete. I was anxious to make further inquiries about the Naw&b’s copy, but the librarian seemed indisposed to furnish any more information respecting it, and gave evasive answers; evincing thereby a suspicion, which, if anywhere, is certainly excusable in the neighbourhood of Calcutta, where commercial profligacy has brought the European character into very low repute.^

1 [There are several volumes of the work in the Library of tho East India Office.]

^ It will be observed at p. 154 that the author, Mull& Ahmad, was inveigled out of his house by a man who personated one of the royal messengers. This official is called in the original by the Turkish word QHva^ which was, and is, except meta- phorically, rarely used in India. or Chdwush, eigniiles a Lictor, a king's

[The Extracts which follow afford ample means of judging of the character of the. work* The earliest of them, preceding the reigi^ of Akbar, appeared with some others in Sir H. Elliotts original publication, and they record events which have been passed over without notice by the historians quoted in the earlier volumes of the present work. The passages relating to the reign of Akbar have been selected and translated^ by the Editor as in- teresting in themselves, and as affording the means for comparing the Tdrikh-i Alfi with the Tabakdt-i Akhari. The two works are generally very much in accord, but their language and style are different. Still the resemblance of the two works is such as to induce a belief that one author had access to the work of

Sergeant, an Officer of the Court. His proceedings upon this occasion confirm the bad reputation of a class, from which, only a few years afterwards, we wore enabled to coin our expressive word eh-ouae. In a.d. 1609, a Chdiia from the Grand Signior committed a gross fraud upon the Turkish and Persian merchants resident in England, by cheating them out of 4000/. (Gifford’s Ben Jomon^ iv. 27). Hence, tern the notoriety of the circumstance, came the expression to eJtome^ just as in the present century we have got to burke^ and some other very significant terms.

The authors of the period caught gladly at the expression, and familiarized it to after ages by making frequent use of it. lUchardson gives the following instances : —

I)ap, What do you think of me, that I am a Chiaus ?

Bap, The Turk was here. As one would say, do yon think I am a Turk ?

Face, Come, noble doctor, pray thee, let’s prevail ; this is the gentleman, and he is no Chiaiia,

He stole your cloak and pick’d your pocket,

Chotisd and caldes’d ye like a blockhead.

It is obvious to remark, that if, in the ago of our forefathers, cheating to the extent of only 4000/. was sufficient to consign a whole class to an immortality of infamy, how many more expressive words, dissyllables as well as monosyllables, might not the transactions of 1847-48 encourage ns to add to our vocabulary, since even 40,000/. is not sufficient to satiate the voracity of a Calcutta C7»a'6^.— See Churchill (chap. viii. p. 248), where Captaiu Robert Coverte (1609) says, “ The governor put him in a house with a chouse or keeper.” See also Marsden’s Marco Polo, p. 343 Mod, Univ, Hist,, vol. x., p. 202 ; Gibbon, chap. Ivii., note 49 ; Cantemir’s 0th, Emp,, p. 17 ; [Trench’s English Fast and Freamt, p. 62.]

the other, or that both works were based npon the same original materials. The MSS. used by the Editor have been a small one prepared for Sir H. Elliot, containing only the passages relating to India ; and a fine large one belonging to the Library of the East India Office, written in a variety of hands. This commences with the year 485 h., and is not quite complete at the end. Unfortunately the rubrics of the dates have been filled in only in the earlier part of the volume.]

Anno 68 after the death of Muhammad (Hijra 78=697 a.d.).^

When ’’Abdu-lla, the son of Abubakr, arrived at Nimroz, Hajjaj sent a message, requesting him not to linger in Sijist&n, but to march without delay towards K&bul, as signs of rebellion and disaffection had exhibited themselves in the chief, Raibal,^ He h^ formerly entered into a treaty with the Muhatnmadans, and agreed to pay a tribute annually into the treasury, and as long as he found the Muhammadans powerful, ho paid the^ tribute, but whenever they were engaged in other affairs, or exhibited weakness, he withheld it. ^Abdu-lla, in obedience to the commands of flajj&j, turned towards Kabul with the armies of Kufa and Basra, and as fost as the Muhammadans advanced, Eaibal retreated towards Hindiistdri. Dadah Sharaih, ono of the officers of ’Abdu-lla, pursued llaibal seventeen paramnge. At this time, the ruler of Kabul sent persons to some of the nobles and well-wishers of the State, desiring them to secure those roads, by which the Muhammadans liad entered the country, in such a manner that they should neither obtain any supplies, nor have the opportunity of retracing their steps. The consequence was, that after a few days such a famine broke out in the Muhammadan camp, that every one despaired of

1 [Muhammad died on the 12th Kahi*u-1 awwal, in the eleventh year of the Hijra, A.D. 632, or according to some writers ten days earlier. The era of the Kihlat or death is, therefore, ten years two months, and a few days in arrear of the Hijra. So an equation of ten years will generally bring the two into agreement.]

life. Upon this, *Al)du-lla said to Sharaih Hani, ** I.t is advis- able for ns to treat with the infidels, and to offer them 70,000^ dirhams to remote from our way, so that we may betake ourselves to a place of security,” Sharaih replied, “ Whatever amount you offer to the infidels, the diwdn will place to your individual account/' ’Abdu-lla rejoined, “Such a demand even would be preferable to the alternative of starvation in these dreadful places.” Sharaih said, “ My age exceeds a hundred years, and I never expected to arrive at this period of existence. It has long been iny prayer before the throne of Grod that I might suffer martyrdom, and the time for its accomplishment has now arrived.” Saying this, he mounted his horse, and exclaimed, “ 0 Musulindns, ye who have a desire to be martyrs, follow me ! ” Upon which, a few men came forward, and joined him, and with boldness rushing to the battle-field, they charged the infidels, and kept on fighting till they were slain.

’’Abdu-lla, after paying 70,000 dirhams to the enemy, returned I with his followers. When they arrived at the Muhammadan frontier, food was served out to them ; and so famished were they, that those who satisfied their appetite died immediately. When this was known, they appeased their Ifiinger more mode- rately, and were thus by degrees restored to their former strength.^

Anno 426 after the death of Muhammad^ (436 h. = 1044 a.d.).

One of the events of this year was, that three of the principal Eajds of Hind, having formed a cpnfederacy, with an intent to deliver Lahore from the Muhammadans who had risen up in rebellion against MaUdud, son of Mas’ud, laid siege to the city. Upon seeing this, the commander of the Muhammadan forces in Lahore again made submission to Maudud, and collected together the entire Muhammadan force. When the Bdjds learnt that the Muhammadans had again submitted to Maudud, son of Mas'tid,

^ In another passage this is 700,000 in the original.

• See Niebuhr, vol. iii., p. 211 ; Price, vol i., p. 263 ; Weil, vol. i., p. 449.

two of them* in dread of him* withdrew to their oonnt^* but the third* whose name was d)eop&l Earuama, delayed his retreat a little, in order to try his strength with the Mul|ammadans. The latter* when satisfied of their superiority, made a sally* coiur ' . palled the B&j& to fly before them, and killed many infidels in the pursuit. The Efijd retired within a stronghold* which the Muhammadans invested and pressed vigorously. The fort was a small one* and the troops which accompanied the Hdji to that place amounted to 6000 horsemen and 70,000 foot soldiers. The infidels found themselves on the ve!ge of destruction, and sent deputies to the Muhammadans begging for quarter; but the Muhammadans would not consent, unless the infidels sur- rendered every one of their fortresses. At length, when the infidels had ho other alternative than to yield, they accepted the conditions and saved their lives. The property and treasure of all their forts fell into the hands of the Muham- madans, together with 6000 Muhammadans who were im- prisoned in them. These, having been set free, joined the victorious army.

When the Muhammadan army had settled afiairs with R&ji Deopal Harnama, who was superior to all the kings of Hind in power and grandeur, they directed their attention to another E&j&, named Mdb B&lri, who, when he received the intelligence thereof, set his troops in order* and advanced with a determina- tion to fight with the Muhammadans. Upon the meeting of the two armies, the fire of battle was kindled ; and notwithstanding the inferiority of the Muhammadan forces, which did not amount to one-tenth of those opposed to them, by the help of Providence, their victorious banners prevailed. The R&j& was sent to perdi- tion, and 6000 of his army fell on the field of battle. Thq Muhammadans took considerable booty and many prisoners. When the chiefs of Hind were informed of these circumstances,, they gave in their submissipn, and by assenting to pay tribiite* kept themselves free from the destructive swords of the' Mu- hammadans.

Anno 471 q/ier the death of Muhammad'^ (481 h.=1088 a.d.).

When Ibr&h{fn/son of Mas’ud, was satisfied that there was no apprehension of any opposition from the Saljukians^ he despatched an army towards Hinddst&n, and conquered several places that had not been captured by his predecessors, notwith- standing their power. One of the places which submitted to the conqueror was the fort of Jdd,^ which surpassed all others in strength and extent. It was situated 120 parasangs distant from Lahore, and at the time when Ibrdhim commenced opera- tions against the fort, there was a garrison in it of 10,000 men, who fought long and valiantly against the invader. Finding Ibr&him’s efforts and resources to capture the fort very great, the garrison became dispirited ; and although they had sufiicient supplies and plenty of water, they nevertheless surrendered, on condition that their lives should be spared. After capturing this fort, Ibrdhim directed his attention towards another, called Damdl,^ which was situated on the summit of a high hill on the borders of Hindustan ; on one side of this fort there was a large river, reported to be impassable ; and on the other, a large thorny jungle, into which nothing but the rays of the sun could pene- trate. The jungle was, moreover, infested with venomous serpents and flies, and abounded with elephants of enormous size. It was inhabited by a race of Hindus of gigantic form, and it was the most celebrated of all the places in Hindustan. At the foot of the hill there was no level ground suited for his operations. Ibrdhim, nevertheless, with his usual courage, made an attempt to take the fort, and through the aid of God, soon captured it. He took possession of an immense quantity of property and jewels, the like of which had never been seen.

^ [The conquests recorded in this Extract are not mentioned either in the TabakdUi Ndairi or the Hdbibu^s Siyarf but they are related by Firishta, who places them in the year 472 (1079 a.d.).] ® [Firishta says it was “Ajodhan.”]

® [Called by Firishta ** Edp^il ” or ** Btidp&l.V] Probably the place subsequently called Ndrpdr, which has a fort built of stones and mud on an eminence about 200 feet high, at the base of which flows a small river, a feeder of the E&vi, which it joins about thirty miles lower down.— Thornton’s Gazetteer, vol. ii, p. 83.

Ibrdhim next marched towards Derapur, in Hindust&n, a place which many great emperors had found it impracticable to con- quer. Several trustworthy histories state that this place was inhabited by the descendants of the people of Khur&san, who, for their disloyal and rebellious conduct, had been long before banished the country by Afr&siab, Emperor of Tur&n. This place was densely populated, and was of considerable strength. "There was a large reservoir of water in it, the diameter of which was half ^parmang; and though both men and beasts used to drink of the water throughout the year, yet no* decrease was perceptible. During the time the people alluded to dwelt in this place, the rulers of Hinddst&n never dared to attack it, from a conviction of its impregnable strength. When Sultdn Ibrdhini heard the account of this country, he resolved to conquer it, and marched against it with a large army. The inhabitants heard of his approach, and made ready to oppose him. A fierce struggle ensued, but Ibrdhim at length gained the victory, and slew many of them% Those who escaped fled to the jungles. Nearly 100,000 of their women and children were taken prisoner®, and an incalculable amount of booty was secured.

Anno 592 after the death of Muhammad^ (602 h.=1205 a.d.).

It is mentioned in authentic histories that when Shahdbu-d din was defeated by the Turks of Khitd^ on his return from Xhw&rizm, it was currently reported throughout the kingdom, that Shahdbu-d din had been missed in the field of battle,, and there was no certainty whether he had perished or escaped. Consequently, enemies rose up on all sides, and every one encroached upon his territories. Among other enemies, one named E&i Sal, who lived in the mountains between Lahore and K&bul, having united with a number of Kokars, who dwelt in those parts and paid tribute to the treasury of Shah&bu-d din, excited a rebellion, began to plunder that tract, and

1 [See Firislita, Briggs, vol. i., p. 182.]

intercepted the communications between Lahore and Ghazni, so that no one could pass from one to the other.

Upon the return of Shahabu-d din to Ghazni in safety from his campaign, he was informed of these transactions, and consequently resolved to proceed to Hinddstan, and punish the rebellious spirits of that country. For this purpose, he sent an order to Amir Muhammad, son of AM ’Ali, whom he had appointed Governor of Lahore and Mult&n, desiring* them to despatch the tribute of the year 601 h. as soon as pos- sible, as it was necessary to make preparations for an expedition to Khita. Muhammad, son of ’Ali, wrote in answer, that the tribute of the year had been collected and was ready, but that the Kokars and TSiki S&l,^ who were in possession of the hills of Judi, had stopped the communication between Lahore and Ghazni in such a manner that nobody could travel on the road. When this account reached the ears of Shahdbu-d din, he wrote to Kutbu-d din, his slave, who was the commander of the army of Hind, desiring him to send some person to the Kokars to dissuade them from persisting in such evil courses, and to inform them, that if they repented of their disobedience and came again under allegiance, he would pardon their past offences.

When Kutbu-d din Aibak, according to the order of Shah&bu-d din sent a person to the Kokars, desiring them to submit them- selves and to be obedient to the Sultfin, the son of Kokar® replied, that Kutbu-d din had nothing to do with the matter, that Sult&n Shahdbu-d din should have sent a special messenger of his own, and further, that if he were really alive, he should have sent direct for the tribute, when the Kokars would have despatched it to him. The ambassador replied, “ You are not of sufficient consequence for Sultan Shah&bu-d din to send any messenger to you ; it is a great honour to you that he has sent even me, who am his slave's slave.” The son of Kokar replied, ‘‘ This is a mere story, Shah&bu-d din is no longer alive.” The ambassador rejoined, “It may easily be ascertained by your ^ [t.«. the chief of the Kokars.] ^ Tod, vol. ii. p. 2d.

sending any one of your confidential servants who can go to Ghazni, and see with his own eyes whether Shah&bu-d din be alive or not.” In short, the son of Koka^ being determined not to listen to the ambassador, remained firm in his rebellious dis- position. When the ambassador of Eutbu-d din returned, and gave an account of what he had seen and heard, Eutbu-d din communicated the circumstances to Sult&n Shah&bu-d din, who ordered him to collect the several armies of Hindustan, to pro- ceed against the Eokars, and to utterly exterminate the rebel tribe. When this mandate reached Eutbu-d din, he was engaged in preparing his forces, and was about to march against that nation. In the mean time, Shah&bu-d din deferred his expedi- tion to Khit&, and caused his army to return. * Complaints of the violence and oppression of the Eokars were frequently coming in, accompanied with such accounts of their great and increasing power, that he considered it his duty to repulse these people and punish them severely, before marching his forces to any other quarter. For this reason Shah&bu-d din gave up the idea of proceeding to Ehit&, and encamped in the neighbourhood of Ghazni.

On the 6th of Rabi'-ul awwal of the same year, Sult&n Shahabu-d din sot forth from Ghazni towards Hindustdn. After some days he arrived at Pershdwar, and learned that the Eokars had taken up a position between Jilam and Sodra,^ with a large army. Having marched from Pershawar on Thursday the 25th of the said month, ho attacked them unawares, and the battle lasted from morning till the time of afternoon prayer. The Eokars fought so valiantly, that the Sultdn, with all his kingly power and glory, was very near being compelled to retreat; but Kutbu-d din Aibak arrived unexpectedly with the army of Hindfistdn, and began to make havoc among the Eokars. His forces were fresh and vigorous,

' Sodra above Wuzeer&b&d. Jilam therefore is the town ajid not the nver,.and the scene could not have been far from our glorious field of Goojerat.— See Ind. Mterthumsieundef vol. i., p. 799.

and the Kokars, being unable to withstand them, took to flight. The Muhammadans pursuing, dealt slaughter among them in a manner which defies all description. Those who escaped the sword fled to the forest. The Muhammadans set fire to their retreat on all sides, and the infidels, resolving to perish in the flames rather than surrender to the Muhammadans, threw them- selves into the fire. In this manner all who had taken refuge in the woods perished. When the mind of the SuU&n was relieved from the anxiety of this outbreak, he marched towards Lahore, and gave leave to his soldiers to return to their homes, ordering them to march to Khiti after a few days’ repose.^

Amo 698 q/ier the death of Muhammad^ (708 h.=1308 a.d.)

In this year Sult&n ’Al&u-d din. King of Hindust&n, pro- ceeded to Siwana^ on a hunting expedition, when the chief of that place took to his fort and ofiered opposition. The fort was soon captured, and this was the first occasion that it had been taken. S&mal Deo,^ the chief {Mukaddam)^ perished, with several thousands of Hindus. In the same year, the fort of K&lwar came into the possession of ’Al&u-d din’s officers. The detail

^ This tribe is variously denominated by Muhammadan authors, £dkar, Kokar, Gakkar, Ghikar, Ghakar. The last appears to bo the most correct. Shortly after this expedition they were converted to Islhm, their chieftain having obtained his release from captivity by becoming a proselyte, and promising to use his endeavours to convert his tribe. They often appear subsequently upon the stage of Indian history, and rarely but as turbulent and rapacious marauders. Their descendpts have somewhat receded from their old haunts, and now occupy the country to the south and east of the upper course of the Behat. They caU themselveB descendants of the Kaihnians, but polyandry and some other of their customs would seem to indicate a Tartar origin. Elphinstone in his Cabul, page 78, says that on the spot they call themselves Gukkhdr ; Ehokars are quite different. But it is evident that in this passage, as in others, the Eokais are meant for the Ghakais. In one of Khdsrd’s poems they are called Khokars, where nothing but Ghakars can be meant. Ehdsrd's Khazain.

^ [Zihu-d din Barni does not record the matters described in this Extract, but see Eirishta, Briggs, vol. i., p. 370.]

3 Tod (vol. ii., p. 298) places this Siwhna in Mewar, nothin Hurriana. It is described in the London Oeogra^h* Journal^ vol. iv., p. 129.

of the eaile is this : K&thar Deo, governor of the fort of K&lwar,i had upon one occasion gone to the Sult&n to pay his respects, when the Sult&n boasted that there was no zaminddr at that time in Hinddst&n who had power to withstand his troops. Upon this, K&thar Deo, with exceeding folly, replied, that he would die rather than submit tacitly to such an assumption. The Sultan being enrag^ at this, dismissed him, and he re- turned to his own country. The Sult&n then sent a female slave, named Gul Bihisht, against him. Gul Bihisht had a son called Malik Sh&hin, who accompanied her on the expedition, and they besieged K&thar Deo. Just as the garrison were beginning to despair, Gul Bihisht happened to die, and K&thar Deo, sallying from the fort, attacked Malik Sh&hin and killed him. Upon the death of both the son and mother, the command of* the army devolved on Kam&lu-d din, who took the fort, and put K&thar Deo to death.

[The campaign against Gwalior was one of the events of this year (the third of the reign). The fort of Gwalior is one of the most renowned in Hindustan, and Salim £hdn Afgh&n (Isl&m Sb&h) made it his residence. Up to the present time it remained in the hands of the Afgh&ns, and 'Adali had placed Suhail,^ one of Salim’s slaves, in command of it. At this time, when His Majesty took up his residence at ^gra, he gave the parganas in the neighbourhood of Gwalior as a jdglr to Kiy4 Kh&n. After a while, the £h&n collected an army and invested Gwalior, but the place was so strong that he could make no impression upon it. Suhail was a man of experience, and he saw veiy clearly that it would be impossible to hold the fort against the growing power of his Imperial neighbour. So he sent a messenger to B&m Sh&h, who belonged to the family of

2 [The MS. calls him Babhal/’ hut the other authorities have the more likely name Suhail.”]

Bi&j& Mdn Singh, the old ruler of Gwalior, offering to surreuder to him the fort, the ancient seat of his ancestors, on receipt of a suitable payment. Suhail at the same time acknowledged that he was unable to cope with the Imperial forces. E&m Sh&h, who had been watching for such a chance, took with him the money that he had, and went to Gwalior. Kiyd Kh&n, the jdgirdar^ attacked him, and a battle was fought, in which many on both sides were killed. Bdm Shdh was defeated, and escaped with difficulty, and went to the Bdnd of (XJdiptir)].^

[In this year the Emperor sent Bahddur Ehdn, brother of Khdn-zam&n, to effect the conquest of Mdlwa, which was in the possession of Bdz Bah&dur Afghdn. Sultdn Bahddur Gujardti had wrested this country out of the hands of the Khilji monarchs, and the Emperor Humdyun took this country from Gujardt. When, by the will of fate, Hindustdn passed into the hands of the A%hdns, Mdlwa also came into their possession, for the Gujaratis were unable to hold it. Shujdwal Ehdn,^ one of the khdssa’-khail of Sher Khdn (Sher Shdh), was appointed governor of the province. After the death of Sher Khdn, Shujdwal Khan went to visit Salim Khdn (Islam Shdh), and dissensions having arisen between them, he fled to Mdlwa. Salim Khdn marched to Mdlwa against him, and Shujdwal Khdn, being unable to resist, fled to the mountains of Dhungarpdr. ^ Finally, after vows and compacts were ipade, he joined Salim Khdn, who took him to Hiqdustdn, and divided Mdlwa among other amirs. In tlie reign of ’Adali, Shujdwal Khdn recovered Mdlwa, and there died. He was succeeded by his son Bdz Bahddur, and when the Afghdns were scattered over Hinddstdn by the conquering Chaghatdis, Bdz Bahddur established himself as permanent ruler of Mdlwa. When Bahddur Khdn marched against him,

^ [Surrender of the fort to Akbar.-^^See Tahakdt~i AhharLl

the aiFaii^ of Bairam Kh&n-kh&n&n came to a crisis, and the campaign in M&lwa was stayed.]

Conquest of Oarha (Year 958 Eihlat ; 968 h,=1660 a.d.).^

[Khw&ja *Abdu-l Majid, who had received the title of Asaf Kh&n, was appointed governor of Karra, and in that province he rendered good service. One of his services was the conquest of Garha, a territory abounding in hills and jungles, which had never been conquered by any ruler of Hind since the rise of the faith of IsUm. At this time it was governed by a woman called Rdni^ and all the dogs of that country were very faithful and devoted to her. Asaf Kh&n had frequently sent emissaries into her country on various pretexts, and when he had learnt all the circumstances and peculiarities of the country, and the position and treasures of the Rdni, he levied an army to conquer the country. The R&ni came forth to battle with nearly 600 elephants and 20,000 horse. The armies met and both did their best. An arrow struck the B&ni, who was in front of her horse- men, and when that noble woman saw that she must be taken prisoner, she seized a dagger from her elephant-driver, and plunged it into her stomach, and so died, Asaf Kh&n gained the victory, and stopped his advance at the taluk of Ohaurdgarh, where the treasures of the rulers of Garha were kept. The son of the Rdni shut himself up in the fort, but it was taken the same day, and the youth was trampled to death by horses. So much pluncfer in jewels, gold, silver, and other things was taken, that it was impossible to compute the tenth part of it. Out of all the plunder, Asaf Khdn sent fifteen elephants to Court, and retained all the rest for himself.]

Captme of Chitor (Year 966 Eihlat; 976 Hijra = 1667 a.©.). *

[When the Emperor marched from G&grfin against the E&nd, he had only 3000 or 4000 horsemen with him, for he hoped that

^ [The Tabakdt and the Akbar^ndma place this event three years later. See

the smallness of the force might induce the infidel to try?1the event of a battle. But the E&n& knew his own strength, and while the Emperor was at 100 kos distance from his country, he fled with his family to the distant hills. He felt at ease about Ghitor, because the Emperor’s force had but little siege appa- ratus, and it did not seem likely that he would attempt to reduce the place. But the fort was set in order, great quantities of provisions were stored, and the garrison consisted of 8000 veterans, including the Ban&‘'s own men, with their wives and families. When the Emperor entered the Ban&’s territory, and was informed of his flight, he wished to pursue him ; but he ascertained that the Bdnd had gone to a place far in the hills and jungles which it was impossible to reach. So the Emperor determined to attack Ghitor, which is an exceedingly strong fortress. When he came near the fort, the rains were so heavy, that for a time the fort was invisible ; but as the weather cleared, he got a view of the place. The fortress is situated in the midst of a level plain, which has no other eminences. The circuit of this mountain at its base is six and the ground upon which the walls of the fort stand is nearly three kos. Upon the top of the hill there is a fountain, but not content with that the con- structors of the fort formed large reservoirs of stone and mortar, which get filled in the rainy season. So with these supplies the garrison are never short of water. The eastern side of the fort, and towards the north, is faced with hard stone, and the garrison felt quite secure as to that portion. On the other stdes if guns (tqp\ swivels (zarb-zan)^ catapults {sang^r^ad)^ and manjaniks are able to reach the fortress, they cannot do so much harm. Travellers do^ not speak of any fortress like this in the whole habitable world. At this time, all the space of three kos at the top of the mountain was full, and the houses of the people rose several storeys over each other. Great numbers of men guarded the battlements at the top of the walls, and great quantities of ammunition were stored in the fortress. His Majesty carefully reconnoitred the place on every side, and saw that it would not

fell without a loug siege. When the garrison perceived the small number of men with the Emperor, and thought of their fortress being six has in circumference, they uttered cries of derision. The batteries were apportioned out among the amlrs^ and hdkh- sMs were appointed and sent to those amirs who had not yet come up. Every day some one arrived and went to his battery, "so that in a short time the whole fort was invested.

it^saf Khdn went under orders to take B&mpdr. He took the place, and having pkmdered and ravaged the country, he returned victorious. Husain Kuli Eh&n went to attack IJdipdr, the capital of the B&nd and of his ancestors. He ravaged the country with fire and sword, and returned bringing great spoil and numerous prisoners from the fastnesses of the mountains.

From day to day the brave assailants carried their attacks closer to the fort on every side, and a great number of them suffered martyrdom, for tl^e fort was very strong, and made a most ex- cellent defence. Orders were given for digging ditches and for constructing sdbdts^ and nearly 6000 builders, carpenters, stone- masons, smiths, and sappers were collected from all parts. Sdbdts are contrivances peculiar to Hinddst&n ; for the strong forts of that country are replete with guns, muskets, and warlike appa- ratus, and can only be taken by means of sdhdts, A sdhdt is a broad (covered) way, under the shelter of which the assailants approach a fortress secure from the fire of guns and muskets. Two sdbdts were accordingly begun. The one which was oppo- site the royal quarters was so broad that two elephants and two horses could easily pass along it, and so high that an elephant- rider could carry his spear. The sdbdts were commenced from the middle of the hill, which is a fortress upon a fortress.* The people of the fort had never seen a sdbdt^ and were puzzled, but they endeavoured to stop the work. . Seven ar eight thousand » horsemen and numerous gunners exerted themselves to the

^ [See the Eitracte fcom the Tabdkdt^i Akbafi, infrd; also Briggs' Firishta, yoL ii., p. 330.]

utmost in atta.cking them. And, although the sSdfy' bad thick roofs of cow and buffalo hides to protect the workmen, no day passed without a hundred men more or less being killed. The bodies of the slain were used instead of stones and bricks. His Majesty’s kindness and justice would not allow any man to be pressed for the work, but heaps of rupees and dams were scattered as hire, and each man went to work for what he could get. In a short time one sdbd^ reached the walls, and was so high that it overlooked them. On the top of it a seat was constructed for the Emperor, from which he could see at his ease the efforts of his warriors, and from which he could also take a part in the fight if so minded. While the men of the garrison were endeavouring to interrupt the progress of the sdhdts^ the sappers formed several mines under the walls, and wherever stones were met with, the stonemasons opened a way through with their iron tools. Two bastions in front of the royal battery were com- pletely undermined, and, according to order, both mines were filled with gunpowder. Three or four hundred brave men of the Imperial array were posted ready armed near these bastions, to rush in as soon as the explosion took place, before the defenders could rally to resist them. Both mines were fired, and one which took effect blew the bastion from its foundations into the air, and every stone fell at a distance. A great breach was visible, and the storming party instantly rushed forward shout- ing their war-cry. A strong party of the garrison came forward to oppose them, and while the contest was at the hottest, and a great number of the faithful and of the infidels were struggling upon the other bastion, the mine exploded, and blew friend and foe together into the air, scattering their limbs in all directions.^ The quantity of gunpowder used was so enormous that stones of fifty and a hundred mans were hurled to the distance of two and three has. Many corpses also were found within a radius of two hos. Saiyid Jam41u-d din and ♦ * * other braves of the Imperial army perished. Vast numbers of the garrison were ^ [Bad&tini teJUs us that the matches were not properly adjusted.]

T}ie vast quantities of dust and smoke prevented all movement in the Imperial army for a time; stones, corpses, and limbs fell from the air, and the eyes of the soldiers were injured. The enemy, concealing their loss, showed a brave front. When the Emperor perceived the state^ of affairs, he exerted himself, more strenuously to take the place. He ordered the sabat in front of Shuj&^at Khdn’s battery to be pushed forward. The garrison was sore distressed, and ready to succumb, but no one had the courage to propose surrender to the Emperor. For he had "determined that he would capture by storm this the strongest fortress of Hindustdn, so that in future no other fortress should dare to resist the Imperial army. He took his position on the top of the &dhdt^ and his brave soldiers kept up such a discharge from their bows and muskets that no one could escape from the place. His Majesty also had his own musket, ' deadly as the darts of fate, with which he killed every moving thing that caught his eye. On the 5th Sha'bdn, 955, the assault was made by the Emperor’s command. The walls had been breached in several places, and the signs of victory were in favour of the assailants. Jaimal, the commandant of the fortress, an infidel yet valiant, all day long struggled bravely in every part, inciting his men to fight and resist. At the time of evening prayer he came in front of the royal battery, where His Majesty, holding his musket, discharged it as often as light blazed out in the bastion. It so often happened that Jaimal was standing in that tower when His Majesty discharged his piece into a lighted place. . The ball struck Jaimal in the forehead and killed him on the spot. When the men of the garrison saw their leader fall, they felt that all further resistance was useless ; they gave up fighting, and after first burning the body of Jaimal, they per- formed the jauhar at their own homes. Jauhar is the name of a rite among the Hindus. When they know for certain that there is no escape, they collect their wives and children, goods, aud chattels, heap fire-wood around the pile, and fire it with., their own hands. After the burning is accomplished, they tush

into the fight, and give themselves over to death. .This they esteem a great act of devotion. The great flames of thejauhar and the lull of the conflict on the bastions and walls showed the assailants that the garrison was reduced to extremity, so they ^ began to make their way into the place in parties. Some of the boldest of the infidels, who had no wives and families, stood to their posts resolved to sell their lives. The Emperor witnessed the prowess of his warriors from the top of the sdbdt. Under his orders three elephants were taken through the breach into the city, and one of them, named Madkar, on that day killed many infidels, and although he received many wounds, never turned tail. The second elephant, named Jagna^ was surrounded by infidels, and died of the numerous wounds he received from spears and swords. In the last watch of the night the assailants * forced their way into the fortress in several places, and fell to slaughtering and plundering. At early dawn the Emperor went in mounted on an elephant, attended by his nobles and chiefs on foot. The order was given for a general massacre of the infidels as a punishment. The number of fighting men in the fortress exceeded 8000.^ Some of them repaired to the idol temple, and there fought to the last. In every street and lane and bdzdr there was desperate fighting. Every now and then a band of infidels, having thrown away all hope of life, would rush from the temple with swords and shields towards their own homos, and so were the more easily despatched by the warriors they encountered. By mid-day, nearly 2000 had been slain. Under the favour of heaven, Zarb ’AU Tawachl was the only person ot note in the Imperial army who was killed, which was a very marvellous fact. Those of the fortress who escaped the sword, mon and women, were made prisoners, and their property came into the hands of the Musulmans. The place being cleared of infidels, His Majesty remained there three days, and then

^ [AbU-l Fazl states that there were 10,000 peasants on service in the place in addition to the 8000 Khjputs forming , the garrison. — Akbar-ndfna, yol. ii., p. 407.]

departed, ^leaving the government of the country in the hands of -^saf Khdn.]

Conquest of Rantamhhor (966 Eihlat; 976 Hijra = 1668 a.d.).

[The Emperor then marched against Eantambhor, and en-' camped before the fortress at the end of the month of Sha’b4n, The place was held by Rai Suijan, who had bought it of Hijjdz Ehdn, a servant of Salim Khdn (Isldm Shah). On several occasions before, rulers of Hindustan had besieged this fort for five or six years, and Surjan B&i, 'confident in its strength, stored it with necessaries and closed its gates, *but be had the fact of the fall of Chitor before his eyes. The Emperor reconnoitred the fort, gave directions for the placing of batteries, closed the ways of ingress and egress, and commenced the con- struction of sdbdts. Near to the fort is a hill called Ean,^ which commands it ; but in consequence of the height of the hill and the difficulty of the ascent, no one had as yet been able to get guns up on it. His Majesty now directed that some guns (top) and swivels (sarb zan) should be placed on the hills, such pieces as 200 pairs of bullocks would have drawn with diflGiculty on heavy ground. In a few days from ten to fifteen guns, capable of dis- charging .stones of fifty, forty, and twenty mans^ were dragged up the hill by the labour of porters. The first shot discharged struck the house of Surjan Eai, and made him very apprehen- sive. Every shot destroyed several houses, and the garrison was so frightened that all spirit of resistance disappeared. Suijan E&i being helpless, sent his sons Dudh and Bhoj out to obtain terms. His Majesty, pitjdng their condition, promised that Surjan E&i should be forgiven if he came and waited on the Emperor. J oyfully the two young men returned to their father

^ [Firislita calls this hill Madan/* which is probably an error, as AbC-1 Fazl, Bad&dnf, and Faizi all agree with the author of the Tdrikh^i Alfi in caUing it «Ean.”]

1 [Badhdni is more moderate, and says pr seyen mam^ He tells ns that 700 or 800 labourers were employed in dragging the guns. Text, yol, ii., p. 107.1

with the promise qf safety. Stirjan Bdi begged, that one of thq^. Emperor's amirs .should be sent to conduct him to the presenq^) mid Husain Euli Ehdn, governor of the Panjdb, was sent into the ibrt on this duty. On the drd^Shawwdl, Sd^an Bdi came out and waited upon the Emperor.^' He offered a large tj^i^te, and gayq, the keys of the^fortress,. which were made of. gold and silver. He asked for three days’ grace for his followers and people ^ remove their feiinilies and property out of the plape, which, was granted, and at the end of this time the fort its munitions was surrendered to the royal officers. Thus this strong j>lace was taken in one month, and was placed under the' command of Mihtar Ehdn.] ' f ,

author of this work styled it Tahahdt-i Akbar-shdU, and it is so called by *Abda-l K&dir Bad&dni in his Muntakhahu<4 Tawdrikh; but the name by which it is best known in literary circles is Tabdkdt-i AkbarL It is also called, after the name of the author, Tdrikh4 Niidml^ and the author himself observes it ' as^a fortun^iCe coincidence that the yjordNizdmi represents the ^ date; of its composition. In the Bauzaiu4 Tdhirin it seems to be called Tdrikh4 SuUdn NizdmL

This is one of the most celebrated histories of India, and is the firstithat was composed upon a now model, in which India alone forms the subject-matter of the work, to the exclusion of the histories of other Asiatic countries. The work seems to have been recognized by all contemporary historians as a standard history; subsequent writers also havo held it in the highest estimation, and have borrowed from it freely. Bad&uni, the author of the Muntakhabu4 Tawdrikh^ professes his wqrk to be simply an abridgment of this; and acknowledges himself to.be chiefly indebted to it for the relation of all events, down to a.h.* 1002® (1593 A.D.). Firishta states that of all the histories he consulted, it is the only one he found complete.

TheMd-dmu-l Umard says, ‘‘ This work cost the author much care and reflection in. ascertaining facts and collecting materials,

^ [This article is chiefly t^ie work of Sir H. Elliot, and appeared in the old volume, ^ but it has been re-cast by the Editor, and several additions ^ve been niade^'frpm Col. Lees* article in Joum. Roy. As. Soc., vol. iv. (n.s.), and from other sources.]

^ The author of the Tdrihh^i 8aldtin~i Jfdglkma copied the reign of Httm&ydu . verbatim. . See p. 2.

and as Mir Ma'^sdm Bhakari and other persons of note afforded their assistance in the compilation, it is entitled to much credit. It is the first history which contains a detailed account of all the Muhammadan princes of Hindust&n. * * From this work Muhammad Kdsim Firishta and others have copiously extracted, and it forms the basis of their histories, deficiencies being sup- plied by additions of their own ; but the Tabakdi occasionally seems at variance with the accounts given by the celebrated Abu-1 Fazl. It is therefore left to the reader to decide which of the two authors is most entitled to credit.”

European authors also hold the work in high esteem. Mr. Erskine considers Nizamu-d din to be perhaps the best historiaif of the period, and Col. Lees is unable to conceive the reason why his work has not attracted more attention.

The Ma-amu-l TTmard gives the following account of our author.

Khwdja Niz&mu-d din Ahmad was the son of Khw&ja Mukim Harawi, who was one of the dependents of His Majesty B&bar, and who, at the latter part of that king's reign, was raised to the o£B,ce of diwdn of the household.^ After the death of B&bar, when Gujar&t was conquered by Hum&yun, and the province of Ahmaddbdd was entrusted to Mirzd ’Askari, Kliwdja Mukim was appointed wazir to the Mirza. He accompanied Humayun to Xgra, when that monarch fled with precipitation after his defeat by Slier Khdn Sur at Ohaunsa. The Khwfija subse- quently served under Akbar.

• His son, Niz4mu-d din, was incomparably upright, and ex- celled all his contemporaries in administrative knowledge, as well as in the clearness of his intellect. It is stated in the Zakhlratu-l Khaicdnin^ that, at the opening of his career, he was 'appointed diwdn of the household by Akbar, but this statement has not been found in any other work.

In the twenty-ninth year of Akbar’s reign, when the govern- ment of Gujar&t was entrusted to ^Itimad ^ Kh&n, Ehwaja ^ He is spoken of in B&bar's Memoirs.

Niz&mu-d din was appointed to the office of bdkhsM of that pro- vince, and when Sult&n Muzafiar of Gujar&t engaged in hostilities, 'Itim&d Kh&n left the Khw&ja^s son, together with his own, to protect the city, he himself with the £[hw4ja having quitted it, with the object of bringing over Shah&bu-d din Ahmad Kh&n from Kari, which is situated at the distance of forty miles from Ahmaddb&d; but during their absence the city fell into the hands of the insurgents, and the house of the-Khwdja was plun- dered. After this, in a battle which was fought with those turbulent people, the Khw&ja used his best exertions to quell the insurrection with his small body of troops, in conjunction ^ith Shahdbu-d din Kh4n and ’Itim&d Kh&n, but without success ; and he therefore retreated to Pattan.

On the occasion of (Mirza Ehan) the Kh&n-kh&a&n"s attack upon Muzaffar Gujarati, at Bir Ganj, about six miles from Ahmaddbdd, the Khwdja was appointed at the head of a de- tachment to attack the enemy from the rear, but in this action he again did not achieve any great success, though he used his best exertions.. Nizdmu-d din continued fdr a long time baJehshi of the province of Gujardt, and his services will be found re- corded in his history of Akbar’s reign.

In 998 A H., and the thirty-fourth year of the reign (1589-90 A.n.), when the government of Gujardt was entrusted to Khdu-i ’Azam the Subaddr of Mdlwa, and Jaunpur was bestowed upon Khdn-khdndn in lieu of his jdgir of Gujardt, Nizdmu-d din Ahmad was summoned to the King^s presence; upon which occasion, with a number of camel-riders, he accomplished 1^200 miles by forced marches, and arrived at Lahore ^ on the festival of the thirty-fifth anniversary of the coronation. His camel- riders and retinue being an object of great attraction and wonder- ment, the King expressed a desire to inspect them and as he was mqch gratified at this exhibition of the Khwdja’a taste and ingenuity,' he conferred great honours upon him.

1 The WdJiCdt-% Mmhtdhl (MS, fol, 204 v.) says, that the party completed this distaace of 600 koa in twelve days, i,e, at the rate of 100 miles a dey. ,

Jfn the thirty-seventh year of the reign, when Aisaf Kh&n Mirzd Ja’far Bakhshi-begi was ordered to destroy Jaldla Bau- shani, the Ehw&ja was appointed to the post of hakhshi. In the thirty-ninth year of the reign, corresponding with 1003 h., when the King was out on a hunting excursion, the Khwdja was attacked with a severe fevier at Shah dm ’’Ali, which reduced him very much. His sons obtained permission from the King to convey, him to Lahore, but as soon as they arrived at the banks of the Bdvi, the Khwaja expired, and “ the crocodile of death dragged him into the sea of annihilation/'

'Abid Khdn, one of Nizdmu-d din's sons, was favoured with frequent marks of distinction by His Majesty Jahangir, and wal employed by him in various capacities. The office of bakhshi of the siiha of Gujarat, whicli devolved on him by hereditary right, was resigned, owing to a disagreement between him and 'Abdu-lla Kh&n Firoz Jang, governor of that province, by whom he was most shamefully treated. After resigning the appointment, he took only two sheets, the one wrapped round his waist, and the other round his* head, as if prepared for burial, and went thus before Jah&ngir, accompanied by several Tdkiya Mughals. This mark of his humiliation was approved of by the King, and he was pardoned. He was afterwards appointed an immediate attendant of the King, through the recommendation of the heir- apparent, and, was subsequently promoted to the office of diivdn of that prince. While holding this employment, he, with Sharif Khdn B^Jkhshi, and several others of the body-guard, was killed at Akbar-nagar in Bengal, in a battle fought by the prince on the burial-ground where the body of the son of Ibr&him Khan Fath Jang was interred. 'Abid Khdn had no son. His son- in-law, Muhammad Sharif, was for a short time governor of a strong fortress in the Dekhin, and was afterwards appointed Mjib (chamberlain) of Haidardb&d, in which capacity he. passed* the remainder of his days till his death.^

’Abdu-1 K&dir Badduni, who, like many others, was as staunch * ^ Ma-dairu-l TTmard^ s.r. Kliw&ja Nia&mu-d diu.

a friend as he was a bitter foe, gives a very favourable account of Niz&mu-d din. He says that in carrying into effect his pro- jects of economy, Niz&mu-d din gave offence to K&lij Kli&n, but that he received such unqualified support from the Emperor, who entertained the highest opinion of his zeal and integrity, that his opponent, together with his adherents, were soon pro- vided for in distant posts^ instead of being kept at Oourt, to frustrate the endeavours of Nizamu-d din to introduce reform! into the departments under his control.

‘‘ Niz&mu-d din,” continues ^ Abdu-1 Kddir, “ left a good name behind him. I was especially attached to him by the ties both of religion and friendship. When he died, tears of sorrow fell from my eyes, and I beat my breast with the stone of despair. After a short time, I bowed in resignation to the heavenly decree, but was so much afflicted by the bereavement, that I vowed I would never thereafter cultivate a new friendship with any other man. He died on the 23rd of Safar, 1003, and was buried in his own garden at Lahore. There was not a dry eye at his death, and there was no person who did not, on the day of his funeral, call to mind his excellent qualities, and who did not hold between his teeth the back of the hand of grief. The following Chronogram records the date of his death : Mirz& Niz&mu-d din has departed ; in haste, but with honour, has ho gone to his final doom. His sublime soul has fied to^ the celestial regions, and K&diri has< found the date of his death in these words, ‘A jewel without price has left this world.’

The author of the TabakdUi Akhari assigns as his reasons for composing his work; that he had “ from his youth, according to the advice of his father, devoted himself to the study of works of history, which are the means of strengthening the under- standing of men of education, and of affording instruction by examples to men of Orbservation.**’ He found that in “ the wide

1 Muntahhahu^t Tawdrikh. [Aba-1 Fassl also, in the JLkdar-^ndma, alludes to the general mourning that followed the death of this distinguished author; and says that the Emperor was deeply affected by it, and offered prayers for his soul.]

plains of Hindustan, which form an empire of vast extent,’’ the governing classes had assumed the title and discharged the duties of rulers” in many of its divisions, “such as DeliH, Gujardt, M&lwa, Bengal, and Sindh,” and “ the authors of their times have written histories of their affairs, and have bequeathed them as memorials to posterity. ♦ * * It is most extraordinary, therefore, that not a single work containing a complete com-* pendium of the affairs of this (entire) division (of the world) has yet been written by any historian ; neither have the events connected with the centre of Hindustan, the seat of govern- ment of this Empire, the capital Dehli, been collected in one book. The work which is best known is the Tabakdt-i Ndsiri which Minh&ju-s Sir&j compiled, commencing with Sult&n Mu'izzu-d din Ghori, and concluding with N4siru-d din bin Shamsu-d din: from thence to the time of Sultdn Firoz is written in the history of Zi4-i Barni; but from that time to to-day, because for the greater portion of the time there was much disturbance in India, and the people had the misfortune to bo deprived of a powerful Imperial government, I have only met with a few detached and incomplete compilations. I have not heard of a single history that comprises an account of tho whole of India ; and now since the whole of the inlying and out- lying provinces of Hindust&n have been conquered by the world- subduing sword of God’s vicegerent, and all the fractions of the earth have been united in one grand whole, and many kingdoms beyond the confines of Hindustdn, which none of the great sovereigns who preceded His Majesty had ever acquired, have been included in his Empire, and it is to be hoped that the seven climes will yet come under thd shade of the standard of the good fortune of that illustrious personage, and thus be protected and secure peace and prosperity, I conceived the idea of com- piling, in a simple style, a history which should embrace an account of all the kingdoms of Hindustdn, from the times of* Subuktigin, 367 a.h. (which is the date of the introduction of Islam into Hindustdn), up to 1001 a.h., or the thirty-seventh

year of the Il&hi era, dividing it into chapters, according to the several dynasties which reigned, clofiing each chapter with an ac* count of the conquest by His Imperial Highness of the particular province under notice. This abridgment of all the victories of His Imperial Highness will be given in the proper place ; the account of these victories in full detail being found in the Akbat- ndma^ which AUdmi Abu-1 Fazl has compiled with so much ability.”^ He quotes twenty-nine different works as his standard authorities, and in the instance of the Tdrzkh-i Mubarak- Shdhi he copied his original very closely.® Though he states in his Preface, as above, that he brings down the history to the thirty- seventh year of Akbar’s reign (a.h. 1001), in the body of the work he records the events of another year, and expresses a hope that he may live to carry on the work to a later period.

Niz&mu-d din was a good Musulmdn, and no allusion is made in his pages to Akbar’s wanderings from the fold. But with the information derivable from other sources a tolerably accurate inference may be drawn from the gradual diminution and eventual cessation of tho records of Akbar’s pilgrimages to the tombs of the saints.

Sir H. Elliot adopted the Table of Contents given by Stewart in his Catalogue of Tipu Sultfo’s Library, although he found that it contained both more and less than he had seen in other copies. The following table is borrowed from Mr, Morley, who had the advantage of several MSS. to compare. It agrees, as he says, with the author's own account of the contents in his intro- duction, and the only dijfference found is in the order of sequence of the books.

.Introduction.^ — History of the Ghaznivides from the time of Subuktigin to that of Khusru Malik bin Khusrd Sh&h, King of Lahore, who was conquered by Sh&habu-d din Muhammad Ghori ^ in A.H. 583 (a.d. 1187), and was subsequently put to death by his order.

^ [Col, Lees, Journ. Boy. As. Soc., vol. iii. (n.s.), p. 460.] * [SeeVol.IV.,p.6.]

Book I. — ^History of the Kings of Dehli from the time of Shah&ba-d din Muhammad . Ghori | comprising : The history of Kutbu-d din Aibak; Taju-d din Yalduz; Ndsiru-d din Kub&cha ; Bahdu-d din Tughril ; The first four Khilji Princes of Lakhnauti ; Sultdn Shamsu-d din Altamsh ; Ardm Sh&h and his successors at Dehli ; The house of Tughlik ; The Saiyids ; The Afghdn Kings of Dehli, from Bahlol Lodi to the defeat of Ibr&hira, son of Sikandar Lodi, by Bdbar, in a.h. 932 (a.d. 1626) ; B&bar; Humdyun; Sher Shah (who expelled Humdytin), and his successors, to the extinction of the Afgh&n power at Dehli, and Akbar’s succession to the throne, continuing the history of Hindustdn to the thirty-eighth year* of Akbar’s reign, 1002 a.h. (1693 A.D.)

Book II. — A concise history of the Kings of the Dekhin, comprising: The Bahmani dynasty, from ’Al&u-d din Hasan, who founded the monarchy in a,h. 748 (a.d, 1347), to its* extinc- tion in A.H. 935 (a.d. 1628) ; The Niz&m-shahi Kings of the Bahri dynasty of Ahmadnagar, from the foundation of the monarchy to a.h. 999 (a.d. 1590), when Burhdn Niz&in Sh&h was still reigning; The ’iiLdil-shdhi Kings of Bijdpur, from the origin of the dynasty to a.h. 1002 (a.d. 1693), when Ibrahim ’itdil Shdh II. was on the throne ; The Kutbu-1 Mulkiya Kings of Golconda, from their origin to a.h. 1002 (a,d. 1593), when Muhammad Kuli Kutb Shdh was regnant.

Book III. — The history of the Kings of Gujardt, from the beginning of a.h. 793 (a.d. 1390), to a.h. 980 (a.d. 1572). when that kingdom became a province of Akbar’s empire.

Book ly. — The history of Mdlwa, from a.h. 809 (a.d. 1406), to its incorporation with the kingdom of Gujardt in a.h. 937 (a.d. 1530); and a continuation of the history to a.h. 977 (a.d. 1669), when Bdz Bahddur submitted to Akbar after a reign of sixteen years.

Book V. — -History of Bengal, from the time of Sultdn Fakhru-d din in a.h. 741 (a.d. 1340) to a.h. 984 (a.d. 1676), when Ddud bin Sulaiindn Kirdni was defeated by Akbar’s

forces and slain, and Bengal was annexed to the empire of the Mughals.

Book VI. — The history of the Shark! dynasty of Jaunpur, from the commencement of a.h. 784 (a.d. 1382), the time of the accession of Khw&ja Jah&nu-sh Sharki, the first indepen- dent King of Jaunpur, to the extinction of the monarchy in A.H. 881 (a.d. 1476), when Sultdn Husain bin Mahmud Shdli Sharki was defeated by Sikandar bin Bahlol, King of Dehli.

Book VIL — History of the Muhammadan Kings of Kashmir from A.H. 716 (a.d. 1315) to a.h. 992 (a.d. 1584), that is, from the time of Shamsu-d din Shdh Mihr to the period when Yusuf Shdh agreed to pay tribute to the Mughal Emperor.

Book YIII, — History of Sind, from a.h. 86 (a.d. 705), but more especially of the dynasties of the Jdms and Arghuns, to the submission of Mirzd Jdni Beg to Akbar, and the final annexation of the whole province to the Mughal empire in A.H. 1001 (A.D. 1692).

Book IX. — The history of Multdn, from the Muhammadan conquest under Muhammad Kasim, but more particularly of tlie independent monarchy established by Shaikh Yiisuf in a.h, 847 (a.d. 1443), to the time when the province was annexed to the Mughal empire.

Conclusion. — concise statement, comprised in a few lines, of the area of Akbar's empire, the number of cities and villages therein, and of its revenue.

The compiler of the Sahihu^l AlMdr attributes another work on Indian History under the name of Tdnkh-i Trick to the author of the TabakdUi Akbari.

The Extracts from this work which follow are of considerable length. The reigns of Humdyun and Akbar have been trans- lated by the Editor in full, and supply a complete translation of this the most important portion of the work.

The TabakdUi Akbarl is one of the commonest histories pro- curable in India, but (says Sir H. Elliot) I have met with no

remarkably good copy. In the Bodleian Library it is the only work on Indian History noticed by Uri, except an imperfect one on the reigns of Humayun, Akbar, and Jah&ngir.^ There are several complete or partial copies in the Library of the East India Office.

The Tabalcat-i Akhari ends with a promise, which does not appear to have been fulfilled. As several copies, procured from distant places, concur in this reading, and as the author continued almost till the day of his death the history of Akbar’s reign, it seems probable that he never wrote the Conclusion which he promised in his Preface, as it is now comprised in ten lines. It gives merely the computed area, populousness, and revenue of Hindustan, respecting which the author observes : Be it not concealed, that the country of Hindustan is comprised within four climates, and is now included in the dominions of the Emperor Akbar. Its length from the Hindu Koh, on the borders of Badakhshdn, to the country of Orissa, which is on the borders of Bengal; from west to east, is 1680 legal kos. Its breadth from Kashmir to the hills of Barujh (Broach), which is on the borders of Surat and Gujardi, is 800 kos Ildhi, Another mode is to take the breadth from the hills of Kamdun to the borders of the Dekhin, which amounts to 1000 Ildhi kos. The soil is well adapted for cultivation, and within each kos are several inhabited villages. At the present time, namely a.h. 1002, Hindustan contains 3200 towns, and upon each town there are dependent 200, 500, 1000, or 1600 villages.^ The whole yields a revenue of 640 krors (640,00,00,000) murddi tankas?

1 IJri, BihL Bodl, Codd, MSS, Orient Catdl, — Codd. MSS. Pcrs. xli. lii. liv. The MS. called Tdrikh^i Sher Shdhi^ No. 1581, E. I. 0. Coll., is a portion of this Tcdtahdt-i Akhari, The passage with which it concludes just precedes that with which the Tahahdt’-i Akhari terminates. Mr. Morley’s mention of the year 1002 as the date of its composition led to this identification. See Dorn’s KUt, of AfgMna^ Fref. zii. * ^ One MS. omits the 1500.

^ [Mr. Thomas estimates the value of the tanka nturddi, here quoted, at 20 to the ailver tanka. The current tanka of account at this time was the Sikandari tanka of Sikandar bin Bahlol. So that the sum total here specified of 640,00,00,000 -f- 20 amounts to 32,00,00,000 ailver tankaa or rupeea (or £32,000,000). ChrmieUa of the Bathdn Kinga^ pp. 366, 834, 388, and Bevenue Beaoureea of the Mug?ial Bmpire, p. 7.]

Of the towns, 120 are large cities,’’ He then finishes with these words : As the particulars of the towns are not included in this summary, a detailed list of the towns shall be drawn up iu alphabetical order.^’

Hazrat Khakan-i Sa’id Muhammad Humayuk Shah, son OP Babab Shah GhazI.^

When the Emperor B&bar departed from this fleeting world at Agra for his everlasting abode in Paradise, Muhammad Mukim Harawi, father of the author of this history, was one of the officials of his late Majesty, and had been promoted to the position of diwdn of the household. Amir Nizamu-d din ’All Khalifa was chief administrator of the State, and in consequence of some things which had occurred in the course of worldly business, he had a dread and suspicion of the young Prince Humdytin, and was unfriendly to his succession. And if he was not content with the accession of the eldest son, neither was he favourable to the promotion of the younger. Mahdi Khw&ja was son-in-law of the late Emperor, and was a generous and liberal young man. He was very friendly with Mir Khalifa, who had promised to raise him to the throne. This fact became generally known, and several of the nobles took part with Mahdi KhwSja. He also fell in with the idea, and began to assume kingly airs.

It happened that one day Mir Khalifa went to see Mahdi Khw&ja, who was in his pavilion. Mir Khalifa and Muhammad Mukim, the father of the author, were the only persons present with the Khw4ja. When the Mir had sat for a moment, his late Majesty, in the pangs of his disease, sent for him. After he had gone, Mahdi Khw&ja continued standing in the pavilion, and the author’s father remained standing with due 'respect behind him. The Mahdi was considered to be a man of suspicious

• His full name was “Nasiru-d din Muhammad Hum&jdn,'* but he is commonly called J^annat Ashydni'*

temperament, and being unaware of my father^s presence, when Mir Khalifa had gone, he stroked his beard, and said to himself.

“ Please God, I will flay thee ! As soon as he had said this, he perceived my father, and being greatly moved he took him by the ear, and said, “0 Tdjik, the red tongue uses its sharp point to no purpose.” My father took leave and departed. He went with all haste to Mir Khalifa, and said, “ Notwithstanding the existence of sucli intelligent princes as Muhammad Huma- yun Mirzd and his brothers, you have shut your eyes against loyalty, and desire to transfer the sovereignty to another house ; the end of all this will be this.**’ He then told him what Mahdi Khwdja had said. Mir Khalifa instantly sent off to fetch Princo Humayun, and he sent an officer to Mahdi Khwdja with an order in His Majesty’s name, directing him ta retire to his house. The officers hastened to the Khwdja, who was just about to sit down to dinner, and without any ceremony sent him off to his » house. Mir Khalifa then issued a proclamation that no one was to visit or hold communication with Mahdi Khwdja, and that"^he was not to attend the darbdr.

On the death of the Emperor Babar, Prince Humdyun, who arrived from Sambal, ascended the throne at Agra, with the sup- port of Amir Nizdmu-d din ’Ali Khalifa, on the 9th Jumdda-1 awwal, 937 h.^ (29th January, 1530). The date of his acces- sion is found in the words KJiairu-l muliilc. The officers ex- pressed their devotion, and the chiefs and nobles were treated with great kindness. The mansahs and offices which were held under the late sovereign were confirmed, and the royal favour made every one happy and content. On the same day Mirzd Hinddl arrived from Badakhshdn, and was received with great kindness. He was gratified with the grant of two of the treasures (do khazdna) of former kings, and as the gold was divided by coffers [kishtl)^ the date was found in the words kishti-zar? The

^ He was bom on the 4th Zi-1 ka'da, 916 u. (6th February, l6ll).'^Akbar^‘n4may vol. i., p. 149.

^ Bad&dni notices this, and says that coffers full of gold were distributed as gifts on the day of ascending the throne. Yol. i., p. 344.

territories were then divided. Mirz& Hinddl received the district of Mewat^ m jagir. The Panjdb, K&bul, and Kandahar were ««ettled as the jdgir of Mirzd Kdmrdn. Sambal was given to Mirza 'Askari.® Every one of the amkn also received an increase of YiiBjdgkr.

After arranging the affairs of the State, His Majesty pro- ceeded to Kalinjar, the Rdjd of which place expressed his fealty, and ranged himself among the supporters of the throne.® In those days Sultdn Mahmud, son of Sultan Sikandar Lodi, with the assistance of Baban Bdyazid, and the Afgh&n nobles, had raised the standard of opposition, and had taken possession of Jaunpur and its dependencies. Humdyun now marched to subdue liini, and having achieved successes, he returned vic- torious to Agra.^ There he hold a great festival, and all the nobles a^d chiefs were honoured with robes and Arab horses. It is said that 12,000 persons received robes at that feast, and 2000 of tliem were presented with outer garments of gold brocade with gilt buttons.

At this time Muhammad Zamdn Mirzd, son of Badi"u-z Zaman Mirza, son of Sultdn Husain Mirzd Babakr&, who had originally come from Balkli to seek a refuge witli*Jiis late Majesty, now set himself up in opposition, but he was taken prisoner, and was sent as a warning for rebels to tJie fort of Baydna, and in the custody of Yadgdr Taghai. An order was given to deprive him of sight, but the servants of Tadgdr Beg saved the pupils of his eyes from the effects of the operation. After a short time he made his escape, and fled to Sultan Bahddur of Qujardt. About the same time Muhammad Sultdn Mirza, with his two sons Ulugh Mirzd and Shdh Mirza, went off to Kaiiauj, and there raised a rebellion. Ilis Majesty sent a person with letters

^ Aba-l Fazl says “ Alwar/' which amounts to much the same thing. •

■* “and Badakhshhn to Mirzk Sulaim&n/' — Akbar^ndma^ vol. i., p. 151.

® According to Bad&tini, he conquered {mmakhkhar) Khlinjar. Vol. i., p. 344. See Extract from the Akhar-mma^ infrd,

• “ Leaving Sulthu Junaid Birlks as governor of Jaunptir.'* — Akbar-ndma, vol. i., p. 162.

to Sult&n Bah&dur of Gujardt, demanding the soitender lof Muhammad Zamdn Mirzd, to ^hich he returned a haughty refusal, and then showed signs of rebdlion and resistance. This excited the anger of the Emperor, and he resolved to march against Gujardt and chastise Sultdn Bahddur. He pro- ceeded to Gwalior, and there passed two months in making excursions and hunting.

At this time Sultdn Bahddur had marched with the forces of Gujardt and Mdlwa to besiege the fort of Ohitor, and was carrying on war against Rdnd Sdnkd. He had sent Tdtdr Khdn Lodi, one of his chief nobles and a very brave officer, to effect the conquest of the fort of Baydna and the dependent territory. Having reduced the fortress, he threatened Agra, whereupon the Emperor sent Prince Hindal against him. On leariiing the approach of the Prince, the greater part of Tatar Khdn’s forces deserted him and dispersed. With 300 men who remained he advanced against the Prince, and made a fierce onslaught upon the Prince’s own division, in which he and every one of his followers perished. Baydna and its dependencies then reverted to the possession of the Emperor. When Sultdn Bahadur heard of this, hfc was greatly alarmed and confounded. The Emperor being determined to chastise still further his enemy, ho marched from Agra,^ and at the same period Sultan Bahddur laid siege a second time to Chitor. [ Victory of Pnnee Kdmrdn at Kandahar,']

When Sultdn Bahddur was informed of the march of the Emperor, he held a council of war. Many of the officers advised the raising' of the siege, but Sadr Khdn, who was the chief of his nobles, observed that they were warring against infidels, and that if a sovereign of Musulmdns were to attack them while so engaged, he would in effect assist the infidels, and this would remain a reproach against him among Musulmdns until the Day of Judgment. He therefore advised the continuance of the siege, and would not believe that the Emperor would attack

^ At the beginning of Jumbda-l awwal, 941 VL,^Akbar~ndma^ Vol. i., p. 169.

them. When the Emperor had passed through M&lwa, and had come to Sdrangpur, he was informed of this ; so he rested there. Sultdn Bahadur carried on the siege of Ohitor at his ease, and finally took it by storm, and secured an immense booty. In celebration of the victory, he gave a great feast, and divided the spoil among his soldiers. Then ho turned his front towards the Imperial army. «

When the Emperor heard this, ho marched forward, and the two armies faced each other at Mandisor,^ one of the depen- d'encies of Malwa. The tents were hardly pitched, when Saiyid ’All Kh&n and Khurasan Khan, who commanded Sult&n Baha- dur's advanced guard, were defeated by the royal forces, and fell back upon their main body. The army of (xujar&t was greatly dispirited, and the Sultdn called a council of war. Sadr Khan advised giving battle on the morrow, as the troops were elated by the conquest of Ohitor, and their eyes had not yet been seared by the sight of the Mughals. Bum! Kh^n,^ who com- manded the artillery, was adverse to a pitched battle, because the guns {top) and rockets {tufang) were of little use (in the field). They were very strong in artillery, 4ind except the Emperor of Rum, no other potentate could equal them. He therefore counselled the-entrenching® of the army and the carry- ing on of warfare daily. If the Mughals advanced, they might be met with a discharge of the guns and rockets and a large number of them would be killed, Sultdn Bahddur acquiesced in this view, and ordered an entrenchment to be formed round bis camp.

^For two months the two armies remained confronting each other. Frequently during the day brave men desirous of fame sallied out in search of adventures; but the Mughal soldiers seldom ventured within range of the guns and rockets. Then the Emperor posted his troops around the position of the enemy,

1 On the banks of a lar^e tank. — Akhar-ndma^ vol, i. p. 160.

< A Turk of Constantinople : but the title was sometimes given to artillerymen who were not European Turks.

^ Ah 0-1 Fazl says, a barricade of carriages {hisdr-i aMa) with a ditch outside.** — Ahhar^ndma^ vol. i., p. 161.

to cut off his supplies of grain and fodder ^n^ fuel; These disy, positions caused a famine to ensue in the ehemy's camp. Grain \7as not to be procured, the grass all around was cdnsumed, and the imperfectly armed Gujar&tis, through* fear of the arrows, dared not venture far from the camp. The horses and ‘i^imals and many men perished from want, and the army wis dis* mounted. When Sultan Bahadur perceived that if he remained longer he would be taken prisoner, he went off by the tear of his pavilion and fled towards Mandu with five of his most trusty adherents, one of whom was governor of feurhdnptir, and the other was K&dir Shah, governor of -Mdlwa.^ When his men heard of his escape, they took to flight. The date of this event is found in the words Ztll Bahadur.

On the Emperor being informed of the flight of his enemy, he mounted and went off in pursuit. Having , come up with Sadr Khdn, who" was retreating with a body of men towards Mandu, he made an attack upon him, thinking that it was Sultdn Bahidur himself. He had not with him more than 3000 men, for the rest were engaged in plundering. Many of the Gujardtis were slain. His Majesty hastened on to Mandu, and Sultan Bahddur was besieged in the fort. The siege was carried on for some days, till one night a party of the royal army scaled the walls and got into the fort. Sultdn Bahddur was asleep when the alarm was raised. A general panic followed, and the Gujaratis took to flight. Sultan Bahddur made off with five or six horsemen towards Gujarat, and Sadr Khdn and Sultan ^Alam (Lodi) threw themselves into the fort ' of Sungar, which is tjj|e citadel of Mandu. Next day they came out, and were conducted to the presence of the Emperor. They were both wounded. Sadr Khan was placed in confinement, ^ and an order was given for cutting off the foot of Sultan ’Alam.

2 Such is the statement of one MS., not of the other. Abh-l Fazl says, on the contrary, he was received with groat kindness^ Sult&n 'Alam had rebelled and deserted, so his foot was cut off and he was set at liberty. The fort was not sur- rendered without much negociation and strong assurances of personal safety. — Akbiir^ ndmOf vol. i., p. 164,

Three days a^,, the Eniperor left the fort aij:d marched on towards Gujar&t. Sult&ix Bahddur had much treasure and many jewels in th^/ort :of Ohdmpanlr,^ and these he carried off with him to^ Ahmad&bdd^, When the Emperor left Ohdmpanir and marched towards Alumaddbad, Sultdn. Bahddu^ again took flight, A'^d proceeded towards Kambdyat (Kambay). The city, of Ahmaddbad fell into the hands of the Mughals, and being plundered yielded enormous spoil. The Emperor again started off^.with all speed in pursuit of Sultdn Bahddur, When the latter reached Kambay, he hastily exchanged his tired . horses for fresh ones, and hurried off to the port of (Diu).® The Emperor reached Kambay on the evening of the day in which the fugitive had quitted it.® Next day, a person^ came forward in a friendly way and gave information that the in- habitants of the neighbourhood were that night going to make a nocturnal attack upon the pursuers. The Emperor questioned him as to his motive for giving this information. ’ He replied, that his son was a prisoner in the hands of the victors', and he , "^as in hopes, if the Emperor was successful, that he might : obtain freedom for him. The Emperor passed the night in the greatest watchfulness, and when it was near dawn, 6000 or 6000 footmen® made an attack upon the royal forces. The men were on the alert, and came out of thpir tents and as- sembled outside the camp. What was left in the camp was plundered. When the morning dawned, the Mughals fell upon the Crujar&tis on all sides, and put many of them to the sword.®

J&m Firoz, formerly ruler of Tatta, having been defeated by

• He set fireio the town before leaying Chkmpanir.-^Akdar-ndmaf vol. i., p. 164,

• Having previously burnt a hundred war ghrdbs. — Jb. 164.

.^8 and encamped on the shore of the 166.

• An old woman, according to Abh-l Fazl, — Ib, .166.

^ This attack was made by Melik Ahmad L&d and Bukn Dkdd, two of Sh&h Bah&dur's nobles, who had great indhence among the Kolia and Gow&rs of Koliwhro. Bnraged at this attack, HumhyCiu ordered Kambay to be plundered and flred.-^; JA 166. ^ '

the Arghdns, had fled to Gujardt.^ He had given hie daughter to Sultdn Bah&dur. When the latter was defeated, the J dm fell a prisoner into the hands of the Emperor. On the night of this attack, his guards, fearing he might escape, put him to deaj;h. Sadr Ehdn Gujardti, who had surrendered himself at the fort of Sungar, was also put to death on this night.

Next day the Emperor marched towards Chdmpanir, and invested the fort. Ikhtiydr Ehdn, the commandant of the fort, made preparations for resistance. One day the Emperor was going round the fort, when he spied a number of people who had come out of the jungle, and who, being frightened at the sight of him, fell back into the cover. He sent a party in pursuit, and captured several of them. It then appeared that, with the help of the (neighbouring) zaminddrs^ they had conveyed grain and butter into the fort. In this place (where they had introduced the provisions) the fort was very high,* perpendicular, and dangerous. But His Majesty conceived that whore provisions had been passed, he also might find an entrance. He carefully examined the place, and then returned to the camp.

It then occurred to him that the strength of this part of the fort was such, that the garrison probably felt quite secure about it, and took little care to guard it. H e had a number of steel spikes prepared. In the day he attacked the fort on all sides, and at night he repaired with 600 men to this place. They drove the spikes right and left firmly into (the scarp of the rock), and by means of them climbed up into the fort. The garrison, being quite at ease about this part of the fort, did not observe thejr entrance. When thirty-nine persons, the last of whom was Bair&m Kh&n, had gone up, His Majesty also reso- lutely ascended.® By daybreak 300 men had got in. There

^ See Vol. I. of this work, pp. 234, 309, 313.

• Sixty or seventy gaz in height.” — Akbar^ndma^ vol. i., p. 168.

® The Akbar-ndma (vol. i., p. 168) says that when thirty-nine had gone up, Hum&ydn wanted to proceed, but Bairhm Khhn persuaded him to wait till the whole ascent was clear. Bair&m Ehhn then went up, and Hum&ydn followed, being the forty-first man.

they found»great IStores of corn and butter, and other provisions, for the people of the fort. As soon as it was light, the besieging army advanced against the fort. The Emperor and his party then came down, shouting their battle-cry. On reaching the gate they opened it, and gave admission to the assailants. ^ So this strong fortress was taken. Ikhtiy&r Khdn retreated into the citadel, which is called Muliyd. Great numbers of the garrison were slain, and many of their wives and children cast themselves down from the walls of the fort and were killed.

Ikhtiydr Ehdn then came out of the citadel and surrendered. He held a high position among the Gujardtis, and was kindly received by the Emperor, who made him one of his personal attendants.^ The treasures of the Kings of Gujar&t, which had been accumulating for many years, fell into the hands of the conquerors. The gold was divided among the soldiers, so much a head. The goods and stuffs of Eilm and Europe and China, and of every part of the world, which the Kings of Gujardt had treasured, all fell a prey to the victors. So vast was the amount of gold and^ effects that came into the possession of the soldiers, that no person attempted to collect revenue that year in Gujardt.

The agriculturists of the country sent a person with a message to Sultdn Bahddur, to inform him that as several of the districts were not occupied by the Mughal agents, they would themselves make the proper collections, if he would send an army to protect them. Accordingly, Sultdn Bahddur sent one of his slaves, ^Imddu-1 Mulk,2 who was distinguished for courage and justice. *Imddu-l Mulk set about collecting forces, and by the time he reached Ahmaddbdd many soldiers of the army and of the zaminddrs had gathered round him, to the number of about 60,000 horse and foot.® He encamped within sight of Ahmad-

^ Ikhtiy&r Khfin was a descendant of the kdzis of the town of Nary&d, and was a twnTi of great knowledge and experience. He had a high reputation as a statesman, and was an accomplished geometrician and astronomer. He was of some repute also as . .. a poet. — jikbar-ndma^ vol. i., p. 167. Erskine, toI. ii., p. 65. ^ A Circassian. ^

3 Mttj6hid Khkn of Junagaxh joined him with 12,000 horse.— vol. i., p.169.

&b&d, and began to collect the rerenue. When information of this was brought to the Emperor after the fall of Ch&mpanir, he made a second large distribution of gold out of the plunder of Gujar&t among the soldiers. He then placed the fort of Ghdm* panir in charge of Tardi Beg, and marched towards Ahmadabdd. The command of the vanguard was given to Mirz& ^Askari, Mirz& Y&dgdr N&sir, and Mir Hindd Beg, and they went on one day^s march in advance. In the vicinity of Mahmud- ibdd,i which is twelve kos from Ahmad&bad, ’Imadu-1 Mulk .attacked Mirzd ^Askari, and was defeated. Many men fell on both sides.

The author of this work heard from his father, who was then wazir of Mirzd ^Askari, that at mid-day, when it was intensely hot, the Gujardtis came hastily out of Ahmaddb&d. Mirzd Yddgdr Ndsir had marched about half a koa on the right flank of Mirzd Askari, and Mirzd Hindd Beg had encamped at the same distance on his left. The Gujardtis came on with such speed that the Mirzd had no time to array his forces, so he retired with a party of his men into a thorn bralii®, where he stood fast. Heedless of this disposition of the Mirzd’s, the Gujardtis dispersed in search of plunder, and gathered a large booty. Mirzd Y&dg&r Nasir and Mirzd Hindd Beg came up in due order with their forces, and the Gujaratis took to flight. Mirzd 'Askari now came forth from the thorn brake, and pursued the Gujaratis to Ahmaddbdd. More than 2000 men were killed in the battle.

After this the Emperor bestowed Ahraaddbdd and its depen- dencies upon Mirzd 'Askari in jagir^ Nahrwdla Patan upon Mirzd Yddgdr Ndsir, and Broach upon Mirzd Hindd Beg.® Tardi Beg received Ghdmpanir, and Kdsim Husain obtained Baroda. Khdn-jahdu Shirdzi and other nobles also received

1 « Between Nary&d and Mahmdd&b&d." — Akbar^ndma^ toI. i , p. 171.

• None but Mirzfii ^Askari’s men were allowed to enter the city,— 172.

^ A large force was left under the eommaud of lUndd Beg, with which he was to render aesietance wherever it was req^ulred. Klisini Husain received Broach.— Ib. 172.

grants,^ The Emperor proceeded after these successes to Bur- hAnpdr, and from thence to Mandu. ^

After a time one of the nobles of Sult&n Bah&dur prepared a fortified position in the neighbourhood of Naus&ri, which is near to Surat, and proceeded to collect forces. He took possession of Ifausdri, and having associated Bdmi Kh&n * of Surat with Kh£n-jah&n Shirfizi, they inarched against Broach.® Edsim Husain, being unable to withstand them, fled to Ohdmpanir, The Gujardtis then rose and carried on offensive movements on every side.

One night Mirzd ’Askari in a convivial party took too much wine, and giving license to his tongue, exclaimed, “ I am a King, and the shadow of God.” Ghazanfar, who was one of his com- panions, and foster-brother of Kdsim Khdn, said in an underi- tone, “So thou art 5 but not for thyself.” The convives smiled, and the Mirzd having found out what they were laughing about, got angry, and threw Ghazanfar into prison. In a few days he made his escape,* and went and joined Sultan Bahddur, whom he incited to attack Ahrnaddbdd, assuring him that he was acquainted with all the plans of the Mughals, who were anxious to retreat, and only wanted a pretext for so doing. He advised him to make the Mirzd prisoner, and march against the Mughals ; and he expressed his willingness to submit to punishment if they made any real resistance. Sultdn Bahddur, with the assistance of the %amindir% of Surath,® got together a force and marched against Ahrnaddbdd.

Just at this period Amir Hindu Beg had counselled Mirzd

1 See infra Extract from tho Ahbar-ndma, “Eeturn of Hum&ytin.”

^ This was the common title given to Osmanli Turks, who were in high repute as engineers and gunners, but it was not confined exclusively to them. This Bdmi ' Kh&n is not the same as the Bdmi Khkn Kbud&wand Eh&n who left Sultkn Bahhdur after his defeat at Mandd, and directed the siege of Ghunkr for Humkydn. — See infrd, p. 199.

^ Sdrath is one of the divisions of Kattiw&r, and must not be confounded with the town of Surat, though the names are no doubt identical.

'Askari to have the khutba recited and coin struck in his name, and to set up his claim to independence, expecting that the troops in hopes (of reward) would devote themselves to his service. Mirz& 'Askari did not accept this advice. After much debate and deliberation, it was determined that Mirz& ^Askari, Mirz& Y&dgdr M&sir, Amir Hindu Beg and some other nobles should leave Ahmaddbdd, and form a camp in the rear of Asdwal,^ opposite Sarganj. Sultdn Bahddur also came down to Sarganj and faced his enemies. By chance a cannon ball from the camp of the Mirzd knocked down the tent of Sultdn Bahddur. This greatly disturbed him, and he summoned Ghazanfar to his pre- sence, intending to bring him to punishment. Ghazanfar asked that his punishment might be postponed until the Sultan had set his army in array, for he had heard that Mirzd ^Askari in- tended to retreat during the night. When night came Mirza ’Askari, with the approval of the amirs^ retreated towards Ohdmpanir, leaving everything superfluous behind them.® They halted at ten^Ao^ distance, and Sultdn Bahddur pursued and came up with them. Mirz& Askari and the amirs mounted and made a show of fighting, and then retired.

When they reached Ch&mpanir, Tardi Beg® exhibited hostility towards them, and shutting himself up in the fort, sent a mes- senger to Humayun, to inform him that Mirzd ^Askari had liostile intentions, and was about to march upon Agra and pro- claim himself King. But before Mirz& ^Askari retreated from Ahmad&b&d, the newswriters and reporters had communicated to the Emperor the proposition which Mir Hindu Beg had made to the Mirza for his assuming the crown, and although he had not assented thereto, they reported that he entertained hostile designs. The Emperor set off with all speed from Mandu to Agra, and was met upon the road® by Mirz& ^Askari, who waited upon him, and told him the facts of the matter. Sult&n Bah&dur

^ See Extracts from tbe Akbaritdmaf in/rd,

3 Near Chitor.** — Akbar^ndma, vol. i., p. 176.

obtained possession of the fort of 0{i&mpanir by the capitulation of Tardi Beg,

At the beginning of this year, Sh&h Tahm&sp, in revenge of Sain Mirzd, marched to Kandahdr, and Kalan Beg evacuated the fort and proceeded to Lahore. It is said that Kal&n Beg had built for himself a Chinese house of great elegance, and 'when he fled it was furnished with fine carpets and beautiful vases. This greatly pleased the Shdh. Leaving Kandah&r in charge of his nobles, the Shdh proceeded to 'Irdk. After this, Mirzd Kdmr&n marched from Lahore against Xandahdr, and the Turko- mans, being unable to resist him, evacuated the place and went to ''Irak. Kandahdr thus once more fell into his hands.

The Emperor Humdyun remained for a year at Agra and took his pleasure. When Sultan Bahddur was defeated, he sent away Jfuhammad Zamdn Mirzd to Hind, in order that there might be no difficulty about him, and when Mirzd Xdmrdn marched against Xandahdr, Zamdn Mirzd laid siege to Lahore, but upon hearing of the Emperor^s return, he went back again to Gujardt.^

Sher Ehan Afghdn, who had got possession of the provinces of Bihdr and Jaunpiir and the fort of Ohundr, greatly increased his power and forces while the Emperor was engaged in Gujarat and Mdiwa. To curb his proceedings, the Emperor marched against him on the 14th Safar, 942 h. (12th August, 1535). When he pitched his tents before the fort of Chundr,® Eumi Ehdn, who had quitted the service of Sultan Baliddur,^ and had been received into that of the Emperor, undertook the reduc- tion of the fortress. He received full authority to do whatever he deemed necessary for the capture of the place, and every

I According to Abd-I Fazl he went to Sind, but was stopped and turned aside by Shhh Husain, son of Shhh Beg Arghdn. He then went and invested Lahore during ' k&tnrtn’s absence, but fled as soon as Khmr&n returned, and haviujg no other resource he went back again to Gujar&t.

• Which was under the command of £utb Kh&n, son of Sher Shkh.

^ After the defeat of Sult&n Bah&dur at Mandd.— vol. i., p. 183.

assistance was to be given to him, BAmi Kb&n recpnnoitf^if^d the fortress, and found that every part of the place which abutted on the land was exceedingly strong and quite impregnable. He therefore turned his attention to the river, and prepared a large vessel on which he began to build a scaffold,^ When the structure was finished, he found that the vessel would not carry it, so he had two other vessels lashed one on each side of it. Still they were insufiSclent to convey the scaffold. The help of another vessel was obtained, and the scaffold being now movable, it was brought close up to the fort, and the place was captured.^ When the officers of the garrison saw that the place was no longer tenable, they made their escape at night in boats. Bumi Eh&n received many rewards.^ The gunners of the fort were maimed by His Majesty’s orders.^ At this time, Sher Khan Afgh&n was carrying on war against the ruler of Beng&l,® who fled w^ounded before him, and sought refuge with the Emperor Huindydn. The Emperor then marched against Bengal. Sher Kh&n then sent his sons^ Jaldl Kh&n and Ehaw&s Kh&n to secure Garhi, which was situated on the road to Bengal. This Garhi is a strong place.*^ On one side of it there is a high mountain and a large jungle quite insurmountable, and the river Ganges runs near to the other side. The place stands between Bihdr and

^ Jjlib*. Abfi-1 Fazl calls the structure a 8dbdt.’--Akbar-ndmaf vol, i.,

3 He was appointed governor of the forti'ess, but died a few days afterwards, poisoned, as Abe*l Fazl says, out of envy at his promotion. Beg Mlrak succeeded him as goveibor of Chun&r. — Akbar-ndma, vol. i., p. 181.

^ Abdl Fazl says that 2000 men surrendered and received quarter from Hum&ydn, but that Muyid Beg, one of his attendants, caused their hands to be cut off, averring that it was by the Emperor^s order, although he had really directed kind treatment. Our MSS. have the words ba^hukm, ** by order,' but perhaps, as Erskine suggests, it should be be^huhn^ without the order, — Akbar^ndma^ vol. i., p. 183.

^ Saiyid MahmCid Shkh. Abd-1 Fazl calls him Naslb Shkh, but he was dead.r^ See Vol. IV., p. 365.

• So in the original, but Ehawks Khkn was not Sher Ehkn*s son.

’ “The gate of Bengkl.** — Akbaintdma^ It is the Teria -garhi or Tiliagulloy ^of the maps.

Beng&l ^ The Emperor sent Jahdngfr Beg Mughal against Garhi.

Hind&l Mirza accompanied the Emperor to Mungir, and after- Vards he was sent towards Agra, against Muhammad Sult&n Mirzd, Ulugh Mirzd, and Sh4h Mirzd, who had fled from His Majesty, and were creating disturbances in the country. Muhammad Zam&n Mirz&, when he found that he met with no success in Gujar&t, sent ambassadors to the Emperor at j^Lgra, suing for pardon.^

When Jah&ngir Beg arrived at Garhi, Jal&l Kh&n,® son of Sher Kh&n, and Khaw&s Khdn marched forth and defeated Jahdngir Bog as he was descending (the defiles). Jahdngir Beg was wounded, and returned to join the Emperor, who marched in person to the gates of Garhi. Unable to make further re- sistance, Jal&l Kh&n and Khaw&s Eh&n fled. The Emperor then left Garhi, and continued his march into Bengal. Sher ICh&n was unable to resist him, so he went off by way of Jharkand^ to Rohtds. The Emperor remained three months in Beng&l,^ and changed the name of the city of Gaur to Jannatabdd.

In the year 943 (1536 A.D.), Mirza Hind&l, finding oppor- tunity at Xgra,® was induced by turbulent advisers to set himself up in opposition to the Emperor.® He killed Shaikh

^ This outbreak, according to Abd-l Fazl, occurred before the march to Chun&r, and Muhammad Zamhn joined the Emperor while on his march thither. — Ahbar~ iidnitty voh i., p. 176.

• All three MSS. had “ Jalhl Khhn,” hut in two of them “Kutb Khhn** has been substituted. See Vol. lY., p. 367.

» The Akbar-ndma calls it “ Chahhrkand.” It was at this time that Sher Khftn got possession of Roht&s (see supra, Vol. IV., p. 361). According to Abd-1 Eazl, “ B&j6, Chiiit&man brahman was master {Jidkim) of the fortress.*’ Ho accredits the doU story, and says that 600 dolia went in with two men in each.-^uIAd^r-ndma, vol, i., p, 186.

^ The Ahhar^ndma (vol. i., p. 186) says Hum&ydn liked the clinnate of Bengal, and rested there in pleasure and dusipation, regardless of his army.

According to the AJebar^ndma (vol. i., p. 186), he had gone there without leave.

His supporters said, If you will cause the khutha to bo jead in your name, we . will feithftdly servo and support yon ; if not, we will go to Mirzh Khmrto, where we ' have our wishes gratified,”— vol. i., p. 187.

one of the great Shaikhs of the tirne^ and learned in' theology, to whom the Emperor was much attached. He was executed upon the pretence of his being in league with the Afgh&ns, but in reality it was brought about by the leaders of the revolt in order to widen the breach between Mirz& Hind&l and the Emperor. The khutba was now read^in the name of Hindal. When the Emperor heard of this defection, he left Jahdngir Beg in charge of Bengal, with a reinforcement of 5000 chosen men, and set off for Agra.

At this time Muhammad Zam&n Mirzd, son of Badi’u-z Zaman Mirza, returned from Gujarat with great contrition, and waited upon the Emperor, who forgave him, and did not utter a word of reproach. Long marches and the unwholesome climate of Beng&l destroyed the horses of the soldiers, and the Emperor’s army amved quite destitute of provisions at Ohaunsd. The amira who had been left in Jaunpur and Chundr came to wait upon the Emperor, Slier Khdn, having got intelligence of the distress of the army, came and placed himself in front of the Emperor, and the armies remained confronting each other three months.

When Mirzd Kamrdn returned to Lahore from Kandahdr, and heard of the rebellion of Mirzd Hinddl, of the difficulties of the Emperor, and of the growing strength of Sher Khdn, he formed the design of securing Agra. Mirza Hinddl proceeded to Dehli, and there Fakhr ’Ali and Mirza Yadgdr Nasir^ shut themselves up in the fortress, and in spite of all his efforts, Hind&l was unable to take the city. So when Mirzd Kamrdn came near to Dehli, Mirzd Hinddl felt himself constrained to join him.^

^ Abti-1 Fazl calls him << Shaikh PhtSl/* and says he had been sent by Hum&ydn express from Beng&l to use his influence in inducing Hindtl to desist from his rebel- lious designs. — Ahbar^ndma^ toI. i., p. 188.

2 On hearing of Hindal's proceedings, Mirzh Y&dg&r Ktsir had left Ehlpi and hastened by way of Gwalior to Debit, and prepared the city for a siege. — Alcbar^ tidma^ Yol. i., p. 189.

3 The Akbar-ndma*(jol, i., p. 190) states, what is more likely, that on H&mr&a^s reaching Sonpat, Hind&l hastened back to Agra, from whence, on K&mr&n's ap- . proach, he retired to Alwar.

Fakhr came out on the top of the fortress, and seeing Mirz& K&mr&n, he told him that Mirz& Y&dgfir Ndsir would not surrender Dehli, so the best thing he could do would be to go on to Agra, and if he obtained possession of that city, Dehli would be given up to him. Mirzd K&mrdn consequently marched on towards Agra, and when he approached that city, Mivzi Hind&l separated from him, and went away in the direction of Alwar.

The news of Mirzd HinddFs rebellion, and of the arrival of Mirzd Kdmrdn at Dehli, was brought to the Emperor at Ghaunsd, and greatly increased his distress. Sher Khan now sent to the Emperor a darwesh named Shaikh Jalil, whom he called his murshid^ to propose terms of peace. He offered to give up all the territory except Bengdl, to swear upon the Holy Book that he would live in peace, and that the coin should be struck and the khutba read in the name of the Emperor. These proposals were received with the greatest satisfaction. But next morning Sher Khdn fell upon the royal army un- awares, and put it to the rout before it could be drawn up in array.^ Prior to the attack, the Afghins had taken possession of the bridge and had broken it. They also came out on the river in boats, and despatched with their spears every man of the royal army whom they .found endeavouring to escape by water. Muhammad Zam&n Mirzd was drowned. His Majesty rode his horse into the water, and nearly perished ; but he was helped over the river by a water-carrier, and went off towards Agra.

Mirzd K&mran had ere this arrived at Agra. Mirz& Hindal was at Alwar in security. After the Emperor had crossed the river, he hastened on, accompanied by only a few horsemen,* of whom the author’s father was one, and arrived at Agra. Mirz& ,,

^ As Ham&y6n was mouniing, he ordered B&b& Jal&ir and Tardi Beg Kuch Beg to look to the safety of the Empress H&ji Begam. They died fighting at the door .of her tent. Mir Pahlawfin Badakhshi and a number of others fell in the viua atjfimpt to' eave her, and she fell a prisoner into the hands of the Afgh(lmB.---vd^^ai;-iid;^^ yol. L, p. 193. See Vol, IV. of this work, p. 376.

' ^ Mirzfi 'Askari also was with him.— vol. i., p. 194.

£&inr&n had received no intelligence before the Emperor arrived* The latter repaired at once to the pavilion of* his brother, and on seeing each other, the eyes of the brothers filled with tears, Hind&l Mirz& received forgiveness for his offences, and then came and waited upon the Emperor. Muhammad Sult&n Mirz& and his sons, who had for a long time been engaged in rebellion, also came in and joined them. Consultations were held. Mirza E&mr&n was desirous of returning to Lahore, and showed unbounded expectations. The Emperor assented to all his ex- traordinary propositions. Khw&ja Kalan Beg exerted himself , to bring about the return of Mirza K&nir&n. The negociations went on for six months. Meanwhile Mirzd X&mrdn had been attacked with severe sickness, and some designing persons had instilled into his mind the belief that his illness was the result of poison administered to him by the Emperor^s directions. So, ill as he was, he started for Lahore, having sent on Khwaja Kaldn Beg in advance. He had promised to leave a cofisiderable por- tion of his army to assist his brother at ^gra ; but in spite of this promise he carried all off with him, excepting only 2000 men whom he left at Xgra under the command of Sikandar. Mirzd Haidar Doghlat Kashmiri,^ who had accompanied Kdm- rdn, remained with His Majesty, and was received into favour. Xdmrdn also took away with him many of the soldiers of ^gra.

Sher Xh&n, emboldened by the dissensions between the brothers, advanced along the banks of the Ganges, and sent a detachment over the river against K&lpi and Etdwah. Xdsim Husain Sultdn iTzbek, along with Y&dg&r Ndsir Mirzd and Sikandar Sultan, fought against the Afghans in the neighbourhood of Kdlpl. They killed a son of Sher Khdn who was in command, and a grfeat many men df his army, and they sent his head as an offering to .^gra. The Emperor then marched against Sher Kh&n to the banks of the Ganges, and passed over the river ^t Kanauj. For one month he remained encamped in sight of the‘

^ Mirz& Haidar was averted, by the Emperor’s remonstrances, from going away with Khmr&n.— vol. i,, p. 197. See p.:X30.

enemy. •His army numbered 100,000 horsemen, while that of the Afgh&ns did Hbt exceed 50,000. At this conjuncture, Muhammad Sult&n Mirzd and his sons again exhibited their perfidy, and without reason fled from the royal army. The detachment which Mirz& K&mr&n had left as a reinforcement also went off to Lahore. So disaffection having become the fashion, many of the troops went off and scattered over various parts of Hindust&n. The rainy season came on, and the place where the array was encamped being flooded with water, it was determined to move to higher ground. While this was being done Slier Kh&n came forth to fight. The battle was fought on the 10th Muharram of this year [947 h., 17th May, 1640 A.D.]. Many of the soldiers, being dispirited, fled without fighting. A few only of the bravest went into the fight, and the day being lost, the whole army fled. Hum&yun became separated from his horse in the Ganges, and was helped out of the water by Shamsu-d din Muhammad Ghaznivi, who after- wards, in the reign of Akbar, received the title of Kh&n-i a'^zam. When Sher Khan heard of his escape, he was sorry, and ex- claimed, I was in hopes he had perished, but he has got off.” ^ The Emperor fled to Agra; and when the enemy approached that city, he made no delay, but wont to Lahore. At the beginning of Habru-l awwal all the Ohaghatai Sult&ns and amirs were assembled in Lahore; but MirzA Muhammad Sultan and his sons, who had come to Lahore, fled from thence to Mult&n. Mirz& Hiiidal and Mirz& Yadgar NAsir found it ex- pedient to go towards Bakar and Tatta,® and MirzA KamrAn determined to go to KAbul as soon as the party was broken up.

It was abundantly manifest to the Emp^or that there was no possibility of bringing his brothers and his amirs to any common agreement, and he was very despondent, MirzA Haidar Beg, after much consultation, ^ had been sent off with a party who

1 See suprd, pp. 132 and 143. * One copy liaa « Nagarkot.**

’ Hia advice was that the princes should occupy and fortify the hills between Sirhind and Shrang, while he subdued Kashmir, which he felt certain of effecting in the course of two months.— vol. 1., p. 205.

had volunteered for service in Kashmir, and Khw&ja Kal&n Brig was ordered to follow him. When the Mirzi had reached Nau- shahr, and Kal&n Beg had got as far as Si&lkot, intelligence reached the Emperor that Sher Kh&n had crossed the river [Biy&h] at Sult&npur, and was only a few hos distant. His Majesty then passed over the river of Lahore. Mirza K&mr&n,^ after proving faithless to the oaths and compacts which he had made to help in whatever was decided upon, now thought it expedient to retire with the Emperor to Bahra. When Khw&ja Kal&n Beg heard (of this retreat), he marched rapidly from Si&lkot, and joined the camp of Hum&yun. When Mirz& Haidar reached Kashmir, he found the people fighting against each other, A party of them came and waited upon him, and through them Kashmir fell into his hands, without striking a stroke. On the 22nd Rajah he became sovereign of Kashmir, in the city of Nau-shahr, as is related in the Tahakdt-i Kashmir.

At Bahra, Mirz& K&mr&n and Mirz& ’’Askari parted from Hura&yun, and went off, accompanied by Khw&ja Kal&n Beg, to K&bul. Mirz& Hind&l and Mirz& Yadg&r Nasir still remained with him, but after a few stages they disagreed. For twenty days they absented themselves, but falling into difficulties, on the advice of Mir Abu-1 Bak&, they once more came back and made their submission. On the banks of the river Sind a famine arose in the camp, and boats to cross the river were not pro- curable. Bakhshui Lang&h then brought in several boats laden with com, and was very favourably received. The army then crossed the river, and went onwards to Bakhar, but made a halt at the town of Luhari (Lohri). Mirz& ^Askari then crossed the Sind, and went to tl^e town of P&tar, because the wants of an army were easily supplied there. From Luhri, which is near Bakhar,^ to Patar, the distance is fifty kos. Mir T&hir Sadr was sent as ambassador to Sh&h Husain Argh&n, ruler of Tatta ;

^ Abti-l Fazl asserts that he sent an envoy to Sher Kh&n, offering to support him, on condition of being confirmed in the government of the Fanjfib. — Akbar^ndma^ vol. i., p. 205.

Lohrf or Kori is on the .east bank of the Indus opposite to Bakhar

and Samandar Beg, one of the courtiers, of the Emperor, was sent with him in chalrge of a horse and a robe. The gist of the message which they conveyed was, that the Emperor had been compelled to come to Tatta, and his object was to attempt the recovery of Gujarat. The Sh&h was invited to come and wait upon the Emperor, and consult with him about the conquest of Oujar&t. Sh&h Husain Arghun temporized for six months by sending complimentary messages, and said that there could be no good in staying near Bakhar, but if the camp were nearer Tatta it would be more convenient, for five or six months might be lost while they Vera negociating. If the Emperor would come nearer, whatever seemed advisable should be done.^ Grain becoming scarce in Bakhar, the Emperor marched off to Pdtar, where Mirza Hinddl was staying, for he had heard that Mirzd Hinddl intended to go to Eandahdr. It was on one occasion in this year, while the Emperor was staying in the camp of Mirza Hinddl, that he married Maryam-i Makdni Hamfda Bdnu Begam, the mother of the Emperor Akbar, and spent several days of happiness and pleasure in the camp of Hinddl. The Emperor now forbad him to go to Kandahdr, and directed him to return to Luhari.

Kardcha Khdn, who was governor of Kandahdr, wrote letters to Mirzd Hinddl, inviting him to Kandahdr, and the Mirzd started off and went thither. When Hunidyun was informed of it, he was much troubled by the want of union among his brothers. Mirzd Yddgdr Ndsir had pitched his camp about two miles below the royal camp, and the river ran between the two camps. He also now expressed his intention of going to Kan- dahdr. On the Emperor being informed of this, he sent Mir Abd-1 Baku Hu reassure the Mirzd, and to forbid his going to Kandahdr.® As he was crossing the river on his return, a party

^ Sh&h Husain proposed that Humhydn should take possession of the country of Chhchk&n, between Tatta and the Ran, as a means of furthering his views on Gujarht, In this he promised to support him.— i.,p, 210. SeeVol. I.«{<^rd,p. 816.

^ An agreement was made with the M irz& that he was to have one-third of Hinddst&n when it Was recovered, as also Ghazni, Charkh, and Lohgar, which Bhbar had g^ven to the Mirz&'s mother.— vol. i., p. 212.

came out of the fort of Bakhar^ and assailed his boat witli a shower of arrows. One of them pierced the Mir, and he died. The Emperor showed great sorrow for his loss. The date of his death, 948 h., is found in the words Surjur-i kdindt.

After this Mirz& Tadg&r N&sir crossed the river, and paid a visit to the royal camp. After much consultation it was resolved that the Mirzd should be left at Bakhar, and that His Majesty should march on to effect the conquest of Tatta. But the Mirzd did not show any signs of concord and friendliness. When the Emperor marched for Tatta, ^ a large body of soldiers parted from him and stayed at Bakhar. Mirzd Ylldg&r Nasir remained at Bakhar, and increased his forces, because during that year no* heavenly or terrestrial evil had befallen the agriculture of Bakhar. His Majesty now proceeded by means of boats to th^ fort of Sihwan.® A party of soldiers on board of the boats, aisf they camo near to the fort, landed and attacked a body of men who had come out of the fort, and drove them in again. ’ .

The victors returned, and represented that the reduction of the fortress was an easy matter, so His Majesty crossed over the river, and invested the place.^ But before his arrival, a party of Shdh Husain's officers had entered it, and had done their best to increase its strength. When Shdh Husain heard that it had been invested, he proceeded by boats to the vicinity of the Emperor’s camp, and employed himself in cutting oft* the supply of grain. Great scarcity followed, and many men lived (entirely) upon the flesh of animals. The siege went on for nearly seven months, and the place was not captured, so a messenger was sent to Mirz4 Yadgar Ndsir at Bakhar, to tell him that the fall of the fort depended upon his approach ; for if the besiegers marched to attack Sh&h Husain, the garrison would bo free to gather in provisions, and so protract the defence.

1 On the 1st Jum&da-l &khir. — Akbar-ndma, vol. i., p. 218.

2 Two MSS. omit the negative, and so are in accord with Erskine (vol. ii., p. 220) ; but it seems to bo required by the sense and the previous “ because ” (ehi).

• He reached Sihw&n on the 17th Rajab. — Akbar^ndma, vol. i., p. 213.

Want of salt and scarcitj of grain would prevent the royal forces remaining* under the fort much longer; but if Mirz& Y&dgdr would attack Sh&h Husain, the latter would be unable to main- tain his position. MirzA Y&dgdr sent a portion of his force, but no advantage was gained through this reinforcement. 'Again a messenger was sent to call Mirzi Y&dg&r, and ^Abdu-1 Ghafur, who was Mir4 m&l of the Emperor, received the commission. 'Abdu-1 Ghafur went to Mirz& Y4dg&r, and spoke about the perilous condition of the royal army, but the Mirz& and his officers deemed it advisable to remain where they were, and efiect the conquest of^Bakhar.

Sh&h Husain had sent representatives to Mirzd Y&dg&r IT&sir, and had drawn near to his camp. He promised that he would ^knowledge tlfe supremacy of the Mirz&, give him his daughter in marriage, and read the khutla in his name.^ Delighted with ^ these offers, the Mirzd was hoodwinked by Sh&h Husain, and so pl^aced himself in hostility to the Emperor. Having thus Secured himself against Mirz& Y4dg&r, and being aware of the distress and weakness of the army of Hum&yun, Sh&h Husain advanced closer to the royal camp, and captured the vessels (which were conveying provisions) for the army. Unable to continue the siege of Sihwdn, the Emperor was compelled to retreat towards Bakhar.® When he approached near to Mirzd Yfidg&i' Nasir, he sent to him for boats in which to cross the river, and the Mirzd, who was in league with the people of Tatta, sent to them, desiring them to come at night and cany off the boats. Next morning he artfully reported that the enemy had carried off the boats. The Emperor remained in- active some days for want of boats. At length, two zamlnddrs of Bakhar waited upon him, and (under their guidance) some boats which had been sunk were raised. Hum&yun then crossed

1 He represented that he was old and had no son, that he would give him his daughter, leave him his treasures, recognize him as successor, and help him to con- q^uer Giyar&t. — Akbar^ndma^ vol. i., p. 214,

® He commenoed his retreat on the 17th Zi-1 ka’da.— p. 21d.

the river. When Mirzd Y&dg&r N&sir learnt of the pai^iiage over, being greatly alarmed and ashamed, he, without waiting upon the Emperor, marched off hastily against Sh&h Husain ; and the latter being quite unprepared, the Mirz& fell upon a large force from Tatta which had disembarked, and killed and made many prisoners, and then returned. After this action, Shih. Husain returned to Tatta, and Mirzd Y&dg&r N&sir, repentant and ashamed, waited upon the Emperor and presented the heads of his enemies. Once more Hum&yun forgave him, and spoke not a word of all that had passed.

Sh&h Husain now wrote letters to Mirz& Y&dg&r N&sir, and again drew him over to his side. The Sh&h requested him to secure for him the two zaminddrs who had obtained the boats for the Emperor. These men, being informed ef the demand, repaired to the camp of Humayun. Mirz& Y&dg&r sent a messenger to Hum&yun, representing that he had some revenue matters relating to his jdgir of Bakhar to settle with these two zaminddrs^ and requested that they might be sent to him. The Emperor ordered that several persons should accompany the men, and bring them back again when the business was con- cluded. The instant Mirz& Y&dg&r N&sir saw them, he took them forcibly from the Emperor’s men, and sent them to Sh&h Husain. Thus he once more exhibited his animosity to the Emperor, and never again sought a reconciliation.

The men of Humayun’s army, being in great distress, began to desert by ones and twos to Mirz& Y&dgar N&sir. Mun’im Khan^ also, and his brother, had thoughts of running away. This intention was communicated to Hum&yun, and he ordered them into confinement. Mirz& Y&dg&r N&sir, in the depths of flis infamy, now prepared to turn his arms against Hum&y&n, and the latter, being informed of his movements, made ready for fighting. H&shim Beg, a person high in Mirz& Y&dg&r’s confidence, when he heard of his proceedings, restrained him, and nolens volens made him return. It now became evident 1 He who became Khdn-kMndn in the reign of Akbar.

to Hum&y6n, that if he tarried longer his men would all desert to Mirzd Y&dg&r Nisir, and that the worst might be expected from the Mirz&’s baseness. In this extremity, he resolved upon marching to Mdl Deo, one of the faithful zaminddrs of Hindds- t&n, who at that time surpassed all the zaminddrs of Hinddst&n in power and in the number of his forces. This Mdl Deo had sent letters to Bakhar, declaring his loyalty, and offering assistance in effecting the subjugation of Hindustan. •

Hum&ydn accordingly marched ^ towards Mai Deo's country by way of Jesalmir. The ruler of Jesalmlr® shamefully took an unmanly course. He sent a force to attack the small party of the Emperor on the march, but it was defeated and driven back with loss. Hum&yun had a great many men wounded. He marched with all possible speed till he reached the country of Mdl Deo. Then he sent on [Shamsu-d din Muhammad] Atkd Eh&n to Mdl Deo at Joudhpur, while he himself halted for a few days.

\T?roceeding% of Mirzds Hinddl^ Kdmrdn^ and ^Askari at Kandahar^ Ohazni^ and KdbulJ]^

Hum&yun remained on the borders of M&l Dec’s territories awaiting the return of Atkd Eh&n. When Mdl Deo was in- formed of the Emperor’s weakness, he was much alarmed, for he knew that he had not sufficient forces of his own to withstand Sher Ehdn. For Sher Eh&n had sent an ambassador to M&l t>eo, holding out great expectations ; and the latter, in the ex- treme of perfidy, had promised to make Humdyfin a prisoner if possible, and to give him over into the hands of his enemy. N&gor, and "its dependencies, had fellen into the power of Sher Eh&n, and consequently he was afraid lest Sher Kh&n should

^ He started on the 2l8t Muharram, 949, for Uch. Removing from thence on the 18th Rabi’u-l awwal, he proceeded bf DSwarhwal and W^silpur to a place twelve kos from Bikanlr, at which place he arrived on the 17th Rabi'u-1 6hhir. Thence he proceeded to Fahlddi, thirty from Jondhpur, and afterwards made three more forward marches to the tank of Jdki. — vol. i., p. 219.

According to Abd-1 Fazl his name was <<Rai Lon Karan.”— p. 219.

\7hat was passing through the mind of Deo^ and went off without any formal dismissal.

One of the Emperor’s librarians, who at the time of his defeat had fled to Mil Deo, now wrote to the Emperor, in* forming him that M&l Deo was bent upon treachery, and advising him to get out of his territory as quickly as possible. Atka Kh&n also spoke in the strongest terms upon the matter. So Hum&yun marched off at once to Amarkot. Two Hindds, who had come to act as spies upon him, fell into his hands, and were brought to his presence. They were questioned, and an order was given that one of them should suffer the punish- ment of death, with the object of arriving at the exact &cts of the matter. The two prisoners broke loose, and snatching a knife and a dagger from two bystanders, they despatched seventeen living creatures, men, women, and horses, before they were overpowered and slain. The Emperor’s own horse was among the animals killed. As he had no other horse to ride, his equerries sought to obtain some horses and camels from Tardi Beg, but he disgraced himself by giving a refusal. Then the Emperor mounted a camel. Nadim Koka was walking on foot, while his mother was riding his horse ; ^ but when he saw the Emperor seated on the camel, he made his mother dismount, presented the horse to the Emperor, and made her ride on the camel which he had used.

The road lay through a loose sand, and water was not pro- curable, The ari^y toiled on with great difficulty, and every moment the news came of the approach of Mai Deo. The Emperor ordered Mun’im Eh&n, with a detachment, to march cautiously and slowly in the rear, and If the enemy ap- proached, to give him battle. When night came on, that detaciiment lost the way, and at daybreak the enemy’s

id^.^d send a. large ari^^ his territory, io'/fceep'. the Emperor.^ Jn,. ignotso^, tiiie envoy Atki Khin, and did not ;give him mission to return.^ But Atkd Kh&n contrived, to ascertain /

pafty; ^ They pro(5eeded against the feb^myi wha was emei'ging from a harrow defile. Shaikh 'AU killW the cohihihnder of the enemy with his first arrow, and every arrow that his little band discharged wounded some prominent man of the enemy’s army. Unable to endure this, the enemy turned, and his great army fled before such an insignificant troop. Many were killed in their flight, and many camels fell into the hands of the victors. When the intelligence of the victory reached the Emperor, he hastened to publicly express his thanks.

The army encamped by a well which contained a little water, and the party which had lost its way during the night now came in, which was another cause of rejoicing. Next da|^ the march was resumed, and for three days no water was found. On the fourth they reached a well: a drum was beaten when the bucket reached the surface of the earth, to give the bullock-driver notice to stop ; ^ for the well was so deep that a call would not reach him.

• In the intensity of their thirst, some men could not restrain themselves. Four or five threw themselves upon the bucket, the rope broke, and the bucket fell back into the well. Over- come with sufiering, they uttered cries and lamentations, and some cast themselves intentionally into the well. In this way many perished through thirst. Next day the march was re- sumed, and at the hottest time they reached a river {db)J The horses and camels had hot tasted water for several days, and now they drank so much that many of them died. •

At length, with extreme toil, they reached Amarkot, which is 100 koB distant from Tatta. The rdnd, that is to say the ruler {hdkim) of Amarkot,^ was kindly disposed, and came out to meet

1 The bucket ym drawn up by a bullock by means of a rope passing oyer a wheel at the top of the well, and the ro^e was so long that a drum was required to make the bullock-driver hear.

Bans Farskd by name.*’— uiAi&ar-ndfner, yoI. i., p, 220.

the iEmperor, £^d offered his services. The army rested from their hardships some days in the city, and whatsoever the’ Emperor had in his treasury he distributed among his soldiers. He had arrived here with no great force, so he levied a sum of money from Tardi Beg and others as a benevolence, and graciously presented the rand and his sons with gold and girdles and daggers. Shah Husain Arghun had slain the father of the rdnd, and so the rand now collected a consider- able number of men from his territories, and went with the Emperor in th© direction of Bakhar. The Emperor'^s family, with their paraphernalia, under his orders remained at Amarkot. Khw&ja Mu’azzam, brother of Maryam Makani, wafe left in charge of them.

Fortune now for a time changed its treatment of the Emperor, by giving him S son, and impressing an imperishable mark upon the page of time.^ The child was born on the 6th Bajab, 949 (15th October, 1542). Tardi Beg Khdn conveyed this intelli- gence to the Emperor in the neighbourhood of Amarkot, and the Emperor under spiritual guidance, as will be narrated in the proper place, gave to the child the name of Jalalu-d din Muhammad Akbar.^

He then continued his march towards Bakhar, but he wrote very urgent letters as to the safety of the young prince. Upon reaching the pargana of Jun, he halted there for a while. He sent for his family and the suite of the prince, and then his eyes were gladdened by the sight of his son. The force which had been collected from the parts around dispersed while he remained at Jdn ; and* his brave and intrepid officer. Shaikh ’Ali, fell in an action with the troops of Shah Husain Arghdn, in one of the parganas of Tatta. His soldiers began to desert one by one from his camp. Mun’im Khan even went off. His Majesty, seeing that it was not advisable to remain longer in this country, determined upon going to Kandahdr. At this time he was joined

^ He is already styled by antioipation His Majesty the Emperor, King of Kings.’*