9. Volume 5 — part 9

The draft of this document was in the handwriting of Shaikh Mubdrak. The others had signed it against their will. But the Shaikh of his own accord added at the bottom that he had most* willingly signed his name, for it was a matter which for several years he had been anxiously looking forward to.

^ [This is a somewhat difficult passage. My rendering differs materially Bn)m Mr. Blochniann’s ; but though 1 have yentured to disagree with him, 1 have so much respect for his authority, that I subjoin his version. The object of the document was to settle the superiority of the Imdm^i 'ddil (just leader) over the Mufiahidy which was proved by a reference to an ill-supported authority. The whole matter is. a tiou', regarding which people differ in opinion ; but the document was to do away the . possibility of disagreeing about laws, whether political or religious, and was to bind the lawyers in spite of themselves.”]

After His Majesty had obtained this legal opinion, the road of deciding religions questions was opened, the superiority of the judgment of the Imdm was established, and opposition was rendered impossible. The legal distinction between lawful and unlawful was set aside, the judgment of fhe Lndm became para- mount over the dogmas of the law, and Islam was called Taklid (counterfeit). * * * His Majesty had now determined publicly to use the formula, ‘‘ There is no Qoii but God, and Akbar is God's •representative.” But as he found that the extravagance of this led to commotions, he restricted the use of it to a few people in the haremJ]

[Text, vol. ii. p. 288.] [In this year (989 h.), in order to verify the circumstances of the case (of the man who heard without ears ^), an order was issued that several suckling infants should be kept in a secluded place far from habitations, where they should not hear a word spoken. Well-disciplined nurses were to be placed over them, who were to refrain from giving them any instruction in speaking, so as to test the accuracy of the tradition which says, ‘‘ Every one that is born is born with an inclination to religion,” by ascertaining what religion and sect these infants would incline to, and above all what creed they would repeat. To carry out this order, about twenty sucklings were taken from their mothers for a consideration in money, and were placed in an empty house, which got the name of Dumb- house. After three or four years the children all came out dumb, excepting some who died there — thus justifying the name which had been given to the house.]

Friendship of the A.uthor of the TahaltdUi Akbarl.

, [Texty vol. ii. p. 296.] [One day when near Kfi^bul, the Emperor directed the Sadr-i Jahdn to make out and present ’ to Mm a list of the pensioners {ahl-i sa'ddat) who were present

with the army, and another of those who were absent, j^hen my (the author’s) name came up, the late Khw&ja Nizamu-d din Ahmad, the author of the Tdrikh-i Nhdmi^ with whom I had become acquainted about a year before that time, but who was as friendly as if I had*known him a hundred years, in the great kindness and consideration which he showed to all his friends, and to me in particular, caused me to be put down and returned as sick.]

[Text, vol. ii. p. 301.] [His Majesty was now (990 h.) firmly convinced that a period of 1000 years from the mission of the Prophet was the extent of the duration of the religion of Isl&m, and that period was now accomplished. No obstacle remained to promulgating the designs which he secretly held. He was now free from the respect and reverence due to the shaikhs and \ilamd^ and from the deference owing to their authority. To his entire satisfaction, he was able to carry out his project of overturning the dogmas’ and principles of Isldm, to set up his novel, absurd, and dangerous regulations, and to give current to his own vicious belief.

The first order which he issued was, that the ‘‘Era of the Thousand” should bo used upon the coins, and that a Tdrikh-i Alfiy or history of the thousand years, from the rihlai^ or death of the Prophet, should be written. Other extraordinary innova- tions were devised as political expedients, and such strange orders were given that men’s minds got quite perplexed. * * * Wine was" allowed, if required, for strengthening the body, and if prescribed by doctors; but that no strife and disturbance might arise, severe punishments were prescribed for drunkenness, carousals, and rows. For the sake of proper surveillance, His Majesty established a wine-shop near the palace, and put the wife of the porter in charge of it, because she belonged to the wine-selling class. The price of wine was fixed by regulations,

{tnd £giy sick person could obtdiin wine on" having his own name and that of his father and grandfather written down by the clerk 9f the shop. Of course, people got fictitious names put down, and obtained supplies of wine. It was, in fact, nothing else but a licensed shop for drunkards. Some people even said that pork was used in the manufacture of the wine (but God knows!). Notwithstanding all restrictions, much mischief and trouble arose, and though many people were punished every day, there •was no sufficient check. So (the result verified) the saying,

The next matter was that the prostitutes of the realm, who had collected at the capital, and could scarcely be counted, so large was their number, had a separate quarter assigned to them outside the town, which was called Sliait&npura or Devilsville. A keeper, a deputy {ddvogha\ and a clerk also were appointed over it, to write down the names of those who resorted to prosti- tutes, or who took them to their houses. People might indulge in such connexions, provided the toll-collectors were cognizant \ but without permission no one was allowed to take dancing-girls to his house. If any well-known courtier wanted to have a virgin, the ddrogha made a statement of the fact, and got per- mission from the Court. * * Drunkenness and folly led to blood- shed, and though some persons were brought to punishment, others walked about proudly and insolently parading their delinquencies. His Majesty called some of the principal prosti- tutes before him in private, and asked them who had deprived them of their virginity. After getting the names, some of the most renowned and trusty grandees were punished and con- demned, and many of them were kept for a long time in confinement.

Another matter was the interdiction of beef, and the declara- tion of its being defiling. The reason of this was, that from his youth His Majesty had associated with Hindd libertines, ahd had thus got implanted in his heart a reverence for the cow, which, in their opinion, is a cause of the preservation of the

world. The daughteiis of the great E&j&s of Hind^ of jirhom he had several in his harem^ obtained such an ascendancy over him as to make him abstain from eating beef, garlic, or onions, and from associating with men who wore beards and such like persons.]

Declaration of Adherence to the Divine Faith}

[Text, vol. ii. p. 304.] [Ten or twelve years after the com- mencement of these changes, matters came to such a pitch that"' wretches like Mirzd Jani, chief , of Tatta, and other apostates, wrote their declarations to the following effect : I, so and so, son of so and so, have willingly and cheerfully renounced the false and pretended religion of Islam, which I have received from my ancestors, and have joined the Divine Faith {Dln~i Dahl) of Shdh Akbar, and have assented to its fourfold rule of sincerity — (the readiness to) sacrifice wealth and life, honour and religion.” These writings — there could bo no more effectual letters of damnation — were handed in to the Mujtahid of the new creed (AbdJ Fazl).

[p. 326.] His Majesty gave his religious system the name of Tauhld-i Ddhi^ Divine Monotheism.]

[Text, vol. ii. p. 311.] [Makhdumu-1 Mulk died at Ahmad- ab&d, and in the year 990 Kdzi ^AU was sent from Fathpur to ascertain what property he had left. When he came to Lahore, he found such vast treasures as defied the key of conjecture to open their lock. Several chests of ingots^ of gold were dis- covered in his sepulchre, where he had caused them to be buried as corpses. And the wealth which lay open to the eyes of the world was such that none but the Creator could ascertain it. All these bricks of gold, together with his books, which he looked

Tipon^as brickst, wero placed in the public treasury. His sons several times underwent torture, and fell into abject poverty.]

TramhUon of the Mahd-hhdraL [Text, vol. ii. p. 320.] In the year 990 His Majesty as- sembled some learned Hindus, and gave them directions to write an explanation of the Mahd-bhdrat, and for several nights he himself devoted his attention to explain the meaning to Nakib •Kh&n, BO that the Eh&n might sketch out the gist of it in Persian. On a third night, the King sent for me, and desired me to translate the Mahd^hhdrat^ in conjunction with Nakib Kh&n. The consequence was that in three or four months I translated two out of the eighteen sections, at the puerile absur- ^dities of which the eighteen thousand creations may well bo amazed. Such injunctions as one never heard of — what not to eat, and a prohibition against turnips 1 But such is my fate, to be employed on such works. Nevertheless, I console myself with the reflection, that what is predestined must come to pass !

After this, Mull& Shi and Nakib Kh&n together accomplished portion, and another was completed by Sult&n H&ji Th&nesari by himself. Shaikh Faizi was then directed to convert the rough translation into elegant prose and verse, but he did not complete more than two sections. The H&ji aforesaid again wrote it,i correcting the errors which had appeared in his first translation, and settling the conjectures which he had hazarded. He had revised a hundred sheets, and, nothing being omitted, he was about to give the finishing touch, when the order was received for his dismissal, and he was sent to Dakar. Ho now resides in his own city (Th&nesar), Most of the scholars who were em- ployed upon this translation are now with the Kauravas and P&ndavas. May those who survive be saved by the mercy of 'God, and may their repentance be accepted !

The translation was called and when fairly en-

' [The printed text of the Bibl. Ind. says do pardh, “ two portions; ” but there is no such limit in the text printed with the first edition of this work.]

grossed and embellished with pictures, the nobles had ord^^Uo take copies, with the blessing and favour of God, Shaikh Abu-1 Fazl, who had already written against our religion, wrote the Preface, extending to two sheets, God defend us from his infidelities and absurdities !

[Text, vol. ii. p. 324.] In a.h. 991 the King erected two buildings outside the city where he might feed fakirs^ both* Musulmdn and Hindu; one ho called Khairpiira^ the other Dharmpiira. Some of Abti-l FazFs people had the charge, and used to spend the King’s money in procuring food. As ihejogls also used to flock there in great numbers, a separate receiving- house was built for them, and called Jogipiira. Nightly meetings were held in private with some of these men, and they used to employ themselves in various follies and extravagancies, in con- templations, gestures, addresses, abstractions and reveries, and in alchemy, fascination and magic. The King himself studied alchemy, and used to exhibit the gold which he made. One night in the year, called Shh>-rdt^ was appointed for a grand assembly of jogis from all parts of the country, on which occa- sion he would eat and drink with the best of them ; and used to be gratified by their assurances of a life three or four times longer than the natural life of man.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 335.] [The Emperor stayed four months at Alldhabdd, and from thence he sent Zain Khdn Koka and Birbal, who was formerly in the service of B&m Ghand Bhath, on an embassy to Ohaur&garh. R&m Ghand consented to do homage, and after attending to the duties of hospitality, he detained Zain Khan, and proceeded along with him to Fath- pur, to wait upon the Emperor, He presented a most valuable tribute of one hundred rubies and other precious stones, , Tlie

Value,of one of the rubies exceeded 60,000 rupees. He left his Sou B4bd in attendance on His Majesty, but tho young man soon obtained leave to return home. Soon afterwards he went to his last home in the hottest hell. This B&m Ghand has left no equal behind him for princely generosity. Among his other gifts, he gave a'Airor of gold (Jcror zar) to tho minstrel Midn Tin Sen in one day. Tlie Miin did not wish to leave the Kijd, but a guardsman was sent to bring him back.]

[Text, vol. ii. p. 336.] [In this year the King commanded me to make a translation of the Rdmdyam, a composition superior to the Mahd^hhdraL It contains 25,000 s/iloks, and each shlok is a verse of sixty-five letters. The hero of its story is Eim Ghand, King of the city of Audh, who is also called Eim, and whom the Hindis worship as a god in human form.]

[Text, vol. ii. p. 366.] [In the month of Jumida-1 awwal A.H. 999, I completed the translation of the Rdmdyan, having occupied four years in the work. When I presented the book, ft was greatly praised.]

[Text, vol. ii. p. 342.] In a.h. 993 the King held the festival of the anniversary of his coronation, according to the practice established in olden time, during which the King received enter- tainment from every shopkeeper,^ and appropriate presents from the nobles, so that even food, scents, and the profits of dancers and fiddlers were carried away into the treasury. From* a mansabdar of 6000 to a humble footman, all had to present offerings j and oven I, this powerless atom, who was held in no 1 [The wor4s are—

So that the contribudons from the shops were presented by tho nobles. In a similar passage relating to the year 991 (p.‘321), it is said that the shops were Regularly

account at all, except -that 1 used to be styled holding 1000 blghaa rent-free, and was accustomed to liken myself to the old woman in the story of Joseph (God’s blessing on him!), had to present my forty rupees, which received the honour of being accepted. I do not like my position, and should be glad to be in any other !

During this festival, the King’s eldest son received a mansab of 12000 ; the second, one of 9000 j and the third, one of 7000.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 365. Thirty-third Year.] [Kalij Kh&n no\r returned from Gujarat, bringing various offerings, and an order was issued associating him with Raj& Todar Mai in the adminis- tration of the Civil and Ee venue business. The Eaja was now grown feeble and senile, and one night an enemy in ambush inflicted a superficial wound upon him with a sword,]

[Text, vol. ii. p. 368.] In a.h. 996 the King called to mind something about the book which I was then translating, an^ directed Hakim Abd-1 Fath to give me a horse, a shawl, and some other presents. He then observed to Shdh Fathu-lla ’Azdu-d daulah, that the whole of Basdwar had been granted to him in jdgb\ with all its ayma land, and that as I, a native of Baddun, had thus lost my madad-rrCdsh land. His Majesty had conferred upon me some of equal value in Baddun, in lieu of it. Shah Fathu-lla then presented in a bag an offering of 1000 rupees, which, by exactions and other most oppressive means, his agents had recovered from the wretched widows and orphans of Ba^dwar; and upon his representing that his officers had collected this surplus from the ayma lands (fraudulently alienated from the public rent-roll), the King told him to retain the money for hirfiself. Three months after this the Shdh died, and when my farmdn was engrossed, I took leave for a year, went first to

Bas&\(ar, and than to Bad&un, from which place I wished to make a journey ib. Gujardt, to see Mirz& Nizamu-d din Ahmad, but delays occurred to prevent my carrying this intention into effect.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 365.] In a.h. 996, the R&j4 of Kumddn arri^ced at Lahore from the%iwalik hills, for the purpose of ^ paying his respects. Neither he nor his ancestors (the curse 6f God on them !) could ever have expected to speak face to face with an Emperor. He brought several rare presents, and amongst them a Tibet cow and a musk-deer, which latter died on the road from the effect of the heat. I saw it with my own eyes, and it had the appearance of a fox. Two small tusks projected from the mouth, and, instead of horns, it had a slight elevation, or bump.' As the hind quarters of the animal were enveloped in a cloth, I could no^ examine the whole body. They said that there were men in those hills, who had feathers and wings, and who could fly, and they spoke of a mango-tree in that country which yields fruit all the year round. God kfiows whether this is true !

[Text, vol. ii. p. 376.] [In this year the Emperor was some- what indisposed. He had pains in his stomach, and other disturbances which no one could account for. Through this inability to Understand his ailment, suspicions arising from malevolence were cast upon the eldest prince, and whispers of poison flew about.]

\ [^Text, vol. ii. p. 380.] [Among the edicts issued (in the thirty-seventh year of the reign), was one that all the dirhams and dindrs bearing the devices of former kings should be melted ^ and sold for the price of the gold and silver, so that not a1;race of them should remain in the world. The various ashrcifis and

rupees of the Emperor^'s coinage, whether old or recent, at once to be put in circulation, and no difference whatever between them and the old coins was to be recognized. Kalij Eh&n endeavoured to enforce this order. Sarrdfs were every day called up ; bonds were taken from them, and fines were inflicted on them. As a last resource, some were put to death. But for all this they did not refrain^^rom counterfeiting the coin \kalldM), Orders and instructions upon this subject were written and sent to the most remote parts of the dominions, but without effect, until Ehwdja Shamsu-d din Khwafi, the diwdn^ succeeded in putting all these orders in force.]

[Text, vol. iii. p. 79.] Shaikh ’Abdu-n Nabi, Sadru-B Sudiir^ was son of Shaikh Ahmad, son of Shaikh Abdu-1 Kudus, of Gangoh. He went several times to Mecca and Medina, and studied the traditions. * * * He put on the appearance of great piety. When he was appointed to the Saddrat^ he distributed among the people an immense quantity of madad-m^dshy waJtf, and pensions. No Sadr during any former reign had so much power, and no one gave away one-tenth of the wakf which he did.^ Tlfe King was for some time so intimate and unceremonious

^ It is quite impossible to reconcile this eulogy with the taunting and acrimonious tone adopted at p. 621 ; fior docs any conceivable variety in the reading of the two texts admit of any essential difference of sentiment ; unless, indeed, we consider that the grasping Sadr was Makhddmu-1 Mulk, and not Shaikh 'Abdu-n Nabi ; which appears opposed to the whole tenor of the text, and especially t%’Abdu-n Nabi’s declaration at the close of the Extract. It is scarcely permitted us to imagine that so grave an author might possibly be indulging in a little playful irony.

The duties "and responsibilities of the Sadr resembled those of a Chancellor, or an Ecclesiastical Begistrar ; the chief difference being, that when the Sadr^ as we have seen to be frequently the case, plundered the property of helpless widows and orphans, he was flayed alive, or trodden to death by elephants. As such punishments would be esteemed barbarous in modern times, and as our tortuous system of law generally delights to exercise its sophistries and subtiltics in behalf of notorious criminals, there can be little doubt that, if any Sadr were in these days to prostitute the sacred obligations of his office to such infernal purposes, he would escape with impunity at least upon earth.

Committunt eadem diverso orimina fato ; lUc cruoem pretium soeleris tulit, hio diadema.

with ,him, that he would rise to adjust the Shaikh’s slippers when he took his leave, At last, through the enmity of Makh- d|imu-l Mnlk and some other ill-disposed and deceitful doctors, he fell in the King's estimation, and began to be treated very differently. The chief reason of the change was this : —

At the time that the King arrived at Fathpur front B&iiswdra, Kdzi ’Abdu-r Rahim, of Muttra, complained to the ShaikB that a rich and obstinate Brahman had taken all the materials, which Jie had collected for the building of a mosque, and applied them to his own purposes in building a temple for an idol, and that when he remonstrated with him, the Brdhman, in the presence of a multitude of people (may his mouth be crammed with mud !), applied foul and abusive language to the Prophet (the peace of God rest with him !), and grossly reviled all Musulmdns. When the Brdhman was summoned before the Shaikh, he refused to come, so Shaikh Abd-l Fazl was sent to bring him. Shaikh Abd-l Fazl on his return represented what he had heard from the people of Muttra;^ namely, that the Brdhman certainly had used foul language. Upon this, the learned in the law decided, same of them for death, some for public exposure and fine. They were consequently divided into two parties, and disputed at ‘great length on the subject. Although the Shaikh^went to ask for leave to punish him capitally, the King would give no distinct reply, but said vaguely, that the Shaikh was himself responsible for carrying into execution the sentence of the law, and inquired^why he consulted him. During this long suspense the Brahman continued in prison, and notwithstanding that the ladies of the royal household used their exertions to get him released, yet out of regard to the Shaikh, the King would not give his consent.

The Shaikh continued to importune the King for a reply, but all he could get was, that he had already expressed his opinion, and the Shaikh knew what it was. When the Shaikh returned to his home, he immediately issued orders for the Br&hraan^a death. When the King learnt this, he was very angry. The

ladies within, and the Hindus without, the palace, excl^ipfed, ‘‘ Is this the man whom yon have promoted and fibvoured, and has he reached to such a pitch of insolence as not to regard your wishes, and to put a man to death for the mere purpose of displaying his power and authority They continued to pour such-like ccftnplaints into the ears of the King, so that he could no longer endure them. * * * One night, at Andp-tal&o, a con- clave of divines assembled, from whom he inquired their opinions on the subject. * * The King at last singled me out, and said,.

When ninety and nine opinions are in favour of a sentence of death, and a hundredth in favour of acquittal, do you think it right that the muflis should act upon the latter. What is your opinion P’’ I replied, that it was a legal maxim that punishment should not be inflicted where there was any doubt. The King was sorrowful, and said, “Was not Shaikh 'Abdu-n Nabl aware of this maxim, that he killed that unfortunate Br&htnanP'^ I replied, that the Shaikh was certainly a wise man, and that he no doubt had acted in direct contravention of the law, but that he might possibly have adopted that course for the sake of expediency. * * * ,,,

The King’s agitation was so great that his hair stood on end, like that%f a roused lion, and some people behind me whispered that I should not carry the controversy any further. All of a sudden, he turned towards me and said, “.You are not at all right.” Upon which I made a low bow, and retired to a little distance. From that day I have abandoned my presumptuous and controversial manner, and take my place apart from the groups which surround the throne. It is only now and then that I venture to advance, and make my obeisance at a respectful distance.

It was on this account that Shaikh ’Abdu-n NahVs prosperity declined. ♦ * ♦ He died in the year 991.

[Text, vol. iii. p. 299.] Commonly called the “chief of Poets.” He excelled in the arts of versiflcation, enigmatic lines and

rhymiog. In history, in philology, in medicine, in letter- writing, and in composition, he was without a rival. His earlier compositions in verse bear his titular name of Faizi, which he subsequently dignified into Faiy&zi, in order that it might cor- respond with the grammatical amplification of ’All ami, by which his younger brother, Abu-1 Fazl, was known; but the change was ill-omened, for he survived to enjoy his last title only one dr two months, and then met his death with great alarm and inquietude.

As an author, he was sometimes serious, sometimes jocose, conceited, proud, and malevolent. He was full of hypocrisy, malignity, dissimulation, ambition, arrogance, and egotism. In his obstinacy and animosity he reviled the earlier and later Khalifas and disciples, the ancestors and descendants of the Prophet, the wise and the excellent, the pious and the saintly, and, in short, all Musulm&ns in general, and ridiculed the prin- ciples of their faith, privately and publicly, by night and by day. His conduct was so abominable, that even Jews, Christians, Hindus, Sabians, and Guebres are considered a thousand times le^ odious. He acted entirely against the tenets of the Muham- madan religion. What was forbidden in that, was lawful Jo him, and mce versd.

He composed a commentary upon the Kuran, consisting entirely of letters without, diacritical points, in order to oblite- rate his infamy, but the waters of a hundred oceans will never cleanse the stain he has contracted, until the day of judgment. He composed it in the very height of his drunkenness and impurity, and dogs were allowed to tread on every letter of it. In the same spirit of pride, stubbornness, and infidelity, he met his final doom, and in a manner which I trust no one may again see, or hear of; for when the King paidj him a visit on his death-bed, he barked at his face like a dog, as the King himself acknowledged in public; hisVhole face was swollen, and his lips appeared black, insomuch that the King observed to Ab6»l Fazl, What is this blackness ? Surely the Shaikh has been

rubbing dentifrice on his teeth, according to the Indian fashion «

No,” replied Abu-1 Pazl, “ it is the stain of the blood which he has been spitting.”^ In truth, even this scene was but a small retribution for the blasphemies of which he had been guilty, and for the contumelies which he had uttered against the Prophet, the last of the apostles (the peace of God be upon him, and all his family!). Several abusive chronograms were written on the occasion, of which the following are only a few, ♦ * * o

He had composed poetry for forty years, correct enough in point of versification and language, but utterly destitute of beauty, either in sentiment or religion.* He has joined the dry bones together pretty well, but the skeleton has no brains. The condiments of verse are sufiiciently abundant, but quite tasteless,

• • • as is proved by no one remembering his lines, although the very vilest poets meet with some quoters and admirers. Never- theless, he wrote, what with diwdna and masnaiis^ more than twenty thousand lines, and, notwithstanding that he expended the rich revenues of his jdgir upon their transcription, and in sending copies to his friends, far and near, not one of them ^er read his poems twice. The foil owing, verses of his own selection were given by him to Nizdmu-d din Ahmad and others, as a memento. * * * * Pray tell me what beauty there is in them !

At the time that Shaikh Faizi had gone to take charge of his office of the deputyship of the Dakhin, I wrote him two letters from the foot of the Kashmir hills, and informed him of the cause of the King’s displeasure and his refusal to allow me to pay my respects, Upon this ho wrote to the King a letter of recommendation, which was couched in the following words, and despatched it, on the 10th of Jum&da-l awwal, a.h. 1000, fipom

1 At the close of the historical narratiye, the author tells us that Faizi had been spitting blood for six months before his death, and that his barking like a dog was the consequence of his making those animal^his constant companions night and day, to insult the Musulmhns, to whom they are an abomination.

‘ This is by no means the general estimate of his poetry, which is greatly admired in India, even to this day. [The sense of the text is accurately preserved here, but the translation is somewhat amplified. — £i>.]

Ahm^dnagar to Lahore, and orders were given to Abu-1 Fazl to place it in the Ahhar-ndma^ so that it might be generally read.

May it please Your Majesty ! Two friends of Mulld •Abdu-l K&dir have arrived from Baddun in great distress and sorrow, representing that the Mulld has been for some time ill, and that in consequence of his failing to perform the promise which he made respecting his return, the servants of the government have treated him with great severity, and that there is no knowing ^hat the result of it may be. They inquired also if the pro- longed illness of the Mulld was known to Your Majesty.

“Healer of the broken-hearted! Mulla Abdu-1 K&dir is a very able man, and is well acquainted with all the sciences usually cultivated by the Muflids of Hindustan, and he was also a pupil of my father’s. Your slave has been acquainted with him for nearly thirty-seven years. Besides being a person of deep learning, he is a poet, and composes elegantly in Arabic and Persian. He is not a mere imitator, but an original thinker. He also knows a little of Hindu astrology and accounts, and is not at a loss in any field of knowledge. He is acquainted with fcfeign, as. well as with native music, and can play at both the small and big games of chess ; moreover, he writes a pretty good hand. Notwithstanding that he possesses all these accomplish- ments, he is content and entirely divested of avarice, of equable temperament, and a person of excellent morals and manners, but poor, and with no fixed income. He is sincere and warm- hearted, and has every confidence in Your Majesty’s kindness. ^

“At the time that the army was before Kombhalmir, he volunteered to join it. There he did the State good service, and received a donation for his wounds. Jaldl Khdn Korchi, when he first introduced him at Court, said, ‘ I have brought a preacher to present to Your Majesty, that Your Majesty may be gratified.’ Mir Fathu-Ua also represented something respecting the Mull&’s circumstances, and my worthy brother, Abu-l Fazl, also knows him well. But according to the proverb; ‘ A grain of good luck is better than a sack full of skilL’

As the Court is the abode of the virtuous, I have takou the liberty to bring this destitute person to notice, and to place him before the foot of the throne, as if I was myself present. Did I not advocate his claims at this time, 1 should consider myself guilty of an offence against the cause of truth and justice.

May God, the omnipotent, place the slaves of the Court under the heavenly shadow of your royal Majesty ! and may he mercifully make their feet firm in pursuing the path of recti- tude and justice, and in acquiring the knowledge of truth ! May he preserve Your Majesty as the protector and nourisher of the helpless, the bestower of mercy, the pardoner of errors, through- out the world and all worlds, and bless you with thousands upon thousands of sources of wealth, abdndance, grandeur and felicity, upon earth and in heaven ! I implore all this for the sake of the pure spirits who surround the throne of grace, and the saints upon earth who join in the matutinal chorus of prayer. Amen, Amen, Amen."

Should any one, upon perusing this, observe, that Shaikh Faizi’s regard and affection for me, which is evidenced by this letter, is but ill requited by the harshness and severity wi^h which I have spoken of him, especially after his death, when the precept of “speak not ill of the dead” should be strictly observed, I have only to reply, that the observation is perfectly just, but under the circumstances, I inquire, what could I do P seeing that the truth of religion and the maintenance of one^s faith are paramount to all other obligations, and that the maxim I never deviate from is, that my love and hatred should be subservient to God’s cause. Although I was Shaikh Faizi^s companion for forty years, nevertheless, after he apostatized from his religion, changed his manners, and entered on vain controversies, I became gradually estranged from him, and, especially after what occurred at his death, I hold myself no longer his friend. When we are all summoned before the throne of God, we shall receive sentence according to our deserts 1 '

Shaikh Faizi left a Library of 4600 volumes, some of them

exqu^itely copied with, what may be said to be, even unnecessaiy care and expense. Most of them were autographs of the respec- tive authors, or at least copied by their contemporaries. They were all transferred to the King’s Library, after being catalogued and numbered in three different sections. The first included Poetry, Medicine, Astrology, and Music; the second. Philosophy, Sdfyism, Astronomy, and Geometry; and the third or lowest grade, included Commentaries, Traditions, Theology, and Law. •There were also 101 different copies of his poem, JSIal-Damn.

[The following Notes are reprinted from the old volume of 1849, with such additions and notes as were added to them by Sir H. Elliot in his private copy.]

On the cajpture of Nasihin by means of Scot^pions.

The Nasihin,' mentioned in the text (suprd, p. 152), is the Nisibis of classical authors, the position of which, on the frontier of the Persian and Boman Empires, made its occupation of so niuch im- portance in the estimation of the contending parties, from the time that Lucullus plundered it, till its capture by the Arabs, when it continued as frequent a source of contention between them and the Greeks as between them and the Persians at a later period. It was surrounded by a treble inclosure of brick walls defended by a deep ditch, and was considered so impregnable that Asiatics, as will be presently seen, are fond of resorting to supernatural means to account for its capture. Sapor made three separate attacks upon the town A.n. 338, 346, 350, and the disappointed monarch, after uiging his attacks abofe sixty, eighty, and a hundred days, was repulsed each time with loss and ignominy;^ but it was at last ceded to him by Jovian ^ in 363, and it remained henceforth with

^ Mannert says the town is called Nisibin, or Nissabin, but neither mode of ortho- graphy is consistent with Abd-1 Fidh. Vide Geoyr, d, Ahoulf texte Arabe, p. 283.

^ Gibbon, JDeeline and IPall^ Tol. iri. p. 139.

3 In speaking of this humiliating treaty, Eutropius gives us a good notion of the political honesty of the Bomans, by censuring Jovian for not immediately breaking the treaty, and renewing the war, as the Bomans had done on all former of^easiono^ immediately he had escaped from the dangerous position which had compelled him to conclude it. — Stator. Som, Brwtar.^ x. 17. The capitulation of Closter- Seven, during the Seven Years' War, for a suspension of arms in the north of Germany,

the Persians (if we except two short intervals), as it had remained for the two previous centuries with the Eomans, a strong bulwark against hostile encroachments.

On the third occasion of Sapor’s attack, unusual means were resorted to, to obtain possession of the place. At the stated season of the melting of the snows in Armenia, the course of the river Mygdonius was, by the labour of the Persians, stopped below the town, and the waters were confined on every side by solid mounds of earth. On this artificial lake, a fleet of armed vessels, filled •with soldiers and heavy engines of war, was launched, and the accumulated pressure of the waters made a portion of the walls give way. Nevertheless, the monarch failed of success, and Nisibis retained its character as an inexpugnable stronghold.*

Under one of his predecessors. Sapor L, the Shahpur of the Persians, Mlrkhond informs us that a miracle placed the town in the hands of the Persian Monarch.- Wearied with the siege, Shah- pur commanded his army to unite in supplication to the Supreme Being for its conquest, and while they were imploring the aid of heaven, the wall fell down before them, and their faith and devotion received a signal reward.*

Nisibis is now but a small and insignificant place, with scarcely more than one hundred houses, but it is surrounded with ruins which attest its former magnificence.®

The facts above related, with reference to the many obstinate defences of Nasibin, show how natural it was that a credulous Oriental writer should resort to the marvellous to account for such

and the convention of El-Arish in 1800, for the evacuation of Egypt by the French armies, have called forth the opinion of modem jurists on the general question. See Yattel, pp. 219, 231, 236; Wheaton’s Ele^nmts of International Law, vol. ii. pp. 120-122 ; Fla88an*8 Sistoire de la Liplomatie Frangaiae, tom. vi. pp. 97-107 ; and MM. de Koch and Schoell’s Siatoire abragi dea TraiUa do Paix, tom. iii. pp. 48, 60; V. 304, 811.

‘ Gibbon, Leeline and Fall, vol. iii. p. 141.

• Malcolm, Eiaiory of Per aia, vol. i, p. 77. After being taken by the Arabs, it fell to the arms of the Seljdks, Turkomans, Tartars, and Mughals. — ^Eampoldi, vol. iii. p. 369; vol. vi. p. 617.

9 Jahdn^numd, p. 438. Niebuhr, Voyages, vol. ii. pp. 300-309. Compare also Mannert, Geographie d, Grekh, und Rom,, vol. v. ii. pp. 216-219. Bitter, Erdkunde von Aaien, vol. vii. i. pp. 128-136. L'XTnivers, Pitt, Aate, ix. Rahyhnie, 832. Bnoy, Met, ** Mesopotamia."

unusual success as attended the arms of the Arabs in the seventeenth year of the Hijri.

The passage against which the captious opponent of ’Abdu-1 Kadir took exception runs thus in the TdHkh4 Alfi, in the Annals of the seventh year after the death of Muhammad. Very few of the Arabic historians notice the circumstance recorded in it,* nor do Ockley, Gibbon, or Marigny mention it.^

“ The army of Islam sat eight months before the fort of Nasibin. Now, in and around that city, there were exceedingly large black scorpions, and no man who was bitten by them escaped with his. life. The Arab General consequently gave orders that a thousand small jars should be filled with these reptiles, inclosed in loose mould around them, and that they should bo thrown at night into the city by the engines. As the jars broke when they fell on the ground, the scorpions crawled out, and killed every one whom they stung. In the morning the garrison were so dispirited, and found themsolves reduced to such extremities, that they could no longer hold the fort. The Musulmans, taking advantage of their consterna- tion, made a sudden assault, broke open the gates, and slew several who had escaped the venom of the scorpions. It is said that in the time of Noshfrwan, the fort of Nasibin was captured in precisely the same way.”

If we concur with the objector,' and hesitate to receive this narrative as true, we may perhaps be able to explain it in some other more rational manner. In the first place, it may occur to us as not altogether improbable, that this story owes its origin to the use of the propelling machine called the “Scorpion,” which we learn from Vegetius * was so called, because it threw small javelins with fine points which occasioned death. Others say because the* darts weye poisoned.®

3 Escheaburg, Manual, p. 544. See Smith’s DkU v. Tormentum. Sam. Pitiscus. Lexicon Antiquitatwn Rmnanorum, in which the classical references are iiill, and Basil Fahcr, Thesaurus JEruditionia Seholastiece, v. Scorpio. In G-rose's Antiquities, Yol. i. p. 16, there is a diagram. Meyrick’s Antiefit Armour, vol. ii. p. 157, shows that a kind of cannon was also called a scorpion, called by the English a hand-cannon. The annals of Placentia for 1444 have “ scorpione sen balistra.”^ The quotations given do not hear out the fact of the scorpion being used solely for gunpowder. It

Later writers may have copied the statement, and put an interpre- tation upon it suited to their own comprehensions. It is to be observed that the Scorpion was used, even in Europe, as late as

There seems to bo another way of accounting for this improbable story, if we reject the literal meaning of the words, by supposing that a combustible composition, formed of some bituminous sub- stances, was used upon the occasion. We know from several excellent authorities, that for many years before the invention of • gunpowder, such substances were used in warfare, and, what is still more remarkable, that the oases in which they were enveloped were known by the name of Scorpions. Casiri ® gives us the following extract from an Egyptian Geographer, called Shahabu-d din,® who flourished about a.d. 1260. Bodies, in the form of Scorpions, bound round, and filled with nitrous powder, glide along, making a gentle noise, then they explode, and throw out flames> But there are others which, cast into the air, stretch along like a cloud, roaring horribly as thunder roars, and on all sides vomiting out flames, they burst, and burn, and reduce to cinders whatever comes in their way.** ® It is also a very curious coincidence, that the ancient Indian weapon, or rocket, called sataghni, with the etymological meaning of the hundred-slayer, should also signify a Scorpion.^

As there will be occasion again to allude to the early use of gun- powder in the East, there is no need to dwell upon this passage from the Egyptian author with any reforenoe to that subject. It is merely adduced hero, to show the undoubted use at an early period of a combustible called a Scorpion. ^

Now, it is remarkable that Dion Cassius, in speaking of the ’ expedition of Alexander Sovorus against Atra, which was. close to

may have been the old scorpio. In tbe Glossary he contradicts himself by saying scorpion is a poisoned arrow”; but under scorpionarius, it is shown that it was a hand- weapon, as it is used by one man only.

1 Muratori, Script. Ital., tom. xxi. 215. ® Biblioth. Arab. Eisp. toI. ii, p. 7.

• Berington gives his name as Ebn Fadhl, but that only shows his parentage. — Literary Sistory of the Middle Agee, p. 438. [Sec Vol. III. suprd, p. 673.]

^ The early Crusaders used to describe the Greek lire as hissing through the air like serpents. ^

• Different translations are given. — MUt. de I' Art, p. 67.

® See Wilson's Sanscrit Dictionary, b.v. and Halhed's Code of Gentoo Lowe, p. lh.

Nifiibis, says that, in the last extremity, tbe Atreni defended, them- selves by throwing naphtha^ both upon the besiegers and upon their engines, by which they were burnt and destroyed. According to Price, naphtha was discharged in pots at Ehwarizm.^

Three hundred years before this, the same author tells us, that when LueuUus was besieging Tigranocorta, not fifty miles ^ from Nisibis, “ the barbarians ” defended themselves by throwing naphtha balls against the engines. ''This substance is bituminous, and so in- flammable that it bums to ashes everything on which it impinges, nor is it easily extinguished by anything wet.” *

Nor can we wonder that these noxious implements "fed with naphtha and asphaltus” should have been so frequently and so early used in Mesopotamia; for from tbe Persian Gulf to the Euxine, from the Dead Sea, where asphaltum floats on the water, to Baku on the Caspian,® where naphtha streams spontaneously through the surface of the soil, and where a boiling lake emits constant flames, the whole country is impregnated with bituminous matter, which is especially abundant on the banks of the Tigris and Euphrates* — so that if the Scorpions alluded to by *Abdu-l Kadir

^ pdtftOa rh &(r<l)a\rwS€s (Dionis Sist. Rom, Ixxv. 11), "of which,’* ho add|i, “I have already written** — alluding probably to the passage mentioned in the next paragraph of the text,

® Tacitus says thirty-seven miles. — Amal, xv, 4,

^ Dionis, Fragmenta 178, ex Xiphilino. The same author, in bis life of Caligula, tells us of that Emperor’s having a machine, which projected a stone, accompanied with thunderings and lightnings.

® "Near pnto Bachu is a very strange and wonderful fountain underground, out of which there springeth and issueth a marvellous quantity of black oyl.--John Cart- wright’s Rreacher^s Travels in Churchill, vol. vii. p. 731. See also Geffrey Duchet in HaJelttyt, vol. i. p. 450. " This oyle is blacke, and is called Nefte. Properly Bagh cuh,^the mountain garden, according to P. de Valle, Letter xv. in Pinkerton, vol. ix. p. 46. Naphtha was sent as a present from Baghdad, annb 586. — Mod, Univer, Hist,, vol. iii. p. 205 ; Weil, vol. iii. p. 413.

® Bich, Fwndgrvhen des Orients, vol. iii. p. 161. See also respecting the immortal fire in Lycia, Plin. Nat, Hist., ii. 106. Salmasius, Exeroitdat. Plinian, pp. 244, 245; Beckmann’s notes to the treatise JDe Mirahilihus Ausetdtationihm, attributed to jiristotle (quoted someflmes as Pseudo-Arist.}, p. 283 ; Marsden’s Marco Polo, p. 52; Fraser’s Mesop. and Assyria, p. 347 ; Jahdn-numd, vol. i. p. 565, ii. p. 16; J. A. St. John's Greece, vol. iii. pp. 403--5; Haklu^it’a Voyages, Navi^ gations, etc., vol. ii. p. 582 ; Smith’s Diet. Qeog,, p. 363 ; Drummond's Origines, vol. i. p. 156.

w«re, combustible, there would be no great improbability in the narrative.

But if we reject these solutions as too elaborate and remote, we must fall back upon the literal interpretation, and, improbable as it is> there are many reasons to encourage us to maintain that it is striotiiy true.

In the first place, the application of living scorpions to such an improbable purpose would not be altogether a novel stratagem. The Tdrilchi Yamini tells us, that Khalaf defended himself in t^e *fort of Ark ^ by throwing from his catapults wallets of snakes upon the besieging army.

M. de Sacy,^ in abstracting the passage from the translation of Jarbadkhani, says, ^‘ils lan9oient sur les troupes de Hossain des cruches remplies de scorpions et de reptiles venimeux.” For this I can find no authority in the original; but Bashidii-d din also says in his Tawdrikh, that scorpions, as well as snakes,

were used upon the occasion. At folio 8 of his History of Sultan Mahmud we read : ** When Khalaf had borne down the ‘ riders of crocodiles’ (nihang-sawar) and the jfootmen, he continued to harass the besiegers with crafty arts and stratagems. Wherever they established themselves, he, with slings and catapults, cast upon them pots full of snakes and scorpions, and their places of security he converted into places of ambush.” ®

Abu-1 Fida, Mirkhond, and the TahaMt-i Ndsiri have nothing on the subject.

Cornelius Nepos and Justin inform us, that by means precisely similar Hannibal dispersed the superior fieet of Eumenes :

Imperavit (Hannibal) quam plurimas venenatas serpentes vivas colligi, easque in vasa fictilia conjioi. Harum cum confeoisset mag- nam multitudinem, die ipso, quo facturus erat navale prselium, classiarios convocat, hisquo prsecipit, omnes ut in unam Eumenis regis concurrant navem, a cssteris tantum satis habeant se defen- dere ; id facile illos serpentium multitudine consecuturos.” ^

^ [The arJt is the citadel or chief fort.]

^ et BxtraitSy tom. iv. p. 338. ^ mdmm i eahdn mahman ml^edhht.^'

4 Cornelius Ifepos, Sannibal, 10. See also Justin, Hiet. xxxii. 4.

Serpentines came afterwards to he the name of a kind of cannon. <^ln a letter from the Master of the Knights Hospitallers at Jerusalem to the Pope on the siege of

Then again we find the Atreni, noticed above, making use o{, this very mode of defence against the troops of the Boman Emperor. Herodian says ' (and Gibbon ® has declared his account of this reign to be rational and modere^te, and consistent with the general history of the age), “They cast upon them large birds and poisonous animals ® which fluttered before their eyes, and penetrated every part of their bodies that was exposed/’ ^ ^ ^ “ so that more • perished by these means than by direct attacks^ of the enemy.”* .

^Frontinus also speaks of .this mode of warfare in his book of stratagems ; ® and we read of something like it being practised by * the Soanes, a people of Colchis, near Caucasus, who endeavoured to suffocate, with poisonous exhalations, those enemies, with whom they could not contend in close combat ; ® this was done at Nice in the first Crusade, and again at Antioch.^ At the sieges of Jotopata

Ebodes by the Turks in 1480, find colubrinis et serpentinis detnrbant fatigantqnc. Oolubr\pa, a cnlverine, is derived from coluber, like as the serpentine from serpentinus. This latter was made of copper, as in a deed, dated 1461, mention is made of a serpentine de cuivre/* — Meyrick, vol. ii. p. 207. These names must have been derived from the form of the mouth, ib. 288, as with the basilisk, the fiying dragon. See quotations from Ryracr, in “Artillery,'' Fennt/ Cyclop, ; Ellis's Metrical Romances (Bohn), pp. 229, 307, 328, 310. There is an important passage about ducentos serpen- tes in Slit, de VArtill.^ p. 65 ; Bohn's Chron, of the Crusades, pp. 196-7. See alqo extract copied at p. 2 of Gloss. MS. Mcyrick, Antient Armw.r, vol. i. p. 71, translates this, 200 combustible serpents, etc. Bahadin, p. 165.

^ This passage and the one given from Dion Cassius refer to the same expedition. "We need not stay to inquire whether the difference of the accounts arises from omission or contradiction.

® The l6$o\wp (pTjpi&y refers most probably to scorpions, and though it must be confessed the use of UfioXQv is ambiguous, yet, when coupled with dupluv, the poisonous nature of the missile is evident.

• Herodiani, Histor. Roman, lib. iii. c. 9. A curious use of mangonels in throwing gold is recorded by Wasskf on 'Alfiu-d din, and alluded to by Mir Khusru in Khazainu-fFutiih, [See suprd, Vol. III. pp. 41, 158.] The infidels hurled on the Crusaders at Maarab “ lapides, ignem, et plena apibus alvearia calcem quoque vivam, quanta poterant jaculabantur instantid,ut eas k muro propellerent.” — WtU, 2^r.,lvii. c. 9 ; Mod, TTniv, Hist,, vol. iii. p. 247 ; Southey's Common^plaee Rook, 4th series, p. 26 ; Mackay's Fop, Bedusions, vol. ii. p. 27 ; Ane, JJniv, Hist, vol. iv. p, 4. For throwing of carcases, see Froissart, vol. i. c. 50, c. 107. There are also instances of men and horses in Froissart. Camden says dead horses were thrown by the Turks at N^oponte. — Grose, Antiquities, vol. i. p. 17. ^

® Sex. Jul. FT(m\saX,Stratagematie, lib. iv. o. 7; Rncy, Met, Hist. Eom. Eep., p. 422.

® Strabo, Geograph, lib, xi. o. 2 ; D’Herbelot, v. Acrab.

’ Michaud, vol. i. pp. 102-3, and pp. 131, 140.

and Jerusalem, dead bodies of men and horses were thrown by the war-machines on the besieged.'

. Moreover, we know from unquestionable testimony, that scorpions abound so much in tlie neighbourhood of Nasibin as to bo the object of special remark by Oriental Geographers.

Istakhri, or the author translated by Ouseley, speaking of Kurdan, close to Nasibin, says, “ It produces deadly scorpions ; and the hill on which it stands abounds in serpents, whose stings occasion death.”® Abu-1 Fida, quoting Azizi, says, “At Nasibin there is an * abundance of white roses, but a red rose is not to be seen. There are also deadly scorpions.”® Edrisi also notices, in his geographical work, the deadly scorpions of Nasibin.^

Taking, therefore, into consideration these concurrent testimonies to the fact of venomous reptiles being sometimes used in warfare, and to their abundance in the vicinity of Nasibin, we may pro- nounce in favour of ’Abdu-1 Kadir and his Arab authorities, and declare him justified in exclaiming, “ that ho had not been -guilty of any fabrication, that he had seen the anecdote in books, and liad written accordingly; and that, as the accuracy of his statement has been fully verified, he is, by God^s grace, relieved from the charge of invention.”

A passage in the Tdrikh4 AJfi, which speaks of Kusdar being “near the dominions of Nasiru-d din Subuktigin,”® would seem to imply that Kusdar was a city of India, and it is so called by Abu-1 Fida and Kazwini. The compiler of the Tdrikh4 Alfi copies the whole of his narrative, with only a few verbal alterations, from the Bauzatu-s Safd, but the first clause is an addition of his own, from

• Ouseley’s Oriental Geography y p. 66. [Mordtmann’s rendering is, “ There are many deadly scorpions there ; and the hill of Mardfn close by abounds in serpents of the most deadly kind.*^ — Das Such der Lander y pp. 46, 47.]

• Recneil d, Voy. et d, Mem,j tom. yi. p. 160. See Quatrembre's Obset^vationsy Joum. des Sap,y Jan., 1861.

^ [See the old vol. of 1849, p. 163. The passage hardly seems to warrant the inference 'drawn from it.]

which it appears that Kusdar was by him thought to be the^ first city conquered in India; but as it was so remote from Jaipal’s possessions, it does not seem probable that its capture could have inspired him with such fear for his own safety as the text represents, nor is it proper at any period to place the borders of India so far to the west.^ The last instance of its being mentioned as a portion of India is where, in the second part of the Tdfu4 Ma-dsir, it is said to have been included in the dominion of Shamsu-d dm* after his capture of Bhakkar. The name of this town is so differently spelt by different authors that it is not often easy to recognize it in its * various disguises. Its position is sufficiently indicated by the Tdrihh-i Yamini,^ which, speaking of a period subsequent to that noticed in the text, tells us that when Mahmud thought it necessary to chastise the Governor of Kusdar, because he would not pay his tribute, he gave out that ho was going on an expedition to. Hirat, and had marched as far as Bust on that route, in order to disguise his intention, when he suddenly turned off towards Kusdar, and came so unexpectedly upon it, that the rebellious Governor came out and supplicated for pardon, and was reinstated after paying a considerable fine, as a penalty for his disobedience,

Kusdar lies to the south of Bust, and is the present Khuzdar of our maps, the capital of Jhalawan in Biluchistan.® It is spelt both and according to Abu-1 Fida, but both he and Sadik

Isfahan! prefer the former. The latter, however, is the most usual mode of spelling it.

Von Hammer * says that Wilken is correct in writing it Kasddr, but this is by no moans authorized by either of the two Geographers mentioned above. Sadik Isfahan!® spells it Kisdar, and Abu-1 Fida ® Kusdar, and to his authority we must defer, as he is so very

! The Bahru-l Bulddn places XCibul ia. India. See also Eeinaad’s Memoire^ pp. 12, 39, 176.

^ See also Tdrikh-i Yamini^ Lith. Ed. p. 316.

3 Masson, Baloehistan^ Afghanistant and Banjah^ vol. ii. p. 41. There is a Xooshder in Bumes’s map, between Kelat and Dadur, which may perhaps be the place. The alteration of the first letter is suspicious,

• Qemdldesaal der Lebenabeaehreibungen, toI. iv. p, 106,

® Odographie da Aboulfdda^ Texte Arabe, pp. 348, 349. At page 384 Mekran is said to be in Hind.

careful in specifying the vowel-points. Briggs calls it in one place Kandahar, in another Khoo?dar.^ The Nubian Geographer calls it Kardan Pardan,® and Kazwini Kasran Kasran.=* M, Petis de la Croix calls it Oustar, and M. Silvestre de Saoy Cosdar.*

When Ibn Haukal visited the valley of Sind, he found Kusdar under a separate government, and during the whole period of A.rab occupation it was considered a place of importance. He describes it as a cify and district between Turan and Sind. Kusdar is fre- quently mentioned by Biladuri.® He quotes an Arabic poet, who thus rapturously speaks of its merits.

“Almonder has descended into his tomb at Kusdar, deprived of all commerce with people endowed with reason.

“What a beautiful country is Kusdar! how distinguished its inhabitants ! and how illustrious both for his worldly policy as well as his religious duties was the man who now lies buried in its soil!”*

Nizamu-d din Ahmad mentions no other event of Ibrahim's reign but the following: “The Sultan turned his face towards Hindu- stan, and conquered many towns and forts, and amongst tliom was a city’ exceedingly populous, inhabited by a tribe of Khurasani descent, whom Afrasiyab had expelled from their native country. ^ ^ It was so completely reduced by the power and perseverance of the Sultan, that ho took away no less than 100,000 captives.” Abu-1 Fida and the TahaJedt-i Ndsiri are silent. The TdriWi-i Alfi says, “Ibrahim next marched against Derapur in Hindustan, a place which many great eniperors found it impracticable to conquer. Several histories state that this place was inhabited by the descendants of the people of Khurasaji, who for their disloyal and rebellious conduct had been

I Briggs* MrisUa, vol. i. pp. 15, 123. * Geographia Nuhiemia^ pp, 64, 67, 68.

4 Notim et Bxtr, des MSS,y tom. iv, pp. 332, 391.

« Eeinaud, Fragments Arahes et Fersans, p. 188. Compare also Pottingcr, Travels in Beloehisian, p. 36. C. Ritter, JErdk, von Asien, yol. vi. part i. pp. 714, 716. Gildemeister, Be rebus Indicts, pp. 25, 209. TFien Jahrbiieher, no. Ixxiii p. 31. Kircbondi, Sistoria Gasnevidarum, p. 146. Massan’s Kelat, p.* 377.

long before banished the oountiy by Afrasiyab, Emperor of TarA'n.” The MuntahJiahurt Tawdrikh has nothing more on the subject than is contained in the Tahahdt-i Aicbari, The Bauzatu-s Safd is the same as the Tdrikh-i Alfi, except that the former omits the name of the place. Eirishta adds a few particulars not to be found in the others. He says : — “ The King marched from thence to another town in the neighbourhood, called Dera, the inhabitants of which came originally from Khurasan, and wore banished thither with their families by Afrdsiyab, for frequent rebellions. Here they had formed themselves into a small independent state, and, being out off from intercourse with their neighbours by a belt of mountains nearly impassable, had preserved their ancient customs and rites by not intermarrying with any other people. The King, having with infinite labour cleared a road for his army over the mountains, advanced towards Dera, which was well fortified. This place was remarkable for a fine lake of water about one parasang and a half in circumference, the waters of which did not apparently diminish, either from the heat of the weather or from being used by tho army. At this place the King was overtaken by the^ rainy season ; and his army, though greatly distressed, was compelled to remain before it for three months. But as soon as the rains abated, he summoned the town to suiTender and acknowledge* the faith. Sultan Ibrahim’s proposal being rejected, he renewed the siege, which continued some weeks, with great slaughter on both sides. The town, at length, was taken by assault, and the Muhammadans found in it much wealth, and 100,000 persons, whom they carried in bonds to Ghazni. Some time after, the King accidentally saw one of those unhappy men carrying a heavy stone, with great difficulty and labour, to a palace which he was then building. This exciting his pity, he commanded the prisoner to throw it down and leave it there, at the same time giving him his liberty. This stone happened to be on the public road, and proved troublesome to passengers, but as the King’s rigid enforcement of his commands was universally known, no one attempted to touch it. A courtier one day having stumbled with his horse over the stone, took occasion to mention it to tho King, intimating that he thought it would be advisable to have it removed. To which tho King reifiied, * 1 commanded it to be thrown down and left there ; and there it must remain as a monu*

ment of the calamities of war, and to commemorate my sense of its evils. It is better for a king to be pertinacious in the support even of an inadvertent command than that ho should depart from his royal word.’ The stone accordingly remained where it was; and was shown as a curiosity in the reign of Sultdn Baii'am several' years afterwards.”

The position of this place is very difficult to fix. Firishta says that in the year 472 h. Ibrahim marched in person to India, and conquered portions of it never before visited by the Musulmans. fie extended his conquests to Ajodhan, now called Pattan Shaikh Farid Shakr Ganj. Ho then went to BudpAl, situated on tjie summit of a steep hill, which a river embraced on three sides, and which was protected by an impervious wood, infested by serpents. He then marched to Dera, which Briggs seems to place in the valley of the Indus, because he adds in a note, “ Dera seems a common name in the vicinity of Multan for a town.” The reading of the Tdrthh-i Alfi with respect to the two first places is much the most probable, — ^namely, a fort in the country of Jud' and Damal.

The Ravaatu-s Safd does not mention the first place, and speaks of the second as if it were on the sea-shore. The third place he does nob name. In Firishta it is Dera, and in the Tdrilch-i Alfi Derapur. This would seem to be the place called. Derabend, near Torbola, on the Upper Indus.^ It is possible that the Dehra of Dehra Dun may be meant; but, though the belt of mountains, the inaccessible jungle, the seclusion of the inhabitants, and the identity of name, are in favour of this supposition, we are at a loss for the inex- haustible lake and the impregnability of the position.

All the authors, however, who mention the circumstance, whether they give the name or not, notice that the inhabitants were banished

• This country is frequently mentioned by the early historians. It lies between the Indus and the Jailam, and is the Ayud of the old travellers. It is the old Sanskrit name, and occurs in tho Puranic lists, and on tho Allahabad pillar, under the name of Yaitdheya, "Wilford says it is the Hud of the Book of Esther. It occurs also in the marginal legend of the reverse of the Bactro-Fehlevi Coins. See Jtoum, As, Soc, Bengal^ vol. vi. p. 973 ; As, BesearoheSf vol. viii. p 349 ; Lassen, ZHtsehriftf, d, JT. d, Morgenlandes^ vol. iii. p. 196.

Vigne, Kashmir^ vol. i. p. 122. See also Abbot's paper on Nikaia, Joum. As, Soe, Bengaly 1852.

by Afrasiyab; and this concurrent tradition respecting their expulsion from Khurasan seems to indicate the existence of a colony of fire- worshippers in these hills, who preserved their peculiar rites and customs, notwithstanding the time which had elapsed since their departure from their native country.

Putting aside the probability, which has frequently beeu specu- lated upon, of an original connexion between the Hindu religion and the worship of fire,^ and the derivation of the name of Magadha from the Magi, there is much in the ‘practical worsljip of the Hindus, such as the horn, the gdyatri, the address to the sun ^ at the time of ablution, the prohibition against insulting that luminary by indecent gestures, ® — a.11 which would lead an inattentive observer to conclude the two religions to bear a very close resemblance to one another. It is this consideration which should make us very careful in receiving the statements of the early Muhammadan writers on this subject; and the use of the word Gahr, to signify not only, especially, a fire-worshipper, but, generally, an infidel of any denomination, adds to the probability of confusion and inaccuracy.*

Khusru, in the KJiazdivM4 Futuh (p. 76), calls the sun the hihla of the Hindus, and it is quite evident that throughout his works Oahr is used as equivalent to Hindu. In one passage he speaks of ^he Oahrs as worshippers both of stones and fire.

European scholars have not been sufficiently attentive to this double use of the word, and all those who have relied upon M. Petis

^ Cale, Rev, vol. xxi. pp. 107, 128 ; Mod, Trav.^ India, yol. i. p. 120 ; Kampoldi, viii. n. 39 ; Mickle’s Gamoens, p. 350 ; Dr. Cox’s Sacred Mist, and Biog,, p, 120 ; R. P. Knight’s Symbolic Language, ** Fire.”

• See Wilson, Rig- Veda, Pref. pp. 28, 29, and Index, voce “ Agni ” ; Elphinstone’s India, vol. i. p. 78 ; also Lucian’s description of the circular dance peculiar to Indian priests, in which they worship the sun, standing with their faces towards the oast. — Be SaUatime, See also Rohlen, Bos alte Indien, vol. i. pp. 137, 146 ; Ersch and Griiber, Encychpadie der Wisaemchaften und Kumte, art. Indien, pp. 166, 172; Drummond’s Origines, vol. iii. p. 430.

3 Hesiod enables us to disguise it in ajleamed language,

hvr* iieKioio rerpapiiivos bpBhs hpix^iv*

See also Menu, iv. 52 ; Rdmdyana, ii. 59 ; Bohlen, Bas alte Ind,, vol. i. p. 139 ; Mhldh-i Jaldli, p. 293.

A Christian is called amongst them Gower, that is, unboloover and uncleane, esteeming all to be infidels and pagans which do not believe as they do, in their false, filthie prophets, Mahomet and Murtezalli.” — A. Jenkins, Hakluyt, vol.i. p. 391.

de la Croix’s translation of SRarafu-d din, have considered that, at the period of Timur’s invasion, fire-worship prevailed most exten- sively in Upper India, because Oahr is used throughout by the historians of that invasion to represent the holders of a creed opposed to liis own, and against which his rancour and cruelty were unsparingly directed. There is distinct mention in the Matla^-s Sa’dain of fire-worshippers, as distinct from the Hindus ; and the Kashmirians, according to Firishta, were fire-worshippers at the time of the Muhammadan invasion.^ The men of Deogfr are nailed fire- worshippers in the Tdrikh-i ^Aldi,

^ But though the word is used indiscriminately, there are certain passages in which it is impossible to consider that any other class but fire-worshippers is meant. Thus, it is distinctly stated in Timur’s Memoirs, and by 8harafu-d din, that the people of Tughlikpur* believed in the two principles of good and evil in the universe, and aehnowledged Ahrimdn and Tezdan (Ormuzd). The captives mas- sacred at Lout ^ are said to have been Magians, as well as Hindus, and Sharafu-d din states that the son of Safi the Gabr threw himself into the fire, which he worshipped,*'

We cannot refuse our assent to this distinct evidence of the existence of fire-worshippers in Upper India as late as the invasion of Timur, A.©. 1398-9. There is, therefore, no improbability that the independent tribe which had been expelled by Afrasiyab, and practised their own peculiar rites, and whom Ibrahim tho Ghazni- vide attacked in a.d. 1079, were a colony of fire-worshippers from Tran, who, if the date assigned be true, must have left their native country before the reforms effected in the national creed by Zoroaster.

Indeed, when we consider the constant intercourse which had prevailed from the oldest time between Persia and India,® it is

3 [See auprd, Vol. III. pp. 431 and 494, and sec the Editor's note upon this passage at page 506 of Yol. HI. A farther instance of the confusion of Brhhmanical and Zoroastrian institutions may be found at p. 530, suprd, whore BadhUni, in treating upon Phrsi fire-worship, declares the Hindd horn to be “ a ceremony derived from fire-worship,*' evidently meaning Zoroastrianism.]

3 [See suprd, Vol. III. pp. 436 and 497.] Price’s Chronologieal Itetroap, of Mah, MiaL, vol. iii. p. 264.

surprising that we do not find more unquestionable instances of the persecuted fire-worshippers seeking an asylum in NTorthem India as well as in Gujarat. The instances in which they are alluded to before this invasion of Tfmur are very rare, and almost always so obscurely mentioned as to leave some doubt in the mind whefibier foreign ignorance of native customs and religious rites may not have given a colour to the narrative.

The evidence of the Chinese traveller, Hiuen-thsang, to the existence of sun-worship at Multan in 640 a.d., is very decisive- He found there a “ temple of the sun, and an idol erected to repre- sent that grand luminary,” with dwellings for the priests, and reservoirs for ablution ; ^ yet ho says the city was inhabited chiefly by men of the Brahmanioal religion. A few centuries before, if Philostratus is to be believed, Apollonius, after crossing the Indus, visited the temple of the sun at Taxila, and Phraotes, the chief of the country, describes the Indians as in a moment of joy snatching torches from the altar of the sun,” and mentions that he himself never drank wine except ^'when sacrificing to the sun.” After crossing the Hyphasis, Apollonius goes to a place, which would seem to represent Jwala Mukhi, where they “worship fire” and “ sing hymns in honour of the sun.” * When the Arabs arrived^’in the valley of the Indus, they found the same temple, the same idol, the same dwellings, the same reservoirs, as had struck the Chinese, but their description of the idol would lead us to suppose that it was a representation of Budh. Birtini, however, whose testimony is more valuable than that of all other Muhammadans, as he was fully acquainted with the religious system of the Hindus, plainly tells us ® that the idol of Multan was called Adit^a/’ because it was conse- crated to the sun, and that Muhammad bin Edsim, the first invader, suspended a piece of cow’s flesh from its neck, in order to show his

^ Journal Asiatique, 4th series, tom. viii. p. 298, and Foe Koue Ki, p. 393.

2 Philostrati Vita Apollonii, lib. ii. capp. 24, 32, lib. iii. cap. 14, ed. G. Olearius (Leip. 1709), pp. 77, 85, 103 ; MUU Sikhs (Calc. 1846), p. 20.

^ M Eeinaud, Fragments Arabes et Fersans, p. 141.

• See Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, vol. i. p. 761 ; Anthologia Sansoritiea, p. 172 ; As* Fes,, yoI. i. p. 263 ; Vans Kennedy, Ancient and Sindu Mythology, p. 349.

30iit^pt of the superstition of the Indians, and to disgust them with this double insult to the dearest objects of their veneration.^

Shortly before Biruni wrote, we have another instance of this tendency to combine the two worships. In the message which Jaipal sent to Nasiru-d din, in order to dissuade him from driving the Indians to desperation, ho is represented to say, according to the Tdrihh-i Alfi: ‘‘The Indians are accustomed to pile their properly, wealth, and precious jewels in one heap, and to kindle it with the fire, which they worship. Then they kill their women and children, and with nothing left in the world they rush to their last onslaught,

■ and die in the field of battle, so that for their victorious enemies the only spoil is dust and ashes.” The declaration is a curious one in the mouth of a Hindu, but may perhaps be considered to indicate the existence of a modified form of pyrolatry in the beginning of the eleventh centuiy. The practice alluded to is nothing more than the JauhaTf which is so frequently practised by Hindus in despair^ and was not unknown to the nations of antiquity. Sardana- palus performed it, on the capture of Babylon. “ He raised a large pyre in his palace, threw upon it all his wealth in gold, silver, and royal robes, and then placing his concubines and eunuchs on it, lie^ they, and the entire palace were consumed in the flames.” ® The Saguntines did the same, when their city was taken by Hannibal ; ® Juba also had prepared for aJauhar,"^ and Arrian gives us an account of one performed by the Brahmans, without noticing it as a practice exclusively observed by that class.® The peculiarity of the relation consists in Jaipal’s declaration that the Indians worshipped the fire, not in the fact of their throwing their property and valuables into it. The practice of self-cremation also appears to have been common at

^ Thero is nothing in the yarious origins ascribed to tho name of Multhn which gives any colour to the supposition that the city was devoted to the worship of the sun ; nor is there anything at present to indicate that worship. Sec Lassen, Indische Alterthumskufide, vol. i. p. 99 ; Zeiiachrift f. d, K. d, Morg,, vol. iii. p. 196 ; Tod, vol. i. pp. 69, 119 ; Reinaud’s M4m,, pp. 98, 100. The universality of Sun-worship is shown in Squier’s Serpent Symbol in America, and Macrob. Saturn, i. c. 22.

® Diodorus Siculus, ii. 27. ® Polybius, iii. 17 ; Livy, xxi. 14.

• Merivalo, vol. ii. p. 378 ; Cox’s Sacred Sist, and Biog,, p. 242,

• Be Expedit, Alex,, vi. 7. See also Ency, Metr,, “Rom Rep.” and “Greece ” ;

Herod, on the Syrians; Q. Curtius, ix. 14 ; Niebuhr’s Lectures, vol. ii. pp. 82, 159, 247, 269; Michaud’s vol. i. p. 429 ; Layard’s i\r*«cwA, voUii. p. 218; Arnold,

vol. iii. pp. 66, 429 ; Mod, Univ, Jlist,, vol. iii. p. 195, xi. p. 63.

an earlier period ; and there were conspicuous instances of it '^hen foreign nations first became acquainted with India. One occurs in Vol. II. p. 27, where this very Jaipal, having no opportunity of dying in the field of battle, committed himself to the flames. Other histories tell us that it was then a custom amongst the Hindfis that a king who had been twice defeated was disqualified to reign, and that Jaipal, in compliance with this custom, resigned his crown to > his son, lighted his funeral pyre with his own hands, and perished in the flames. The Greeks and Eomans were struck with the instances which they witnessed of the same practice. Oalanus, who followed the Macedonian army from Taxila, solemnly burnt himself in their presence at Pasargadae, being old and tired of his life.^ Zarmanoohegas, who accompanied the Indian ambassadors sent by a chief, called Porus, to Augustus, burnt himself at Athens, and directed the following inscription to be engraved on his sepulchral ponumcnt: — ^‘Here lies Zarmanoohegas, the Indian of Bargosa, who deprived himself of life, according to a cmtom prevailing among Ms counti^ymenJ' ®

Strabo connotly observes, on the authority of Megasthenes, that suicide is not one of the dogmas of Indian philosophy ; indeed, it is attended by many spiritual penalties :® and even penance which en-r dangers life is prohibited.^ There is a kind of exception, however, in favour of suicide by fire and water,® but then only when age, or in- firmity, makes life grievous and burdensome. The former has of late years gone quite out of fashion, but it is evident that in ancient times there were many devotee^ ready to sacrifice themselves in that mode.

Quique suas struxero pyras, Tivique calentcs Conscend^re rogos. Proh ! quanta cst gloria geuti Injecisse manum fatis, yitaque repletos ^

^ DiodontI Sic. xvii. 107; Valerius Max. I. riii. Extern, 10; Cicero, TmeAi, 22; Grier, 108, Index, v. “Calaiius** ; Elphinstone's India^ yol. i. pp. 90, 461, 462, 471.

« Suetonius, Augustm, 21 ; Strabo, (^ograph. xv. 1 ; Valentyn, vol. i. p. 60 ; Bitter, Erdk,^ vol. iv. part 1, p. 489.

3 Rhode, Eeligiose Eildmtf der Sindua, vol. i. p. 451 ; Boblen, Laa alte Indian^ vol. i. pp. 286-290 ; 0. Muller, Frag, Siat, Grae, p. 139 ; bis Scrip, rerum Al, mag, pp. 51, 57.

• See Wilson’s note to Mill’s Eritiah India, vol. ii. p. 417.

® Colebrooke, Asiatic Eeaearches, vol. vii. p. 256 ; where an instance is adduced from the Eaghwoanaa and Edmdyana,

T[t waS| therefore, a habit sufficiently common amongst the Indians of that early period, to make Lucan remark upon it as a peculiar glory of that nation. All this, however, may have occurred with- out any reference to fire as an object of worship; but the speech of Jaipal, if not attributed to him merely through Muhammadan ignorance, shows an unquestionable devotion to that worship.

But to continue, Istakhri, writing a century earlier than this transaction, says, Some parts of Hind and Sind belong to Oabrs, but a greater portion to Kafirs and idolaters ; a minute description 8f these pl&^ would,, therefore, be unnecessary and unprofitable.”^ Here, evidently, the fire-worshippers are alluded to as a distinct class ; and these statements, written at different periods respecting the religious creeds of the Indians, seem calculated to impart a further degree of credibility to the specific assertions of Sharafu-d din, Khondamlr, and the other historians of Timur’s expedition to India. But the people alluded to by them need not have been colonies of refugees, fieeing from Muhammadan bigotry and per- secution. There are -other modes of acooufeting for their existence in these parts. They may have been Indian converts to the doctrine of Zoroaster, for we read that not only had he secret c^munication with the Brahmans of India,^ but when his religion was fully established, he endeavoured to gain proselytes in India, and succeeded in converting a learned Brahman, called Tchengri- ghatchah by AnquetU du Perron,® who returned to his native country with a great number of priests. Pirdusi tells us that Isfandiya?*

^ fiacii'ianus ZoroaatrGs, cum superioris ludisc secrcta fidontius pcnctraret, ad nemorosam quamdam yenerat solitudincm, cujus traaquillis silentiis prsecelsa Brach- mauorum ingenia potiuutur : eorumquo monitu rationes mundani motius et siderum, purosque sacrorum ritus, quantum colligere potuit, eruditus, ex his, qutn didicit, afiqua sensibus Magorum infudit. — Ammian. Marcell. Jtdianuay xxiii. 6, 33. See Ano, Univ. HieUy vol. iv. p. 301 ; Guignianfs Notes to Creuzer's Religions^ tom. i. pp. 689, 690.

^ He is said, according to the Zinatu-t Tavedrikh, to have been the ^first convert made by Zoroaster, and Gusht&sp, his father, was persu^od by tho eloquence of the prince to follow his example. The king ordered twelve thousand cow-hides to be tanned fine, in order that the precepts of his new faith might be engrossed upon them. In this respect what a contrast is there to Hindfi exclusiveness ! The Pandits withheld their sacred books from Col. Polier, for fear that he should bind them in calf- skin. Poller, Mythologie des Indous^ tom. ii. p.i224 ; Ovid, Fastiy i. 629 ; Biley, p. 40.

induGed the mpnarch of India to renounce idolatry and adopt fire- worship, insomuch that not a Brahman remained in the idol-temples. A few centuries afterwards, we have indisputable testimony to the general spread of these doctrines in Kabul and the Panjab. The emblems of the Mithraic^ worship so predominate on the coins of the Eanei^is, as to leave no doubt upon the mind that it was the state-religion of that dynasty.*

Bitter entertains the supposition, that as the Khilji family came from the highlands which afforded a shelter to this persecuted race, they may have had a leaning to these doctrines, and^e offers a suggestion, that the new religion which ’Alau-d d^n wished to pro- mulgate may have been that of Zoroaster,* and that this will account for the Panjab and the Doab being full of his votaries at the time of Timur’s invasion. But this is a very improbable supposition, and he has laid too much stress upon the use of the word Qabr, which, if taken in the exclusive sense adopted by him, would show not only that these tracts were entirely occupied by fire-worshippers, but that Hindus wore to bo found in very few places in either of them.

After this time, we find little notice gf the prevalence of fire- worship in Northern India; and its observers must then haye been exterminated, or they must have shoitly after been absorbed into some of the lower Hindu communities. Badauni, however, mentions the destruction of fire-altars one hundred years later by Sultan Sikondar in A.n. 910. It may not be foreign to this part of the inquiry to remark, that Abu-1 Fazl speaks of the Gvbree language as being one of the thirteen used in the si^ha of Kabul {Ain-i Ahbari, \ol.\i. p. 1263). The Guhree language is also men- tioned in Babai. There is a Gubber ” hill and pass not far from Bunnoo, inhabited by the Battani tribe; and on the remotest borders of Bohilkhand, just under the hills, there is a tribe called

^ Using tbis word in its usual, though not proper, acceptation. The real Mithraic worship was a fusion of Zoroastrianism and Ohaldaism, or the Syrian worship of the sun. See the authorities quoted in Guizot’s and Milman’s notes to Gibbon’s I>eeUne and Fall^ vol, i. p. 340; Ane, Uhiv, Jlisi,, vol. iv. pp, 160, 167.

2 Lassen, Joum, As, Soe, Bengal, yol. ix. p. 466, and H. T. Frinsep, Note on the Ilistor, Results from Bactrim Coins, p. 106.

® See Bitter, Erdkunde von Asien, vol. iy. part 1, pp. 677-79.

Gobi^h retain some peculiar customs^ which eeem to have no connexion with Hindu superstition. They are said to have preceded the present occupants of the more cultivated lands to the south of the Tarai, and may possibly be the descendants of some of the Gahrs who found a refuge in Upper India. The name of Gohri would certainly seem to encourage the notion of identity, for the diiference of the first vowel, and the addition of a final one, offer no obstacle, any more than they do in the name of GohryaSf^ who gave information to Socrates on the subject of the Persian religion, and is expressly declared by Plato to be an avrfp According

to J. Cunningham, there is a wild tribe called Magyas between Malwa and Gujarat, who are used as sliiJcdris. They are supposed to have been fire-worshippers, but they have no pyrolatrous obser- vances at present.

There is another inferior Hindu tribe, to the west of the upper Jumna, and in the neighbourhood of the Tughlikpur mentioned above, who, having the name of Magh,’^ and proclaiming themselves of foreign extraction (inasmuch as they are descendants of Baja Mukhtesar, a Sarsuti Brahman, King of Mecca, and maternal grand- father of Muhammad 1 1),® would seem to invite the attention of any

^ Plato, AxioeJiiM, Tauchnitz, yol. yiii. p. 204. The same name is common in Herodotus, Xenophon, Justin, and other authors, who deal in Persian History. The warmth of an Irish imagination ascribes to the Greeks a still greater perversion of the original word.

“ Hyde,” says the enthusiastic O’Brien, “ was the only one who had any idea of the composition of Cabiri, when he declared it was a Persian word somewhat altered from Gabri or Guebri, and signifying fire-worshippers. It is true that Gabri now stands for fire-worshippers, but that is only because they assumed to themselves this title, which belonged to another order of their ancestors. The word is derived from ffabh, a smith, and ir, sacred, meaning the sacred smiths, and Cabiri being only a perversion of it, is of course in substance of the very same import. * * ♦ • Gobhan Saer means the sacred poet, or the Freemason Sage, one of the Guebhres, or Cabiri.” — Round Towet's of Ireland, pp. 354, 386. See Journ. Roy, As, Soe,, vol. xi. pp. 134-5.

• lourn. As, Soc, Bengal, vol. vii. p. 754.

® See Quatremfere’s observations ill the Journal des Savants, January, 1851. This is not at all an uncommon paternity for the lower tribes to assume. There is nothing in which Hindd ignorance is more betrayed, than in those silly attempts to enrol the false prophet amongst their native heroes. See especially Wilford’s absurd and dirty story, showing how Muhammad was of Brhhmanical descent. (As, Res, vol. ix. p. 160.) Wilson considers that the story was manufactured especially for Wilford, hut it is traditionally current among the ignorant in some parts of Upper India. (Note to MilVs Ind%a,yo,\x,^, 176.) The reputed Brhhmanical origin of Akbarismore reason-

inquirer after the remnant of the stock of Magians; but all tiieir customs, both religious and social, are of the Hindu stamp, and their only peculiarity consists in being the sole caste employed in the cultivation of mendU (Lawsonia inermis).^

On the Imowledge of Sanskrit hy Muhammadans,

It is a common error to suppose that Faizi (v. p, 479) was the first* Muhammadan who mastered the difficulties of the Sanskrit,— that language, “of wonderful structure, more perfect than Greek, ' more copious than Latin, and more exquisitely refined than either.”

Akbar’s freedom from religious bigotry, his ardent desire for the cultivation of knowledge, and his encouragement of every kind of

able, inasmuch as it can bo attributed to gratitude, and is not opposed to the doctrine of transmigration; but why Muhammad should also* be chosen, whose votaries have proved the most unrelenting persecutors of Hindhs, can only be ascribed to the marvellous assimilating powers of their mental digestion, fostered by the grossest credulity and ignorance of past events, which can, as Milton says, “corporeal to incorporeal turn,” and to that indiscriminate craving after adaptation, which induces them even now to present their offerings at the shrines of Muhammadans, whoso only title to saint is derived from the fact of their having despatched hundreds of infidel and accursed Hindfis to the nethermost pit of Hell.

1 l^e also Shea and Troyer, Dabistan, vol. i. pp, c. exxv.; Asiatic Itesearchcs^ vol. ix. pp. 74, 81, 212, vol. xi. p. 76, vol. xvi. p. 16 ; Dr. Bird, Joum, As, Soc. Bombay^ no. ix. p. 186; Bamraohun Eoy, Translation of the Veds, pp. 29, 73, 109- 118; Malcolm, History of Persia^ vol. i. pp. 488-494; Wilson, Vishnu Parana, pp. xl. 84, 397 ; North British Review, no. ii. p. 376 ; Klaproth, Memoires Relatifs a VAsie, tom. ii. p. 81; Ouseley, Tra/oels in Persia, vol. i. pp. 102-146; Eitter, Erdhunde von Asien, vol. iv. pt 1, pp. 489, 574, 614-619 ; Ehode, Religiose Bildwng der Hindus, vol. i. p. 42, vol. ii. p. 290 ; Moor’s Hindu Pantheon, pp. 296-302 ; Oolebrooko, Miscellaneous Essays, vol. i. pp. 30, 149, 163, 188, 217 ; F. Creuzer, ' Symbolik und Mythologic, vol. i. pp. 618-624 ; Eeinaud's Mdmoire sur VInde, passim ; Eeinaud’s Pragments Arabes et Persons, p. 46 ; Elphinstone’s History of India, vol. i. pp. 78, 90, 461-2, 471, 489 ; Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1849, pp. 106-7,’^ 1862, p. 447 ; Joum, Roy, Asiatic Society, vol. xii. pp. 26, 27 ; Calcutta Review, vol. xxi. p. 160, vol. xxv. p. 46; Groto’s Greece, vol. iv. p, 299, vol. V. p. 397; J. H. Hottingeri Thesaurus Philologious seu Glavis Scriptures, 1649, p. 66; Buxtorf, Lex,, p. 704; Mod, Trav, in India, vol. i. p. 146, vol. iv. pp. 201 to 206; Tod, vol. i. pp. 102, 112, 217, 232; Fergusson’s Anc, Arch, Hind,, p. 6 ;

E. S. Poole’s Hora Egyptiaeee, p. 206 ; Cory’s Ancient Pi'ogments, p. 272 ; Maisey’s Report on Sanchi Topes, Note B ; Cunningham’s Bhilsa Topes,

• Elphinstone’s History of India, vol. ii p. 317 ; Biographical BkHimmy, L. U. K., vol. i p. 6S3; B»wV> Mindoostem, vol. 1 p. 6; Briggs, vol. !v. p. 461. Gladwin mentions translations made before the time of Akbar in the AM Akbart, vol i p. 103, vol. ii. p. 163.

KJTOWLEDGE OF SANSKEIT BY MUHAMMADANS. 671

leamuig, and especially his regard for his HindA subjects, imparted a stimulus to the cultivation of IndianJiterature, such as had never prevailed under any of his predecessors. Hence, besides Faizi, we have amongst the Sanskrit translators of his reign ’Abdu-1 Kadir, Nakib Khan, MuUA Shah Muhammad, Mulla Shabri, Sultan Haji, Hdjl Ibrahim, and others. In some instances it may admit of doubt, whether the translations may not have been made from versions previously done into Hindi, oral or written. The word Hindi is ambiguous when used by a Muhammadan of that period. Nizdmu-d din Ahmad, for instance, says^ that ’Abdu-1 Kadir translated several works from the Hindi. Now, we know, that he translated, amongst other works, the Bdmdyana and the SingJidsan Battisi} It is much . more probable that these were in the original Sanskrit, than in Hindi. ’Abdu-1 Kadir and Firishta toll us that the Mahd-hhdrata was. translated into l^ersian from the Hindi, the former® asoiibing the work chiefly to Nakib Khan, the latter to Faizi.® Here again there is every probability of the Sanskrit being meant. In another instance, ’Abdu-1 Kadir tells us that he was called upon to translate the Atharva Vedu from the Hindi, which he excused himself from 3oing, on account of the exceeding difficulty of the style and ab- struseness of meaning, upon which the task devolved upon itaji Ibrahim Sirhindi, who accomplished it satisfactorily. Here it is evident that nothing but Sanskrit could have been meant* But though the knowledge of Sanskrit appears to have been more generally diffused at this time, it was by no means the first occasion that Muhammadans had become acquainted with that language. Even if we allowed that they obtained the abridgment of the Fancha Tantra, under the name of Fables of Bidpai, or Hitopadeia,

® His account, whick will be aeen at p. 537, is very confftsed, and it is not easy to gather from it what share each of the coadjutors had in the translation. The same names are given in the Ain-i Akhari; Sprengcr's Bihh, pp. 59, 63.

® The author of the Siyaru-l Muta-akhkhirin (vol. i.) ascribes it to * Abdu-1 Khdir and Shaikh Muhammad Sult&n Thanesari. The name of the translator is not men- tioned in. Abd-1 Fazl’s preface, but the work is said to have been done by several men of both religions.

• In the 'Ashika and Nuh-sipahr of Amir Khusrd there are two important passages, showing that in the former Hindi means Sanskrit ; and Amir Ehusrd in the same work says that he himself had a knowledge of the language.

through the medium of the Pehlevi,^ there are other facts ii^hich make it equally certain that the Muhammadans had attained a correct knowledge of the Sanskrit not long after the establishment of their religion; even admitting, as was probably the case, that most of the Arabic translations were made by Indian foreigners resident at Baghdad.

In the KJialifate of Al-Mamfe, the Augustan age of Arabian literature, the treatise ® of Muhammad bin Musa on Algebra, which was translated by Dr. Eosen in 1831, and the medical treatises of Mikah and Ibn Dahan, who are represented to bo Indians,® show that Sanskrit must have been well known at that time ; and oven before that, the compilations of Char aka and Susruta^ had been translated, and had diffused a general knowledge of Indian medicine amongst the Arabs. From the very first, we find them paying particular attention to this branch of science, %nd encouraging, the profession of it so much, that two Indians, Manka and Salih by name, — the former of whom traiislated a treatise on poison into Persian, — held appointments as body-physicians at the Court of Harunu-r Eashid.® The Arabians possessed during the early periods of the Khalifate several other Indian works which had been trans- lated into Arabic, some on astronomy,® some on music,’ some on judicial astrology,® some on interpretation of dreams,® some on the religion and theogony of the Hindus,^® some on their sacred scrip-

' See Memoire prefixed to S. de Sacy’s edition of Calilah loa Dimnah, Paris, 1816. See also Biographie Universelle, tom. xxi. p. 471.

® Colebrooke, Miscellaneous Essags^ vol. ii. pp.. 444-500.

3 Biographical Dictionary^ L. TJ. K., vol. ii. p. 242.

® Journal of Education^ vol. viii. p. 176 ; Royle, Antiquity of BCindit Medicine, * p. 64 ; Oriental Mag., March, 1823; D’Herbclot, arts. Kctab al Samoum and Manghch; Abd-1 Faragii, Hist. Dynast., p. 238 ; Dietz, p. 124 ; Price, vol. ii, p. 88 ; Biog. Die., L. XT. K., vol. ii. p. 300 1 Journ. Roy. As. Soc,, vol. vi. p. 107 ; Reinaud’s AhouU feda, vol. i. p. 42 ; Rampoldi, vol. iv. pp. 451, 478 ; Mod. Univ. Hist., vol. ii. p. 166 ; Cosmos (Sabine), vol. ii. notes 328, 340-1, 850-6-6 ; ‘Wiistenfeld, Arab Aertze, p. 19 ; Ritter, Erdhunde, vol. iv. part 1, pp. 629, 626.

^ Oasiri, Bibliotheca EscuriaZensis, vol. i. p. 246.

^ Ilottingeri, Fromptmriutn, p. 264 ; Remand’s Abotdfeda, vol. i. pp. 42, 46, 49.

" Casiri, Bibliotheca Escurialensis, vol. i. p. 401.

Gicldemeister, de rebus Indids Seriptt. Arabb., pp. 104-119 ; De Guignes, Mim. de VAcadem. des Inscript., tom. xxvi. p. 791 et seq.

KNOWLEDGE OF SANSKEIT BY MUHAMMADANS. 673

^ tures/ some on the calculation of nativities,* some on agriculture,® some on poisons,* some on physiognomy,® and some on palmistry,® besides others, which need not be here enumerated.

li we turn our eyes towards India, we find that scarcely had these ruthless conquerors gained a footing in the land, than Biruni exerted himself with the utmost diligence to study the language, literature, and science of India, and attained, as we have already seen, such proficiency in it, as to be able to translate into, as well as from, the Sanskrit. Muhammad bin Israil-al Tanukhi also travelled early into India, to learn the system of astronomy which was taught by the sages of that country.’ There seems, however, no good authority for Abu-1 Fazl’s statement in the Ain4 Akhari,^ that Abu Ma’shar (Albumazar) visited Benares at an earlier period ; — and the visit of Ibn-al Baithar to India, four centuries afterwards, rests solely on the authority of Leo Africanus.®

Again, when Firoz Shah, after the capture of Nagarkot, in the middle of the fourteenth century, obtained possession of a valuable Sanskrit Library, he ordered a work on philosophy, divination, and omens to be translated, under the name of Daldil-i Firoz-sJidM, by ^Maulana Tzzu-d din Khalid Khanf, — and to have enabled the trans- lator to do this, he must have acquired no slight knowledge of the original, before his selection for the duty.

In the Nawwab Jalalu-d daula’s Library at Lucknow, there is a work on astrology, also translated from the Sanskrit into Persian in Firoz Shah’s reign. A knowledge of Sanskrit must have prevailed pretty generally about this time, for there is in the Eoyal Library at Lucknow a work on the veterinary art, which was translated

^ D* Herbelot, Arte. Anbertkendf Ambahoumatahf Behergir, See also Ketab alhhaji, Ketab Boi ml BLendi^ and several other articles under Ketab, Bampoldi, yol, iy, p. 328.

^ H&ji Khalfa, yol. i. p. 282; Diez, Analecta Medica^ p. 118; D*Herbelot, art. Oaneah,

® Dietz, P- J18 ; D 'Herbelot, Ketab Eoi al Kendi,

• D^Herbeiot, Biblioth, Or,^ tom. iy, p. 725 ; Diez, Analeeta MedieOf p. 117.

7 Casirit Bibl. Keeurial,^ yol. i. p. 439,

® Akn*i Akbartf yol. ii. p. 288 ; Gildemeister, 79. •

0 Hottingeri, Bibl, qmdrup, ap. Gildemeister, SeripU, Aralb,, p. 80; Mod, Vhiver, Si8t,f yoL ii. p. 274 ; Beinaud's AboulfedUf yol. i. p. 55 ; Mimire^ pp. 6, 289, 3 16, 336.

from the Sanskrit by order of Ghiyasu-d dm ^Muhammad jShah Khilji. This care book, called Kurrutu-l Mulk, was translated as early as a.h. 783 (A.n. 1381), from an original, styled Sdlotar, which is the name of an Indian, who is said to have been a Brahman, and the tutor of Susruta. The Preface says that the translation was made “ from the barbarous Hindi into the refined Persian, in order that there may be no more need of a reference to infidels.” It is a small work, comprising only 41 pages 8vo. of 13 lines, and the style is very concise. It is divided into eleven chapters and thirty sections. The precise age of this work is doubtful, because, although ' it is plainly stated to have been translated in a.h. 783, yet the reigning prince is called Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Muhammad Shah, son of Mahmiid Shah, and there is no king so named whose reign exactly corresponds with that date. The nearest is Ghiyasu-d din Azim Shah bin Sikandar Shah, who reigned in Bengal from a.h. 769 to 775.^ If Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Tughlik be meant, it should date sixty years earlier, and if the King of Malwa who bore that name be meant, it should be dated 100 years later ; any way, it very much precedes the reign of Akbar.* The translator makes no mention in it of the work on the same subject, which had been^ previously translated from the Sanskrit into Arabic at Baghdad^si under the name of Kitdhu-l Baitarat

From all these instances it is evident that Faizi did not occupy the entirely new field of literature for which ho usually obtains credit.® The same error seems to have prevaded the history of European scholarship in Sanskrit. We read as early as a.d. 1677,

1 There is something respecting this reign in the History of Mecca which relates to India, and shows great communication between Bengal and Arabia.

2 It is curious, that without any allusion to this work, anotlier on the veterinary art, styled Sdlotarij and said to comprise in the Sanskrit original 16,000 slolras, was translated in the reign of Shhh Jahkn, *when there were many learned men who knew Sanskrit,’ by Saiyid *Abdu-lla Khhn Bah&dur Firoz Jang, who had found it amongst some other Sanskrit books, which during his expedition against Mew&r, in the reign of Jahhnglr, had been plundered from Amar Singh, Rhuh of Ohitor, and

one of the chief zamiiiddra of the hill-country." It is divided into twelve chapters, and is more than double the size of the other.

3 Faizf s Lildvati has many omissions, and the translation in some passages departs BO far from the original as induces the suspicion that Faizi contented himself with writing down the verbal explanation afforded by his assistants." — Dr. Taylor's Lildvati^ p. 2.

KNOWLEDaS OF SANSEEIT BY MUHAMMADANS. 576

of ]JJ[r. MarshalFs being a proficient in the language, and without mentioning the dubious names of Anquetil du Perron ^ and Father Paolino,® others could be named, who preceded in this arduous path the celebrated scholars of the present period. Thus, Holwell says that he read and understood Sanskrit, and P. Pons, the Jesuit (1740), knew the language. In such an inquiry as this also must not be omitted the still more important evidence afforded by the Mvjmalu-t Tawdrfkh, from which Extracts have been given in Vol. I. p. 100.

^ See Qesohiehte der Fkihsophie^ vol. Lp. 412 ; Edinh, vol. i. p. 7^ ; Hoeren’s Eiatorieal Itesearchea^ vol. ii. p. 129, and Calcutta Memw^ vol. xxiv. p. 471.

® Bohlen speaks of his Grammatiea 8amseredamica^ Bom. 1790, as “ hill of the grossest blunders;” Sir William Jones designates him as ** homo trium litterarum,” and Leyden is even less complimentary in his strictures : The publication of his Vyaearamy Bom. 1804, has given a death-blow to his vaunted pretensions to profound Oriental learning, and shown, as was previously suspected, that he was incapable of accurately distinguishing Sanskrit from the vernacular languages of India. Equally superficial, inaccurate, and virulent in his invective, a critic of his own stamp would be tempted to retort on him his own quotation from Ennius : —

Simla quam similis turpissima bestia vobis.”

See Das alte Indien, vol. ii. p. 471 ; As, JRes.j vol. x. p. 278 ; Journ, Asiatique, tom. ii. p. 216 ; Hecren, Sister, Res,, vol. ii. p. 108 ; M. Abel-Ecmusat, Souv, MiV, Asiat,, tom. ii. pp, 305>-31d; Quart. Or, May,, vol. iv. p. 158.

[Addition to the note on the Autobiography of Tiraiir in Vol. IV. p. 669.

Since the publication of Vol. IV., I have had access to a copy of the first volume of the MatWu-s Sa'dain belonging to Professor Cowell ; but I have not discovered in it any reference to the works from which the author drew his life of Timdr.

Timor’s Testament ” is given in the ZafaV’-ndma, so tho statement in p. 662 of Vol. IV. requires correction. — J, D.]

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