3. Volume 6 — part 3

On Monday, the 12th Aban, corresponding with the 20th Jumada-1 awwal, 1014 Hijra (September, 1605), an illness in- sinuated itself into the frame of the Emperor, and he became indisposed. Hakim ’All, who was the most skilful of physicians, was summoned to attend. After considering the symptoms, he refrained for eight days from administering medicine, under the hope that His Majesty’s vigour of constitution would overcome the disease. On the ninth day, the debility and symptoms appeared to be aggravated, so the physician resorted to the remedies of his art ; but they produced no good effect for ten days. The complaint in the bowels increased, and the limbs lost their power. It then became evident that recovery was hopeless, and that the collar of the world was in the clutches of the Fates.

On the 9th Azur, corresponding with the night of Wednesday, 12th Jumada-1 akhir (13th October, 1605 a.d.), when the age of His Majesty had reached the period of sixty-five lunar years, he bade adieu to life, in the capital of Agra, and took his departure to the paradise of love. On the following day his sacred remains were borne by men of all ranks, in stately and becoming pomp, to the grave, and were interred in the garden of Bihishtabad.

Praise be to God, that this excellent work, the Akhar-ndma^ has been brought to an admirable and approved conclusion ! * * The second volume, up to the forty-seventh year of the reign, is the composition of the most learned and intelligent Abu-1 Fazl, son of Shaikh Mubarak ; and from the forty-eighth year, after the death of the celebrated Shaikh, Tnayatu-lla or Muhammad Salih, after duly preparing himself for the work of history, has thus brought it to an end.

[Of this writer very little is known, except what we gather from the work before us. His father was Mulla ^AH Slier, a learned man, among whose pupils was Nizamu-d din Ahmad, the author of the Tabakdt-i Akbari. Shaikh Illahdad was a native of Sirhind, and held a madad-ma^dsh village in that district. He was attached to the service of Shaikh Farid Bokhari, who held the office of Baklishiu-l Mulk^ and he seems to have accompanied that nobleman on his various services. He tells us that it was by the express command of Shaikh Farid that this history was written. He began it in the thirty-sixth year of his age, having up to that time “ been greatly devoted to social pleasures and delights.’’ This same Shaikh Farid was also patron of another historian. Shaikh Nuru-1 Hakk, whose w^ork, the Zubdatu-t Tawdrtkh, will be noticed soon after this.

The Akbar-ndma of Shaikh Illahdad is a plain unambitious work, and has no pretensions to originality. It is based on the Tabakdt-i Akbari ; but the author sometimes prefers the narra- tive of Abu-1 Fazl, and adapts that writer's florid and somewhat prolix descriptions to his sober and straightforward style. Thus the accounts of the murder of Atka Khan and the conquest of Garha-katanka are taken from Abu-1 Fazl. On one subject only does he enter into more particular details — the services rendered by his patron, Shaikh Farid Bokhari. With this excep- tion, and the addition of scraps of poetry and some wonderful stories, the work is nothing more than a compilation from the Tabakdt-i Akbari and the Akbar-ndma of Abu-1 Fazl. It ends with the latter work in 1010 H. (1602 a.d.).

The author claims to have taken part in the compilation of the Sumdyun Shdhi'^ of Mihtar Jauhar,” and upon the Emperor Akbar being informed of this fact, he expressed his approval, and his intention of employing him to turn some Hindi work into Persian.

A few Extracts have been translated. The first one by Ensign F. Mackenzie, the remainder by the Editor.

Sir H. Elliot"’s copy of the Akbar-ndma is an octavo volume of 453 pages, 15 lines to a page.]

An Account of the manner in which the Khwdja Abdu-l Majid A^safKhdn conquered the country of Panna"^ and Garha-katanha, by the eternal good fortune of His Majesty,

It is not unknown to those who are acquainted with the events of this period, that Khwaja ’Abdu-1 Majid Harawi was originally a scribe, who had, during the reign of the late blessed monarch, been constantly employed in transacting the affairs of the house- hold. During His Majesty’s fortunate reign, he had also held similar offices of trust. Step by step he obtained promotion, and received the title of Asaf Khan. Kjdglr was given him in the sarkdr of Garha-katanka, which is a very spacious country. Katanka is a separate village near Garha. In the year 970, and the eighth year of the reign, his experience induced him to desire to gain possession of the land of Panna, which adjoined his own possessions. He sent an urgent message to Raja Ram Chand, whose ancestors had always ruled that country, and with whom Gliazi Khan Tatar had taken refuge after his flight from the Court of the Asylum of the Universe. He counselled him strongly for his own welfare to become a subject of His Majesty, and pay him tribute. He also recommended him to send Ghazi Khan, who had been a rebel, and received shelter from him, to the Protector of the World.

^ [Otherwise called Tazldratu-l Wdki'dt, No. XXXVIII. Vol. V. p. 136 ]

2 [In the MS. the name is written “Patta.”]

Eain Cliand’s ill-fortune and pride prevented him from being moved by these representations, and he made preparations for 'svar. i^saf Khan, being free from apprehension, and trusting in the eternal success of His Majesty’s arms, brought an army against him. Eaja Earn Chand, aided by Ghazi Khan Tatar, and a vast multitude, like locusts and ants, also drew up in battle array. Both parties did their best, and fought valiantly j but, at last. Earn Chand was routed, and Ghazi Khan and many others were put to the sword. Eaja Earn Chand fled thence to the castle of Mandhun, which is noted for being one of the strongest fortified places in Hindustan. Much plunder fell into the hands of the victorious troops. Shortly afterwards Eaja Earn Chand, repenting of what he had done, by the assist- ance of several of the chief Eajas who were faithful subjects of the King, was admitted into the train of the submissive and obedient. A royal farmdn was despatched to the effect, that as Eaja Earn Chand had taken the best course for his own good, and submitted himself, his country was not to be invaded. On the receipt of this order, Asaf Khan returned to his ownyd^ir, and took measures for the reduction of Garha, which was near his own territory.

1 The chief place of that country is Chauragarh. The land contains 70,000 inhabited villages. It is bounded on one side by Malwa and the Hakhin, on another by Garha. It is a separate principality, governed by a Eani named Durgavati, who was remarkable for her beauty* and loveliness. Asaf Khan, whose possessions her country bordered on, and whose people were constantly going to and fro, managed to make himself well acquainted with its general condition, and the state of its revenues. He began to ravage and plunder the villages in its districts, waiting for an opportunity of taking more extreme measures. At last, in the year 971, in the ninth year of the reign, he valiantly set out with 10,000 horse and foot, purposing to take possession of the country. His valour made him look ^ [See supra, p. 30.]

on this as a matter of easy accomplishment. The Rani, owing to her pride and confidence in her own skill and courage, at- tended to her own affairs, and utterly disregarded the fact that she had a neighbour whose valour had been proved on several occasions, particularly in the case of Baz Bahadur, who had at- tacked him with the Afghans of the tribe of Miyanah, and whom he had vanquished. She had always kept up a force of 20,000 horsemen, but she was suddenly told that the valiant troops of His Majesty had arrived at Damuda, one of her chief towns, at a time when her troops were dispersed. She had only 500 men with her. Adhar, who was entrusted with the management of the whole business of that country, informed her how affairs stood. The Rani said, “ Tliis is through your stupidity. I have long ruled this country, and never acted in such a manner as to bring disgrace on myself. N^ow, from what you tell me, if the King were here in person, I would present myself before him ; but now there is no remedy but war!” The Rani made four marches from that place, and found herself face to face with the Imperial army.

Asaf Khan had gone as far as Damuda with great speed, but he delayed there. The Rani thus had time to collect some 4000 men, and her courtiers recommended her to give battle, advising her, however, to post herself in some strong position until the arrival of more troops. The Rani agreed to this counsel, and retreated into the jungles and strong places, so that Asaf Khan became ignorant of her whereabouts. Asaf Khan turned back from that place, and on reaching Garha, he took possession of its villages and territories. In the mean time, 5000 men had been collected. When Asaf Khan was informed of the Rani’s movements, he left a force in Garha, and proceeded in person against her. The Rani was informed of this, and said to her people, “ How long shall we take refuge among the trees and jungles?” She then made up her mind to fight, and mounting her elephant, she' went amidst her troops, endeavouring by suit- able exhortations to encourage and prepare them for war. When

both armies met, a desperate battle began. Three hundred Mughals obtained martyrdom, and the Rani pursued the fugi- tives.

At the close of day, the Rani consulted with her chiefs as to what was best to be done, and every one said something. The Rani was of opinion that she had better return to her camp, and thence make a night attack, or else remain where they were until daybreak and then renew the battle, because, in the event of her not doing something, i^saf Khan would seize the hill in the morning, and post his artillery on it. Having determined on a night attack, she returned to her camp, but no one agreed with her on this matter, or showed any resolution. At daybreak, wliat she had predicted, happened, .^saf Khan possessed himself of the summit of the hill, and having fortified it, he took post there with his army. The Rani again, intent on fighting, drew up her soldiers and mounted her best elephant. She caused Adhar, who has been mentioned before, to ride before her on her elephant. Such a conflict took place, that, throwing away guns and arrows, the combatants seized each otlier^s collars, and fought hand to hand.

Raja Birsah, the heir-apparent, behaved with the utmost valour. The conflict lasted until the third watch of the day, and the Raja repulsed the royal troops three times, but at last he was wounded. When the Rani learnt what had happened to her son, she directed her confidential servants to convey him in the best way they could from the field of battle to a place of safety, which they did. Whilst this was going on, so large a body of men went away from the Rani, that not more than 300 remained with her. Notwithstanding this, she firmly maintained her ground, and encouraged her men to fight. Suddenly fate directed an arrow, which struck her on the temple. This she courageously drew out herself, but its barb remained in the wound. This arrow was followed by another, which wounded her in the neck, which she extracted in the same way, but fainted from excess of pain. When she came round, she said

to Adhar, who was in front of her, “ I have always placed trust and confidence in you against a day like this ; so that, in the event of my meeting with defeat, you might not suffer me to fall into the hands of the enemy. Adhar had not the power to do what she required, so she drew out her dagger, and died a manly death. Very many of her confidential adherents loyally gave up their lives. By the favour of the Almighty, and the fortune of the King of Kings, a victory, the splendour of which exceeded all other victories, was obtained. A thousand elephants, and countless booty, fell into the hands of the victorious troops, and an extensive territory was added to His Majesty’s dominions.

Asaf Khan, after the lapse of two months, proceeded towards Chauragarh. The E/anfs son, who had gone thither from the field of battle, came out to oppose him ; but after a short struggle, the army of the King gained possession of the fort. In it were found a great amount of gold, priceless jewels, gold and silver plate, and images of their divinities, together with other valuables and property, which had been collected there by the Eajds during many centuries, as is the custom of those people. All these fell into the hands of Asaf Khan ; a hundred and one cooking pots, full of large and valuable gold coins, came into his possession. The performance of this notable action caused his pomp and dignity greatly to increase, and men placed great trust in him. Nevertheless, this faithless man only sent 200 out of the 1000 elephants which he had captured as a pesh-kash to Court, and withheld the jewels and valuables altogether. His Majesty’s magnanimity overlooked this, and he took no notice of the circumstance. Asaf Khan remained established in the government of Garha and Karra, until His Majesty proceeded to Jaunpur for the purpose of chastising Khan-zaman.

A most remarkable event occurred at Chauragarh. When Raja Birsah, the Rani’s son, was shut up there, a certain number of men were appointed, in the event of a defeat, for the purpose of performing the Jauhar, an ancient custom of the Rajas of

Hind. On occasions like this, they shut their women up in the house, and after heaping up straw, wood, cotton, and ghee around it, they set fire to the pile and burn them. This they look upon as a means of saving their honour. When the fort was nearly reduced, they did this, and all the beautiful women were reduced to ashes. After the capture of the place, when the flames had ceased on the second day, they examined the place, and dis- covered two females underneath a lar^je block of wood. One of them was the Rani’s sister, the other the Raja’s wife, with whom he had not yet cohabited. They were taken out unhurt, and sent to the royal harem.

[The Mirzas were the sons of Muhammad Sultan Mirza. He was the son of Rashid Sultan Wais Mirza, son of Babakra, son of Mansur, son of Babakra, son of ’Umr Shaikh, son of Sahib Kiraii Amir Timur. The mother of Sultan Mirza was a daughter of Sultan Husain Mirza, ruler of Khurasan. This Sultan (Husain) Mirza brought up his grandson, Muhammad Sultan Mirza, under his own protection. When Sultan Mirza died, dissensions arose in his country, and Muhammad Sultan Mirza went and presented himself to the Emperor Babar, who treated him with great kindness. After the death of Babar, the Emperor Humayun kept up during his reign the same favour and patronage. Muhammad Sultan Mirza had two sons. One, Ulugh Mirza, met his death in a fight with the Hazaras. The other was named Shah Mirza. Ulugh Mirza left two sons, Sikandar Mirza and Muhammad Sultan Mirza. Upon the death of Ulugh Mirza, the Emperor Humayun charged himself with the education of his sons, and by his favour Sikandar Mirza received the title of Ulugh Mirza, and Muhammad Sultan

1 [Nearly the whole of this Extract is taken from different parts of the Tabakdt-i Akbari, but it is here given entire as being the most connected account of these Mirz^, troublesome in their own time, and perplexing to posterity.]

Mirza that of Shah Mirza. When the Emperor Akbar suc- ceeded to the throne, Muhammad Sultan Mirza had grown up. The Emperor exempted him from military service, and assigned him the pargana of ’Azampur, in the sarkdr of Sambal, for a maintenance. He had several sons. First, Ibrahim Husain Mirza; second, Muhammad Husain Mirza; third, Mas’ud Husain Mirza; fourth, ’Akil Husain Mirza. The Emperor conferred upon each of these a suitable jdgir^ and raised them to the rank of nobility. They attended in the train of His Majesty, and performed the duties of service. When the Em- peror returned from his campaign against Jaunpur, they were at thQiYjdgirs in Sambal. At the time of the Emperor’s march to Lahore against Mirza Hakim, the brothers Ulugh Mirza and Shah Mirza combined with their uncles (nephews?) Ibrahim Husain Mirza and Muhammad Husain Mirza, and breaking out into rebellion, ravaged several parganas. This was an old failing in the family. Ulugh Mirza and Shah Mirza, sons of Muhammad Sultan Mirza, rose in rebellion durins: the reign of Humayun, and did great damage. But on each occasion their offences were overlooked.

When these graceless men attacked ih.Q parganas, i\Q jdgirddrs of those parts resisted them, and the Mirzas, being unable to withstand the force brought against them, made off to join Khan-zaman and Sikandar Khan. There also their intractable tempers stood in the way of anything like union, so they turned back, with the intention of making an inroad into the Doab, and went as far as i\Q pargana of Nim-kahar. Here Yar Shahi, the sister’s son of Haji Khan jdgirddr of that district, gave

them battle ; but although he made a good fight, he was defeated, and great booty fell into the hands of the Mirzas. They con- tinued their course, plundering as far as Dehli. Tatar Khan, the governor of Dehli, put the fort in a state of defence, and Mun’im Khan moved up from Agra to oppose them. Unable to resist the forces brought against them, they hastened off to Malwa, which was in a defenceless state. At the town of

Sonpat, they fell in with Mir Mu’izzu-1 Mulk, who was pro- ceeding to the Panjab, and plundered his baggage. They then proceeded to Malwa, and took possession of that country. Kadam Khan, brother of Maghrib Khan Dakhini, was in Hindia, and Muhammad Husain Mirza laid siege to the place. After a time, he killed Kadam Khan, and got possession of Hindia. When intelliirence of these doinfjs reached the Em- peror at Lahore, he gave orders for arresting Muhammad Sultan Mirza at ’Azarnpur, and for keeping him a prisoner in the fort of Bayana.

In this same year, 947 h., the Emperor having proved victo- rious over ’All Kuli Khan-zaman and Bahadur Khan, returned to Agra, and his victorious army had hardly taken breath, when the news came of the descent of the Mirzas upon Malwa. The Emperor immediately went off thither. When he reached Gagrun, he did not deem it necessary to prosecute a design which might as well be carried out by his officers ; so he ap- pointed Shahabu-d din Ahmad Khan, Shah Bidagh Khan, and some others, to act in the province of Mandu. As these nobles came near to Ujjain, they learned that the Mirzas, having heard of the approach of the Emperor, had met together and gone off to Changiz Khan, the ruler of Gujarat. So these commanders, by the grace of God, and the good fortune of the Emperor, obtained possession of the province without opposi- tion or fighting.

In the year 975, when the Emperor had sent his forces to besiege the fort of Rantambhor, he received intelligence that the Mirzas had fled from Changiz Khan, and having come back into Malwa, had laid siege to Ujjain. So he sent against them Kalij Khan and some other amirs who had been named for service at Rantambhor. When these amirs approached Sironj, they were joined by Shahabu-d din Ahmad Khan, the governor of that saricdr, and Shah Bidagh Khan, governor of Sarangpur. The Mirzas hearing of this imposing force, raised the siege of Ujjain, and turned towards Mandu. The garrison being thus relieved.

came out. and having joined the army, the united forces went in pursuit of the rebels. They fled from Mandu to the Nerbadda, and lost many men in making the passage of that river. Just about this time, Jhajar Khan Habshi assassinated Changiz Khan, the ruler of Gujarat, in the tirpauliya. When the Mirzas were informed of this event, they thought the disturbances in Gujarat opened a favourable • field for them, so they proceeded thither, and the Imperial amirs returned to i\QiY jag irs or to Court, ac- cording to orders. The Mirzas, having obtained possession of Champanir, marched against Broach, and laid siege to the fortress. After a time, they killed by treachery Rumi Khan, who held the fort, and each of them brought a portion of the territories of Gujarat into his possession. Ibrahim Husain held Baroda and the surrounding territories. Muhammad Husain got Surat and its dependencies, and Shah Mirza held Cham- panir, with its dependent districts.^]

[Armaments had been several times sent under different amirs of distinction to effect the subjugation of Jammu, Bamgarh, and other places ; but this difficult enterprise had never been satis- factorily accomplished. So, on the 10th Muharram, 1003, the Emperor sent Shaikh Farid Bakhshiu-l with several other

amirs and a considerable force, to effect the conquest. He had great confidence in the ability and resolution of the Bakhshi. The force marched to the Siwalik hills, and the Bakhshi resolved to begin by attacking Jammu, one of the strongest forts in that country, which had once been reduced after considerable resistance by Salim Khan Sur. The Baja made signs of resist- ance, and it was resolved to attack him before the army proceeded to occupy the territories of the rebels in other directions. Husain Beg and some other officers were accordingly sent against him. When the Baja and the zaminddrs heard of the approach of the

Imperial forces, they were greatly alarmed, and surrendered the fort of Jammu. After placing a garrison in the place, the Bakhshi marched against the fort of Ramgarh, which he took by assault, and placed in the custody of the men of Nawab Zain Khan Koka. Husain Beg now returned and joined the main force.

Another force was now sent under Payinda Kakshal, to receive fhe submission of such Rajas and zaminddrs as were willing to pay their allegiance, and to coerce those who resisted. The army then proceeded towards Jasruna and Lakhanpur, and the Rajas and zaminddrs, who had long been independent, submitted and paid their revenue. On reaching Samba, Bhabu, the Raja of Jasruna, and Balidar, the zammddr of Lakhanpur, came in. This Bhabu had been the leader of the rebels, and the great promoter of the strife. * * Next day Suraj Singh, son of Basu, the Raja of Mu, came in, and made his allegiance, and he was placed in charge of Husain Beg Shaikh ’Umari, until it should be determined by the Emperor how the parganas of Samba and Jasruna should be disposed of. Two kos from Samba a fort was built. Muhammad Khan Turkoman was sent forward to take charge of Lakhanpur.

The army next proceeded to the village of Aliya, where Bhabu was, and there encamped. This is a strong place, sur- rounded on all sides by jungle so dense, that it was difficult to pass through it. Hither the rebels and fugitives fled and hid, deeming themselves safe from all pursuit. Shaikh Farid stayed for some days at that village, and gave orders for clearing away the jungle by the axe and by fire. The soldiers were engaged in the work for several days ; but were unable to clear away more than a road of twenty or thirty gaz wide. Several of the old trees which were fit for building purposes were cut down and sent to Lahore for use in the government buildings. Bhabu, before mentioned, had been the chief and most active of the rebels, and he had done an immense deal of harm. A royal order had been given, that no effort should be spared to capture him. Now that he was in the hands of the

army, it was determined to send him to the Emperor in charge of ’All Muhammad.

When the army reached Jasriina, the native place of Bhabu, his sons and brethren and friends gathered together, and took up a strong position at a small castle on a hill. This hill was covered with jungle from top to bottom, with only one narrow way, along which one or two horsemen might pass. On each side of this road there was a wall, with loopholes through which muskets might be fired, and arrows shot, upon strangers and foes, to prevent their approach. At the bottom of the hill, on the level ground, there was a cultivated tract, in which there was a fort, with moats. Shaikh Farid, when he perceived these hostile preparations, determined to capture the place, and punish the rebels. He first sent forward Husain Beg to attack the lower fort. By great exertion the moat was filled, the gates burst open, and the fort was taken. Several of the assailants were killed by wounds from gun-shots and arrows. Then the troops entered the jungle to attack the upper fort. The enemy hotly disputed the passage through the jungle with their muskets and bows. But the valiant soldiers returned the fire, and pressed on till they reached the gate of the fort. Then they set fire to the place, and the rebels fled for refuge into the jungle. All the buildings and crops were burnt.

Husain Beo; halted here, and sent intelligence of his success to Shaikh Farid. An answer was returned, directing him to fortify the place and stay there the night, or to leave a detach- ment, and himself rejoin the main force. It was late in the day, the army was two kos distant, the way through the jungle was narrow and difficult, and the returning force might be attacked at great disadvantage; so Husain Beg resolved to rest for the night, and to make his way back in the morning. All night long the enemy harassed them from all parts of the jungle with arrows ; but according to the plan agreed upon, each man sat behind his breastwork {morchal) with his shield over his head, never moving or making a noise. The night was thus passed

mid a constant rain of arrows ; but in the morning the forces made their way through the jungle, and effected their junction safely. Husain Beg obtained great praise for his gallantry, and rewards in in^dms^ money, and robes were bestowed upon the officers and soldiers.

Having left Husain Beg there with a garrison, the army pro- ceeded towards Lakhanpur. The Baja came out to meet it. The pargana was given to Muhammad Khan Turkoman, and a sufficient garrison was placed in the fort. Then the army crossed the Bavi by a ford, and proceeded to the pargana of Path an ; next day it marched to Mu, a pargana under the authority of Basu. At this time Basu was at Court, but his son had at the first come forward and accompanied the army. He was now told that he ought to seize the opportunity for sending a suitable offering in acknowledgment of the country having been graciously confirmed to him. The son of Basu sent two vaMls to invite the BakhsM to his home, a fort on the top of a hill, to receive the tribute. So the chief men of the army proceeded with an escort to Mu, which is a very strong fort. Excepting some cultivated land immediately joining the fort, the whole hill is covered with impenetrable jungle. The road through is very narrow, and in places strong gates are erected across it. At the foot of the hill there is also cultivated land, and around it there are stone walls and deep ditches. The country round is exceed- ingly pleasant, the gardens are full of fruit trees, and there are plenty of running streams. Basu’s residence was a fine extensive building. The place was visited and examined, and after Basu’s vakils had discharged the duties of hospitality, the tribute was brought forth, consisting of valuable horses and fine cloths. The other territories of the neighbourhood, which had been held by rebellious Bajas and zaminddrs^ were granted to jdgirddrs as tankhivdh.

The army then proceeded to Gwalior, which is also a strong fort belonging to a different Baja, who came out to meet the army and show his loyalty. The Bani of Nagarkot, whose son

was at the Imperial Court, sent her vakil to pay her respects. On every side the rebels were compelled to submit, and show their obedience. All the country which had been in the hands of the rebels between Jammu and Nagarkot was reduced, and the E/ajas and zaminddrs made their submission, or received merited punishment. In fact, the country was subjugated in a manlier which it had never been before.

The affairs of the clan {jama' at') of the Jasuwalas, who are zaminddrs with a (common) army, now had to be settled. But when they heard of the approach of the royal army, and of the reduction of the territories of the zaminddrs^ all hope of suc- cessful resistance was beaten out of them, and they made humble submission.

Intelligence now arrived that Kazi Hasan had been appointed to relieve Shaikh Farid. The reason of this was, that the Emperor greatly valued the services of the Shaikh, and when he learned that the country had been reduced, and there remained but little to require his presence there, he appointed Kazi Hasan, who had formerly seen service and gained experience in the hills under the son of Kalij Khan, to go and relieve the Shaikh, and to finish what yet remained to be done in concert with the other nobles in the army. Shaikh Farid Bakhshi was to return to Court. When the Kazi arrived, the Bakhshi represented that there still remained some work to be done, and it seemed advisable for him to remain a few days and accomplish his work, after which he would proceed to Court. It might be that things which were easy for him might become difficult after his departure. But the Kazi did not assent to this, and urged immediate submission to the royal command. So, at the beginning of the month of De, the Bakhshi started, and travel- ling express by way of Desoha and Batala, he reached Lahore in three days, and having paid his respects to the Emperor, received great honours.

About this time Khwaja Nizamu-d din Ahmad Bakhshi, the author of the Tabalidt-i Akbar-shdM^ died, being nearly forty- eight years of age, on the 22nd Safar, 1003 h., and the thirty- ninth year of the reign.

On the 22nd Rabi’u-1 akhir, Nawab-i ’Azam Khan returned from Mecca, and was graciously received by His Majesty. His son, Mirza ’Abdu-lla, was with him, and he also received many marks of the royal favour. * * On the 27th of the month Koka died at Lahore. On the 3rd Rabfu-s sani Asaf Khan, who had been sent to Kashmir, having performed his mission, returned to Court. He accomplished the journey from Kashmir in three days. At the end of Jumada-s sani, despatches arrived announc- ing the taking of the fort of Siwi after an arduous siege. Many of the defenders were slain, and great spoil was secured. Mir Ma^sum Bhakkari,^ one of the bravest men in the army, had taken a distinguished part in the siege, and was richly rewarded.

The thirty-ninth year began on the 9th Rajab, and was cele- brated as usual. * *

At this time Muzaffar Husain, ruler of Kandahar, who had submitted to the authority of the Imperial throne, wrote to say that he would surrender Kandahar to any one whom the Em- peror might appoint. Shah Beg Khan Kabuli had been ordered to proceed thither. He had not yet reached the place ; but in the month of Sha’ban intelligence w’as brought of his arrival there, and of Muzaffar Husain having delivered the place into his hands. Muzaffar then repaired with all his family and followers to the Imperial Court, having received as a present from Shah Beg 20,000 rupees in cash, 600 camels, several elephants, and a great supply of different kinds of tents. When he was at four kos distance from Lahore, the Emperor sent Bakhslii Shaikh Farid to meet him, and in the month of

I The author of the Tdrikh-i Ma' sumi. — See Vol. I. p. 212.

Zi-l hijja * * he received him, and appointed a suitable place for his abode. {Banquets given and offerings made at the JSfau-roz,)

In the month of Safar the Emperor went to pay a visit to Shaikh Faizi, who was on his death-bed. Soon after he got hack to the palace word was brought that the Shaikh was dead. Shaikh Faizi was a man of great talents, and fond of the society of the learned. In his early days he and the author of this work had some connexion through using the same tahhallus for their writings. * * *

On the 15th Zi-1 ka’da the King went out on a stag hunt. A stag made a rush upon him, and wounded him in the thigh with his horns. There was no one close by to save him, so he was knocked down. Men then came and caught the stag. The Emperor had received a severe wound. It was closed up by the surgeons ; but after a few days it swelled and gave him such great pain that he was obliged to keep to his couch for several days : in the end it came all well, and his recovery was celebrated with great rejoicings. * * *

There are three distinct States in the Dakhin. The Nizamu-1 Mulkiya, ’Adil Khdniya, and Kutbu-1 Mulkiya. The settled rule among them was, that if a foreign army entered their country, they united their forces and fought, notwithstanding the dissensions and quarrels they had among themselves. It was also the rule, that when their forces were united, Nizamu-1 Mulk commanded the centre, ’Adil Khan the right, and Kutbu-1 Mulk the left. This rule was now observed, and an immense force had been collected. Some severe fighting had gone on, and the enemy had lost nearly 1000 men, who fell fighting bravely. On the Imperial side, also. Raja ’AU Khan, ruler of Asir and Burhanpur, who had accompanied the army, was slain. Ram Chandar Kachhwaha was wounded, and lay a whole night among the dead, and plunderers cut off his ears, for the sake of

the pearls which he wore in them. In the first day’s action, fighting went on from mid-day to the third hour of evening, when the enemy fell back to his camp. In the evening and morning of the next day Khan-khanan put his army in motion against the enemy, and when he approached, the enemy came out boldly to meet him, and the battle began. A fierce elephant rushed from the enemy’s line, and charging upon the Imperial array, the elephants turned and fled before him. He then charged the line of soldiers ; but they made a way for him to pass through. After he passed right through the line, Khan- khanan delivered his attack upon the enemy. In a short time he beat back a large body of them with considerable slaughter^ made many prisoners, and gained a complete victory.

_Great fire at the royal palace. — Account of the Emperor^ s journey to Kashmir^ with description of Srinagar and other places.

On the 29th Kabru-s sani, 1006, Prince Kustam, son of Prince Shah Murad, died in the tenth year of his age. His mother was sister of Khan-i ’Azam.

On the 5th Rajab died ’Abdu-lla Khan Uzbek, ruler of the whole of Mawarau-n nahr, Turkistan, Badakhshan, a great part of Khurasan, Sistan, Ghor, Ghorjistan, etc. He was a bold courageous ruler, and no other descendant of Ohangiz Khan had such an extensive dominion. He reigned forty-two years. * *

On the 13th Sha’ban, the new year [43] of the Ilahi began.

At this time (Zi-1 hijja, 1007), intelligence arrived of the death of Ma’sum Kabuli, and only a few days afterwards the death was reported of ’Tsa Khan, a chief of Bengal, with whom he had taken refuge.

Tlie Emperor Akbar had subjected to his rule the whole wide expanse of Hindustan, with the exception of a portion of the

Dakhin, the rulers of which had, nevertheless, sent in former years representatives and presents to the Imperial throne. But some of these rulers had since failed in duly discharging their obligations, and had thus wounded the pride of the Emperor. Prince Shah Murad, Khan-khanan, and other amir^ had been sent to effect the conquest of the country. The Prince went to that country, and distinguished himself by his services. Other amirs were afterwards sent, who fought bravely, and subjugated a considerable portion of the country. The work of conquest was still progressing, when it entered the heart of Prince Salim ^ that he would proceed thither to support the amirs^ and to ac- complish the reduction of the remainder of the country, so that diversities of religion might be swept away, and that the whole country might repose in peace under the Imperial rule. For five or six years the conquest had been retarded by the bickerings of the amirs^ and so he resolved to proceed from Lahore to the Imperial presence at ^gra, there to obtain information of the true state of affairs, because that place was nearer to the scene of action ; and after due consultation, to proceed thither in person should it seem necessary.

AVhen intelligence arrived of the death of Prince Shah Murad, Prince Daniyal was sent thither; but the Emperor not feeling at ease upon the state of affairs in the Dakhin, resolved to pro- ceed in that direction, by making a hunting excursion to Malwa. His intention was to send a strong reinforcement to Prince Daniyal, under Bahadur, son of Raja ^Ali of Khan- desh, and to rest awhile in Malwa till events took a favourable turn. The Emperor accordingly left ^gra, * * and on the 21st of the month, after showing great honour and favour to Khan- khdnan, he sent him on in advance. * * On the 7th Rabi’u-s sani, the Emperor reached Dholpur. The river Chambal was crossed by fords, and His Majesty went over on an elephant. On the 17th he reached the fort of Grwalior. * * * On the 29th Jumdda-s sani, he passed through Sironj, and on the 1st Rajab ^ He is already called by Ms subsequent regal name “ Shah Jahangir.”

the royal camp was pitched between Kdliyada and Ujjain. This city Ujjain is one of the most ancient in Hindustan, and contains many relics of antiquity. Kaliyada is the name of one of the most delightful places in the world. * * Here the Emperor rested for awhile, expecting that Bahadur Khan, son of Baja ’All Khan of Khandesh, would come to wait upon him.

Kaja ’All of Khandesh had been slain fighting bravely under Khan-khanan against the Dakhinis, and it was expected that his son would now come forward to give his services to the Imperial army, in the hope of revenging his father’s fall, and of gaining the Imperial favour. Even while the Emperor was encamped at Ujjain, some intimation was received about his intentions, and he now sent an envoy to the Emperor, charged with many excuses and foolish evasions. Hereupon His Majesty, in his great kindness, sent Miran Sadr-i Jahdn^ to Khandesh, to ascertain the exact state of affairs, and to remove any doubts which might have crept into the mind of Bahadur Khan.

The ambassador proceeded to Khandesh, and ascertained that when Bahadur Khan succeeded Baja ’AH Khan, he was -a prisoner in the fort of Ksir. Eor it was the established custom among the rulers of Khandesh, that the reigning potentate kept his sons, brothers, and other relations in confinement, to guard against attempts upon the throne ; so these unhappy persons, with their wives and families, passed all their lives in confine- ment. Bahadur Khan had passed nearly thirty years in prison, and knew nothing whatever of the ways of the world, and the business of government. When he came out of prison, and the title of ruler devolved upon him, he plunged recklessly into dissipation. No trace of the tact and nobility which had dis- tinguished Baja ’AH Khan was to be found in him. Unmindful of his obligations and obedience to the Imperial throne, he showed no gratitude and sent no tribute ; nor did his craven spirit entertain one thought of avenging his father. When this became known to the Emperor, he remembered the loyalty

and devotion of the late Kaja, and sent Miran Sadr-i JaJidn to give good counsel to the young Prince.

Miran proceeded to j^sir. Bahadur Khan received him at first with great respect and honour, and acknpwledged the allegiance and duty he owed to the Emperor. The envoy on his side gave him good counsel and advice, and endeavoured to excite in him a spirit of loyalty. But fate was against the young ruler ; he paid hut little heed to good counsel, and persisted in his own perverse conduct. Sometimes he said he would go to see the Emperor ; at others, that suspicions had been aroused in his mind by people’s talk, which would not allow him to make this visit at present ; but he promised to send his son with suitable offerings, if the Emperor would graciously direct him to do so. After awhile, when all the dependents of the Imperial throne should have been confirmed in their places, and he should be able to throw off his feeling of shame, he would proceed in person to pay his respects to the Emperor. These excuses proceeded either from his waver- ing disposition, or from a settled design to act treacherously. When Miran, the envoy, found that his representations had no efiect upon Bahadur, he communicated the result to the Emperor. This roused great anger in the breast of the Emperor, and was the cause of his sending Shaikh Farid Bokhari to Khandesh.

On the 14th Sha’ban, while the Imperial camp was at Dhar, Shaikh Farid BakhsMu4 Mulk received orders to lead a con- siderable force against the fort of Asir. His instructions were to re-assure and advise Bahadur Khan. If he proved tractable, he was to be brought to the presence of the Emperor ; if not, the BakhsM was to invest the fort of Asir, and reduce it with all possible speed. The Imperial officers were eager to proceed on this service, partly out of zeal in the service of the Emperor, partly from the wish to serve under the BakhsM. Among those who accompanied him were * * and a large number whose names are too numerous to recount.

With this select force, the BakhsM crossed the Kerbadda, and sought to get information about the enemy. He tlien learned that

the forces of BahMur Khan were under the command of Sddat Khan, son-in-law of the late Raja ^Ali Khan, the greatest and the most trusted of all his servants. He had been sent towards Sul- tanpur and Nandurbar, to make a diversion against the Imperial forces in that quarter. It was resolved to detach a force to watch this party, while the remainder marched through Khandesh. On arriving at Gharkol, a humble and submissive letter was brought from Bahadur Khan, recounting the services of his ancestors, and offering to send his son with suitable offerings to the Emperor. He also made excuses for his conduct, and solicited the kind intercession of Shaikh Earid to avert the consequences of his faults. The Shaikh sent this letter to the Emperor, and waited for an answer. The Emperor sent a gracious reply, offering to forgive his transgressions and to receive him into favour if he would hasten to pay his allegiance.

Marching forwards, the army passed over the summit of Sabal- garh, and arrived on the confines of Khandesh. Miran Saclr-i Jahdn had previously advised that the force should be sent to Bur- hanpur, lest its advance upon Asir should drive Bahadur Khan to desperation. But when this opinion was represented to the Emperor, he the same day gave orders that no attention was to be paid to it ; that the army was not to go to Burhanpur, but was to march direct to Asir, and invest the place. Accordingly, it advanced to within two or three kos of Asir.

On arriving there, it was learned that Miran Sadr-i Jahdn and Peshrau Khan, who had also been sent by the Emperor to Baha- dur, after alternately trying persuasion and menace, were unable to make any impression upon him, and had retired from Asir to Burhanpur. From thence they reported the failure of their mission, and left the Emperor to determine what was best to be done. On the 21st Sha’ban the Emperor proceeded to Mandu. [^Description of huildings.'] When Shaikh Farid came near to Asir, Bahadur Khan sent him another letter, containing the same appeals for merciful consideration, and offering the same excuses as he had made before. In reply, he was reminded how the

kings of the Dakhin had united their armies, and had made war upon the Emperor’s allies, and how Raja ’All had fallen fighting bravely and loyally upon the Imperial side. The Emperor was now resolved upon revenging his death, and, with God’s help, would annex the territories of all the three kings to the Imperial dominions. His duty, therefore, was to join the army with his followers without delay, and to take revenge for his father’s blood — not to be a thorn in the way, and to say to the Emperor, “ First strike me, and then the murderers of my father.” But fortune had turned her back upon the family, and the graceless fellow would listen to no reason or expostulation.

The rulers of Khandesh were of the Faruki tribe, and the family had held rule in the country for more than 200 years. An ancestor who had connexions with the Dakhin, and had served there as a soldier, being aggrieved, left that country and went to Khandesh, which country was then held by different zaminddrs and Rajas. He came to a village which pleased him, and there a dog which accompanied him set off in pursuit of a hare, but the hare turned round and attacked the dog. This unusual exhibition of courage greatly impressed him, and he thought that the land where such a sight could be seen must be fertile in courage and daring, so he resolved to take up his abode there. He expressed his wish to the zaminddr of the place, but it was refused. After- wards he seized an opportunity of seeking assistance from the King of Dehli, and having collected some of his brethren (tribesmen?), he overpowered that zaminddr^ and took posses- sion of the village. He extended his power over other villages around, and in the end he was master of several parganas^ and commander of an armed force.

When he died, his authority descended to his grandson, who saw the value that a fortress would be as a place of safety for his family and dependents. Asir, which is situated on the top of a hill, was at that time an inhabited place. He contrived by various stratagems to obtain this place from the zaminddr who held it, and fortified it strongly. He then assumed the name of ruler, and at

length the whole country of Khandesh, about 150 kos in length, and 50 in breadth, more or less, came under his sway. These rulers acted so wisely and carefully that the kings of Dehli did not interfere with them. * * Upon the Government descending to Raja 'All Khan, he showed himself to be a man of great administrative powers, and it is probable that no one of the dynasty had been his equal in intelligence- and ability. People of neighbouring and distant countries had been induced by his just and generous rule to take up their abode in his country. Among the best proofs of his intelligence was his loyalty to the Imperial throne, his obedience, and the magnificence of his offerings, in all which he excelled the other princes of the region.

His successor, Bahadur Khan, had none of his ability, and advice was thrown away upon him. The line was drawing to a close, and fortune had averted her face. Shaikh Farid invested the fort, and reported the fact to the Emperor, who sent him reinforcements, and himself passed over the Nerbadda on his way to superintend the siege. On the 4th Ramazan the Nauroz-i Siiltdm occurred, and His Majesty halted three days to celebrate the festival. * * The march of the Imperial force was then resumed.

Letters now arrived from Naicab ^Alldmi Shaikh Abu-1 Fazl, who was coming from the Dakhin with the elephants and valuable effects of the late Prince, and who announced his arrival at Burhanpur. He had received orders to join Shaikh Farid, and to concert measures with him for the punishment of the recusant Prince. On the 4th Farwardm the army marched, and encamped at two kos distance from the fort of Asir, because on that side there was no ground nearer the fort which was fit for a camp. Baz Bahadur Uzbek and Karabeg were sent forward immediately to select positions for the trenches and for the en- campment of the besiegers.

On their return, they reported that they had never seen in any country a fort like this; for however long an army might press the siege, nothing but the extraordinary good fortune of

tlie Emperor could effect its capture. Old soldiers, and men who had travelled into distant lands, — men who had seen the fortresses of Tran and Turan, of Rum, Europe, and of the whole habitable world, had never beheld the equal of this. It is situated on a high and strong hill, and three smaller hills, eaeh having a fort, stand around it, like a halo round the moon. The ways of entrance and exit were difficult to dis- cover.i Near it there was no other hill commanding it, and no way of approach. All around was level ground, and there were no trees or jungle to serve as cover. All the time the country had been held by the dynasty, each prince, as he suc- ceeded, did his best to keep the place in repair, to add to its strength, or to increase its stores. It was impossible to conceive a stronger fortress, or one more amply supplied with artillery, warlike stores, and provisions. There were 500 mam of opium, Akhar-shdM weight, in its stores. Were the fortress placed upon level ground, its reduction would be difficult; but such a hill, such a well-secured fortress, and such artillery, were not to be found in any one place on the face of the earth.

After the capture of the fortress accounts were taken of the munitions. Of pieces of artillery {zarh-zan)^ small and great, there were more than 1300, besides some which were disused. The balls varied in weight from nearly two mans down to a sir or a half sir. There were great numbers of mortars {hukka- cldn)y and also many manjaniks^ each of which threw stones of 1000 or 2000 mans. On every bastion there were large iron cauldrons, in each of which twenty or thirty mans of oil could be boiled and poured down upon the assailants in case of assault. No account was taken of the muskets. Of provisions of all sorts, wines, medicines, aromatic roots, and of every- thing required for the use of man, there was vast abundance. When, after a protracted siege of eleven months, the place fell into the hands of the Imperial army, the quantities of

^ Abil-l Fazl also gives a description of the fortress, and descants upon its great strength.

grain, oil, etc., which remained, after some thousands of men had been fed (during the siege), seemed as if the stores had never been touched. The stores of ammunition were such, that thousands of mans were left, although the quantity consumed had been enormous. For throughout the siege a constant firing was kept up night and day, with object and without object ; so that in the dark nights of the rainy season no man dared to raise his head, and a demon even would not move about. There were large chambers full of powder. There were no springs of water in the fortress ; but there were two or three immense reservoirs, in which the (rain) water was collected and stored from year to year, and amply sufldced for the requirements of the garrison. In the dwelling of each officer of importance there was a separate reservoir, containing a sufficient supply of pure water for his household. Nor had all this preparation been made for the occasion ; it had been kept up from the foundation of the fortress. The rulers of the country had incessantly cared for the strengthening and provisioning of the fort, more especially in respect of artillery. The revenues of several parganas were specially and separately assigned to keep up the supply of artillery, so that the officers of the department had independent sources for maintaining its efficiency. The population in the fortress was like that of a city, for it was full of men of every kind. After the surrender, the inhabitants came out, and there was a continuous throng night and day for a week.

The houses of the chiefs were fine lofty buildings, and there were open spaces, gardens and fountains. In the walls of the fort, which were of great thickness, chambers and rooms were constructed for the officers of the artillery, where, during all seasons, they could live in comfort, and keep up a fire of cannon and musketry. The fortress has one gate, and outside this gate there is another fort called Kamargarh, the walls of which are joined on both sides to the great fort. This was looked upon as an outwork, and was held by inferior ranks of men, such as musketeers and archers. Below this fort, but still on an elevated spot, is another

fort called Malgarh,^ which also is very strong. In comparison with the fortress, it seems at the bottom of the earth ; but com- pared with the surface of the ground, it looks half-way up to the sky. This being the most advanced of the works, great care had been taken to strengthen it with guns and other implements. Below this was an inhabited place called Takhati, as large as a city. In short, the fortress is one of the wonders of the world, and it is impossible to convey an idea of it to any one who has not seen it.

Shaikh Farid, after collecting all available information about the fortress, wrote a description to the Emperor, and devoted himself to devising a plan for its capture. As the actual strength of the place was not fully known to the Emperor, envious men represented its reduction as being an easy matter, and thus vexed him. * * A letter at length arrived from the camp, announcing the EmperoFs intention to come and examine into matters with his own eyes. About the same time also Shaikh Abu-1 Fazl arrived from Burhaiipur, and encamped three or four kos from Asir, as he was hastening to join the Emperor. He sent to inform Shaikh Farid of his presence, and the Shaikh set off to see him. He had gone but a little way, when he remembered that Bahadur had promised to see him next day ; so he stopped and returned to camp. Hext day Bahadur came down from the fort to meet the Shaikh, and his spies busied themselves in observing all they could. It so happened that on that day a letter was coming from the Emperor, and the Shaikh mounted to go and meet it. But just as he was starting, his spies brought him word that the cavalcade was approaching. Although Shaikh Farid had with him a large force of horse and foot, musketeers, rocket-men, and elephants, the matter seemed to him important, and he was apprehensive that there was some design against him. So he halted where he was, and sent a messenger to

^ Abu-1 Fazl says that information was obtained from one of the garrison of a secret way into this outwork, and that it was taken on a dark rainy night by a force under bis command — an achievement which got him a great name. — Akbar-nwna^ vol. iii. p. 837 ; see Blochmann’s A'm-i Akbari, vol. i. p. xxiii.

Shaikh Abu-1 Fazl, to say that he should not come to see him that day, as circumstances prevented him. * * Shaikh Farid sent messengers to re-assure Bahadur, and he came with a large escort to the Shaikh’s tent, and had an interview with him. Every argument was used to induce him to make his submission to the Emperor, and as he had no answer to give, he merely shook his head. At length he returned to his old excuse of being afraid, and rejecting all advice, he returned to the fortress. Some men have maintained that the Shaikh ought to have made him prisoner at this meeting ; but resort to subterfuge and want of faith and truth never prove successful. Besides this, Bahadur had with him a force sufficient to resist the weak army of the Shaikh. Next day the Shaikh went to visit Shaikh Abii-l Fazl at his camp, three or four kos from the fortress, and the meeting with Bahadur was discussed, and a report sent off to the Emperor.

All expectation of Bahadur’s submission being now given up, Abu-1 Fazl, who had waited to see the result of the interview, proceeded to join the Emperor. Having first directed his atten- tion to the occupation of the country, the closing of the roads, the way into and out of the fortress, the forming of the trenches, and other matters connected with the siege, Shaikh Farid sent a detachment to Burhanpur, to arrest the officers of Bahadur, and to occupy the city. But on arriving there, it was found that the governor had already made his submission to the Emperor. Some experienced officers thought it desirable that a force should be stationed there, * * and Shaikh Farid finally decided that 1000 horse should be stationed between Burhanpur and Asir. This force took up a position about two kos from the fortress, and cut off all communication between it and the city. Next day Shaikh Abu-1 Barakat, brother of Shaikh Abu-1 Fazl, joined the besieging force with the elephants and artillery which had been sent under his command. The army now removed to a more favourable position, and it was resolved to form trenches in every suitable place near the fort, and to close the roads and

entrances. Another letter was received from Bahadur Khan, * * to which Shaikh Farid replied. * * But Bahadur Khan trusted in the strength of his fort, and thought that its height and strength were such that no mortal force could take it.

One day when the commander rode towards the fort to examine it, a large gun was fired at him. It is related that some of the battlements of the tower on which it was placed fell down, and the gun itself also fell. This was received as a good omen by the Imperial army. Mir Sadr-i Jahan, who had returned to the Emperor, now came back, charged with an Imperial message. Next day Miyan Saiyid went round and looked after many things in the construction of the trenches, so that they might afford protection to the men, and enable them to stay there day and night. The Emperor’s mind was intent upon this undertaking. Letters constantly arrived from him with instructions and urgent directions. Every day some one of his officers came to inspect and report upon the business of the siege. * *

Having received orders to wait upon the Emperor, Shaikh Farid proceeded on the 18th to the royal camp at Burganw, seven or eight kos from Asir. He was received very kindly, and he related all the details of the siege. He remained there the next day, and on the following day the Imperial camp moved towards Asir. On the 21st Farwardin, or 25th Bamazan, it reached the city of Burhanpur, and the Emperor took up his abode in the palace of the old rulers. Intent upon the siege, he then marched on, attended by numerous amirs, and arrived under the fort on the 3rd Shawwal. Shaikh Farid then received orders to attend to his own duties as BakJishi, and wait upon His Majesty, and to appoint the other amirs to the direction of the trenches, so that he might be ready, upon emergency, to lead a force in any direction.

The trenches were then allotted to the different amirs. The first to Khan-i ’Azam, * * another to Nawab Asaf Khan, another to Mirza Jani Beg of Tatta * A fourth trench he placed in

charge of his brethren and adherents, and having well examined it, he gave it into their charge, while he himself proceeded with a chosen force to attend upon the Emperor. It was impossible to dig mines or construct sdbdfs; so the men in each trench endeavoured to bring the investment as close as possible. At the end of the month, 'Azam Khan and Asaf Khan reported that the garrison kept up a fire from different kinds of guns all night and day, with object and without object, necessary and un- necessary ; and that the besiegers endured it with great bravery.

In the early days of Zi-1 ka’da, Bahadur sent out of the fortress sixty-four elephants, along with his mother and son, to the Emperor, and begged forgiveness of his offences. The Em- peror replied, that if he desired pardon, he must come out at once to make submission, and trust to the Emperor’s mercy. * * On the 16th Zi-1 hijja a sortie was made, in which many of the garrison lost their lives in a desperate struggle. When they were driven back, a little hill called Koriya fell into the hands of the besiegers. This eminence is so close to the fortress as to have command over it. The besiegers then saw that by occupying this commanding position, and by getting pos- session of another which was strongly fortified, they might over- awe the garrison. The former masters of the place had seen the importance of this position, and had scarped the rock so that no one could climb up. * * * After hard fighting, this position was carried. * * *

On the 21st Safar news arrived of the capture of Ahmadnagar on the 18th. The fortress had long been defended by Chand Bai, the sister of Nizamu-1 Mulk, and when formerly besieged, dissensions among the Imperial amirs averted its capture. Prince Daniyal, assisted by some of the great amirs, had now taken it by assault. The siege had now been carried on for nearly six months, and a constant fire had been kept up without effect. Khan-knanan thought that mining must be resorted to, and the other amirs coinciding with him, a mine was formed. It was charged with 180 mans of gunpowder, and was exploded on the

20tli Shahryur, in the 45th year of the reign. A bastion was blown up with seventy or eighty gaz of the wall. Khan-khanan^ Raja Jagannath, and the other amirs^ exerted themselves to incite their troops, and gave orders that the troops were to rush in and finish the work directly after the explosion. This order was duly executed ; and a force under Yiisuf Khan scaled the wall, by means of a mound, ^ in another place. The assailants pressed on, and after a severe fight, in which 1000 of the besiegers fell, the fortress was captured. The grandson of Nizamu-1 Mulk was taken prisoner, and carried to the Emperor. * *

A few days after, Bahadur sent Sadat Khan and Shaikh Pir Muhammad Husain, two of his chief men, to the Emperor, with ten elephants and an entreaty for forgiveness. Two days afterwards Shaikh Pir Muhammad was sent back into the fortress, and Sadat Khan was kept as the guest of Shaikh Farid. The escort which had come out with him was ordered to return with Pir Muhammad ; but the men, about a hundred in number, declared that they would not return into the fortress and become prisoners {gsir) in Asir. Permission to remain was given to those who could give some bail that they would not run away, otherwise they were to be put in confinement. In the end some found the required bail, and some went back into the fortress.

Amon" the causes which brought about the surrender of the fortress was the impurity of the atmosphere, which engendered two diseases.^ One was paralysis of the lower extremities, from the waist downwards, which deprived the sufferer of the powers of motion ; the other was weakness of sight. These maladies greatly distressed and discouraged the men of the garrison, so that men of all ranks and degrees were of one mind and voice in urging Bahadur to capitulate. At their instance he wrote to the Emperor offering to surrender. The siege thus ended.

2 [Abu-1 Fazl says that the pestilence arose from the penning -up of more than 100,000 animals in the fortress; and that 25,000 human beings died from it.]

When Bahadur came out,^ the Emperor held a grand darhdr^ at which all the great men were present, and Bahadur was amazed at the splendour and state. Mukarrib Khan, and several other of Bahadur’s nobles, were sent into the fortress, in advance of Shaikh Abii-l Fazl, to inform the garrison of the surrender, and to require the giving up of the keys. When they approached, Mukarrib Khan’s father mounted the top of the fort, and reviled him for having thrown his master into bonds and surrendered the fort. Unable to endure his abuse, the son stabbed himself two or three times in the abdomen, and a few days afterwards he died. On the 17th Safar the royal forces were admitted, and the keys were given up. * * * Khan-khanan, who had come from Ahmadnagar, went into the fortress and placed the royal seal on the treasure and warlike stores, which were then placed in charge of responsible officers. Just at this time Mirza Jani Beg of Tatta died.

On the 8th Shaffian the Emperor bestowed great honours on Shaikh Abu-1 Fazl, including a banner and kettle-drums ; and a hundred amirs were placed under his orders to assist in the sub- jugation of the Dakhin. Khan-khanan was sent to Ahmadnagar, and the general conquest of the Dahhin was committed to him. The Emperor went in and inspected the fortress. All the trea- sures and effects of Bahadur Khan, which had been collected by his ancestors during two hundred years, were brought out, and the wives and women of Bahadur, two hundred in number, were presented. The Emperor stayed in the place three days, and then proceeded to Burhanpur. * *

On the 28th Shawwal all the country of the Dakhin, Birar, Khandesh, Malwa, and Gujarat were placed under the rule of Prince Daniyal.]

^ [He was afterwards sent a prisoner to Gw&.lior, but his family was allowed to accompany Mm. — Ahhar-ndma^ Yol. ii. p. 846.]

[But for the great name of the writer, this little work would scarcely deserve notice. It consists of a series of letters written to the Emperor by Shaikh Faizi, while he was absent on his embassy to the Dakhin, in the thirty-sixth year of the reign (see Vol. V. pp. 460, 467). The letters are of a gossiping familiar character, and are embellished with plenty of verses ; but they contain nothing of importance, and throw little light upon the political relations of the time.

All these letters were translated for Sir H. M. Elliot by Lieut. Prichard, and it is to be regretted that they were not more worthy of the labour bestowed upon them.

Faizi cannot be considered an historian, so a memoir of his life would be out of place in this work. A full and satisfactory one will be found in Blochmann’s Am-i Akhari^ vol. i. p. 490.]

After travelling a long distance, and accomplishing many stages, I arrived on the 20th of the month of December (Pur), at a place fifty Iws from Burhanpur, and the next day pitched my camp and arranged my tent in a manner befitting a servant of the Court. The tent was so arranged as to have two chambers ; in the second or innermost of which, the royal throne was placed, with the gold-embroidered cushion on it : over which the canopy of velvet, worked with gold, was erected. The royal sword and the dresses of honour were placed on the throne, as well as Your

Majesty’s letter, whilst men were standing around with folded hands. The liorses also, that were to be given away, w'ere standing in their proper place. Eaja ’Ali Khan, accompanied by his fol- lowers, and the vakil and magistrate of the Dakhin, approached with that respect and reverence that betokened their obedience and good-will to Your Majesty. They dismounted some distance from the tent, and were admitted into the outer chamber. They approached respectfully, and were permitted to proceed onwards. When they entered the second chamber, and saw the royal throne at some distance from them, they saluted it, and advanced with bare feet. When they arrived at a certain distance, they were directed to stand and make three salutations, which they did most respectfully, and continued standing in the place. I then took the royal letter in both hands, and calling him a little nearer, said, ‘‘ His Majesty, the vicegerent of God, has sent your highness two royal orders, with the greatest condescension and kindness, — this is one.” On this, he took the letter and put it on his head respectfully, and saluted it three times. I then said, “ His Majesty has bestowed on your highness a dress of honour.” Upon this he bowed, kissed it, and bowed again. In the same way he did homage for the sword, and bowed every time Your Majesty’s name was mentioned. He then observed, “ I have for years wished to be seated in your presence,” and, at the same time, he appeared anxious to do so. Whereupon I requested him to be seated, and he respectfully sat down in your humble servant’s presence. When a fitting opportunity offered itself, I addressed him warily, and said I could show him how he might promote his interest ; but the chief part of my discourse consisted of praises and eulogiums of Your Majesty. He replied that he was a devoted servant of Your Majesty, and considered himself highly favoured that he had seen Your Majesty’s good-will and favour. I replied, “ His Majesty’s kindness towards you is great, he looks upon you as a most intimate friend, and reckons you among his confidential servants ; the greatest proof of which is, that he has sent a man of rank to

you.” At this he bowed several times, and seemed pleased. Durino^ this time I twice made si^ns that I wished the audience to close ; but he said, “ I am not yet satisfied with my interview, and wish to sit here till the evening.” He sat there for four or five gharis (an hour and a half). At last the betel-leaf and scents were brought. I asked him to give them to me with his own hands. I gave him several pieces of betel with my own hands, at which he bowed several times. I then said, “ Let us repeat the prayer for the eternal life and prosperity of His Majesty,” which he did most respectfully, and the audience was broken up. He then went and stood respectfully in his place at the edge of the ’carpet opposite the throne. The royal horses were there. He kissed the reins, placed them on his shoulder, and saluted them. He then took his departure. My attendant counted and found that he made altogether twenty-five salams. He was exceedingly happy and contented. When he first came in he said, “ If you command me, I am ready to make 1000 salams in honour of His Majesty. I am ready to sacrifice my life for him.” I observed, “ Such conduct befits friendship and feelings such as yours, but His Majesty’s orders forbid such adoration; and whenever the courtiers perform such adoration out of their feelings of devotion, His Majesty forbids them, for such acts of worship are for God alone.”

[This work is also called Hdldt-i Asad Beg, It is an interesting personal memoir of the author during the latter years of Akbar’s reign, containing accounts of some of the political transactions of that period, especially of the murder of Abu-1 Fazl.

A Persian note at the end of Sir H. M. Elliot’s MS. gives the following account of the author : —

“Asad Beg of Kazwin, the author of this work, was well known and noted for his kindness, magnanimity, benevolence, and great experience in business. When he first came to India, he spent a period of seventeen years in the service of Shaikh Abu-1 Fazl, son of Shaikh Mubarak. After the death of Shaikh Abu-1 Fazl, he was appointed an officer at the Court of His Majesty the Emperor Akbar, and obtained such distinguished employments and offices that he gained wealth and honour. In a short time the life and times of Akbar came to an end, and the reign of His Majesty Jahangir commenced. Although at first he was not admitted at Court, yet he continued a constant and good servant of the State. Towards the close of the reign of Jahangir he was honoured with the title of Peshrau Khan. He died at the commencement of the reign of His Majesty Shah Jahan in the year 1041.”

The whole of this work was translated for Sir H. M. Elliot by Mr. B. W. Chapman, of the Bengal Civil Service. Several Extracts have been taken from it, and the following is a general summary of its contents : —

The first Extract gives the author's account of the death of Abu-1 Fazl. Yery much against his will and earnest entreaties, Asad was left behind by Abu-1 Fazl at Sironj. Four days after-

wards he heard of the murder of the Shaikh, and then he pro- ceeded to fortify himself in Sironj. Soon he received a peremptory order to repair to Court. On reaching Kalabagh, he came up with Abu-1 Fazhs heavy baggage, which had been left behind, and had been entrenched by the officers in charge. On reaching the scene of the disaster, he recovered a valuable casket of jewels, which a servant had preserved by hiding in the jungle. The baggage was worth four or five lacs of rupees, and he conveyed it safely to Agra.

On his arrival at Court, he found that Akbar was greatly in- censed at him for supposed negligence in protecting his master, Abu-1 Fazl, and he heard, with great dismay, the Emperor’s command to “ bring Asad into the bath-room, that I may cut him in pieces with my own hand.” Upon ascertaining the facts, the Emperor was appeased, and conversed freely with him. Asad then received a dress of honour, and was soon afterwards made captain of the Emperor’s body-guard. He got also “ an estate from the lapsed lands of the criminal Shah ’All Khan,” from which he realized in the first year 17,000, the second 20,000, and the third 23,000 rupees.

Shortly afterwards he was sent as a commissioner of inquiry to the camp of the Kay-rayan, in consequence of Abu-l Fazl’s murderer, Nar Singh, having broken out of a fort in which he was besieged and made his escape. Upon reaching the camp, the officers endeavoured to secure Asad’s favour by offering presents, amounting to 18,000 rupees, which he refused to take. The Ray-rayan showed him great attention, and Asad came to a decision which hushed matters up, and was satisfactory to all concerned. He says he received a horse and some garments as a parting gift from the Ray-rayan, but refused an elephant. On his return to Court, he presented his report, which the Emperor approved, to the great joy of the inculpated officers and their friends. “ This,” he says, was my first employment, and I brought it thus happily to a conclusion, so that no one got either disgrace or honour ; but I obtained great praise and a handsome

gratuity. * * * I immediately returned to tlie confidential service of the Emperor, in whose favour I rose from day to day, till at last I was appointed treasurer of the offering’s, a very agreeable oflBce.”

He had held this office only a few months when the Emperor sent him on a mission to the Dakhin. Akbar, in 1009 h., had sent Mir Jamalu-d din Husain to Bijapur, to arrange a marriage between his son. Prince Daniyal, and a daughter of the King of Bijapur. Asad w’as now commissioned to bring back the Mir with the promised bride. This must have been in or just before the year 1013, for the marriage took place in that year. His instructions will be found amon^r the Extracts. He received

20.000 rupees towards his expenses. On reaching Birar he was entertained by Prince Daniyal, and received from him and his nobles “nearly 100,000 rupees, fifty horses, and ten camels.^^ On entering the Bijapur territories he was entertained by Mir Jamalu-d din and by ’Adil Khan's daugliter.

Soon afterwards he reached Bijapur, and had his interview with the King, who, as he tells us, spoke Marathi, “ for although he understood Persian well, he could not speak it fluently.’’ Akbar had directed Asad to stay only one day at Bijapur. This greatly annoA^ed the King, who was also vexed that he had not received a direct cession of a town called Gwalior. He offered Asad

200.000 pagodas to alter his plan, and although Asad on this, as on other occasions, records his superiority to a bribe, he is evidently astonished at his own moderation. “ I did not,” says he, “ touch a coin of tlie 200,000 pagodas, a sum equal to 600,000 rupees.” Mir Jamal blamed him for being so scrupulous, and Asad then found out why the Mir was so reluctant to leave the Dakhin: — “he got every year three to four hundred thousand pagodas from Bijapur and Golconda.”

The question of presents to the Emperor came on between the King and Asad, and gave rise to a great deal of haggling. The King asked what the Emperor had the greatest taste for, and was answered, “ rare jewels and choice elephants.” An elephant

and some jewels were at length presented, and Asad prepared to leave. He was offered for himself 100,000 /dm, equal to 35,000 rupees, an elephant, horses, etc., but refused to receive them. Asad w^ore a badge as a disciple of Akbar’s “Divine religion.’^ The King took this to examine it, and, professing himself a disciple, declared he would keep it, and Asad got it back with much trouble on a promise of obtaining one specially for the King. When he left, the King sent 9000 pagodas as a present after him. A short Extract descriptive of Bijapur has been taken from this part of the work.

The Princess and Mir Jamalu-d din accompanied him on his return ; but on reaching the boundary river (Bhima ?), the troops and the Princess made some demur to proceeding farther. In the night a great storm of wind arose, which blew down the tents. The Bijapur escort dispersed and the Princess ran away; but in the morning she and her guardian were brought back “ in great shame ” by Mir Jamalu-d din. It seems evident that the Princess and her friends were averse to the match which had been arranged for her. After her return Asad continued his journey, and conducted the Princess to Ahmadnagar. He was favourably received by Prince Daniyal, who presented him with robes of honour and arms. The Prince also directed that 10,000 rupees should be given to him, but he got “only 2000 muzaffaru^'' He left Mir Jamalu-d din witli the Prince, and proceeded towards Agra. He had with him the elephant which the King of Bijapur had sent to the Emperor. This animal had been accustomed to drink two mam of wine daily, and Asad, being unable to procure wine on his journey, was obliged to supply the animaPs wants from some “chests of costly Portugal wine,” which he had bought at Bijapur as a present to the Emperor.

On arriving at Court, he was very graciously received. He records how, in a fit of rage, Akbar,.on the night of his arrival, ordered a wretched servant to be thrown over the battlements, and that he dismissed his chamberlain in disgrace. Asad was appointed to the vacant office, the duties of which were to intro-

duce persons to an audience of the Emperor. This office he held for a year. He was also raised to the command of 250, and he obtained a further allowance of 17,000 rupees out of the estates of Shah ’All Khan. He was satisfied with his fortune, and ex- claims, “What times those were, and what a blessing rested upon them!’’ Two Extracts have been taken from this part of the work : one giving an account of the savage execution of the servant, and the other relating to Asad’s introduction of tobacco, which it appears was till then unknown at the Emperor’s Court.

Asad was next appointed envoy to the four provinces of the Dakhin, with the objects stated in the Extract which follows. He was promised promotion to the rank of 1000 on his return, but this he never got. He proceeded on his mission, and, on reaching the Chanda pass, had some fighting with the men of “Raja Bhoj,” who demanded the usual tolls, but Asad made his way through by night. On reaching Ujjain, he heard of the death of the Emperor. Continuing his journey, he reached Bur- hanpur, and there and elsewhere he records the debauchery and gambling which were prevalent among the nobles, and into which he entered with evident zest. Soon after Jahangir’s accession he was recalled, and on his return he found the new monarch angry and very ill-disposed towards him. He was at once dismissed with the words, “ I will not keep him, — let him go where he likes.” His account of the death of Akbar and the accession of Jahangir will be found among the Extracts.

Sir H. M. Elliot s MS. is a 32mo. of 292 pages, thirteen lines to the page.]

This least of the servants of Allah, Asad, son of Muhammad Murad, has written the following : AVhen the auspicious life of the most learned Nawab, Shaikh Abu-1 Fazl, son of Shaikh Mubarak, came to a close, and that most excellent of the men of genius of his age and most rare one of his time was killed

at Sarai Barar,' a dependency of Sironj, at prayer time on Friday, the 7th of Rabi’u-l awwal, in the year 1010, and when the news of that dire calamity and dreadful event reached that shadow of God, the Emperor Akbar, he was extremely grieved, disconsolate, distressed, and full of lamentation. That day and night he neither shaved, as usual, nor took opium, but spent his time in weeping and lamenting. It was then that the love of that Emperor of the world shone forth ; for in the midst of his distressing grief and uneasiness, he thought of the author of these lines, and said to those around him, “ What has become of Asad ?” They, not knowing what had happened to this broken - winged one, could not answer. J ust then Mirza JaTar Asaf Khan came in, and could not refrain from weeping, on seeing his sovereign in the depths of grief and sorrow. His lord asked him what news he had of Asad? whether he was with Abu-1 Fazl, or not ? That noble chief, drying his tears, replied with courtesy, “Asad Beg was with him as far as Sironj, but the deceased Shaikh appointed him to govern the conquered pro- vinces in Malwa, leaving with him the troops he had brought from the Dakhin, while he himself, taking those which Gopal Das Kakta had enlisted in Malwa, set off for the Court. Asad was most unwilling to obey, and being much distressed, he begged per- mission to escort him to Gwalior ; but the Shaikh would not con- sent, and left him with his veterans at Sironj. It is pretty certain that Asad was not with him in the fight.” The Emperor imme- diately ordered Asaf Khan instantly to write a farm an with his own hand to Asad, ordering him to leave all the followers of the deceased Shaikh with Gopal Das at Sironj, and to come with his own people to Court as soon as possible. Asaf Khan sat down, and did as his lord directed, then sealing it with his seal, delivered it to Miyan Gada, with orders to send it by one of his own brothers to Asad at Sironj, and bring him away with his attendants.

It was decreed by the will of Providence, that the most learned ^ [Two or three stages from Sironj. See note supra, p, 107.]

should travel thus, and his fortune was perfidious ; therefore it was that, following the advice of Gopal Das JSTakta, he went un- attended and unguarded to the place of his death, as I will now explain : When that most learned one reached the city of Sironj, the wretched villain Gopal Das had been for a long time ruler of those parts, and had raised about 300 irregular cavalry, most of them low Rajputs, who did not receive more than twenty rupees a month. Meanwhile that learned one, and we also, had heard in the Dakhin the account of Raja Nar^ Singh Deo’s depreda- tions, and never a day passed but despatches on this subject reached us from Abu-1 Khan and the rest of our faithful friends. Still, Fate so ordered it, that that learned one never paid the least heed to them. When we reached Sironj, Gopal Das per- suaded him that the troops which he had brought with him from the Dakhin were many of them sick and fatigued fi'om the speed of their march, and that it would be well to provide for them there, leaving them with Asad Beg to fight against Indrajit Bundela, and taking with him as his guard the fresh troops which he had raised.

The ill-fated learned one agreed to this unwise proposition, and throwing away his life, preferred those fresh troops, who had never faced a single enemy, to his own victorious soldiers, tried in a thousand fights. In fact, many of these men did not even arrive in time to be of any use. He had taken Gadai Khan the Afghan and his son wdth him, but left their troops with me ; had he but had a hundred of them with him, that disastrous accident had never occurred. True, Gadai Khan was a tried courageous man, but he fought alone ; he fell, charging the enemy ; his son escaped with a wound. Another Afghan, Jalal Khan by name, charged and fell; and two others, Salim Khan and Sher Khan, were taken prisoners, and put to death for refusing to betray the most learned. Mansur Chabuk too, one of the Kawab Khan-khanaii’s

^ [In this MS. he is invariahly called “ Nar Sing,” not “ Bir Sing,” as in the Tahnila-i Ahhar-ndma. Mr. Blochmann also calls him “Bir Sing,”' hut “Nar Sing” is the more likely name of the two.]

servants, who had resigned his former office and come to Sironj, under pretence of turning fdld)\ and had been employed in the kitchen, charged and fell ; he was of the Turkoman race. Mirza Muhammad Khan Beg was also among the slain, as well as Jabbar Khassa-khail, an Abyssinian, who was with them. When the Nawab was pierced and fell, he slew the Rajput who had - wounded him, and rushed upon the enemy. He had still life in him when Nar Singh came up with the main body. He first trod Jabbar under foot, and then cut off the head of the great 'Allami. Excepting those I have mentioned, all, whether veterans or raw troops, escaped. Had they set off, as Mirza Muhsin, son-in-law of Fazl Khan of Badakhshan, advised, when he told them that robbers were lying in wait, they would have arrived safely ; but as Fate had decreed, so it occurred ; there was no help for it. The day when the deceased ’Allami gave me a dress of honour and a horse at Sironj, and dismissed me in the presence of Gopal Das, Mahdi ’All the Kashmirian, and all the atten- dants, with tearful eyes, I entreated to be allowed to escort him as far as Gwalior with the troops that he had left with me; but he would by no means consent, for the hour of that great man had arrived, and it was decreed that he should go. When he mounted to start, I too mounted, in order to follow him ; but he peremp- torily forbade me to do so, or even to come out of my house, and dismissed me from that place. * *

When ’Allami arrived at Sarai Barar and dismounted from his horse, a religious beggar came to him, and told him all par- ticulars about Nar Singh Bundela, how he intended to attack him the next day on his march ; but he only dismissed him with a present of money, such as he used to give to others of his class. That night he passed in careless security. On Friday morning he rose, and, performing his ablutions, clothed himself in the white garments usually worn on Friday, and in the gold-em- broidered robes of victory. He then courteously dismissed all who had attended him from the neighbouring provinces on the part of the jdgirddrs and receivers of revenue, such as the ser-

vants of Mirza Eustam, who had a jdgtr in the neighbourhood, and had sent forty or fifty horsemen, and Shaikh Mustafa, governor of Kalabagh, who had a guard with him, and several other persons of that sort, amounting in all to about 200 horse- men, who would have been of great service had he retained them. But it is in vain to lament. When Fate droops its wing from heaven, the most able men become deaf and dumb.

As the sun rose, that rising sun set off with Ya’kub Khan, with whom he was at that time very familiar. The attendants hearing the drum beat for marching, prepared to follow. The private tent of Abu-1 Fazl was yet standing, when the troops of the Bundela appeared from behind the Sarai with a shout, and fell upon the camp. All the attendants who were ready, mounted and escaped along the road, while Mirza Muhsin of Badakh- shan, who was in the act of mounting, got on his horse and advanced towards the robbers to reconnoitre. When he had gone a little way, he came upon Nar Singh’s main body. After care- fully surveying these forces from an eminence, he, like a courage- ous man, cut his way through them all, horse and foot, and reached ’Allami. As soon as he came up with the escort, he saw at a glance that they were all quite off their guard, marching in disorder, careless, and without their arms. Going forward, he reported what he had seen of the robbers. As soon as the Shaikh heard it, he halted, and asked him what was to be done. He advised him to proceed rapidly. The Shaikh said, “ You mean we are to fly ?” He answered, “ It is not flying ; only let us go on thus,” and, striking his spurs into his horse, he set for- ward at a rapid pace, saying, “ Let us proceed in this way ; as I am going, so do you go, as far as Gwalior.”

While ’Allami was halting thus long, a troop of the robbers caught the elephant which bore the standard and drum, and fell upon the escort ; so the fighting commenced. The Shaikh turned back, and had just reached the drum and ensign, which was at the distance of a bow-shot, when the noise of Nar Singh’s army^ which consisted of about 500 horsemen clad in mail, was heard.

Gadai Khan the Afghan, with several other armed horsemen who were on in front, charged, and seizing the bridle of the Shaikh’s horse, exclaimed, “What have you to do here? Do you begone ! This is our business.” With these words that brave soldier attacked the enemy, with his son and others before mentioned, and fell. At that moment one of the strangers in the company said, “ The robbers are armed, and your attendants are not ; we had better escape to the skirts of the hills ; perhaps we may save our lives.” So he took the bridle of the Shaikh’s horse and turned about. Just then the robbers made an onslaught, spearing every man within reach. A Eajput came up and struck the Shaikh with a spear in the back, so that it came out through his breast. There was a small stream in the place, and the Shaikh tried to leap his horse over it, but he fell in the attempt. Jabbar Khassa-khail, who was close behind, slew that Rajput, and then dismounting, drew the Shaikh from under his horse and carried him a little off the road j but as the wound was mortal, the Shaikh fell.

Just then IN^ar Singh coming up with the rest of the Rajputs, Jabbar concealed himself behind a tree. But the horses of the Shaikh attracted the attention of I^ar Singh, and he halted. The driver of the Shaikh’s female elephant was with him, and pointed out his wounded lord. As soon as Nar Singh saw him, he dis- mounted, and taking his head upon his knees, began to wipe his mouth with his own garment. Jabbar, observing from be- hind the tree that Nar Singh was in a compassionate mood, came forward and saluted him. Nar Singh asked who he was. Just then the Shaikh unclosed his eyes. Nar Singh, sitting as he was, saluted him, and telling his attendants to bring the farmdm, said to the Shaikh with blandishment, “ The all-conquering lord has sent for you courteously.” The Shaikh looked bitterlj^ at him. Nar Singh swore that he would carry him in safety to him. The Shaikh began to abuse him angrily. Nar Singh’s attendants then told him he would not be able to convey him away, for the wound was mortal ; upon hearing which, Jabbar

drew his sword, and, slaying several Rajputs, had nearly reached Nar Singh, when they killed and trampled him under foot. Nar Singh then rose from the Shaikh’s head, and his attendants despatched him, and, cutting off the head of that great one, started off, meddling with no one else, but even releasing those whom they had taken prisoners.

Of my deputation to the army of Rdy-rdydn to inquire into the conduct of the officers.

After two or three months, news came from the army which had been sent under Ray-rayan to chastise Nar Singh. A number of the most distinguished officers had accompanied him, and Ziau-1 Mulk Kasi was second in command. All at once despatches came from them to this effect : “We had completely routed Nar Singh, and driven him into the walled fort of Traj, with a body of 400 Rajputs ; we had invested the fort and made our approaches, and it seemed inevitable that he must fall into our hands the next day. The fort is situated on the banks of a broad deep river, the other three sides being exposed to the land. The general, Ray-rayan, undertook himself to guard the river bank, placing the other officers on the three remaining sides. At midnight, when sleep was heavy upon all, the Rajputs got out. Cutting through the wall on the river-side, they led their horses down the glacis, and mounting upon the river bank, crossed over at a place where there was some kind of a ford, passing through the Ray-rayan’s elephant stable, and by the time your slaves and the other chiefs had discovered what had happened, he had advanced far on his way. By this stratagem he has escaped.”

When the despatclies had been read, the Emperor, who thirsted for the blood of that wretch, fell into the greatest conceivable passion, and turning to Shaikh Farid, said he must go and in- vestigate by whose fault this had happened; for the Ray-rayan reports that Nar Singh escaped through the lines of the Raja of Gwalior, and the Raja, in his turn, writes that he passed through the camp of the general, while the second in command declares

that treachery has been at work, as he was completely entrapped. In short, each lays the blame on the other. The Shaikh repre- sented that Shaikh Abu-1 Khair, ’Allami’s brother, was very clever in investigations. As soon as he heard that name. His Majesty exclaimed, “ I have it : send for Asad.^’ It chanced that I was on guard that night, and sitting in the guard- room with Aka Mulla.

About eight o‘’clock messengers arrived with orders for me to come immediately to the fort. As soon as I was announced, His Majesty called for me. I made my obeisance, and seeing marks of anger and rage in the royal countenance, I feared he was about to put me to death. When His Majesty and the courtiers saw my alarm, they smiled, and throwing me the despatches, bade me read them. I first perused that of the Ray-rayan, and was pro- ceeding with the rest, when he asked me whether I had under- stood the contents. I replied that I had partly done so. He said, “ Now this has happened, do you go to the camp and inquire whose fault it is, and investigate the whole affair, for I am very much annoyed at this accident, and therefore have determined to send you.” I made my obeisance, and replied that I would use my utmost endeavours to fail in nothing. * * *

As soon as the Raja and all the officers were assembled, I pro- duced a sheet made of pieces of cloth sown together, upon which was drawn a plan of the fort of Traj, with the river on one side, and the gates and towers on the other three. The encampment of each chief was marked thereon, with the number of his forces. I then called Ziau-1 Mulk, and made him write the name of each chief in the place which his forces had occupied, and made them all attach their seals to it. I also marked the place where Nar Singh had made his exit, and the spot at which he passed the river. When the chiefs had all affixed their seals to this sheet, I asked them whether they had thus represented it. After we had eaten betel and received perfumes, I took leave. of all.

I The son of Muhammad Khan Tatar, a near connexion and relative of mine, was appointed to escort me with 1000 horse to

Gwalior. * * * I went myself with Musahib to the Court, and reported myself to Ram Das, who conducted me to the foremost railing, where I made my obeisance. His Majesty called me with the greatest impatience ; and after presenting a gold mohur and nine rupees, I prostrated myself. His Majesty immediately said, “Whose fault was it?’’ I bowed, and replied that I would relate all particulars ; but he again insisted that I should tell him what fault I thought there had been. Seeing his impatience, I replied, “ I cannot say that any one has erred intentionally. There has only been great neglect, and all are alike guilty ; that is my humble opinion.” Shaikh Farid said, “ Neglect is also a fault.” I answered, “ That is a fault which is committed inten- tionally, and that is carelessness which happens without any ill intention.” I was going to say more to the Shaikh, when His Majesty rose, and said, “Asad is right.” From the way he spoke, it was evident that he was very much pleased, and I saw that my words had been agreeable to him. * *

Of my appointment to bring back Mir Jamdlu-d din from the Dakhin,

When the Emperor was at Burhanpur, he had sent Saiyid Mir Jamalu-d din Husain Inju on a mission to ’Adil Khan Sawai, in order to form an alliance with him ; for since that Prince had professed himself a follower of the Emperor, it was thought right to exalt him to the highest rank, by uniting his daughter in marriage with the high and fortunate Prince Daniyal. The Saiyid had gone about that business long before, and made such unnecessary delay, that the Emperor was displeased with him. Just at the time I am speaking of, a joint report from the Khan-i khanan and the Saiyid reached the Emperor, written in such an improper spirit, to make excuses for further delay, that His Majesty became exceedingly angry, and exclaimed, “ He has seduced that noble too from his allegiance. By God’s will, I will send some one to bring him back with dishonour.” He then cast a glance along the ranks of his servants, and when the

lightning eyes of that shadow of God fell upon me, the least of his slaves, he called me, and, caring as he did for the least, said to his great officers, “ I will send Asad to bring him back without giving him time to eat or drink.” Then turning to me, he said, “ I have appointed you to the Dakhin, on a service that will secure you abundant wealth.’^

• • • In a few days I had made all ready, and the royal farmdns were all prepared. A very gracious farmdn was written with all possible courtesy to ’Adil Khan of Bijdpur. Its con- tents were as follows : “ We find by the despatches of the Saiyid that you desire the town of Gwalior.^ Yery good. If you are really anxious about the matter, open your mind to the faithful servant Asad, and we will issue orders according to your wish, and bestow it upon you for ever, so that you may appoint your own governor there.’’ To Mir Jamalu-d din I bore orders to this effect : “ If thou dost not return to Court with Asad, thou shalt see what will happen to thee and to thy children.”

That palace, which they called Hajjah, was so arranged, that each house in it had a double court. Where there are two courts, they call it in those parts Hajjah. All round the gate of my residence were lofty buildings with houses and porticos ; the situation was very healthy and airy. It lies in an open space in the city. Its northern portico is to the east of a hdzdr of great extent, as much as thirty yards wide and about two hos long. Before each shop was a beautiful green tree, and the whole hdzdr was extremely clean and pure. It was filled with rare goods, such as are not seen or heard of in any other town. There were shops of cloth-sellers, jewellers, armourers, vintners, bakers, fishmongers, and cooks. To give some idea of the whole hdzdr^ I will describe a small section in detail.

In the jewellers’ shops were jewels of all sorts, wrought into a variety of articles, such as daggers, knives, mirrors, necklaces, ^ [I have not been able to identify this GwSilior. — Ed.]

and also into the form of birds, such as parrots, doves and pea- cocks, etc., all studded with valuable jewels, and arranged upon shelves, rising one above the other. By the side of this shop will be a baker’s, with rare viands, placed in the same manner, upon tiers of shelves. Further on a linendraper’s, with all kinds of cloths, shelved in like manner. Then a clothier’s. Then a spirit-merchant’s, with various sorts of china vessels, valuable crystal bottles, and costly cups, filled with choice and rare essences, arrayed on shelves, while in front of the shop were jars of double-distilled spirits. Beside that shop will be a fruiterer’s, filled with all kinds of fruit and sweetmeats, such as pistachio- nuts, and relishes, and sugar-candy, and almonds.

On another side may be a wine-merchant’s shop, and an estab- lishment of singers and dancers, beautiful women adorned with various kinds of jewels, and fair-faced choristers, all ready to perform whatever may be desired of them. In short, the whole bazar was filled with wine and beauty, dancers, perfumes, jewels of all sorts, palaces, and viands. In one street were a thousand bands of people drinking, and dancers, lovers, and pleasure- seekers assembled ; none quarrelled or disputed with another, and this state of things was perpetual. Perhaps no place in the wide world could present a more wonderful spectacle to the eye of the traveller.

Akhar orders a servant to be thrown off a tower.

At that time the Emperor used to retire for a long interval, after evening prayers, during which time the servants and courtiers used to disperse, assembling again when they expected His Majesty to re-appear. That evening he happened to come out sooner than usual, to hear the news from the Dakhin, and at first found none of the servants in the palace. When he came near the throne and couch, he saw a luckless lamplighter, coiled up like a snake, in a careless death-like sleep, close to the royal couch. Enraged at the sight, he ordered him to be thrown from the tower, and he was dashed into a thousand pieces. In the

midst of his anger, the unhappy Khwaja Amiru-d din, whose watch it was, came in sight. Akbar addressed him with harshness and anger, and after abusing and disgracing him, turned him out of the tower, and ordered him instantly to start off and join the Prince’s camp. He severely reprehended Daulat Khan, who was also on guard at the time, and disgraced and dishonoured him. Even Ram Das had a share in that misfortune, but he was not so severely punished. The Emperor then sat down on the royal couch, and in great fear I approached and saluted him.

As soon as his eyes fell upon me, he bestowed upon me the office which Khwaja Amiru-d din had held for some years, and in which he had enjoyed great respect and honour, and at the same time said to Ram Das, I have bestowed the office of that wretch on Asad : we shall see how he conducts himself. Bring him now to do homage.”

In Bijapiir I had found some tobacco. Never having seen the like in India, I brought some with me, and prepared a hand- some pipe of jewel work. The stem, the finest to be procured at Achin, was three cubits in length, beautifully dried and coloured, both ends being adorned with jewels and enamel. I happened to come across a very handsome mouthpiece of Yaman cornelian, oval-shaped, which I set to the stem ; the whole was very handsome. There was also a golden burner for lighting it, as a proper accompaniment. ’Adil Khan had given me a betel bag, of very superior workmanship; this I filled with fine tobacco, such, that if one leaf be lit, the whole will continue burning. I arranged all elegantly on a silver tray. I had a silver tube made to keep the stem in, and that too was covered with purple velvet.

His Majesty was enjoying himself, after receiving my presents, and asking me how I had collected so many strange things in so short a time, when his eye fell upon the tray with the pipe and its appurtenances ; he expressed great surprise, and examined the

tobacco, which was made up in pipefuls ; he inquired what it was, and where I had got it. The Nawab Khan-i ’Azam replied : “ This is tobacco, which is well known in Mecca and Medina, and this doctor has brought it as a medicine for Your hlajesty.” His Majesty looked at it, and ordered me to prepare and take him a pipeful. He began to smoke it, when his physician approached and forbade his doing so. But His Majesty was graciously pleased to say he must smoke a little to gratify me, and taking the mouthpiece into his sacred mouth, drew two or three breaths. The physician was in great trouble, and would not let him do more. He took the pipe from his mouth, and bid the Khan-i ’Azam try it, who took two or three puffs. He then sent for his druggist, and asked what were its peculiar qualities. He replied that there was no mention of it in his books ; but that it was a new invention, and the stems were imported from China, and the European doctors had written much in its praise. The first physician said, “In fact, this is an untried medicine, about which the doctors have written nothing. How can we describe to Your Majesty the qualities of such unknown things ? It is not fitting that Your Majesty should try it.” I said to the first physician, “ The Europeans are not so foolish as not to know all about it ; there are wise men among them who seldom err or commit mistakes. How can you, before you have tried a thing and found out all its qualities, pass a judgment on it that can be depended on by the physicians, kings, great men, and nobles? Things must be judged of ac- cording to their good or bad qualities, and the decision must be according to the facts of the case.” The physician replied, “ We do not want to follow the Europeans, and adopt a custom, which is not sanctioned by our own wise men, without trial.” I said, “ It is a strange thing, for every custom in the world has been new at one time or other ; from the days of Adam till now, they have gradually been invented. When a new thing is introduced among a people, and becomes well known in the world, every one adopts it ; wise men and physicians should

determine according to the' good or bad qualities of a thing; the good qualities may not appear at once. Thus the China root, not known anciently, has been newly discovered, and is useful in many diseases.’’ When the Emperor heard me dispute and reason with the physician, he was astonished, and being much pleased, gave me his blessing, and then said to Khan-i ’Azam, “Did you hear how wisely Asad spoke? Truly, we must not reject a thing that has been adopted by the wise men of other nations merely because we cannot find it in our books ; or how shall we progress?” The physician was going to say more, when His Majesty stopped him and called for the priest. The priest ascribed many good qualities to it, but no one could persuade the physician ; nevertheless, he was a good physician.

As I had brought a large supply of tobacco and pipes, I sent some to several of the nobles, while others sent to ask for some ; indeed, all, without exception, wanted some, and the practice was introduced. After that the merchants began to sell it, so the custom of smoking spread rapidly. His Majesty, however, did not adopt it.

At last orders were passed, that royal farmdns should be ad- dressed to the governors of the provinces of the Dakhin, namely, Bijapur, Golconda, Bidar, and the Carnatic. His Majesty said to me, “You went before, in great discomfort, to fetch Mir Jamalu-d din and the daughter of ’Adil Khan and the presents, because it was necessary. But this time you must go in state to the four provinces of the Dakhin, and remain in each place so long as may be necessary, to collect whatever they may have of fine elephants and rare jewels throughout their dominions, to bring back with you. Their money you may keep. I want nothing but their choice and rare elephants and jewels. You must secure things of this kind for the Government, the rest I give you. You must not relax your efforts as long as there is one fine elephant or rare jewel out of your grasp in the Dakhin.'”

In short, I was sent for these purposes. But nearly two months passed from the time of my first appointment before I received my dismissal. Again His Majesty said, “ Don’t trouble your- self about money; all those countries are at your disposal, and shall come to you.” I made my preparations according to these gracious and kind orders. Though I was only a commander of 200, I enlisted 600 chosen horsemen of I’rak, Khurasan, and Turkistan ; many among them being men of rank. To eacli servant I gave a fine horse and three or four months’ pay in advance. Even commanders of 1000 or 2000 could not boast of so well-accoutred a train as was then assembled. I appointed Shah ’AH of Ispahan, a beautiful writer, as my hahhshi^ and hired 100 musketeers, 100 guards and servants, and 100 archers. In short, I made great preparations.

Account of the Death of His Majesty, and of other matters in connexion with it.

As I, Asad, wandering in the wood of evil destiny, had started for the second time as envoy to the four southern provinces, Bijapur, Golconda, Bidar, and the Carnatic, I was not present when that peerless sovereign departed this life. When the question of my embassy was in agitation, the. Emperor was also projecting a combat between the elephants Chanchal and Giranbar. His Majesty, now at rest, ordered me not to depart till I had seen the elephant fight; but Fate had ordained otherwise, and I was not sorry for it, for, as I shall relate. His Majesty had cause for severe anger at that elephant fight, which came off after my departure.

A few days after I left i^gra. His Majesty had been taken somewhat ill, and in a short time was very much broken down. While he was in this condition, the combat of the elephant Chanchal with the elephant Giranbar, belonging to the royal Prince, came ofi*. While the fight was going on, an angry dis- pute arose between the servants of Prince Salim and Sultan Khusru, and both overstepped the bounds of courtesy. AVhen

His Majesty heard of it, he became exceedingly angry, vexed, and enraged, and this so much increased his illness, that the chief physician, one of the most skilful of his time in the healing art, could do nothing more. During the Emperor’s illness the weight of affairs fell upon the Khan-i ’Azam, and when it became evident that the life of that illustrious sovereign was drawing to a close, he consulted with Raja Man Singh, one of the principal nobles, and they agreed to make Sultan Khusru Emperor. They were both versed in business and possessed of great power, and determined to seize the Prince (Salim), when he came, according to his daily custom, to pay his respects at Court, thus displaying the nature of their mind, little considering that the sun cannot be smeared with mud, nor the marks of the pen of destiny be erased by the pen-knife of treachery. He whom the hand of the power of Allah upholds, though he be helpless in himself, is safe from all evil.

The next day that chosen one of Allah, not dreaming of the treachery of his foes, went, as was his wont, to pay his respects at Court, and entered a boat with several of his attendants. They had reached the foot of the tower, and were about to dis- embark, when Mir Ziau-1 Mulk of Kazwin arrived in great agitation, and jumped into the boat. He brought word of the hopeless state of the Emperor, and of the treachery and perfidy of those evil men. The boat returned, and His Royal Highness, with weeping eyes and a sore heart, re-entered his private palace. So that, through the endeavours of that faithful friend and sincere well-wisher, the arrow of those perfidious enemies missed its mark.

When the raw attempt of those wretches had thus been brought to light, and the lofty-flying phoenix had escaped their treacherous snare, and the curtain which concealed their in- tentions had been torn, they were obliged to throw off all dis- simulation.

At that time the breath was still in the Emperor’s body, and all his servants and officers were assembled in the audience-room

in great distress and agitation. The Khan-i ’Azam and Raja Man Singh sat down, and calling all the nobles together, began to consult with them, and went so far as to say, “ The character of the high and mighty Prince Sultan Salim is well known, and the Emperor’s feelings towards him are notorious ; for he by no means wishes him to be his successor. We must all agree to place Sultan Khusru upon the throne.” When this was said, Saiyid Khan, who was one of the great nobles, and connected with the royal house, and descended from an ancient and illus- trious Mughal family, cried out, “ Of what do you speak, that in the existence of a Prince like Salim Shah, we should place his son upon the throne ! This is contrary to the laws and customs of the Chaghatai Tatars, and shall never be.” He and Malik Khair, w^ho was also a great chief and well skilled in business, with others of their opinion, rose and left the assembly. The Khan-i ’Azam, who was at the bottom of all these evil designs, concealed his rage, and could say nothing. The assembly broke up, and each went his own way. Raja Ram Das Kachhwaha, with all his followers, immediately went to guard the treasury, and Murtaza Khan left the fort, and retiring to his own resi- dence, took steps to assemble the Saiyids of Earah and his own followers. Meanwhile Mirza Sharif and Mu’tamad Khan came and asked him what he intended to do. Knowing them to be his friends, he said, “ I intend to go to the Prince.” Mu’tamad Khan expressed his readiness to do the same, and Murtaza Khan bade him go first to the Prince, and say that he would be there immediately with his followers. So he went to His Royal Highness.

As soon as the Prince, following the advice of Mir Zla, had retired to his own palace, all the foolish people round him began to alarm him, saying, “Why does Your Highness sit careless here ? Your enemies have completed their work, and placed Sultan Khusru on the throne, and declare that tliey will point the guns of the fort against this house.” Their evil counsels were nearly taking effect upon the Prince, and he was about to

order his private boats, to save himself by flight, when Shaikh Ruknu-d din Rohilla, one of his best servants, who had a large body of followers, and was a man of known courage, came and besought him to compose himself, and wait for two hours to see what would happen. The Prince was still occupied in listening to this brave advice, when all at once Mirza Sharif came in, and told him how the assembly of his enemies had broken up, and that Murtaza Khan was coming to join him. His Roj^al Highness was much delighted, and began to encourage his people, when Para Beg came and made salutations, and Mir Murtaza Khan arrived with a large body of attendants and many of the noble Saiyids of Barah, and saluting him, began to beat the drums to celebrate the day. The Prince forbad the music, on account of the sad state of the Emperor, but honoured Mir Murtaza Khan with a special dress of honour and a jewelled scimitar. People began to flock in, each striving to be the first to arrive, till at last, in the evening, the Khan-i ’Azam came in great shame and paid his respects. The Prince took not the least notice of his ill-conduct, and bestowed all royal kindness upon him.

When Raja Man Singh saw the change in the aspect of affairs, he took Sultan Khusru with him to his own palace, and pre- pared boats, intending to escape the next day to Bengal. As soon as the Prince was relieved from all anxiety as to the course affairs were taking, he went with the great nobles, and Mir Murtaza Khan at their head, without fear, to the fort, and approached the dying Emperor. He was still breathing, as if he had only waited to see that illustrious one. -As soon as that most fortunate Prince entered, he bowed himself at the feet of His Majesty. He saw that he was in his last agonies. The Emperor once more opened his eyes, and signed to them to invest him with the turban and robes which had been prepared for him, and to gird him with his own dagger. The attendants prostrated themselves and did homage ; at the same moment that sovereign, whose sins are forgiven, bowed himself also and closed

his life. A loud lamentation rose on all sides, and groans and cries ascended from the world and race of men, and the voices of the angelic cherubims were heard saying, “ God created him, and to God he has returned.’*

After that sad occurrence, that gracious Emperor Jahangir bade all his confidential servants and faithful friends perform the obsequies of the deceased sovereign, with all the ceremonies due to his rank. When they had gone through the funeral rites pre- scribed by religion and tradition, and had arrayed the royal corpse in all state, the Emperor, in great pomp, with weeping eyes and a sad heart, took the foot of the bier of the deceased King upon his shoulder, and carried it as far as the door of the public reception room ; from thence, the great nobles, each anxious for the honour, relieving one another in quick succession, carried His Majesty as far as the gate of the fort. Thence the nobles and ministers, and courtiers and imams, and all his servants and troops, followed the bier with heads and feet uncovered. * * *

When His Majesty had concluded this necessaiy business, he entrusted the fort and treasury to Haja Ham Das, and praised and consoled him much. Leaving the fort, he then went to his own palace, where intelligence reached him that Kaja Man Singh, taking with him Sultan Khusru, was embarking on board boats for Bengal, with all his servants and troops. Although the royal heart was vexed at hearing this, yet he sent Madhav Singh, his brother, who was present, to re-assure and bring him back. Madhav Singh went to the Baja, and reproving him strongly, asked what he meant by acting thus towards such a sovereign, and of what use it was? He replied, “What can I do ? The Prince is young, and knew nothing of all these matters. I was obliged to act as I have done, to satisfy him.” Do you go and say, ‘ Let a promise be given that he may be relieved from all fear, and that I may be satisfied that no harm will befall him, and I will bring him to Your Majesty’s feet.’”

Madhav Singh returned and reported Eaja Man Singh’s wishes and petition to His Majesty, who gave his promise, with the utmost grace and kindness, that no harm should happen to him from any one, and sent him back confirming his word with solemn oaths. The next day Eaja Man Singh came to Court, and brouf^ht Sultan Khusru to the feet of his royal father. His Majesty treated him with the greatest kindness, and clasping him to his bosom, kissed his face. After a moment he dismissed him to his own house. When His Majesty had concluded that business, he passed some days in mourning and distributing alms, till at last the day arrived for him to ascend the throne.

0/ the ascension of His Majesty the Emperor Nuru-d din Mu- hammad Jahangir to the throne of his fathers and ancestors.

On that day he held a Court, and after going through all the usual ordinances, left his own palace in great pomp and state, with all show and grandeur, and embarking in a boat, went to the fort, where he disembarked, and mounting the stately litter, entered the fort scattering gold and silver. There all the nobles of rank and powerful ministers were in attendance. When he arrived, he ascended the throne of the Empire, and after adopting the title of Jahangir, began to win the hearts of all the people, and to re-arrange the withered world. He honoured many of the greatest nobles and powerful ministers and brave ^muths with honourable titles and acceptable dignities ; for the consolation of the hearts of his people, he suspended the chain of justice with golden bells, and removed the rust of oppression from the hearts of his people. * * *

Some days after his ascension, intelligence arrived that Muhabat Khan and Sharif Khan, who were of the highest rank in the Empire, had come to offer their congratulations. Muhabat Khan was made commander-in-chief, and Sharif Khan was honoured with the title of Amiru-l ^JJmard. Day by day the Empire of that just and liberal sovereign increased in splendour and efficiency. In the first few days he repealed and

gave up all transit duties and fees, the poll-tax on Hindus and tax on orphans’ property, and remitted them throughout the whole of the hereditary dominions. He also remitted and re- moved, root and branch, the whole of the duties and imposts levied on the produce of the sea or of mines, so that through- out the whole of Hindustan, and wherever the jurisdiction of the Emperor extended, no one could so much as name them.

This work contains a brief general history of Muhammadan India, from the time of the slave-kings of Dehli to that of Akbar, in the forty-second year of whose reign it was composed, i.e. A.H. 1005 (a.d. 1596-7). The name of the author is Shaikh ’Abdu-1 Hakk bin Saifu-d din of Dehli. From a quatrain in the preface of his history, it would appear that Hakki, “ the true,'^ while it contains a play upon his own name, is a mere literary appellation, assumed according to a practice common in the east, and by which name he seems to wish that his history should be known, though it is most frequently styled Tdrikh-i ^Ahdu-l Hakk.

The ancestors of ’Abdu-1 Hakk came into India from Bokhara, and settled in Dehli, but the authorities vary in the details they give in respect of him. According to the Bddshdk-ndma.^ ’Abdu-1 Hakk was a descendant of one of Timur’s followers, who re- mained behind, together with some other foreign chiefs, at Dehli, after the return of that conqueror to his native land. But the writer himself, in his Akhhdru-l Akhydy\ says that his great ancestor, Agha Turk, came to Dehli in ’Alau-d din’s reign, and that this Agha s grandson, Malik Musa, returned to Mawarau-n nahr, and came back from thence to Dehli in Timur’s time. In Sir T. Metcalfe’s MS. History of Dehli it is stated that his ancestor was a native of Bokhara, who, on visiting Dehli, was ennobled and attached to the Royal Court. There can be no

^ See Asdru-s Sanddid, p. 80 ; Tahakdt-i Shdh-jahdni ; Mirdt-i Jahdn-numd ; Ma-dsiru4 Kirdn, p. 256 ; Zuhdatu-l Ghardib (extract, post) ; Beale, 364.

doubt that Bokhara was the place from which they sprang, as ’Abdu-l Hakk’s son was known as “ al Dehlawi al Bokhari.’^ ’Abdu-1 Hakk’s father obtained a reputation for sanctity, and the son praises him in his Literary History of Dehli.

Shaikh ’Abdu-l Hakk early applied himself to the cultivation of knowledge. At twenty years of age he had mastered most of the customary branches of education, and had learnt the whole of the Kurdn by heart.^ At the time he was prosecuting his studies, the author ^ tells us that he used to go twice a day to college, morning and evening, during the heat of one season and the cold of another, returning for a short time for a meal to his own house. As he informs us that his dwelling was two miles from the college, this statement, if true, shows that he travelled eight miles a day, which, it must be confessed, exhibited unusual ardour in the acquisition of knowledge. His father observed that he did not enjoy pastimes like other boys, and endeavoured to dissuade him from his intense application.

Upon leaving Dehli, he associated for a long time with ’Abdu-1 Kadir, Shaikh Faizi, and Nizamu-d din, at Fathpur,^ but left them upon some slight misunderstanding. Nevertheless, through the interest of the latter, he obtained a passage on a vessel pro- ceeding to Arabia, whither he went on a pilgrimage.^ He dwelt for a long time in the holy cities of Mecca and Medina, and derived much instruction from the learned men of those cities. He wrote works upon many subjects, of which he himself gives a list, — commentaries, travels, Bixfi doctrines, religion and his- tory, and his different treatises amount altogether to more than one hundred. The best known are the Madina Bakina, the Maddrijii-n Mnhuivat, the Jazhu-l Kuluh,^ and the Akhhdru-l Akhjdr. He was born in the year 958 h., and in the year

1 Bddshdh-ndma of ’Abdu-1 Hamid Lahori (MS. fol. 451 v.).