1. Volume 6 — part 1

TRUBNER AND CO., 57 and 59, LDDGATE HILL.

BOSTON COLLEGE LIBRARt CHE51N.U1 HILL. MA^

The reign of Akbar, which the Fifth Volume left un- finished, is in this volume brought to a close. Copious Extracts have been drawn from the great AMar-ndma of Abu-1 Fazl, a work as yet but little known to the European reader except by vague reputation. Some Extracts relating to the closing years of Akbar’s reign have also been taken from the continuation of the AJcbar- ndma by ’Inayatu-lla. Another and smaller Akbar-ndma by Shaikh Illahdad, otherwise called Faizi Sirhindi, has also been laid under contribution ; but it does not fulfil the expectations which had been formed of it, as it proves to be little more than a compilation from the Tabakdt-i Akbari and the greater work of Abu-1 Fazl. Some curious and interesting personal details have been derived from the Memoirs of Asad Beg, an officer in Akbar’s service. His statements place the Imperial government in an unfavourable light, and are far from exalting the personal character of the monarch. The original writers upon the life and times of Akbar may now be considered as exhausted, for their writings have all been diligently searched, and there cannot remain much to be yet gleaned.

A considerable portion of the volume is occupied with notices published by Sir H. Elliot in his original Volume I., and all the contents of that publication have now been re-printed.

The history of the reign of Jahangir depends almost entirely on the Memoirs written by himself or under his direction j for although there are other professed historians of the reign, they mainly draw their in- formation from the Memoirs, and rarely venture upon an independent statement. It has long been known that there were different works, claiming to he Auto- biographies of Jahangir. The copious Extracts which are given in this volume leave little room for doubt as to which must have been the more approved and authentic version.

The Note in the Appendix, on the Early Use of Gun- powder in India, is a reprint, with some alterations and additions by Sir H. Elliot himself. The Comments on the Institutes of Jahangir are entirely his own work. Two other Notes were prepared under his direction and superintendence. Sir H. Elliot’s notice of Eirishta s great history appears in this volume, and the Editor has taken the opportunity of supplying an oft-expressed want, by giving a complete translation of the Introduc- tion to that voluminous work.

The following is a list of the articles in this volume with the names of the respective writers : —

XLII. — Akbar-nama of Abu-1 Fazl — Editor.

XLIII. TakmQa-i Akbar-nama — “Lieutenant” Chalmers.

XLIV. — Akbar-nama of Eaizi Sirhindi — Editor and “ Ensign E. Mackenzie.

XLY. Waki’at-i Shaikh Eaizi — “Lieutenant” Prichard.

XLYI. AYikaya of Asad Beg — B. W. Chapman, Esq., B.C.S.

XLYII.— Tarikh-i Hakki— Beprint from old volume.

LT. — Tankh-i Firishta — Reprint from old volume.

LIV. — Tan'kh-i Salim Shah! or Tuzak-i Jahangiri — Major Price. LV. — Waki’at-i Jahangiri — Sir H. M. Elliot, Editor, and others. LYI. — Tatimma-i Waki’at-i Jahangiri — Editor.

LYIII. — Ma-asir-i Jahangiri — Sir H. M. Elliot and Editor.

LIX. — Intikhah-i Jahangir Shahi— Sir H. M. Elliot and a munsM. LX.— Snbh-i Sadik— Sir H. M. Elliot.

A. — Early Use of Gunpowder in India — Reprint from old volume.

B. — Extracts from a work of ’Ahdu-1 Hakk Dehlawi — Major

C. — Comments on the Institutes of Jahangir — Sir H. M. Elliot.

D. — Translations from Shash Fafh-i Kdngrd — A munslii and Sir

E. — Translation of the Introduction to Firishta’s History — Editor.

F. — Bibliographical Notices — Reprint from old volume.

The following paragraph ought to have been inserted in page 228 at the end of Sir H. M. Elliot’s notice of the Memoirs of Babar. But in arranging the fragmen- tary copy of the article, part of which was MS. and part print, the passage Avas accidentally omitted —

“ Almost all the above remarks have been taken from Elphinstone’s India, vol. ii. pp. 119, 122, and the Edinburgh Review, No. xci. Article 2.”

Page 8, six lines from bottom, /or ‘‘ translation,” read “ translations.”

„ 181. Note at foot, read: “ Some Extracts from another work,” and see p. 483.

XLII. — Ahhar-ndma, of Shaikh Ahu-1 Fazl 1

XLIII. — Takmila-i Ahhar-ndma, of ’Inayatu-lla 103

XLIV. — Ahhar-ndma, oi Shaikh Illahdad Faizi Sirhindi - - 116

XLVII. — Tdrihh-i Hahhi, oi Shaikh ’Abdu-1 Hakk - - - - 175 XLVIII. — Zuhdatu-t Tawdrihh, of Shaikh Xuru-1 Hakk - - - 182

XLIX. — Rauzatu-t Tdliirin, of Tahir Muhammad - - - - 195 L. — Muntahhahu-t Tawdrihh; or, Ahsanu-t Tawdrihh, of

LI. — Tdrihh-i Firishta, of Muhammad Kasim Hindu Shah

LII. — Ma-dsir-i Rahimi, of Muhammad ’Abdu-1 Bakf - - 237 LIII. — Anfau-l Ahhhdr, of Muhammad Amm ----- 244 Memoirs of Jahangir — Preliminary Xote by Editor - 251 LIV. — Tdrihh-i Salim Shdhi ; Tuzah-i Jahdngiri, of the

LV. — Dwdzda-Sdla-i Jahdngiri ; TTdhz^dt Jahdngiri, of the

LVI. — Tatimma-i WdhV dt-i Jahdngwi, of Muhammad Hadi - 392 LVII. — Ihhdl-ndma-i Jahdngiri, of Mu’tamad Khan - - - 400

LVIII. — Ma-dsir-i Jahdngiri, of Kamgar Khan 439

LIX. — Intihhdh-i Jahdngiri- Shdhi --- 446

LX. — Suhh-i Sddih, of Sadik Isfahani 453

A. — On the Early Use of Gunpowder in India 455

B. — Extracts from a Biographical Work of ’Abdu-1 Hakk Dehlawi 483

C. — Comments on the Institutes of Jahangir 493

H. — Translations from Shash Fat'h-i Kdngrd 517

E. — Translation of the Introduction to Firishta’ s History - - 532

F. — Bibliographical Notices of Works of the Period - - - - 570

[Abu-l Fazl ’All am I was the son of Shaikh Mubarak, son of Shaikh Khizr, who emigrated from Sind to Hindustan. Shaikh Mubarak was born at Nagor, and at an early age gave evidence of great intellectual powers. He became one of the most learned men of the time, and was conspicuous during the reign of Akbar for his great erudition and his liberal opinions on religious matters. He liad several sons, two of whom rose to the greatest eminence and celebrity. The eldest. Shaikh Abu~l Faiz, better known as Faizi, was the most popular poet of the time. He was a great favourite and the constant companion of Akbar, who gave him the title of “ Prince of Poets.” His com- positions are still held in very high estimation, as second only to those of Amir Khusru, the acknowledged chief of Indian poets.

Abu-1 Fazl was the second son, and was born on the 14th January, 1551. He was educated under his father’s care, and was a devoted student. His range of reading was extensive, and before the age of twenty he had obtained the reputa- tion of being a deep and critical scholar. His attainments afterwards gained for him the high-sounding title of ’Alldmi.

Faizi’s poems early attracted the attention of the Emperor, who invited the young poet to his Court while he was engaged in the siege of Ohitor, in the twelfth year of the reign. Faizi soon became an established favourite, and enjoyed great influence. By his means Abu-1 Fazl was introduced at Court in his seven- teenth year. His abilities were immediately recognized, and every year he grew in favour and in power, until he rose to the office of Prime Minister, and became a mansahddr of 4000. In the position of courtier and minister he enjoyed the unbounded confidence of the Emperor, and he discharged his duties, both as a civilian and a soldier, with distinguished ability and success. In the following pages some passages will be found relating to his services in the Dakhin, and an incident connected with the sieo:e of Asir deserves to be here recorded to his honour. Bahadur Khan, the holder of this fortress, was desirous of gaining the favour of Abu-1 Fazl, hoping by his influence to avert the Emperor’s displeasure. He therefore sent him some rich presents. Abu-1 Fazl returned the presents with the fol- lowing statement : ‘‘ I have made a vow not to accept presents till four conditions are fulfilled. 1. Friendship. 2. That I should not value the gift too highly. 3. That I should not have been anxious to get a present. 4. Necessity to accept it. Now, supposing that the first three are satisfied in the present case, the favour of the Emperor has extinguished every desire in me of accepting gifts from others.”

Both Faizi and Abu-1 Fazl imbibed the liberal opinions of their father, and carried them to greater extremes. They were reviled by the faithful as heterodox, as apostates, as heretics, as free-thinkers, as perverters of the truth and deceivers of the faithful. Akbar’s tolerance, his early doubts, and his inquiries into the principles of other religions, had shown themselves before the brothers were introduced at Court. But if they did not kindle the fire, they fanned it and kept it alive. In them the Emperor found congenial minds, with feelings and opinions similar to but more ‘decided than his own. With them he

held frequent converse, and indulged his partiality for theological discussion. The result was that he and they, mutually in- fluencing each other, progressed through various phases of scepticism and credulity, until they Anally arrived at the re- jection of Islam, and the establishment of the Divine Faith,’’ described as “Divine Monotheism.” At the head of this new religion stood Akbar himself ; next after him came Abu-1 Fazl and Faizi.

Prince Salim, afterwards the Emperor Jahangir, had a great dislike of Abu-1 Fazl. The minister served his master too faithfully, and thwarted the ambitious views of the heir so successfully, as to make himself an object of hatred. “ He was no friend of mine,” wrote Jahangir in his Memoirs, and he took an opportunity to remove the man he feared and hated. The Prince had more than once shown signs of rebellion, and of an intention to assume independence. In the forty-seventh year of his father’s reign his ambitious designs displayed them- selves more distinctly, and excited much distrust in the mind of the Emperor. At this time Abii-l Fazl was in command in the Dakhin, and Akbar, desiring the support and counsel of his trusty minister, sent him an urgent recall. Abu-1 Fazl obeyed the summons immediately, and set out for Agra with only a slender escort. This afforded the opportunity for making an end of him. A Bundela Raja, named Bir Singh, was incited by the Prince to waylay the minister, and kill him. Abii-l Fazl had warning of his danger, but refused to turn aside. On Friday, the 4th Rabi’u-1 awwal (12th August, 1602), he was attacked by the Bundela, about six kos from Narwar, and after a short but gallant resistance he fell dead, and his head was sent as an ac- ceptable offering to the Prince. Early in the reign of Jahangir, the murderer received high promotion, and Jahangir in his Memoirs avows and justifies his having procured the murder by promise of reward. Akbar’s grief at the death of his minister was unbounded, and he took active measures to bring Bir Singh to punishment. The murderer was hunted from place to place.

and had seveml hair-breadth escapes ; but the death of the Emperor put an end to his danger, and opened the road to reward and honour.

The author of the Ma-dsiru-l Umard writes as follows in liis Memoirs :

“ It has often been asserted that Abu-1 Fazl was an infidel. Some say he was a Hindu, or a fire-worshipper, or a free thinker ; and some go still further and call him an atheist ; but others pass a juster sentence, and say that he was a pantheist, and that, like other Sufis, he claimed for himself a position above the law of the Prophet. There is no doubt that he was a man of lofty character, and desired to live at peace with all men. He never said anything improper. Abuse, stoppages of wages, fines, absence on the part of his servants, did not exist in his house- hold. If he appointed a man whom he afterwards found to be useless, he did not remove him, but kept him as long as he could ; for he used to say that, if he dismissed him, people would accuse him of want of penetration in having appointed an unsuitable agent. On the day when the sun entered Aries, he inspected his whole household and took stock, keeping the inventory with himself, and burning last year’s books. He also gave his whole wardrobe to his servants, with the exception of his trousers, which were burnt in his presence.

“ He had an extraordinary appetite. It is said that, exclusive of water and soup, he consumed daily twenty-two sirs of food. His son ’Abdu-r Rahman used to sit at table as safarchi (head butler) ; the superintendent of the kitchen, who was a Muham- madan, was also in attendance, and both watched to see if Abu-1 Fazl would eat twice of one and the same dish. If he did, the dish was sent up again the next day. If anything appeared tasteless, Abu-1 Fazl gave it to his son to taste, and he to the superintendent, but no word was said about it. When Abu-1 Fazl was in the Dakhin, his table luxury exceeded all belief. In an immense tent, 1000 rich dishes were daily served up and distributed among the amirs ; and near it another large tent was

pitched for all-comers to dine, whether rich or poor, and khichn was cooked all day, and was served out to any one that applied for it.

“As a writer, Abu-1 Fazl stands unrivalled. His style is grand, and is free from the technicalities and flimsy prettiness of other munshts ; and the force of his words, the structure of his sentences, the suitableness of his compounds, and the elegance of his periods, are such that it would be difiicult for any one to imitate him.’’

Other native writers have expressed similar opinions, and Mr. Blochmann, to whom the above translation is owing, says, “ It would be almost useless to add to this encomium on Abu-1 Fazl’s style. ’Abdu-lla, King of Bukhara, said that he was more afraid of Abu-1 Fazl’s pen than of Akbar’s arrow. Everywhere in India he is known as the great munsM. His letters are studied in all madrasas ; and though a beginner may find them difficult and perplexing, they are perfect models. But a great familiarity, not only with the Persian language, but also with Abu-1 Fazl’s Style, is required to make the reading of any of his works a pleasure. His composition stands unique, and though every- where studied, he cannot be, and has not been, imitated.” Yet attention may be called to the just criticism recorded by Inayatu- llah, the author of the continuation of the Ahhar-ndma^ who says that the later volumes of this work were considered more laboured and abstruse than the first.^ The style is certainly more complicated and ambitious, and many unusual and even foreign words are employed, so that unwearied attention is required to seize and follow up the meaning of the author.

Abu-1 Fazl was author of several works of repute. On his introduction to the Emperor, he presented a Commentary on a Sm'at of the Kuran, which he called A'yatii-l KursL But Badauni does not fail to record that “ people said it was written by his father.” The MaldubdtuA Alldmi^ more commonly called Imhd-i Ahii-l Fazl^ is a collection of letters written by Abu-l 1 See infra next Article.

Fazl to kings and chiefs. The Aydr-i Danish is a translation of the Arjlbic Kalila o Damna. He was also the author of some smaller and less known works. The greatest of his productions was the Akhar-ndma^ in two volumes, and the Am-i Akhari^ which is considered to be its third volume. The Ain^ or Insti- tutes, may, however, be regarded as a distinct work. A translation of it by Gladwin was published in the year 1800 ; but although a very meritorious production for the time, it was imperfect and often incorrect. The first volume of a new translation by Mr. Blochmann, of the Calcutta Madrasa, has just been published. It is a precise and admirable version, and is enriched with numerous notes, which testify to the deep learning and great re- search of their author. It includes also a series of memoirs of all the nobles and notable persons of Akbar’s Court. When the work is complete, the translation will be well worthy to rank with the original. The purely historical part of the Akbar-ndma comprises in the first volumes an account of the ancestors of Akbar from Timur to Babar. It has a full history of the reign of Humayun, of which a few Extracts will appear in the following pages. The history of the reign of Akbar is given in full, year by year, from the accession of the Emperor to the end of the forty-sixth year of the reign, a.d. 1602. Many Extracts have been taken from this part of the work.

The Akbar-ndma enjoys a much higher reputation in India than in Europe. The passage above quoted from the Ma-dsiru-l TImard is a fair and temperate expression of Oriental judgment. Sir Henry Elliot, whose opinion coincides with that expressed by Elphinstone, and adopted by Morley, gives an unfavourable verdict. He says, “ The authority of the Akbar-ndma is not rated very high in Europe, and Abu-1 Fazl is not for a moment to be compared, either in frankness or simplicity, with Comines, Sully, Clarendon and other ministers who have written contemporary history ; for though he was a man of enlarged views and extra- ordinary talents, yet, as Elphinstone remarks, he was a professed rhetorician, and is still the model of the unnatural style which is

so much admired in India. He was, besides, a most assiduous courtier, eager to extol the virtues, to gloss over the crimes, and to preserve the dignity of his master and those in whom he was interested. His dates and his general statements of events are valuable ; but he requires constant attention, not so much to guard against his barefaced partiality, as against the prejudice which he draws on his favourites by his fawning and fulsome adula- tion of them, and against the suspicions which he excites by his dishonest way of telling a story, even in cases where the action related was innocent or excusable. His narrative is florid, feeble and indistinct, overloaded with commonplace reflections and pious effusions, generally ending in a compliment to his patron. ‘ Every event that had a tendency to take from his goodness, wisdom, or power, is passed over or mis-stated, and a uniform strain of panegyric and triumph is kept up, which disgusts the reader with the author, and almost with the hero. Amidst these un- meaning flourishes, the real merits of Akbar disappear, and it is from other authors that we learn the motives of his actions, the difiiculties he had to contend with, and the resources by which they were surmounted. The gross flattery of a book written by one so well acquainted with Akbar’s disposition, and submitted, it appears, to his own inspection, leaves an impression of the vanity of that prince, which is almost the only blot on his other- wise admirable character.’ ” ^

A careful examination of the whole of the book, and the translating of many passages, compel the Editor of this work to withhold his assent from this unqualified condemnation. It is true that in certain passages Abu-1 Fazl attributes to Akbar a prescience which approaches to prophecy and powers almost supernatural ; but, as Price observes, his veneration for the Emperor amounted almost to adoration. Apart from these oc- casional blemishes, his faults are those of the rhetorician rather than of the flatterer, and his style ought to be judged by an Oriental standard, not by a contrast with the choicest of Euro-

pean memoirs. But though the Editor had arrived at this judg- ment, he might have hesitated to express it here, had it not been confirmed by the independent opinion of a competent authority. In the preface to his A’ln-i Akbar'i but just arrived in England, Mr. Blochmann says: “Abu-1 Fazl has far too often been accused by European writers of fiattery, and even of wilful concealment of facts damaging to the reputation of his master. A study of the Akhar-ndma will show that the charge is absolutely unfounded ; and if we compare his works with other historical productions of the East, we shall find that while he praises, he does so infinitely less, and with much more grace and dignity, than any other Indian historian or poet. No native writer has ever accused him of flattery ; and if we bear in mind that all Eastern works on Ethics recommend unconditional assent to the opinion of the king, whether correct or absurd, as the whole duty of man, and that the whole poetry of the East is a rank mass of flattery, at the side of which modern encomiums look like withered leaves, we may pardon Abu-1 Fazl when he praises because he finds a true hero.’’

Major Price has given, in his “ Eetrospect of Mahommedan History,” a copious abstract of the Akhar-ndma for the interval between Timur and Akbar. He has also translated elsewhere the account of the capture of Chitor. Major Stewart has translated the account of the taking of Surat. There is in MS. in the Library of the Boyal Asiatic Society an abridged translation of the whole work by “ Lieut. Chambers, of the Madras Army.” This translation was used by Elphinstone for the purposes of his History; and the Editor of this work has had the benefit of it during a portion of the time that he has been at work upon the Akhar-ndma, The translation of the Extracts which follow this have all been made by the Editor.

A lithographed edition of the Akhar-ndma^ in three quarto volumes, was printed at Lucknow in 1867, at the expense of the Baja of Patti ala. It is a handsome and costly work, and it is greatly to be regretted that its literary value is by no

means commensurate with the money expended upon it. Gross and obvious errors abound in it, and there are many passages wanting. In one instance the annals of six months of one of the most important years of the reign (the 17th) are al- together omitted. The Editor has used this edition, and it being the only one published, he has referred to it in the following Extracts. But his chief reliance has been on an excellent Shikasta MS. belonging to the Royal Asiatic Society. He has also had the use of a fair MS. belonging to the Library of the India OfEce, and of other volumes containing only portions of the work. A new edition of the work is promised for the Bibliotheca Indica.

The Akhar-ndma been translated into Hindustani by Muhammad Khalil ’Ali Khan, under the name of Wdki'dt-i Akhart}^

[Text, vol.i. p. 152.] Five or six months after (his accession), Humayun marched to subdue the fort of Kalinjar. He had invested the place nearly a month, when the garrison being reduced to distress, the commander {hakim) submitted. He gave twelve mans of gold, besides other things, as tribute, and the Emperor, acceding to his entreaties and lamentations, forgave him, and marched away towards the fort of Chunar, with the intention of besieging that fortress.

[Text, vol. i. p. 153.] (In the year 940 h., 1533-4 a.d.), Mu- hammad Zaman Mirza, Muhammad Sultan Mirza, with his son

^ [The materials for this notice have been derived hy the Editor from memoranda left by Sir H. Elliot, and from the valuable Memoir of Abu-1 Eazl by Mr. Blochmann, printed as an Introduction to his translation of the Ain-i ATcbari. To that Memoir the reader is referred for further details. See also Morley’s Cat. of the MSS. of the Royal Asiatic Society. 1

Ulugh Mirza, broke out in rebellion, and Humayun marched against them. He encamped at Bhojpur, by the side of the Ganges, and sent Yadgar Nasir Mirza over the river at the head of a force against the rebels. " Yadgar attacked them, gained a victory, and took Muhammad Zaman Mirza, Muham- mad Sultan Mirza, and Wall Khub Mirza prisoners. Muham- mad Zaman Mirza was sent prisoner to Bayana, the other two persons were blinded and sent away in disgrace. Muhammad Zaman Mirza, unmindful of the mercy shown him, pretended to be submissive, and, effecting his escape, fled to Sultan Bahadur, of Gujarat.

[Text, vol. i. p. 153.] When Prince Kamran heard of the death of the Emperor Babar, he left Kandahar in charge of Mirza ’Askari, and set off for Hindustan, to see how he might advance his own interests. At that time Mir Yunas ’AH, who had been appointed by the late Emperor, was governor of Lahore. Mirza Kamran revolved in his mind a scheme for getting hold of Lahore. One night he falsely pretended to have a difference with Karacha Beg, and spoke harshly to him, so that Karacha Beg left the camp of the Mirza with his soldiers, and went off to Lahore. Mir Yunas ’AH was glad of his coming, and showed him much attention ; frequently inviting him to his house, and enjoying his society. Karacha Beg watched his opportunity, and one night when they were drinking wine, and the Mir s soldiers were gone to their homes, Karacha Beg seized him, put him in confinement, and placed his own men in charge of the gates of the fortress. He then sent a messenger to call Mirza Kamran, who was expecting such a summons, and starting off with expedition, gained posses- sion of Lahore. He took Mir Yunas out of prison, and offered to make over the government of Lahore to him ; but the Mir declined to accept it, and went to the Emperor Humayun.

Mirza Kainran appointed his own officers over the pargatias oi* the Panjab, as far as the Satlej or river of Ludhiyana. He sent envoys to the Emperor, assuring him of his good intentions, and asking to be confirmed in the government. Humayun, in his kindness, consented, and recognized him as governor of Kabul, Kandahar, and the Panjab. * * * In the year 933 Mirza Kamran removed Mirza ’Askari from the government of Kandahar, and gave it to Khwaja Kalan Beg, being annoyed with ’Askari in consequence of his having been worsted in a fight with the Hazaras while on his way to Kabul.

[Textj vol. i. p. 155.] In the year 941 Humayun turned his attention to the conquest of the eastern countries, and marched to subdue Bengal. When he arrived at the town of Kinar, near Kalpi, he was informed that Sultan Bahadur of Gujarat had laid siege to the fort of Chitor, and had detached a large force under the command of Tatar Khan, who had very ambitious projects in his head; so in the month of Jumada-1 awwal Humayun fell back to resist his enemies.

Tatar Khan pressed his delusive advice upon Sultan Bahadur, and strongly urged that he might be sent towards the' Imperial dominions, representing Humayun’s army to be given up to pleasure and indolence. Sultan Bahadur took measures to forward the views of the rebels. Having fitted out Tatar Khan, he sent twenty krors of the old Gujarat coinage,^ equal to forty of the ordinary Dehli standard,^ to the fort of Rantambhor, there to be expended by Tatar Khan in raising forces. He sent Sultan ’Alau-d dm, father of Tatar Khaii,^ in command of a strong force, against Kalinjar, to increase the rebellious feeling in that neighbourhood. Burhanu-1 Mulk Bunyam was sent with a force

3 [’Alau-d din was brother to Sultan Sikandar Lodi, and uncle of Sultan Ibrahim. — Text. 'I

of Gujaratis through Nagor, to make a demonstration against the Panjab. Under the idea that the Imperial army would now disperse, he divided his own army, and although wise and ex- perienced counsellors advised him to keep his army together, their words had no effect. AVhen Tatar Kkan marched on his wild enterprise against Dehli, Sultan Bahadur himself proceeded to invest the fort of Chitor. * * * Tatar Khan, employing the money at his disposal, gathered a force of nearly forty thousand horse, of Afghans and others, with which he advanced and took Bay ana. While this was going on, Humayun was engaged in his invasion of the east country ; but on receiving the intelligence of it, he hastened back to Agra. Mirzas ’Askari and Hindal and Yadgar Nasir Mirza and * * * were sent with eighteen thousand horse to meet the chief army of insurgents, which was marching against Dehli, for it was deemed expedient to defeat this army first. When the Imperial army approached the insurgents, numbers of the latter deserted every day, until the force dwindled down to three thousand horse. The men collected with so much trouble, and at so great an expense, had neither the heart to advance nor the spirit to fight. At length he (Tatar Khan), washing his hands of life, fought with all the strength he could muster, at Mandrail, and was there killed.

[Text, vol. i. p. 159.] Humayun left Agra on his expedition against Gujarat, in the beginning of Jumada-1 awwal, 941 H. When he encamped near the fort of Baisin, the commandant sent large presents with a message, saying that the fort was His Majesty’s, and the men of the garrison were the servants of His Majesty, and they would hold the fort till Sultan Bahadur’s business was settled. As the Emperor was intent upon the conquest of Gujarat, he did not delay here, but marched on to Malwa, and encamped at Sarangpur. Sultan Bahadur was engaged in the siege of Chitor ; and when he heard of the

Emperor’s advance, he held a council with his officers, the majority of whom were for raising the siege, and marching against the Emperor. But Sadr Khan, a wise and prudent councillor, urged that the fort was upon the point of surrender, and that they should press the siege to a conclusion, for no Muhammadan king would attack while they were engaged in war with infidels. This advice was followed, and on the 3rd Bamazan, 941 H., the fort of Chitor was taken.

[Text, vol. i. p. 162.] On the 21st of Shawwal Sultan Bahadur lost all hope. He ordered all the large guns and mortars to be filled with powder, and to be fired till they burst. When night came on, he, along with Miran Muhammad Shuja' and five or six of his personal associates, went out from the back of the camp towards i^gra, and afterwards turned towards Mandu. Sadr Khan and ’Iraadu-1 Mulk went off with 20,000 horse direct to Mandu, and Muhammad Zaman Mirza with another body went off towards Lahore, to raise disturbances. Great cries and clamour arose on that night from the Gujarati camp ; but the facts of the matter were not known to the Imperial army. The Emperor mounted and remained under arms till morning. It was not till one watch of the day had passed, that Sultan Bahadur’s flight became known. The troops then entered the camp, and obtained great plunder. Khudawand Khan, the tutor and minister of Sultan Bahadur, was taken prisoner. He was very graciously treated, and taken into the Emperor’s service. Yadgar Kasir Mirza, Kasim Sultan, and Hindu Beg were sent in pursuit of the fugitives. * * * Sadr Khan and ’Imadu-1 Mulk went straight to Mandu, and Huma- yun followed, and encamped before the fort. Kumi Khan deserted from the Gujaratis, and came in to the Emperor, who bestowed a robe upon him. On the 14th (?), Sultan Bahadur entered the fort, and the question of peace came to be debated,

and it was proposed that Gujarat and Cliitor should remain in the hands of Sultan Bahadur, and that Mandu should be given up to the Emperor. These terms were finally agreed upon by the negociators on both sides. But on that night the garrison of the fort relaxed their guard, and a party of about two hun- dred soldiers of the Imperial army went to the back of the fortress, and scaled the walls by means of ladders and ropes. Jumping down from the walls, they opened the gate, and brought in their horses, and others followed. Mallu Khan, the com- mander of the batteries, a native of Mandu, who had the title ' of Kadir Shahi, learnt what was passing, seized a horse, and went to Sultan Bahadur. He was asleep, but the cries of Mallu Khan aroused him, and he rushed out with three or four atten- dants. On his way he met Bhupat Bai, son of Silhadi, one of his councillors, with about twenty horse, whom he joined. On reaching the gate at the top of the maiddn^ they encountered a party of about 200 of the Imperial cavalry. Sultan Bahadur was the first to attack them. He was followed by some others, and he cut his way through, and went off with Mallu Khan and another attendant to the fort of Sungar.^ He had his horses let down (the precipice of the town) by ropes. He himself followed through a thousand difficulties, and took the road to Gujarat. Kasim Husain Khan (an Imperial officer) was stationed near the fort, and an Uzbek servant of his, named Bori, who had previously been in Sultan Bahadur’s service, recognized his old master, and told Kasim Husain, but he took no notice of it. So Sultan Bahadur escaped to Champanir, being joined on the way by about 1,500 men.

[Text, vol. i. p, 172.] [After the conquest of Ahmadabad and] the settlement of the affairs of Gujarat, Humayun marched towards the port of Did (in pursuit of Sultan Bahadur) ; but 1 “The citadel of Mandh,” — suprdj Vol. V. p. 192.

when he left Danduka, which is about thirty hos from Ahmad- abad, letters reached him from Agra with the information that affairs had gone on badly since his departure from the capital, and that revolts had broken out in several quarters. News also came from Malwa, that Sikandar Khan and Mallu Khan had risen and attacked Mihtar Zambur, the jdgirddr of Hindia, who had removed into Ujjain with his property. The troops stationed at various places in the province had also gone into Ujjain, where they were besieged by the insurgents. Darwesli ’AH, Kitdhddr, the governor, was killed by a gunshot, and the garrison then capitulated. This intelligence determined Humayun to fall back, and to take up his residence for a time at Mandu, whilst he cleared the province of Malwa of rebels, settled the affairs of the conquered country of Gujarat, and suppressed the revolts in the vicinity of the capital. He therefore placed Gujarat in charge of Mirza ’Askari.

[Text, vol. i. p. 173.] Nearly three months had passed after the Emperor’s departure, when the enemy drew together and commenced operations. Khan Jahan Shirazi and Rumi Khan, whose name was Safar, and who was the builder of the fort of Surat, operated in concert. They took possession of Nausari, which was held by ’Abdu-lla Khan, an officer of Husain Khan, and he retired to Broach. About the same time they took Surat. Khan Jahan then marched against Broach, and Rumi Khan embarked his guns and muskets {tufang) in war ghrdhs, and proceeded thither by water. Kasim Husain (the governor), unable to make any resistance, went to Cham- panir, and from thence he proceeded to Ahmadabad, seeking help from Mirza ’Askari, and Hindu Beg. Saiyid Ishak, who had received from Sultan Bahadur the title of Shitab Khan, took possession of Kambay. Yadgar Nasir Mirza was summoned from Pattan to Ahmadabad by Mirza ’Askari. Darya Khan

and Muhafiz Khan, who were proceeding from Raisin to Sultan Bahadur at Diu, finding Pattan deserted, took possession of it.

[Text, vol. i. p. 174.] When Mirza ’Askari retired from Ahmadabad, Sultan Bahadur was full of misgiving and anxiety, but this gave him courage. He pursued the retreating forces, and on coming up with them, Yadgar Nasir Mirza, who was in command of the rear-guard, turned upon him. A sharp fight ensued, in which many of Bahadur’s advanced force were killed or taken prisoners, Sultan Bahadur then stopped at Mahmud- abad, and the Mirza rejoined his army. Mirza ’Askari had given up all idea of fighting, and continued his march. He lost a good man}^ men in crossing the Mahindari, whither Sultan Bahadur followed him.

[Text, vol. i. p. 175.] AVhen the Mirzas arived at Champa- nir, Tardi Beg Khan received them hospitably, and then retired to his own abode. Next day the Mirzas, with evil designs, sent a message to him, representing the distressed condition of them- selves and their army, and asking him to give them some money out of the treasures of the fort. This would enable them to turn and face the enemy, and to communicate with (Humayun at) Mandu, which a messenger might do in six days. Tardi Beg did not accede to their request. The Mirzas then resolved to seize him, to take possession of all the treasures, and to proclaim Mirza ’Askari king. They would then endeavour to make terms with Sultan Bahadur, and if unsuccessful, they would march towards Agra, which had been left unprotected by Humayun, because he preferred the climate of Malwa. Tardi Beg came out of the fort to wait upon the Mirzas ; but on his way he received information of their designs, and hastened back into the

fort. He then sent to tell the Mirzas that they must not stay there, and they replied that they were going, and wished him to come and say farewell. But he knew their object, and sent a suitable answer. Next morning Tardi Beg fired a gun (to show that he was ready to fight), and the Mirzas marched off by way of Ghat-Karji, in execution of their wild plan against i^gra. Whilst they remained at Chdmpanir, Sultan Bahadur did not cross the Mahindari, which is about fifteen Iws distant. But when he heard of their march towards i^gra, and of the foolish scheme they had formed, he crossed the river, and advanced against Champanir. Notwithstanding the strength of the fort, and its abundance of munitions, Tardi Beg evacuated the fortress, and went to Humayun at Mandu, where he informed him of all the Mirzas’ evil designs.

Rebellion of Muhammad Sultan Mirzci and Ulugh Mirzd.

[Text, vol. i. p. 176.] One of the disgraceful proceedings which recalled Humayun to A^gra was the rebellion of Sultan Mirza and Ulugh Mirza his son. It has already been related how they before rebelled, and how an order was given to deprive them of sight. But the party entrusted with this order did not execute it, and they escaped. They now again commenced their rebellious proceedings, and after attacking Bilgram, they went to Kanauj, which was held by the sons of Khusru Kokaltash. These men surrendered, and were replaced in charge of Kanauj. Mirza Hindal, who was in A!gra, went out against them, and crossing the Ganges near Bilgram, the armies met, and a battle ensued, in which the rebels were defeated. Hindal pursued, and overtook them at Oudh, where Ulugh Beg and his sons were assembled and ready to fight again. The news of the Emperor’s return from Gujarat to Agra now arrived, and the rebels fought once more, and were defeated. Hindal then returned victorious to Agra.

[Text, vol. i. p. 177.] When Humayun returned to Agra, Ehupal Kai, the ruler of Bij4garh,i finding the fort of Mandu empty, came up boldly and took possession of it. Kadir Shah also returned there, and Miran Muhammad Faruki also came up from Burhanpur. Sultan Bahadur remained a fortnight at Champanir, and then returned to Diu. * * Upon reaching the port, he found the Portuguese commander had arrived there with his vessels and fighting men. The Portuguese chief was appre- hensive that as the Sultan was no longer in want of assistance, he meditated some treachery. So he sent to inform the Sultan that he had come as requested, but that he was ill and unable to go on shore, so that the interview must be deferred until he got better. The Sultan, quitting the royal road of safety, proceeded on the 3rd Ramazan, 943 h., with a small escort, on board a boat to visit the Governor. As soon as he reached the vessel, he dis- covered that it was a mere pretence of sickness, and he was sorry that he had come. He sought to return directly ; but the Portu- guese were unwilling that such prey should escape them, and hoped that by keeping him prisoner, they might obtain some more ports. The governor came forward, and asked the Sultdn to stay a little while, and examine some curiosities he had to present. The Sultan requested that they might be sent after him, and turned quickly towards his own boat. A European kdzi (priest ?) placed himself in the Sultanas way, and bade him stop. The Sultan, in exasperation, drew his sword, and cleft him in twain ; then he leaped into his own boat. The Portu- guese vessels which were around drew together round the Sultan’s boat, and a fight began. The Sultan and Rumi Khan threw themselves into the water. A friend among the Portu- guese stretched a hand to Rurni Khan, and saved him; but the Sultan was drowned in the waves. His companions also perished.

KumdyurC s march to BengaL (See Vol. V. p. 199.)

[Text, vol. i. p. 184.] When the Emperor arrived at Patna, part of his army having come by water, part by land, his counsellors advised him to delay his campaign till after the rainy season. * * * But the King of Bengal urged expedition, and Humayun complied. When he arrived at Bhagalpiir, he divided his army, and sent Mirza Hindal, with 5000 men, over the river to march on that side. On reaching Mungir, Humayun found that Slier Khan had left his son Jalal Khan, afterwards Salim Khan (Shah), with Khawass Khan, and * * with 15,000 men, in charge of the town of Garhi, which is the gate of Bengal, and had himself gone to Jharkand.^ * * When the Imperial army reached Garhi, Jalal Khan, disregarding his father’s com- mands, came out and attacked them, * and defeated them. * * Humayun then hastened forward, and the Afghans abandoned the place and fled.

[Text, vol. i. p. 186.] [While Humayun was at Gaur] Sher Khan seized the opportunity to increase his power. He besieged Benares, and in a short time got possession of the place, and killed the governor, Mir Fazali. From thence he marched against Jaunpur, which was held by Baba Beg Jalair, father of Shaham Khan, who had been appointed after the death of Hindu Beg. He set the defences of the place in order, and was joined from Oudh by Yusuf Beg, son of Ibrahim Beg, who was on the march to Beno^al. Yusuf Beo* scoured the neighbourhood with his patrols, and was eager for the fray. JalM Khan, hearing of this, made a rapid march with 2000 men. When Yusuf Beg came in sight of this force, he at once prepared for battle. He was strongly dissuaded by his officers, on account of the great

disparity of the two forces, but he would not listen. After fighting bravely, he was killed, and next day the enemy invested Jaunpur. Baba Beg Jalair exerted himself strenuously in its defence, and wrote to the mirzds and the amirs^ as well as to the Emperor, to inform them of his position.

[Text, vol. i. p. 194.] [After the battle of Chaunsa], Sher Khan resolved upon getting possession of Bengal, and marched as far as the frontier of Bihar. There he stopped, and sent his son Jalal Khan with a detachment on this expedition. In a short time he met Jahangir Kuli Beg,^ and the latter fought bravely. But the decrees of fate were against him, and the amirs of Bengal did not show proper spirit in opposing the rebels. Fond of their ease, they rendered no support to Jahangir Kuli. Unable to succeed in the field, Jahangir Kuli sought refuge with the zaminddrs, and he and many of his followers were killed. At ease as to Bengal, Sher Khan ad- vanced, and got possession of Jaunpur. He then sent his younger son Kutb Khan against Kalpi and Etawa.

[Text, vol. i. p. 198.] When Humayun reached Bhojpur, he found Sher Khan encamped with a large army on the other side of the Ganges. The Emperor ordered a bridge to be thrown over, and it was soon constructed at the ferry of Bhojpur. * * The Afghans brought up the elephant Gard-baz, which they had taken at the battle of Chaunsa, to destroy the bridge, and the elephant pressed against the head of the bridge and brought it down. * * It was now thought advisable to march along the bank of the river to Kanauj.

1 Governor of Bengal, appointed by Humay 6n.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 42.] At this time (first j^ear of the reign of Akbar), there was a great scarcity in Hindustan. In some disr- tricts, and especially in the province of Dehli, it reached a most alarming height. If men could find money, they could not get sight of corn. Men were driven to the extremity of eating each other, and some formed themselves into parties to carry off lone individuals for their food.

Destruction of Himus family. — Alwar and Ajmir.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 56.] Akbar was now informed that Hdji Khan, a ghuldm of Slier Khan Afghan [Sher Shah], a brave and able general, was setting up pretensions to rule in Alwar, and that Himu’s father and wife, and all his property and wealth, were in that country. So the Emperor sent Nasiru-1 Mulk [Pir Muhammad Sarwani] with a select force to attack him. Hdji Khan, in dread of the Imperial army, fled before it arrived. Alwar and all the territory of Mewat thus came into the Imperial power. The fugitives proceeded to Dewati-majari, a strong place, which was Himu’s family home. Much resistance and fighting followed. Himu’s father was taken alive, and brought before Nasiru-1 Mulk, who tried to convert him to the faith ; but the old man said, “ For eighty years I have worshipped God in the way of my own religion ; how can I now forsake my faith ? Shall I, through fear of death, embrace your religion without understanding it ? ” Maulana Pir Muhammad treated his question as unheard, but save him an answer with the tongue of the sword. He then returned with much spoil and fifty elephants to the Emperor. Haji Khan, when he left Alwar, proceeded to Ajmir, deeming that a secure refuge for his family, and prepared his soldiers for battle. The Eaiia, who was a great zaminddr, was the son of

that rd/m who had acted improperly towards the late Emperor Humayun, and had suffered defeat at his hands. Haji Khan made demands upon him, and grievously troubled him, so that a battle was fought between them in the vicinity of Ajmir. Haji Khan and Muzaffar Khan Sarwani, his mldl^ exhibited conspicu- ous gallantry in the fight, and the Rana, who was too confident in the number of his forces, was defeated. Haji Khan then took possession of Ajmir and Hagor and all those parts. When this success of Haji Khan'’s was reported to the Emperor, he appointed Saiyid Muhammad Kasim Khan Naishapuri and * * to march against him. * * * Intelligence was now brought that Haji Khan was so strong as to offer resistance to the forces sent against him ; so the Emperor determined to proceed to Hisar, and to send reinforcements from thence. After visiting the tomb of his father at Sirhind, he proceeded to Hisar, accompanied by Bairam Khan. * * * When intelligence of this reached Haji Khan, his forces dispersed. Every man went to his own place, and Haji Khan himself hastened to Gujarat. Muhammad Kasim Khan was sent by the Emperor to take charge of Ajmir. Saiyid Muhammad Barha and Shah Kuli Khan Mahram were sent out with a force to capture Jitasaran, and they killed a great many Rajputs, and made themselves masters of the fort.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 72.] The son of Muhammad Khan, ruler of Bengal, Sadar Khan^ byname, but who had assumed the title of Jalalu-d din, resolved to take his revenge on Mubariz Khan (^Adali) for having caused the death of his father on the field of battle. He accordingly marched against Mubariz Khan, and overthrew and slew him in a great battle. He had reigned four years and some days.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 97.] Among the transactions of this year was the appointment of Adham Khan with a body of men against Hathkant/ which was the strongest place in the neighbourhood of Agra. The zaminddrs of this place were Bhadauriyas ^ and others, and were remarkable for their numbers and courage. They were continually in rebellion against the Kings of Hindustan. Bairam Khan, having a rooted mistrust of Adham Khan, re- solved to confer Hathkant upon him in jdgir ; thus at once removing him from Court, and providing for the chastisement of the malcontents of that neighbourhood.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 112.] Bairam Khan had been appointed by Humayun tutor of his son Akbar, and the youth had often addressed him, as noble youths are accustomed to address their seniors, by the name “Baba.” The Emperor was now mindful of the fact, and overlooked in consequence many of Bairam’s unseemly actions. * * But at length Bairam’s proceedings went beyond all endurance, and he formed some sinister designs in conspiracy with evil-minded flatterers like Wali Beg Zu-1 Kadr and Shaikh Gadai Kambu. When the Emperor became ac- quainted with the evil designs of these conspirators, he communi- cated them, before they could be carried into execution, to some of his devoted and intelligent advisers, such as Maham Anka, remarkable for her intelligence, judgment, and sincerity,4o Adham Khan, Mirza Sharfu-d din Husain, and some others. * * The Emperor crossed over to Bay ana on a hunting excursion, and

^ On the left bank of the Chambal. — See Glossary, vol. i. p. 86 ; vol. ii. p. 26.

Maham i^nka then made known the facts to Shahabu-d din Ahmad Khan, the governor of Dehli, a man distinguished for liis judgment, shrewdness, and fidelity. * * * The first person of distinction who deserted Bairam Khan was Kiya Khan Gang, an old and faithful servant of the throne. After that others fell off, one by one and two by two, and proceeded to Court. Maham Anka, in accord with Shahabu-d din Ahmad Khan, commu- nicated all important matters to His Majesty, and became re- sponsible for the discharge of the duties of the minister. * * * As a political expedient, and for the public discharge of business, Maham Anka recommended Bahadur Khan, brother of ^Ali Kuli Khan, for the exalted office of minister, and His Majesty ap- pointed him. * * But although he received Etawa in jdgir, and bore the name of minister, the real duties were discharged by Maham Anka.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 164.] Bairam’s natural character was good and amiable. But through bad company, that worst misfortune of man, his natural good qualities were overclouded, and arrogance was fostered by flattery. Every one who looks with complacency on his own merits and deserts opens his heart to the wiles of sycophants.

[Text,.vol. ii. p. 181.] The folly and wilfulness of Adham Khdn were well known. His mother, Maham Anka, had charge of the royal harem, and he now conspired with some of his mother’s servants to carry off two of the beauties of Baz Baha- dur, who had lately been presented to the Emperor. When every

one was engaged in preparing for the march, and little heed was paid to what was going on, the abduction was effected. When this disgraceful action was made known to the Emperor, he sent two fast riders after the fugitives, who exerted themselves so well that they overtook them, and brought them back. Maham ^nka, lest these two women should be brought into the presence of the Emperor, and expose her conduct and the villany of her son, had the two poor innocent girls put to death, for dead people tell no tales. His Majesty had not yet torn the veil from his eyes, so he passed over this heinous crime.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 202.] One of the gracious acts of His Majesty in this (seventh) year of his reign was the prohibition against making slaves of prisoners taken in war. It had been the custom of the royal troops, in their victorious campaigns in India, to forcibly sell or keep in slavery the wives, children, and dependents of the natives. But His Majesty, actuated by his religious, pru- dent, and kindly feelings, now issued an order that no soldier of the royal army should act in this manner ; for although evil- disposed men might follow senseless courses, and taking up arms against the Emperor might suffer defeat, the children and people belonging to them were to be secure from all molestation from the royal troops, and no one, small or great, was to be made a slave. All were to be free to go as they pleased to their own houses or to the houses of their relatives ; for although the re- pression and destruction of insolent opponents and the chastise- ment and coercion of rebels are among the duties of the ruling power, and are approved by lawyers and men of justice, still the punishment of their innocent wives and children is a trans- gression of the law. For if the husband pursues an evil course, what fault is it of the wife ? and if the father rebels, how can the children be blamed ?

Murder of Shainsu-d din Muhammad Aika by Adkam Khan, (See Vol. V. p. 277.)

[Text, vol. ii. p. 218.] Adham Khan, the youngest son of that pattern of chastity Maham Anka, who had neither a well- ordered mind nor a good temper, in the rashness of youth and intoxication of prosperity, was very envious of Shamsu-d din Atka Khan. The Khan-khanan Mun’im Khan was also under the influence of the same feeling, and exhibited it constantly in ways that no one of lower dignity could have done. He irritated and excited Adham Khan, until at last, on the 12th Ramazan, a great outrage was committed. Mun’im Khan, Atka Khan, Shahabu-d din Ahmad Khan, and other nobles, were sitting in the royal audience chamber engaged in business of state. Adham Khan came violently in with a party of ruffians more violent than himself. Those who were present in the court rose up, to show their respect, and Atka Khan also half stood up. As soon as he entered, Adham Khan clapped his hand to his dagger in a menacing way, and faced Atka Khan. He then cast an angry look upon Khusham Uzbek, one of his ofiicers, and upon the other graceless wretches who had joined him in this outrageous business, as if to ask them why they hesitated. The truculent Khusham Uzbek then drew his dagger, and inflicted a terrible wound in the bosom of the minister. -Atka Khan, in the greatest terror, rushed off towards the apartments of the Emperor, and had nearly reached them, when he received two sword cuts, and fell dead in the court yard of the palace. Dismay came upon all present, and a great outcry arose.

The blood-stained murderer, with that demented presumption which marked his proceedings, now directed his steps to the private apartments where His Majesty was sleeping. He mounted, sword in hand, to the parapet (suffah) which surrounds the palace on all sides about the height of a man and a half, and endeavoured to force his way inside. A eunuch who was near shut the door and locked it, and refused to open it for all the

menaces of the assassin. The attendants of the royal court were greatly to be blamed that they did not at once inflict merited punishment on the murderer, and put a stop to his proceedings. But this want of resolution was probably ordained so that the courage and justice of the Emperor might become manifest to all, both small and great. The noise awoke him, and he inquired what was the matter, but no one of the inside attendants could inform him. He then went out himself to ascertain the facts. One of the old officers of the palace made known what had happened.

Amazed at the horrible statement, His Majesty inquired what it all meant, and the attendant then confirmed his words by pointing to the blood-stained corpse. When the Emperor realized the actual state of affairs, his anger blazed forth, and by a sudden inspiration he rushed out by another door, and not by that to which the assassin had fled in his vain hope. As he went forth, one of his attendants placed a sword in his hand without being asked for it. He took it and went on. On turning a corner of the parapet, he perceived the ungrateful culprit. Ad- dressing him by an opprobrious epithet,^ he asked what he had done. The presumptuous villain then rushed forward, and seizing both the hands of the Emperor, besought him to inquire into and reflect upon the matter, and not to condemn him without investi- gation. The Emperor, letting go his sword, delivered himself from the grasp of the culprit, and endeavoured to seize his sword. But the wretched man loosed his hold of the Emperor, and en- deavoured to retain his sword. Relinquishing his attempt to get the sword, the Emperor struck him a blow in the face with his fist, which brought him senseless to the ground. Farhat Khan and Sangram Hoshnak were there present, and the Emperor with angry looks demanded why they stood there looking on. He ordered them to bind the mad-brained fellow, and they and some others did so. He then gave his just command for them to cast him down headlong from the parapet. These stupid men ^ Bmha-i Iddah^ “ son of a bitch.”

showed tenderness where want of tenderness would have been a thousand times better, and did not hurl him down as they ought to have done, and he was only half killed. They were then ordered to bring him up and cast him down again. So they dragged him back by the hair, and throwing him down more care- fully, his neck was broken and his brains knocked out. So that criminal received the just reward of his deed. The vigorous hand of the Emperor had dealt him such a blow that those who were not aware of the fact supposed it to have been given with a mace.

Mun’im Khan Khan-khanan and Shahabu-d din Ahmad Khdn, who were near at hand, recoiled before the Emperor’s anger, and took to flight. Yusuf Muhammad Khan, the eldest son of Atka Khan, when he was informed of the fate of his father, assembled the Atka lihail in arms, and blocked the road against Adham Khan and Maham Anka. They were as yet unaware of the just retribution inflicted by His Majesty, who had paid no regard to his connection {nishat) with Maham Anka. * * But one of their number went and saw the punishment the culprit had received at the hands of the Emperor, and their anger was then appeased.

Mdham Anka was at her own home, stretched upon the bed of sickness. She had heard of her son’s outrageous conduct, and that the Emperor had put him in confinement. Moved by her maternal affection, she arose and went to the Emperor, hoping to obtain the release of her son. When the Emperor saw her, he told her that Adham had killed his atka^ and that he had inflicted the retaliatory punishment. Maham Anka did not understand from this that her son was dead, so she replied that His Majesty had done well. But the takhta-hegi, one of the ladies of the Court, then told her the truth, that he had been killed, and that he bore upon his face the marks of a blow with a mace, — these marks being, in fact, those made by His Majesty’s fist.

Maham Anka’s good sense so far restrained her that she said nothing disrespectful to the Emperor, but she was greatly dis- tressed. Her heart received a thousand wounds, and the colour

forsook her face. She wished to go and see the body of her son, but His Majesty would not allow her, and he endeavoured to console and comfort her with kind and gentle words. On the same day the two corpses were sent to DeliH, and the Emperor, after doing his utmost to console Maham Anka, gave her permission to return home. That wise and grief-stricken woman respectfully took her departure. She then resigned herself to the divine decree, and passed her days in grief and sorrow. The disease with which she was afflicted increased, and forty days afterwards she died. His Majesty was deeply grieved at the death of this pattern of chastity. Her body was sent to Dehli with all respect and honour, and the Emperor himself followed it for some steps. The nobles and officers of the state all testified their respect, and the Emperor ordered a splendid monument to be erected over her and her son.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 239.] It was an old standing custom for the rulers of Hindustan to exact contributions, according to their respective means, from the pilgrims who visited the holy shrines. This tax was called karmt. His Majesty’s judgment and equity condemned this exaction, and he remitted it, although it amounted to krors of rupees. An order was accordingly issued abolishing it throughout his dominions. * * * He was pleased to say that although this was a tax on the vain superstitions of the multitude, and the devotees did not pay it except when they travelled abroad, still the course they adopted was their mode of worshipping the Almighty, and the throwing of a stumbling-block and obstacle in their way could never be acceptable in the sight of Grod.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 257.] One of the munificent acts of the Emperor at the beginning of this the ninth year of his reign was

the remission of the jizya (poll-tax upon infidels), which, in a country so extensive as Hindustan, amounted to an immense sum.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 263.] Khwaja ^Abdu-1 Majid i^saf Khan, although he was a Tajik and a civilian, yet by the help of the good fortune of the Emperor, he had performed such deeds as would have humbled even Turks in his presence. He now resolved upon attempting the conquest of Grarha-katanka. In the vast territories of Hindustan there is a country called Gondwana, that is, the land inhabited by the tribe of Gonds, — a numerous race of people, who dwell in the wilds, and pass most of their time in eating and drinking and the pro- creation of children. They are a very low race, and are held in contempt by the people of Hindustan, who look upon them as outcasts from their religion and laws. To the east of this country lies Ratanpur, a dependency of the country of Jharkand ; and on the west it borders on Raisin, belonging to the province of Malwa. The length of this district is 150 kos. On the north lies Panna,^ and on the south the Dakhin, and the breadth is eighty kos. This country is called Garha-katanka, and it contains many strongholds and lofty forts. It has numerous towns and villages, and veracious writers have recorded that it contains seventy thou- sand villages. Garha is the name of the chief city, and Katanka is the name of a place ^ (near it), and these two places have given their names to the whole country. The seat of government was the fort of Ohauragarh.

In former times there was no one supreme ruler, but the country was ruled by several rajas and rdis, and at the present time, when, by the will of fortune, it no longer belongs to this

1 This name is written yPatta” both in the print and in the MS., but the descrip- tion given applies to Panna. Shaikh Illah-dad also writes it “ Pattah ” in his Akbar-ndma.

race, there are several rdjds^ such as Raja Garha, Raja * * *. The fighting men of this country are chiefly infantry, the horsemen being few. From the earliest establishment of the Muhammadan power in India no monarch had been able to reduce the fortresses of this country or to annex the territory.

At the time when Asaf Khan received ihejagir of Karra, and accomplished the conquest of Panna, the government of this country was in the hands of Rani Durgavati, commonly known as ‘‘the Rani.” She was highly renowned for her courage, ability, and liberality, and by the exercise of these qualities she had brought the whole country under her rule. The author has heard from intelligent men who have been there that she had twenty-three thousand inhabited villages under her sway. Twelve thousand of these were managed by her own s/iikkddrs, and the remainder were in the possession of tributary chiefs. The heads of the various clans paid their homage to her. She was the daughter of a Raja of the tribe of Ohandel, who was named Salibahan, who, was Raja of Ratah and Mahoba.^ He married her to Dalpat, a son of Aman Das. He did not belono- to a high tribe, but he was wealthy, and as evil times had fallen upon Raja Salibahan, he had consented to this alliance.

This Aman Das rendered valuable assistance to Sultan Bahadur Gujarati in the reduction of Raisin ; he had consequently been promoted, and had received the title of Sangram Shah. He was the son of Arjun Das, son of Sukhan Das, son of Gorak Das, son of Kharji. From old times there had been an ancestor in the house of the ruler of Garha holding a respectable position ; but Kharji, by his superior intelligence and tact, managed to acquire something in the way of tribute from the other chiefs of that country, and raised a force amounting to a hundred horse and ten thousand foot. His son, Sukhan Das, carrying out the plans of his father, raised his army to five hundred horse and sixty thousand foot, enlisting many Rajputs both in his cavalry

1 See supra Vol. IV. p. 462, note. The print and the MS. agree in the names as here given.

and infantry. He found two clever and able assistants, one be- longing to the Kharchali tribe dwelling at Hamirpur, and the other belonging to the tribe of Parihar.^ Under him the govern- ment was carried on with great intelligence and vigour. His son Arjun succeeded him in the fortieth year (of his age). After him came Aman Das, above mentioned.

This Aman Das was an ill-disposed crafty fellow. He con- stantly opposed the will of his father, and engaged in evil pursuits. His father several times put him in confinement, and then endeavoured to bind him with covenants and promises. But the graceless fellow again relapsed into his evil courses, and having been guilty of some disgraceful actions, he fled to Raja Nar Sing Deo, grandfather of Raja Ram Chandar of Panna. Raja Nar Sing treated him as a son, and when the Raja went to attend upon Sultan Sikandar Lodi, he left him behind with his son Parbihan, who was then a minor. There he acted with great intelligence. His father, Arjun Das, being dissatisfied with his ill-conducted son, appointed his son Jogi Das to be his heir ; but he, having regard to his elder brother’s rights, did not accept this position.

Aman Das, having heard of his father’s intentions, made a rapid journey, and concealed himself in his mother’s house. There, with the assistance of one of the Raja’s attendants, with whom he had long had relations, he one night killed his father. The men of the place then assembled and made him prisoner, and sent a person to communicate the facts to his brother. But the younger brother would not fall in with their views ; he refused to do anything against his elder brother, who stood to him in the position of a father, and said that as his brother had chosen to risk eternal perdition, how could he look him in the face I All persuasion was useless, and he went off into the wilds.

The two confidential friends of the father were true to duty, and would not recognize his succession. They sent an account

of the occurrence to Raja Nar Singh Deo, and urged him to take possession of the territory. The Raja took leave of Sultan Sikandar, and returned with a strong force. Aman Das secured himself in the mountains ; but as he could not hold out against the power of the Raja, he opened communica- tions, and said that as he had in his folly and wickedness killed one father, how could he then make war upon another ? When the Raja had overrun the territory, and left his officers in charge of it, Arnan Das came to meet him on his road, attended by only a few followers. After great display of weeping, the Raja forgave him and restored his country. He kept up continual lamentation for his crime, and it is difficult to say whether this was mere hypocrisy, or whether the contrition he exhibited to his people was really sincere. When Aman Das died, the suc- cession devolved upon his son Dalpat, who ruled seven years and then died.

According to report Aman Das, who received the name of Sangram, had really no son. It is said that he induced Gobind Das Kachhwaha, one of his attendants, to allow his wife, who was pregnant, to be delivered in his (Aman’s) female apartments. If a daughter was born, it was to belong to the father ; but if a boy, Aman Das was to acknowledge it as his own, and no one should know anything about it. Gobind Das acquiesced, and a boy was born, who was represented to be the Raja’s son. He received the name of Dalpat, and was married to Rani Durgavati. When he died, he left a son, named Bir Narayan, only five years of age. With the assistance of Adhar Kayath, the Rani assumed the government, showing no want of courage and ability, and managing her foreign relations with judgment and prudence. She carried on some great wars against Baz Bahadur and his officers, and was everywhere victorious. She had as many as twenty thousand excellent horse soldiers, and a thousand fine elephants. The treasures of the Rajas of that country came into her possession. She was a good shot, both with the bow and musket, and frequently went out hunting, when she used to

brinsr down the animals with her own "un. When she heard of a tiger, she never rested till she had shot it. Many stories of her courage and daring are current in Hindustan. But she had one great fault. She listened to the voice of flatterers, and being puffed up with ideas of her power, she did not pay her allegiance to the Emperor.

When i^saf Khan conquered the country of Panna, the Rani Durgavati, infatuated with the ideas of her army, her courage, and her ability, took no heed of her new neighbour, -i^saf Khan at first kept up friendly and conciliatory relations with her ; but he sent sharp spies and shrewd merchants into her country to get information of the communications and ways of ingress and eo:ress. When he had obtained information of the wealth and treasures of this woman, he conceived the idea of making himself master of the country. He began first with ravaging the frontier villages, and went on until in the present year he received the Imperial command to effect the conquest of Garha.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 409.] While the Emperor was engaged in the siege of Chitor, Sulaimaii Kirani of Bengal again had the Emperor’s name recited in the lihutha, and made a wolf-like peace with Mun’iin Khan Khan-khanan. The facts of the case are as follows : — When Mubariz Khan, better known as ^Adali, set up pretensions to royalty (in Bengal), Taj Khan Kirani with his brothers fled to Bihar. There he pursued an artful and wily course, both in the days of Muhammad Khan, ruler of Bengal, who had rebelled, and afterwards also in the days of Bahadur Khan, until the time when ’Adali was slain fio-htin" against Bahadur Khan. When, after some time, the latter died, his brother Jalalu-d din advanced his claim to the sovereignty of Bengal and Bihar. Taj Khan and his brothers were sometimes opposed to him, sometimes in league

with him. He also made an artful and hypocritical friendship with Khan-zaman. When Jalalu-d din died, Taj Khan obtained possession of Bengal and Bihar. *He shortly afterwards died, and his younger brother Sulaiman succeeded, and established his authority over the two provinces. Sulaiman kept up a sort of friendship with Khan-zaman, and looking sharply after his own interests, he strengthened his position. Numbers of roving Af- ghans gathered round him, and he amassed wealth and gathered together many elephants. After Khan-zaman had received the punishment due unto his deeds, the Emperor appointed Munhm Khan Khan-khanan to the government of Jaunpur. Asadu-lla Khan, an officer of Khan-zaman, had charge of Zamaniya, a place built by Khan-zaman, and on the death of the Khan, Asadu-lla, in his stupidity, sent a person to Sulaiman, offering to surrender the place- to him and to become his subject. But MuiTim Khan having got information of this, sent some persons to Asadu-lla, who induced him to forego this determination, and to repair in person to Khan-khanan. The Afghan army, which had come up with the intention of taking possession of Zamaniya, went back disappointed. Lodi Afghan, who was the chief minister of Sulaiman, and remarkable for his wisdom and intelligence, was on the banks of the Sone. He knew Munhm Khan Khan- khanan to be a man desirous of peace, so he entered into friendly relations with him, hoping thus to secure his own territories from the attacks of the Imperial forces. Presents and letters passed between them, strengthening their friendship. Meanwhile the Emperor was engaged in the siege of Chitor, and Sulaiman was occupied in subduing the Raja of Orissa and Ibrahim.

But Sulaiman was ill at ease about Khan-khanan ; so, while the Emperor was besieging Chitor, he sought to establish amity with him, Lodi being his medium. After some correspondence, it was arranged that Khan-bhanan should pay Sulaiman a visit, to establish friendship between the Emperor and Sulaiman, and to arrange for the Emperor’s name and titles being read in the khutha and impressed upon the coins. Khan-khanan deter-

mined to go and effect the objects in view, although many wise and sagacious persons endeavoured to dissuade him. But he paid no heed to them, and proceeded to Patna on his visit, attended by three hundred chosen men and by several of his officers and their attendants, numbering altogether about one thousand men. Lodi came to meet him, and show him proper respect. Then came Bayazid, eldest son of Sulaiman ; and at five kos from Patna, Sulaiman himself came forth to give him a formal state recep- tion. Sulaiman conducted him to his own dwelling, and there gave him a sumptuous entertainment. The Imperial name was read out in the pulpit, coins were struck with it, and suitable tribute (to the Emperor) was presented. But a party of Sulaiman’s turbulent adherents formed the design of seizing Khan-khanan, while the Emperor was engaged at Chitor with his great nobles, and while there was no one left at the capital who could interfere with their designs upon the Khan. When Lodi became ac- quainted with this conspiracy, he ^endeavoured to divert them from their purpose']. Sulaiman assented to his views, but the fierce Afghans would not listen to his words. Khan-khandn got in- formation of the plot, and, with the advice of Lodi, he got away from his camp by a clever stratagem, and galloped off, attended by a small well- mounted escort. He was a long way off before the Afghans were aware of his escape ; and as they had failed in their purpose, they affected to maintain a friendly feeling. Bayazid and Lodi hastened after the Khan, and, after showing him great honour and respect, they returned. Khan-khanan crossed the Ganges, and after two or three stages, he received the despatch of the conquest of Chitor.

Sulaiman now returned re-assured to Bengal, and devoted his attention to his own affairs. He treacherously seized upon the country of Orissa, in which the temple of Jagannath is situated, and perfidiously killed the Baja. Ibrahim [Sultan of Dehli],^ who was not quite right in his mind, and was soured by his fall from his lofty position, had taken refuge with the Raja of Orissa, ^ See supra, Vol. V. p. 245.

and still dreamed of sovereignty. Sulaiman, by promises and oaths, got Ibrahim into his clutches, and then sent him to the next world.

1 Two hours before nightfall they fell in with a brahman, who informed them that the enemy with a large force had halted in the town of Sarnal, on the bank of the Sakanir, about four kos distant. On receiving this information, the Emperor held a council, and Jalal Khan urged that, as their own forces had not come up, and the enemy was in great strength, it was inexpedient to fight by day : they should either wait for reinforcements, or fall upon the enemy by night. But this sensible and prudent counsel did not please the Emperor, who said it was unworthy of brave warriors, and that it was advisable to make a dashing attack at once. “ Let each one of us,’’ said he, single out his adversary and bring him down.” * * * Trusting in heaven, they went on their course, till they came in sight of Sarnal. His Majesty went on a little in advance, to the bank of the Mahindari,^ to arrange his men. He "ave orders for them to buckle on their

armour ; and when he thus prepared for the assault, he had not with him more than forty men.

Intelligence was now brought of the approach of the heads of his columns ; but he was so angry at their tardiness, that he declared none of them should share in the honours of the fight. But he was informed that they had lost their way, and that Shahbaz Khan, who had been sent to hasten their arrival, had been long in reaching them. This statement ap- peased his anger. Among the chiefs of the army who now came up and joined him were Khan-i ’Alam, Saiyid Mahmud

^ The text of this and the two following Extracts is wanting in the Lucknow edition.

2 The Mahindari is the Mahi (see Vol. V. p. 435.)

Khan Barha, Kaja Bhagwant Das, Shah KuU Khan Mahram, Kunwar Man Singh, Baba Khan Kakshal, Bhupat, Salim Khan Kakar, Bhuj Haji, Yusuf Khan, and some others. The whole force now amounted to about 200 men. As they were crossing the river, Man Singh requested that he might be appointed to the advanced force. His Majesty said that he had no army to divide, but on that day they must all fight heartily together. But Man Singh earnestly entreated that, in order to show his devotion, he might be allowed to push on a few paces in front. He received permission, and with a few brave men went on in advance. Akbar himself and his companions followed, and all passed over the river safely at a ford.

Ibrahim Husain Mirza had previously entered the town of Sarnal. When he saw the dust of the approaching force, and the way in which the horsemen crossed the river, he told his companions that he was sure that the Emperor was there present. But the ill-starred foolish man led his forces out of the town to a rising ground, and there took up a position. When the Em- peror’s men had come out of the river, they were scattered and broken up into parties, each of which pushed on as best it could. The Emperor himself, with a few followers, approached the river-gate of Sarnal, where he was encountered by a party of the rebels. But Mukbil Khan, a Kalmuck slave, rushed forward with a few brave fellows, and soon watered the dust with their blood. On entering the town, they found it full of men, and learned that Ibrahim Husain Mirza had gone out by another way to prepare for battle.

The Emperor, having disentangled himself from the streets of the town, and the crowds of people, endeavoured to encourage his followers, and to strike dismay into the enemy. Baba Khan Kakshal, with a party of brave men, assaulted, and bore back the enemy. Others also, as they got clear from the streets of the town, came up in all directions, and took part in the fight. Among them Bhupat, the brother of Baja Bhagwant Das, met his death bravely fighting with a party

of the enemy he had encountered. The ground was rugged, and so covered with thorn hedges, that two horsemen could not pro- ceed abreast. His Majesty still pressed on slowly, and was supported by Raja Bhagwant Das. Three of the enemy now attacked them. One menaced Bhagwant Das with his javelin ; but the Raja stood up in his stirrups, and avoiding the weapon, he struck his adversary so fiercely with his spear that he was glad to retreat. The other two attacked the Emperor, and a formidable hedge prevented Khan-i ’Alam and others from rendering any assistance ; but the Emperor dashed from the hedge upon his adversaries so fiercely that they turned and fled. Ibrahim Husain, who was fighting manfully, finding himself defeated, turned and fled. The royal troops pursued and cut down many of the fugitives.

When the death of Sulaiman Kirani became known, Khan- khanan Munfim Khan marched from the fort of Chunar against the province of Bihar. Sikandar Ezkek died about the same time. Khan-khanan then sent Tangri Kuli with a force against Hajipur, and Talibi with another detachment against Patna. Gujar, unable to resist, sent presents and propositions of submis- sion. He offered to enter the Imperial service, and to assist in the conquest of Bengal, upon condition of receiving Gorakpur for the support of himself and family, and of the province of Bihar being allotted mjdgir to the Imperial nobles ; or that the sarkdr of Hajipur and Bihar should be assigned to him for that year, he being responsible to the Imperial treasury for the revenue, and that in the next year he should receive a jdgir in Bengal. Mun’irn Khan accepted this proposition, and was about to make Gorakpur over to him, when Lodi, whose craft appeared in all the matters of that country, conspired with Hashim Khan, and upset the arrangement. Gujar, finding that

he had nothing to expect from Mun’im Khan, was obliged to side with Lodi.

Muifim Khan, having received tribute from Lodi, started on his return, when intelligence arrived that Yusuf Muhammad had taken possession of Gorakpur. Mun’im Khan had taken this Yusuf Muhammad, son of Sulaiman Uzbek., to Court, and had brought his misconduct to the notice of the Emperor, who deemed it prudent to put him in confinement. But when His Majesty went on his campaign in Gujarat, Yusuf escaped from his prison in i^gra, and wrested Gorakpur from the hands of the men of Payinda Muhammad Bangash. When Mun’im Khan was informed of this, he immediately ordered Khan Muhammad Basudi and Payinda Muhammad Bangash to repress the revolt. He himself also marched from the town of Muhammadabad along with Muhammad KuH Khan Birlas, Majnun Khan Kak- shal, and some other nobles. But on the march Majnun Khan, with all the Kakshals, parted from him. The reason of this defection was, that false statements had been made to Majnun Khan, that Baba Khan Jabbari, Mirza Muhammad Shah, and the other Kakshals who had accompanied the Emperor on the campaign in Gujarat, had killed Shahbaz Khan, and had gone over to join the Mirzas. In consequence of this, it was asserted that an order had arrived for the arrest of Majnun Khan. The Khan-khanan sent officers to re-assure Majnun Khan, and to bring him wfith them. But their efforts were in vain, until letters arrived from Baba Khan detailing the favours received from His Majesty, and the services he had rendered in the campaign. Ashamed of his suspicions, Majnun Khan returned and rejoined the army of Khan-khanan; but before he arrived, Khan-khanan had accomplished the reduction of Gorakpur.

Meanwhile Daud, puffed up with pride, had marched against Jaunpur, having sent on Lodi in advance with a select force and the elephants. He obtained possession of Zamaniya by the capitulation of Muhammad Kasim, the miihr-ddr (seal-bearer). Khan-khanan collected the amirs under his command, and sent

forward a strong force against Daud, he himself following more leisurely. * * Lodi w'as greatly elated with the capture of Zamaniya, and he sent 5000 or 6000 men across the Ganges, under the command of Yusuf Muhammad, who had escaped from Gorakpur and joined the Afghans. After he had crossed the Ganges, Mirza Husain Khan and Eaja Gajpati attacked and defeated him, inflicting heavy loss. Muhammad Kuli Khan Birlas and other amirs joined the victors, with consider- able reinforcements, at Ghazipur. Khaii-khanan also arrived with a strong force. Lodi threw up fortifications between the rivers Sah (Sye) and Ganges, and there held his ground. Com- bats took place every day between the bold spirits of the two armies. But although the Imperial forces maintained a bold attitude, they were inferior in men, elephants, and guns. The Emperor was at the time engaged in the siege of Surat : so Mun’im Khan ofiered terms of peace ; but Lodi haughtily re- jected them. The amirs in the royal army were in a depressed condition, and were neither inclined to fight nor retire. But the Imperial good fortune attended them, and Lodi accepted terms of peace and withdrew.

The reason of this was, that when Daud came to Mongir from Bengal, he made away with Yusuf, the son of Taj, and nephew to himself, in the apprehension that Lodi might support him. Lodi had been an old servant of Taj, and he had given his own daughter in marriage to Y usuf ; but his intercessions for him w'ere of no avail. When Lodi became acquainted with the fact, he deserted Daud, and joined Mun’im Khan, sending suitable tribute to the Emperor. Daud, on ascertaining this defection, fell back, and shut himself up in the fort of Garhi, where he scattered the treasure of his father among his soldiers. Jalal Khan, Saiyid Huri, and Kala Pahar, whose name was Raju, now separated from Lodi, and divisions arose in Lodfs forces. Lodi was thereby compelled to abandon his design of attacking Daud, and to take refuge in the fort of Bohtas. He wrote from thence to assure Mun’im Khan of his fidelity to the

Emperor, and calling for his support. The Khan sent him aid, and looked anxiously for the return of the Emperor.

Whilst the siege of Surat was proceeding, a large party of Christians from the port of Groa arrived, and they were admitted to an audience of the Emperor, although it is probable that they had come to assist the besieged, and to get the fort into their own hands. But when they saw the strength of the Imperial force, and its power of carrying on the siege, they represented themselves to be ambassadors, and besought the honour of an interview. They offered various articles of the country as pre- sents. Akbar treated each one them with great condescension, and conversed with them about the affairs of Portugal, and other European matters.

[Text, vol. iii. p. 8.] [When the Emperor set out from Gujarat on his return to Agra], he appointed Muzaffar Khan to the government of Malwa. He also sent Man Singh, Shall Kuli Khan Mahram, and * * * * and a strong force, to proceed by Tdar to Dungarpur and that neighbourhood, to reduce to subjection the zaminddrSy and afterwards to proceed to Agra. * * * * The Emperor reached the capital on the 2nd Safar, 981, and soon afterwards Man Singh, and the other amirs who had gone by way of Tdar, rejoined the Imperial standard. When this chief and his followers reached Dungarpur, they found the zaminddrs of that country prepared to resist. Man Singh defeated them, and inflicted great loss upon them. After ravaging the country, he went, in accordance with orders, to U'dipur, the country of the Rana. The Rana came forth to

meet him, and received with proper submission the royal robe which had been sent to him. He conducted Man Singh to his own abode, and there entertained him. Some treacherous de- signs entered the mind of the Rana, but he was dissuaded from them by his well-wishers, and Man Singh went his way in peace.

[Text, vol. iii. p. 8.] Muzaffar Khan arrived to attend upon His Majesty, and was raised to the dignity of minister. An order had been sent from Gujarat, directing him to quit the place he might be in, and to repair at once to the Royal presence. He accordingly hastened from Sarangpur to the capital, and then was installed in office. * * * * Rut in a short time he became proud, conceited, and self-willed, so that he looked upon his position as due to his own merit, not to the favour of the Emperor. After a time, when the matter of the ddgh (horse- branding) came under consideration, he was too puffed up in . his own conceit to inquire into the matter, but talked foolishly about it, * * * * [When the Emperor was about to embark on his campaign against Patna], he offered the command of the camp of the Imperial household to Muzaffar Khan ; but he further increased the displeasure of the Emperor by making improper objections to his acceptance of this duty.

[Text, vol. iii. p. 75.] Khan-i ’Alam procured a number of experienced pilots, and embarking in boats on the evening of the 24th AmurdM, the pilots conducted the force across the river so cleverly that the enemy knew nothing of it. Then they ascended the small stream which parts from the Ganges and flows past Hajipur. The enemy, greatly astonished at the sight, opened a furious fire of cannon and musketry, and the

assailants were on the point of being defeated. A number of ghrdhs which the Emperor had near him were now sent to their support. The enemy endeavoured to stop them, but they were unable to make way against the stream, and failed in the attempt. The royal boats then proceeded to Hajipur by the river Gan dak. They were met with a very heavy fire, but could not be stopped, and disembarking they made an assault upon the place. It was captured after some severe fighting. Some rascals set the town on fire, and began to plunder; but the forts were taken possession of by the royal forces.

[Text, vol. iii. p. 84.] Garhi is the gate of Bengal. On one side of it is a lofty mountain, very difficult of ascent, even for a man on foot, how then can a horseman get up it ? On the other side several rivers join the Ganges. In the midst a strong fortress had -been built by the rulers of the country. A council of war was held as to the way of attacking it, and it was resolved that some way of access must be sought. The zaminddrs of the neighbour- hood said that there was a secret way through the country of the Teli Baja, which, though impracticable for beasts of burden, might be surmounted by active and intelligent horsemen. * * * Majnun Khan was sent at the head of a brave and resolute detachment by this route. Kiya Khan Gang was directed to proceed towards Garhi with a party of friendly zaminddrs. The rest of the army was about to march, when the sight of the Imperial forces completely overawed the enemy. The leading forces of Khan-khanan made them waver; but when Kiya Khan’s force appeared, they were filled with consternation, and took to flight. A place thus strong, by the help of God, fell without a struggle ! * * *

On the 23rd Mihr the Emperor reached Iskandarptir, near to Manikpur, where he received a despatch fi-om Khan-khanan, announcing that Daud had fled, and that the Imperial troops

had occupied Tanda, the capital. When Garhi fell, Baud, unable to contend against the victorious forces, had retreated before them. At Tanda the river Ganges separates into two branches. One flows towards Satganw and Orissa; the other towards Mahmudabad, Fathabad, Sunarganw, and Chittaganw. Baud followed the course of the river of Satganw until he reached the confines of Orissa, in the hope of continuing his resistance there. Khan-khanan then entered and occupied Tanda^ which is the central point of Bengal.

[Text, vol. hi. p. 109.] Whilst Khan-khanan was absent on the campaign against Baud in Katak, Kala Pahar, Babui Mangali, and a number of disaffected Afghans, took arms and attacked the Kakshals. These made but a faint resistance, and were dis- honoured by their pusillanimity. The Afghans occupied the territory of Ghora-ghat, and pursued the Kakshals, not allowing them to draw rein until they reached Tanda. The Khan-khanan returned in haste, and, without entering Tanda, proceeded at once against the enemy. He found the turbulent force posted on the other side of the Ganges. Not far off the river divides into two branches. Over one of these he cast a bridge, and was preparing to do so over the other, when the enemy took the alarm and fled. Khan-khanan then proceeded to Malda, and sent a detachment under Majnun Khan to Ghora-ghat, which quickly brought the place again under the Imperial authority.

[Text, vol. iii. p. 109.] It has been already stated that when Akbar returned from the conquest of Patna, he deemed it ex-

pedient to send Muzaffar Khan to serve as an assistant to Farhat Khan in the siege of Kohtas, without allowing him the honour of an interview. The Khan was for some time stunned with his disgrace ; but he at length listened to the prudent counsels of Khwaja Shamsu-d din Khafi, and bringing out some of his hoards, he busied himself in equipping his forces. He soon obtained possession of Jundh and Sahsaram, which^ in conse- quence of the EmperoFs having been so fully occupied, had not been assigned in jdgtr to any one. He trained and prepared his forces carefully, and when Farhat Khan, with the other amirs, invested Kohtas, he showed himself fully ready for service, and soon proved his valour. Bahadur, the son of Haibat Khan, made a sortie from the fortress. He was opposed by Muzaffar Khan, who drove him back with a considerable loss of munitions and elephants. The amirs proceeded to invest the fortress, and he, attaching himself to Farhat Khan, exhibited great diligence.

In a short time, the conduct of Muzaffar Khan won back the Royal favour. The Emperor addressed a letter to him, with instructions to prosecute the siege of Kohtas if he and the amirs with him considered that the place might be reduced in a given time ; but if the opinion was that the siege would be protracted, he was to raise it and employ his forces against the Afghans, who were creating disturbances in Bihar, and to compel them to become dutiful subjects of tlie Imperial throne, or else to inflict condign punishment upon thenn Muzaffar Khan replied that the army was not possessed of the imple- ments for carrying on a siege, and that the probable time of its fall could not be calculated, — it therefore seemed desirable to first rid the province of the contemptible enemy who dis- tressed it. He accordingly joined Mirzada ’Ali Khan and the other warriors who had been left in the province by the Emperor. He also formed a union with Muhsin Khan, 'Arab Bahadur, and the forces which had been left under them by Mun'im Khan to protect his jdgir. With these he rendered good service, and repressed all the malcontents in the province. He drove Adhara

Khan Mutanabbi out of Ibrahimpur, and Darya Khan from the town of Jasarkanur to Jharkand.

When he had thus restored order, the officers of Mun’im Khan were moved with envy against him, and sent him away. As he had no jdgir on which to support his followers, he retired with Khudadad Birlas and Khwaja Shamsu-d din to Jundh and Sahsaram. As he was on his _way thither, intelligence reached him that those two places had been occupied by forces from Rohtas. So he continued his march, and by valour and good management cleared those two places of the enemy. He had no sooner done this than new disturbances broke out in Bihar. Disregarding the ungrateful behaviour of the Bihar officials, he once more intervened, and rendered good service.

The circumstances of the case were these. Mun’im Khan Khan-khanan had left ’Arab Bahadur in Mahir, which is a fort between Bihar and Jharkand. Ghazi and Haji, two brothers, came with a party of turbulent Afghans from Jharkand, and seized the place. Many of the garrison were put to the sword ; but ’Arab Bahadur made his escape, and, hastening to the amirs of the province, they gathered their forces, and marched to repress this outbreak. The Afghans retired to the fastnesses of the mountains and defied them. The amirs went after them, and at length found themselves unable either to advance or retire. A party of nearly 300 Bajputs, in the service of Baja Bhagwant Das, bravely advanced, but were defeated, and lost nearly 100 of their number. They now sent to solicit aid from Muzaffar Khan, who soon joined them with his victorious followers.

A letter at this time arrived from Khan-khanan, which made them hesitate in their movements. It brought the information that Junaid was hastening by way of Jharkand to Bihar, and urged the necessity of overpowering him before he could obtain reinforcements. Muzaffar Khan took a bold view of the matter, and resolved that the proper course was to crush the rebel Afghans before Junaid could join them. There was no knowing

whether Juuaid would reach the neighbourhood in less than ten days, and it was to be hoped that the enemy before them might be routed in one day, after which the Imperial forces would be in a better condition to meet the intruder. It was accordingly determined that a detachment should proceed with all speed and caution, and get close in to the rear of the enemy, while the main force prepared for battle in front. Muzaffar Khan com- manded the centre, Farhat Khan the right, and * * * Khwaja Shamsu-d din was placed in command of the force which was to gain the enemy’s rear.

The enemy was posted on a hill, full of confidence in their numbers, and in the strength of their position. When they found themselves suddenly threatened both in front and rear, they were seized with dismay and fled. The Imperial troops achieved a victory, and secured much spoil. They followed in pursuit until they reached a hill near Kampur,. in Jharkand, where the enemy made a stand. * * Muzaffar Khan made his dispositions in front, and Khwaja Shamsu-d din, as before, got to the rear of the enemy, and attacked bravely. Husain Khan and * * several leaders of the enemy having fallen, the rebels fled, and the Imperial troops gained a decisive victory. After returning thanks for their success, they withdrew, and repaired to their respective cantonments,.

The news of this victory arrested Junaid for a time in his contemplated attack upon Bihar. But a few days afterwards he found the means of reaching Nuzhatabad in that province, and there raised a revolt. The amirs of the province withdrew into Patna, and in their distress again applied to Muzaffar Khan for help. He accordingly moved to their assistance. On his march, he was met by letters from the Emperor, acknowledging and eulogizing his services, and conferring upon him the jdgir of Hajipur previously held by Muhammad Kuli Khan Birlas. This stimulated him to further exertions. He effected a junction with the other amirs, and began operations against the insurgents. He erected a bridge by which he passed over the Punpun river.

But instructions now arrived from Khan-khanan, directing caution in attacking Junaid, as he himself intended to march against him. The amirs concurred in this policy of procrastina- tion, and although Muzaffar Khan advised a bolder course, his counsels were of no avail. He was adverse to remaining quiet or retreating, and was about to attack Junaid, when great alarm was raised by disturbances which had broken out at Hajipur, and he was obliged to repair thither.

Taj Khan Pan war and others had attacked Mir Mahmud Shaukiti, who held Hajipur for Muzaffar Khan, and had killed him and about a hundred of his people. So Muzaffar Khan was constrained to relinquish his designs against Junaid, and he proceeded with Khudadad Birlas and others to Hajipur. Not- withstanding the numbers of his opponents, he determined to attack them. As a direct advance against them was imprac- ticable, he crossed the Ganges, and came to the town of Sawanih, between which place and Hajipur the river Gandak runs with a strong current. The Afghans were confident in their numbers, and in the weakness of their foes. But Muzaffar had resolution, which is the key of success and of victory. He was joined by Udi Karan, the zammddr of Champaran.

While the enemy was on one side of the river, and Muzaffar was on the other, seeking some way of getting over, the zamin- ddr suggested a way of accomplishing this difficult operation. He said that higher up the river his people had some strong boats, in which the troops might be conveyed over. * * Three hundred men under Kasim ^AH Sistani, etc., were sent over the river by night, attended by messengers, who were to bring intelli- gence of the passage having been safely effected. When the information was brought that this detachment had crossed over and were approaching the enemy, Muzaffar Khan sent some boats full of men over the river, under the command of Khwaja Shamsu-d din and Khudadad Birlas, to attack the enemy in front. The Afghans received them with the fire of matchlocks, and showers of arrows \ but in the midst of the fight, the drums

of the force which had been sent to their rear spread a panic among the Afghans, and they took flight. Many of them were slain. Hajipur was delivered from them, and great spoil fell into the hands of the victors. The inhabitants of Patna had watched the proceedings with malicious interest, but refrained from render- ing the rebels any assistance, though they were filled with disappointment.

After achieving this success, Muzaflar Khan received informa- tion that Path Khan Musazai, and some others, had assembled a large force of Afghans on the other side of the river Gandak, with the intention of raising disturbances. Muzaflar Khan, in his foresight and zeal, set forth at once to oppose them. On reaching the river, he went with a party to reconnoitre, and endeavour to find a place to cross over ; for although the river is narrow, it is very deep. While thus engaged, he saw a party of the enemy’s horse, about 200 in number He immediately gave directions to Khwaja Shamsu-d din and ’Arab Bahadur to make a detour, cross over the river, and attack them unawares. They obeyed ; but the enemy, perceiving their approach, fell back to obtain assistance. Muzaffar Khan then passed over the river, to join his advanced force. The flying enemy, being joined by re- inforcements, faced round and gave battle. The great numbers of the enemy struck terror into the Imperialists, so that they dispersed and fled. Many threw themselves into the river, and were drowned. Muzaffar Khan was about to plunge into the river, when Khwaja Shamsu-d din seized his bridle, and made off towards the mountains ; but he sent back a swift horseman to the camp, to try and bring up more men. The enemy pressed on in pursuit, but Khwaja Shamsu-d din, ’Arab Bahadur, and others, about fifty in all, turned round and checked their advance with showers of arrows. Night was coming on, and Muzaffar Khan was in this strait, when the blaze of the Imperial good fortune shone forth.

A report had reached the camp of Muzaffar Khan that he had been killed, and the men were about to hasten off, when the

messenger who had been sent hack arrived and revived their drooping spirits. Khudadad Birlas, Mihr ’All, and about 200 men boldly dashed across the river, and the messenger who had been sent for them took back the intelligence of their approach. The enemy, notwithstanding their suecess and the excess of their numbers, were unable ta stand against the assault of this gallant band, but took to flight. Defeat was thus turned into victory, and great booty was won. Next day they plundered the camp of the Afghans, and obtained much spoil. The machinations of the enemy were thus defeated. Those who escaped went and sought refuge with Taj Khan Panwar. There they pursued their evil designs, and in the abundance of their wealth, the paucity of their wisdom, and the numbers of adventurers, they again took the offensive.

Muzaffar Khan prudently effected his retreat across the Gandak, and took up a position in a spot bounded on three sides by the river, and on the fourth by a great swamp. There he busied himself in collecting men and stores. The enemy, emboldened by this retreat, came up and surrounded the force of Muzaffar Khan ; but being unable to make any impression upon it, they were disheartened. In the course of a few days Muzaffar’s men increased in numbers and recovered their spirits. The zaminddrs of the neighbourhood also took heart, and exerted themselves in furnishing things required. A bridge was then thrown over the river. To obviate any disaster in crossing, it was prudently resolved to send over by night a party of men, who were to make an entrenchment as a defence against the enemy, so that the troops might be able to deploy when they should get to the other side. But no one was willing to undertake this duty till Khwaja Shamsu-d din Khafi boldly volunteered for the perilous work. He soon crossed over, and the Afghans retreated before him, in the expectation that the Imperial troops, finding their opponents in retreat, would disperse in search of plunder, and afford a favourable opportunity for attacking them. Muzaffar Khan took all proper precautions, and sent a strong force over

to make the place secure. The Afghans, aware of the move- ment, threw off all concealment, and moved a strong division against this advanced force. The infantry gave way, and their flight caused a panic among a body of horse. Their backward rush broke down the bridge, and near 300 men, horse and foot, perished in the river. Khwaja Shamsu-d din, Khudadad Birlas, and several other distinguished soldiers made a stand, and twice checked the advance of the enemy with showers of arrows. A third attack was made, but an arrow pierced the horse of Husain Khan, the commander of the enemy, and brought him down. The enemy then broke, and desisted from their attacks. No harm befel the brave Imperial soldiers. By dint of great exertion the bridge was repaired, and all the army passed over. The Afghans then retired, and joined their main army under Taj Khan.

Muzaffar Khan followed them, and was informed by his scouts that a party of the rebels, in perfect ignorance of his approach, was seeking for a suitable position for earthworks. Muzaffar Khan left Khudadad in command of a small force, to secure his camp, and marched with the design of making the enemy^s men prisoners. He fell suddenly upon them, and, after a short re- sistance, they fled precipitately. Many were killed, among whom was Taj Khan Panwar, whose head had been cut off and brought in by Haji Pahlawan, without his knowing who the victim was. Jalal Khan Ghazni, one of their bravest chiefs, was taken prisoner, and many others were taken or slain. A complete victory was gained ; but although nightfall and the thick growing trees prevented the destruction of the rebels* houses, many of the brave soldiers secured a good booty. Next morning the army advanced; but the enemy dispersed, and threw themselves into the river. Great numbers perished, but about 100 of the boldest succeeded in reaching the opposite shore. This revolt was thus entirely suppressed.

Soon after this, Satri and Jatn,^ with a party of Afghans,

seized the opportunity to take possession of the country of Bakra. This is a populous district, thirty lios long and twenty lios broad, in the vicinity of Mongir, by the river Ganges. When Muzaffar Khan was informed of this outbreak, he marched to suppress it. A sharp action followed, in which Fath Khan, the commander of the insurgents, and seventy-nine of his men, fell. Muzaffar then occupied the country.

These successes of Muzaffar Kh^i made Mun’im Khan Khdn-khanan averse to his remainino: in that neighbourhood, so he sent an order directing him to repair immediately to Court. * * * * But while Muzaffar was chafing in vexation, a command arrived from the Emperor, ordering him to remain where he was, and carry on his work until recalled by an Imperial order. So he returned joyfully to Hajipur, * * * and shortly afterwards the far-seeing Emperor, appreciating his services and merits, bestowed upon him the wide territory extending from the ford of Chaunsa to Garhi.

[Text, vol. iii. p. 138.] Raja Todar Mai now arrived at Court, bringing with him fifty-four elephants, which had been taken in Bengal, in the campaign of Takrohi. These he presented, and he made a report upon the state of the country. He re- ceived many marks of favour, and was promoted to the dignity of diwdn^ and to the charge of the revenue and civil affairs of the Empire. He was an honest sincere man, and devoid of avarice. Would that he had been free from hatred and revenge, and that harshness had not been so conspicuous in his character !

[Text, vol. iii. p. 147.] Siwana is a famous fortress in the province of Ajmir, and belonged to Chandar Sen.^ It was lield by Batha Rahtor. ‘ SliMi Kuli Khan Mahram and Rai 1 “ Son of Mad Deo.” — Faizi Sirhindi.

Singh had not conducted their operations skilfully. The horses of their men were out of condition, and want of grain and provender had reduced their army to a miserable state. Saiyid Ahmad and others were first sent to assist, and to do their best in reducing the fort, so that the troops might return. The amirs hastened from their estates to take their part in the siege. Just at this time Jalal Khan was killed, and this en- couraged the rebels to raise their heads still higher in rebellion. More especially Kalla, son of Rai Ram, and grandson of Mai Deo, who collected a large number of men in the fort of Wikur. The Saiyids of Barha and other chiefs of the army were directed to put down these rebels, and the operations against Siwana were suspended. Shahbaz Khan was appointed to conduct a reinforcement, and return to Court. When he approached the scene of operations, he learned that the Imperial army had already invested the fortress, and were pressing it hard. Shahbaz Khan pressed forward zealously, to take part in the siege. By vigorous and valiant exertions, the place was reduced, and the garrison made prisoners. Leaving a detachment under the Barha Saiyids as a garrison, he marched against Siwana.

Eight hos from the fortress of Siwana, he came to a stone fort called Dunara.^ He found it occupied by a body of Rajputs, of the Rahtor clan, who refused his summons to surrender. So he set about the siege in earnest, and prepared sdhdts. In a short time the fort was taken, and many of the Rahtors were slain. He then marched against Siwana, the garrison of which place had been intimidated by the fall of Dunara. He again constructed sdhdts^ and pressed on the operations of the siege so vigorously and boldly that the garrison, after a short delay, capitulated.