5. Volume 6 — part 5

trouble by the labour he has imposed upon himself.

The translation has also been reviewed by M. Jules Mohl, but in an impartial and critical spirit, in a series of articles replete with information on the subjects discussed in them. His biography of Firishta is the fullest and most correct which we have, being derived not from the translation, but the original, subsequently lithographed at Bombay, to which he has devoted the chief portion of his able review. While he gives their due meed of credit to all the translators, he very fairly exposes the defects in each of them, and shows how worthy he himself is to undertake a faithful translation of the whole work.^

The history of Firishta is universally known in India, — at least by name, and there are few large towns without a copy. If we add to these the works labelled “ Nauras-ndma ” and “ Tdnkh-i Ibrdhtmt” which few of the present ignorant gene- ration know to be the same as Firishta’s history, we shall find that it is probably more common than any secular work of equal size in this country. There are several manuscripts also of correctness and elegance, but all must yield the palm to the lithographed edition of 1831, which, like so many other Persian works printed at the Bombay Presidency, shames the lithographic press of this side of India.

We have no critical account of the Manuscripts used in collating this edition. To General Briggs, however, is due the merit of having prepared it for the press, though his absence prevented his superintending its execution. All we learn of it from him is, that he “ procured a copy of Firishta in Persian,

^ Gelehrte Anzeigen, vol. ix. coll. 531, 532. Hamraer is also attacked in the Foreign Quarterly Review^ vol. iv. p. 129 (or 139).

2 Journal des Savants, 1840, pp. 212-226, 354-372, 392-403.

which contained several valuable annotations and corrections. This copy has since been carefully collated with several others, and a new and correct edition was left by me at Bombay in 1827 in order to be printed.’^ ^ He confesses himself indebted to Mir Khairat ’Ali Khan, commonly called Mushtak, who assisted him in his labours, who had devoted his whole life to historical inquiries, and who travelled for several years successively through the Dakhin, making copies of every Persian inscription on stone to be found in all the towns of note in that country.

It is strange that, notwithstanding the care bestowed by General Briggs on this work, his name nowhere appears as having any concern in it. It is without preface, and without title-page, but there is a fly-leaf at the end of the second volume, informing us that the work was undertaken by order of Mr. Elphinstone, and executed by the care, and according to the arrangement, of Captain George Jervis; that the first volume was written by Mirza Hasan of Shiraz, the second by Mirza Hamzah of Mazenderan. M. Jules MohP exonerates Captain Jervis from the charge of takino: credit to himself for the labours of others, inasmuch as that officer was at the Cape of Good Hope at the time that the last sheets were passing through the press, but attributes blame to the Persian lithographer, who no doubt wished to ingratiate himself with his immediate master by this insinuating flattery.

On the arrival of the impressions in London, the General took care to add a fitting title-page, which states that the work was “ edited and collated from various Manuscript copies by Major- General John Briggs, assisted by Munshi Mir Khairat ’AH Khan Mushtak, of Akbarabad.”

There are other omissions which give us cause to regret that this edition was not more carefully lithographed under European superintendence. To be sure, the names of people and places

^ [General Briggs presented four distinct MSS. of Firishta to the Royal Asiatic Society, and they are now in the Library — one of these at least was used in the collation.]

are written with unusual, though not entire, accuracy ; the addi- tion of marginal dates is a great convenience, and the hand- writing of the lithographers is clear and elegant ; but we have no list of variants to enable us to judge of the propriety of the selected reading ; we have not a single stop, or super-lineation, throughout the whole work ; the rubrics, or large letters, are not properly contrasted ; the stones have been corrected before im- pression, and not always with care ; several dates in the text had been omitted from the margin ; and the dates of the page- headings are carelessly noted — the year 854, for instance, is pre- served throughout the first 462 pages of the second volume, although several ages and dynasties are embraced within that space.

The Vocabulary of difficult and obsolete words, which was promised, has not been included in the work. It would be worth while to supply the omission even now, by making a separate impression of this Appendix ; for though the style of Firishta is very pure and easy, he takes from other authors words which are not always to be found in our dictionaries, and which require explanation, only to be obtained by referring to the original passages where they occur.

Mahmud having thus settled his affairs in India, returned in the autumn to Ghizny, where he remained during the winter. In the spring of the year a.h. 399 (a.d. 1008) he determined again to attack Anundpal, Kaja of Lahore, for having lent his aid to Dawood, during the late defection in Multan. Anundpal, hearing of his intentions, sent ambassadors on all sides, inviting the assistance of the other princes of Hindustan, who now considered the expulsion of the Mahomedans from India as a sacred duty. Accordingly, the Eajas of Ujein, Gwaliar,

1 These Extracts are taken from Briggs’s translation, and his spelling is retained.

Kalunjar, Canauj, Dehli, and Ajniir, entered into a confederacy, and collecting their forces, advanced towards the Panjab with the greatest army that had yet taken the field. The Indians and Mahomedans arrived in sight of each other on a plain, on the confines of the province of Peshawur, where they remained encamped forty days without coming to action. The troops of the idolaters daily increased in number. The Hindu females, on this occasion, sold their jewels, and melted down their golden ornaments (which they sent from distant parts), to furnish resources for the war ; and the Gukkurs, and other warlike tribes joining the army, surrounded the Mahomedans, who were obliged to entrench their camp.

Mahmud, having thus secured himself, ordered 6000 archers to the front to endeavour to provoke the enemy to attack his entrenchments. The archers were opposed by the Gukkurs, who, in spite of the King’s efforts and presence, repulsed his light troops and followed them so closely, that no less than 30,000 Gukkurs with their heads and feet bare, and armed with various weapons, penetrated into the Mahomedan lines, where a dreadful carnage ensued, and 5000 Mahomedans in a few minutes were slain. The enemy were at length checked, and being cut off as fast as they advanced, the attacks became fainter and fainter, till, on a sudden, the elephant upon which the prince who commanded the Hindus rode, becoming unruly from the effects of the naphtha balls, ^ and the flights of arrows, turned and fled. This circumstance produced a panic among the Hindus, who, seeing themselves deserted by their general, gave way and fled also. Abdulla Taee, with 6000 Arabian horse, and Arslan Jazib, with 10,000 Turks, Afghans, and Khiljis, pursued the enemy day and night, so that 20,000 Hindus were killed in the retreat. Of the spoil, thirty elephants (besides other booty) were brought to the King. . . .

^When Pararn Deo, and the Kaja of Ajmir, and others, had

2 [This is a new translation. — See Briggs, vol. i. p. 78.]

assembled a large army and taken possession of the roads, in order to oppose the Sultan, the latter found it impracticable to face them, and therefore marched to Multan by way of Sind. On his journey thither, owing to the scarcity of forage at some places, and of water at others, his army experienced great trouble and distress. It was with considerable difficulty he at lengtli reached Ghizny in the year 417 a.h. It is said that when the Sultan was proceeding to Multan through the deserts of Sind, he gave orders to procure a guide to conduct him on his journey. A Hindu offered his services, but treacherously led the army through a path, which brought them to a place where no water could be procured. When the army had passed on for a whole day and night, and found no water at any place, they were sore set, and everything wore the appearance of the horrors of the day of judgment. The Sultan then asked his guide the reason why he had brought them to such a fearful pass : the Hindu replied that he was a worshipper of Somnath, and had conducted the King and his army to the desert, with a view to their destruc- tion. The Sultan being exceeding wroth, ordered his men to put the Hindu to death.

On that very night the Sultan retired from his camp to a neighbouring spot, and prostrating himself on the earth, offered up prayers, mingled with lamentations, to Almighty God, im- ploring deliverance from the danger in which he was placed. After the first watch of the night had elapsed, a light was seen towards the north. The army, according to the Sultan’s com- mand, directed their march towards tlie light, and by the morning found themselves in safety on the borders of a lake. Thus the piety of the Sultan rescued him from the brink of destruction.^ * *

It is mentioned in the Jama-ooUHikaiat^ that when the Sultan on one occasion saw an idol in a Hindu temple poised in the air without any support, he was much surprised at the sight, and inquired of the philosophers of the times the cause of the pheno-

1 [This story, rather differently told, is given in the Jdniiu-l Eilcdydt, stiprd^ Vol. II. p. 192.]

menon. They answered that the roof and walls of the building were entirely made of magnet^ and that the idol, which was made of iron, being equally attracted from the different points of the magnetic edifice, was thus naturally suspended in the middle of it. On one of the walls being destroyed by the orders of the Sultan, the idol fell to the ground.

At 2 the time of the death of Mahomed Toghluk, his cousin, Malik Y evozQ Bdrhek^ nephew of Gheiasu-ood-deen Toghluk, was in the camp. Mahomed Toghluk having a great affection for him, inasmuch as he had paid the most devoted attention to the King during his illness^ proposed making him his successor, and accordingly recommended him as such on his death-bed to his nobles. On the King’s demise, the army fell into the utmost disorder; to remedy which, Feroze gained over the majority of the Indian chiefs to his party, and prevailed on the Mogul mer- cenaries to remove to some distance from the camp, till he should be able to compose the differences which existed in the army. Malik Firoz Bdrhek thought it expedient^ with reference to Altun Bahadur and the nobles who had come from Amir Kazghan as auxiliaries^ to bestow dignities and honorary dresses upon them, according to their respective ranks, and to give them their dismissal, remarking that it was not improbable, that dissen-

2 In the five passages which follow from the reign of Firoz Tughlik, the italics represent the additions which are to be found in the lithographed edition. [These additions and emendations are evidently the work of a competent hand, and are there- fore re-printed just as they stood in the original edition. It is but fair, however, to General Briggs to observe, that the passages omitted would seem to have been designedly condensed or left out in order to shorten a lengthy work. Thus in this paragraph the words “ (Feroze) prevailed on the Mogul mercenaries, etc. etc.,” are not in the original, hut are employed to convey the sense of the passage which here follows in italics. Again, lower down, the passage, “ the time was favourable for them,” is the translator’s compression of the words which precede and follow it ; so likewise, the subsequent phrase, “ which was still in disorder,” conveys briefly the sense of the words here added. It will be seen from these examples that the transla- tion conveys an accurate representation of the author’s meaning, though his words are not always fully and literally rendered. — Ed.J

sions might arise between them and the soldiers of Hindustan^ which would lead to disturbances, and therefore that it was bet- ter, before he marched, that they should break up their camp and depart, Altun Bahadur concurred in the propriety of this recommendation, and immediately striking his camp, pitched it at a distance of ten miles. Amir Nowroze Kurhin, the Mogul chief who commanded the troops of his nation in the army, son- in-law of Turmesharin Khan, who in the time of Muhammad Tughlak Shah had come to India, and been enrolled among the chief nobles of the land, now acting a most ungrateful part, quitted the camp on the same night, and joined Altoon Tash, the leader of the auxiliary troops, to whom he suggested that the King of Hindustan was dead, that the army was without a leader and totally disorganized, that the time was favourable for them, and that it ivas their business as soldiers, to plunder the late King’s treasure on its march the next day, and then to retreat to their native country loith all the money and jewels they could possess themselves of. Altoon Tash being persuaded to enter into this scheme, the Moguls returned next morning to the camp, which was still in disorder, to the army which was moving on like a caravan, without a guide, and without system or arrange- ment, and after a sharp shirmish, loaded several camels with treasure, plundering several treasure-chests which were laden upon camels, took captive many children of both sexes, and were not sparing in their pillage. In order to secure himself from further depredation, Feroze [the Umrds of Sultan Muhammad, oppressed with a thousand fears and alarms) led the army to Sevustan, commonly called Sehwan, and during the night took every possible precaution to defend himself (themselves,) against the Moguls, and tJmight rest and sleep a forbidden indulgence. Meanwhile the officers of his army, Makhdum-zdda 'Ahhdsi Sheikh-u- Sheiyuk Ndsb'a-u-din Mahmud, and TJ'dhi, better known as Chirdgh Dehli, and other wise and holy men, grandees and chiefs, all luith one accord having waited on Alalik Feroze Bdrbek, represented that the late King had constituted him his successor,

and that no other nobleman was more worthy of the honour, and entreated him not to reject the cares of state, hut to ascend the throne, to which, after some hesitation, and declaring that he would proceed on a pilgrimage to the two holy cities and Hljdz, ivhen he could no longer resist their Importunities, he gave his assent, and was accordingly proclaimed King on the twenty-third of Muharram, after he had passed through more than fifty stages of Ills Illustrious life. On the same day he gave orders to ran- som the prisoners, who during the late disorders had fallen into the hands of the turbulent people of Tutta and the Moghuls, and on the third day he marched against the rebellious people of Tutta {Thatta), and the Mogul auxiliaries, whom he defeated, that he might take any of them prisoners wherever they might he found, or that he might slay them, and took many of their chiefs prisoners, in short, many of the Moghul chiefs were seized and put to death, Amir Nauroz Kurkin and Altun Bahadur, seeing no further advantage In delay, hastened to their own country with the utmost precipitation, and even the people of Tutta {Thatta), who had proceeded to the greatest extremities in their Insubordi- nation and rebellion, placed their feet within the boundary of allegiance. The accession of Sultan Firoz Shah was hailed as a blessing by the people, and they prayed for his health and wealth with all earnestness. Shortly after, he marched by uninterrupted stages from Sewastdn to the fort of Bakar} * * *

^ The following is Dow’s translation : — “ When the death of Mahommed hap- pened, his cousin Feroze was in the imperial camp. He was nephew to the emperor Tughlick; and Mahommed having conceived great friendship for him, designed to make him his successor, and, for that purpose, recommended him upon his death-bed to the Omrahs. Upon M;ahommed’s demise, the army fell into the utmost confusion. Feroze, having gained over the majority of the Omrahs to the party, prevailed, with presents, upon the Mogul mercenaries to move to some distance from the camp to prevent disturbances, till he should reduce the rest of the army to obedience. Amir Norose, a Mogul chief, who commanded a great body of the imperial troops, deserted that night, and, having joined Altu, the general of the Mogul mercenaries, told him, that now was the time to plunder the late Emperor’s treasure, and to retreat to their native country. Altu was easily prevailed upon to adopt this lucrative scheme. They therefore returned next morning to the camp, which was still in very great confusion, and after a very sharp skirmish, loaded some camels with treasure. Feroze, to secure himself from further depredations, led the army to Sewan, and took

In the year a.h. 754 (a.d. 1353) the King, having hunted at Kallanore, at the foot of the hills^ caused, on his return^ a palace to be built on the banks of the Soorsutty. In the month of Shuwal of the same year, he appointed Khan Jehan to the charge of Dehli, ivith unlimited powers^ and himself marched with a large army towards Luknowty, to subdue Haji Elias. This chief had assumed royal honours and the title of Shums-ood- deen, and had also occupied with his troops the whole of Bengal and Behar, as far as Benares. On the King’s arrival in the neighbourhood of Gorukpoor, the Zemindars of that place made the usual presents, and were admitted to pay their respects. TJdi Bing, Mukaddam of that place, came to pay his respects, and presented a suitable offering in money, together with two elephants, and was received with distinguished favour ; and the Rdi of Gorakhpur also paid up the arrears of tribute which had accumulated for several years, and both of them accompanied the King on his inarch.

The King then penetrated as far as Bundwa, one of the stations of Haji Elias, the established residence of the ruler of Bengal, and the latter retreated to Yekdulla, ivhich is a place of exceeding strength, with the river on one side, and jungle on the other. The King left Bandwa luithout molesting the in- habitants, and pursuing him to Yekdulla, arrived there on the 7th of Bubbee-ool- Awul. An action ensued on the same day ; but Haji Elias having entrenched his position very strongly, reduced the King to the necessity of surrounding him. The blockade continued for twenty days, when, on the 5th of Eubbee-ool- Akhir, Eeroze, intending to change his ground, as the camp had become offensive, and to encamp on the banks of the Ganges, went out to

every possible means to defend himself against the avarice of the mercenaries. The Omrahs, the day after this movement, waited upon Feroze, and entreated him to mount the throne. After many pretended excuses, he favoured the Omrahs with his consent, and was accordingly proclaimed Emperor. He, the very first day of his reign, gave orders to ransom many prisoners, who during the late confusion had fallen into the hands of the people of Tatta ; and upon the third day he marched against the Mogul mercenaries, took many of their chiefs prisoners, and forced the rest to fly towards their own country.”

reconnoitre. The enemy, imagining that he meditated a retreat, left their works and drew up in order of battle. On perceiving it was the King’s intention to attack them, however, they again retreated, but with such precipitation and confusion, that forty- four elephants and many standards, as well as the royal canopy^ and state equipages^ fell into the King’s hands. Many of the foot-soldiers were slain, and many taken prisoners. The next day the Sultan encamped on the field of battle, and gave orders that the captives of Lakhnauti should he released. The rainy season soon after came on with great violence, as it always does in the province of Bengal, and the Sultan observed, that as he had gained a victory, and captured the emblems of royalty, he would depart, and return in the following year. Shortly after peace was concluded ; and the King returned to Dehli without effecting his object.

In the year 755 Feroze built the city of Ferozabad, on the hanks of the river Jun (Jumna), adjoining that of Dehli, and on the 12th of Shaban he marched on a hunting expedition to De- palpoor, and constructed a large canal forty-eight coss in length, from the Sutlej to the Kugur. In the year 757 he constructed another canal, between (from) the hills of Mundir and Surmore from the Jumna, into which he led seven other minor streams, which all uniting, ran in one channel through Hansy, and from thence to Kaiseen (Absin), where he built a strong fort, which he called Hissar Feroze. Below the fort, near the palace, he excavated a lake, which he filled from the waters of the canal. He also conveyed an aqueduct {a canal) from the Kugur, over the river (luhich passing by the fort of) Sursutty, to the village of Peri Kehra, (entered the stream of Sirkhatra), where he founded a city, named after him, Ferozabad. At the same time he introduced another canal from the Jumna, which filled a large lake he caused to be constructed at Hissar Feroze.^ In the month of Zeehuj an honorary dress and a letter of congratula-

1 [There is another independent and somewhat different version of this passage in a note, supra, Vol. IV. p. 8.]

tion on his accession, {diploma) were presented from Abool Futteh Aboo-Bukr Ab3^-Rubeea Sooliman 'Ahhdsi Caliph of Egypt, signifying that he had conferred on him the countries of Hindustan^ and conveying a recommendation in hehalf of the Bahmania Kings of the Dekhan, In the same month also, he received an embassy, tvhich brought many splendid and rare presents^ with fresh proposals of '^^^.cQ^from Hdji Ilyas, entitled Shamsu-d~din Shah, from Lakhnauti and Bengal, which Feroze accepted, and soon after ratified, and then dismissed the ambas- sadors with honours and distinction} * * *

From thence the King marched towards the mountains of Nagrakote, where he was overtaken by a storm of hail and snow ;

^ “ In the year 754 the Emperor hunted at Callanore. He ordered upon his return, a palace to he built upon the hanks of the Sursuti ; and towards the end of the year appointed one Jehan to the viceroyship of Dehli. He himself in the mean time marched towards Bengal to subdue Elias, who had assumed the imperial title, and possessed himself of all Bengal and Behar, even to Benares. When he had arrived in the neighbourhood of Gorukpoor, the Zemindars of that place, having brought proper presents, were admitted to his presence. Feroze having penetrated as far as Pundna, one of the residences of the princes of Bengal, Elias retreated to a strong post, whither the Emperor pursued him. An action ensued, hut Elias secured himself in his post, which obliged the Emperor to surround him, the place being almost inaccessible. Things having continued in this situation for twenty days, Feroze, intending to change his ground, and to encamp on the banks of the Ganges, went out to reconnoitre. The enemy, imagining that he meditated a retreat, advanced out of their post, and drew up in order of battle. But when they saw that the Emperor was preparing to attack them, they again retreated within their works, but with such precipitation and confusion, that forty-four elephants and many standards fell into the Emperor’s hands. The rainy season coming on with great violence, a kind of peace was patched up between them, and the Emperor returned disappointed to Dehli.

“ In the year 755, Feroze built the city of Ferozeahad adjoining to that of Dehli ; and in the following year marched to Debalpoor, where he made a canal one hundred miles in length, from the Suttuluz to the Jidger. In the year 757, between the hills of Mendouli and Sirraore, he cut a channel from the Jumna, which he divided into seven streams ; one of which he brought to Hassi, and from thence to Beraisen, where he built a strong castle, calling it by his own name. He drew soon after a canal from the Cagar, passing by the walls of Sursutti, and joined it to the rivulet of Kera, upon which he built a city named after him, Ferozeahad. This city he watered with another canal from the Jumna. These public works were of prodigious advantage to the adjacent countries, by supplying them with water for their lands, and with a commodious water-carriage from place to place.

“ An embassy about this time arrived with presents and new conditions of peace from Bengal, which Feroze accepted, and soon after ratified the treaty.” — Dow.

they hr ought him some ice. The King said, At the time my late liege-lord Sultan Muhammad Tughla;k Shah arrived here, and they brought him iced sherbet for his beverage, he refused to take it, because 1 was not with him to yartake of itT He then gave orders that some elephant and camel-loads of sugar, which were in camp, should be converted into sherbet and iced, and distributed throughout the whole army, in memory of Sultan Muhammad Tughlak Shah. The Eaja of Nagrakote, after sus- taining some loss, submitted, but was restored to his dominions. The name of Nagrakote was, on this occasion, changed to that of Mahomedabad^ in honour of the late King. The people of Nagrakote told Feroze, that the idol which the Hindoos wor- shipped in the temple of Nagrakote was the image of Nowshaba, the wife of Alexander the Grreat, and that that conquoror had left the idol with them, which the Brahmins had made at the time that conqueror was in these parts, and placed within their temple, and that now that image was the idol of the people of this country. The name by which it was then known was Jwalamooky. In this temple was a fine library of Hindee books, consisting of 1300 volumes. Feroze ordered sent for some of the wise men of that religion, and ordered some of the books to be translated, and especially directed one of those books, which treated of philosophy, astrology, and divination, to be translated into prose (verse) in the Persian language, by one of the cele- brated poets of that period, Eiz-ood-Deen, Khalid Khany, and called it Dulayil Feroze Shahee. It is in truth a booh replete with various kinds of knowledge, both practical and theoretical. Some historians state, that Sultan Feroze Shah Bdrbek on this occasion broke the idols of Nagrakote, and mixing the fragments with pieces of cow’s flesh, filled bags with them, and caused them to be tied round the necks of Brahmins, who were then paraded through the camp.^ * * *

1 “ The Emperor, having finished this great work, built a fort at Sirhind, which he called Ferozepoor. lie, from that place, marched towards the mountains of Nagracut, where he was overtaken by a storm of hail and snow. He, however,

In the year 774, the Wizier Mullik Mokbil {Makbiil), entitled Khan Jehan, died, and his eldest son, Joona Shah, succeeded to his office and titles. The following year was marked by the death of Zuffur Khan, Governor of Guzerat, who was succeeded in his office and titles by his eldest son, Duria Khan. During the next year, on the Vlth of SafaVy the King was plunged into affliction by the death of his favourite son, Futteh Khan, a prince of great promise, and the hack of his strength was lent by the burden of grief. Finding no remedy y except in patience and resignation, he buried him in his own garden, and performed the customary ceremonies upon the occasion. On account of the excess of his grief, the shadow of his regard was withdrawn from the cares of state, and he abandoned himself entirely to his sorrows. His nobles and counsellors placed their heads on the ground, and represented that there was no course left but to submit to the divine will^ and that he should not show further repugnance to administer the affairs of his kingdom. The wise king acceded to the supplications of his friends and well-wishers, and, in order to dispel his sorrows, devoted himself to sport, and in the vicinity of new Dehli he built a wall of two or three parasangs in circumference, planted within the enclosure shady trees, and converted it into a hunting park. The ruins of it remain to this day.^ # * *

^ As he could gain no information of Kurgoo himself, ivho re- mained concealed amongst the ravines and precipices of the hill-

reduced the Raja of those parts, after sustaining some loss on his side, and confirmed him again in his dominions, changing the name of Nagracut to that of the city of Mahommed, in honour of the former Emperor. Feroze was told here that the goddess whom the Hindoos worshipped in the temple of Nagracut was the image of Noshaba, the wife of the great Sekundur, which that conqueror had left with them. The name of the idol is now changed to that of Jewallamncki. In the temple there was also at that time a fine library of the books of the Brahmins, consisting of one thousand and three hundred volumes. Feroze ordered one of those books, which treated of philosophy, astrology, and divination, to be translated into the Persian language, and called it the Arguments of Feroze.” — Bow.

^ “In the year 774, Jehan the vizier died, and his son was honoured with his titles. Nothing remarkable happened till two years after, when the Emperor was plunged into affliction, by the death of his favourite son Fatte, a prince of great exfectations,"--i>(W. * Briggs, vol. i. p. 457.

country of Kamdun, eluding 'pursuit like so muck quicksilver^ and no one knew whether he was dead or alive^ and as the rainy season was approaching ^ the standards resplendent with victories returned to the camp luhence they set out. The King appointed one Mullik Dawood, an AfFghan, 'whom he exalted to a very high rank, with a body of troops, to remain at Surabhul, with orders to invade the country of Kutehr every year, to commit every hind of ravage and devastation, and not to allow it to be inhabited until the murderer was given up. The King himself also, under pretence of hunting, marched annually in that direction until the year 787, to see that his orders were fulfilled, and to do ivhat Malik Baud had left undone ; and for six years not an inhabitant was to be seen in that district, nor was a single jarzb of the land cultivated. Not a soul slept at night in his hut, and several thousands of Hindus were slaughtered to avenge the death of those three Saiyids, In the above-mentioned year he built an exceedingly strong fortress in Bisauli, seven coss from Baddun, and called it Firozpur; but the common people, jocose amid all the oppression they had suffered, called it ffkhirinpur ( the last city) ; and, in truth, it happened as they predicted, for the grace of God did not suffer him to construct any more forts, or to lay the foundations of new cities and towns, and consequently the fortress continued to he called ffkhirmp'ur,^

The Raja of Reejanuggur, notwithstanding his vast army,

• “The Emperor, enraged at this villany, marched immediately that way, and took severe vengeance upon the associates and kindred of the assassin, putting them without distinction to the sword, and levelling their houses with the ground. The murderer himself made his escape to the mountains of Cumaoon, and was protected by the Indian princes of those parts. Feroze ordered a detachment of his army against them. They brought back near thirty thousand of those unhappy mountaineers, who were all condemned to slavery. The Emperor’s justice in this case degenerated into extreme severity. Neither did the misfortunes brought upon those miserable captives satisfy his thirst for revenge. He returned every year, under pretence of hunting, to that unhappy country ; but the people, and not the beasts of the forest, were his prey. He by degrees cut off all the inhabitants, and converted whole provinces into a wilderness.” — Dow. 2 Briggs, vol. ii. p. 311.

consisting of thirty thousand cavalry, besides infantry, was so alarmed, that he sent off his treasure and elephants towards his capital the next morning, preparatory to engaging or retreating, as he might deem most advisable. The night being stormy and heavy rain falling, the elephants and other beasts of burden stuck frequently in the mud, and were unable to advance above four miles from the camp. Mahomed Shah, hearing of the movement of the Hindoos, immediately marched against them, leaving his tents standing. Towards the dawn he arrived at the Kaja’s camp ; and the alarm being given, so great was the -consternation, that the infidels fled, with the utmost precipitation, to Adony, leaving everything behind them. Mahomed Shah fell in with that part of the camp composing their market and baggage, and put to death, without distinction, men, women, and children, free and slave, to the number of seventy thousand souls. According to the Tohfut-oos-Sulateen^ two thousand elephants, three hundred gun-carriages and battering rams, seven hundred Arabian horses and a sing' hasiin set with jewels, were included in the booty of the King ; all other articles were left to the officers and soldiers. Mahomed Shah, regarding this victory as the omen of others, after passing the rainy season near Moodkul, and being reinforced by Khan Mahomed from Dowlutabad, marched against the in- fidels in Adony, on the plains of which place, near the Toong- budra, the Baja of Beejanuggur had taken up his station, having given the command of Adony to his sister’s son. Here he had collected a great army of soldiers, together with many elephants, and all the munitions of war which he possessed. ♦ * *

At this time, a favourite remarked to the King, “ that he had only sworn to slaughter one hundred thousand Hindoos, and not to destroy their race altogether.” The King replied, “that though twice the number required by his vow might have been slain, yet till the Ray satisfied the musicians, he would neither make peace nor spare the lives of his subjects.” To this the ambassadors, who had full powers, immediately agreed, and the money was paid on the instant. Mahomed Shah then said,

“ Praise be to God, that what I ordered has been performed ! I would not let a light word be recorded of me in the pages of history.”

The ambassadors, seeing the King pleased, bowed their fore- heads to the ground, and besought him to hear from them a few words. Being permitted to speak, they observed, that no religion required the innocent to be punished for the crimes of the guilty, more especially helpless women and children ; if Krishn Ray had been in fault, the poor and feeble inhabitants had not been acces- sary to his errors. Mahomed Shah replied, that the decrees of Providence had ordered what had been done, and that he had no power to alter them. The ambassadors observed, that as the bestower of kingdoms had conferred on him the government of the Deccan, it was probable that his successors and the princes of the Carnatic might long remain neighbours, which made it advis- able to avoid cruelty in war ; and they proposed, therefore, that a treaty should be made not to slaughter the helpless and un- armed inhabitants in future battles. Mahomed Shah, struck with the good sense of this proposal, took an oath, that he would not, hereafter, put to death a single enemy after a victory, and would bind his successors to observe the same line of conduct. From that time to this, it has been the general custom in the Deccan to spare the lives of prisoners in war, and not to shed the blood of an enemy’s unarmed subjects. Mahomed Shah, after he had thus received satisfaction, returned to Koolburga, visiting on his way Sheikh Siraj-ood-deen, to whose prayers as well as to the charities sent to Meeca with his mother, he ascribed his suc- cesses over the Hindoos. * * *

Mahomed Shah was buried by the side of his father, — and the words “ All is vanity ” were engraved by his orders on his tomb. Happy the king who passes a reign like his, and of whom such memorials remain ! He was respected in his life, and after his death remembered on account of his virtues.

According to the Siraj-ool-Towareekh^ so much treasure and such numbers of elephants, as were collected in the household of

Mahomed Shah Bahmuiiy, were never possessed by any other prince of that dynasty. He had three thousand male and female elephants ; and in the reign of any other king we only read of two thousand. The sums of gold accumulated by him, according to the same author, exceeded those acquired by other princes a full half. No prince before him ever so far reduced the Rajas and Zemindars of the Carnatic, from whom he wrested much of the accumulated riches of seven hundred years ; and it is computed that in his reign nearly five hundred thousand unbelievers fell by the swords of the warriors of Islam, by which the population of the Carnatic was so reduced, that it did not recover for several ages. Mahomed Shah reigned seventeen years.

Ahmud Shah, without waiting to besiege the Hindoo capital, overran the open country, and wherever he went, put to death men, women, and children, without mercy, contrary to the com- pact made between his uncle and predecessor, Mahomed Shah, and the Rays of Beejanuggur. Wherever the number of slain amounted to twenty thousand, he halted three days, and made a festival in celebration of the bloody event. He broke down, also, the idolatrous temples, and destroyed the colleges of the Brah- mins. During these operations, a body of five thousand Hindoos, urged by desperation at the destruction of their religious build- ings, and at the insults offered to their deities, united in taking an oath to sacrifice their lives in an attempt to kill the King as the author of all their sufferings. * * *

^In the year 829 Ahmud Shah marched to reduce a rebellious Zemindar of Mahoor, who still retained several strong places which held out against his troops. The rebel soon submitted ; but Ahmud Shah, though he had assured him of pardon, put him to death in violation of his promise, as soon as he fell into his hands, together with five or six thousand of his followers, compelling, at the same time, all the captive women and children ^ Briggs, vol. ii. p. 402. 2 yol. ii. p, 4O6.

to embrace the true faith. During this campaign, the King obtained possession of a diamond mine at Kullum, a place depen- dent on Gondwana, in which territory he razed many idolatrous temples, and, erecting mosques on their sites, appropriated to each some tracts of land to maintain holy men and to supply lamps and oil for religious purposes. * * *

Alla-ood-Deen Shah, upon this, wrote to him, that he valued the lives of the two chiefs equal to that of two hundred thousand common men. Therefore, as it was a rule with the princes of his family to slay a hundred thousand Hindoos in revenge for the death of a single Mussulman, he swore, should Dew E-aj take away the lives of the two captive officers, he would revenge the death of each by the slaughter of a hundred thousand Hindoos. * * *

To every part of his dominions he sent censors of morals and just judges ; and though he drank wine himself, he forbade the use of it to others, as also the practice of gaming. He put chains on the necks of Kullendurs, and idle, dissipated vaga- bonds, whom he punished by employing them in removing filth from the streets, in dragging heavy stones, and in the perform- ance of all manner of laborious work, in order that they might reform, and either earn their livelihood by industry, or quit the country altogether. If any person, after admonition and mode- rate correction, was convicted of drinking wine, it was enacted, that melted lead should be poured down his throat, whatever might be the rank of the offender. * * *

^ On the fourth day, however, they prevailed on the chiefs to come to an entertainment in the fort, at which all the principal foreigners, in number about three hundred, attended, with the exception of Kasim Beg (Snff Shikun) Kurra Khan Khoord and Ahmud Beg of Mecca. While in the act of eating, a number of armed men, on a signal given by Sher-ool-moolk, rushed upon I Briggs, p. 433. 2 Ib. p. 444.

them, and put every soul to the sword. At the same instant four thousand Deccaiiies outside the fort attacked the camp of the foreigners and put every male to death, even the very infants at the breast. After this tragedy, they plundered the tents, and treated the women with all the insult that lust or brutality could provoke. Since the time of Hoossein, the Syuds were never so maltreated ; but is it not astonishing, that men who called them- selves servants of the Prophet should so basely misuse his descendants ? * * *

Hoomayoon Shah, now abandoning himself to the full indul- gence of his cruel propensities, and mad with rage, directed stakes to be set up on both sides of the King^s chouk, or market- place, and caused vicious elephants and wild beasts to be placed in different parts of the square, in other places cauldrons of scalding oil and boiling water were also prepared as instruments of torture. The King, ascending a balcony in order to glut his eyes on the spectacle, first cast his brother, Hussun Khan, before a ferocious tiger, who soon tore the wretched Prince to pieces, and devoured him on the spot. Yoosoof Toork, and his seven associates, were then beheaded in the King’s presence, and the females of their innocent and helpless families, being dragged from their houses, were violated and ill-treated in the palace- square, by ruffians, in a manner too indecent to relate. Tortures were now invented by the King, who infiicted on both young and old of both sexes torments more cruel than ever entered the imagination of Zohak and the tyrant Hijaj. About seven thou- sand persons, including females and servants, none of whom had the most distant concern in this rebellion, besides the menials, such as cooks, scullions, and others, were put to death ; some being stabbed with daggers, others hewn in pieces with hatchets, and the rest flayed by scalding oil or boiling water. This tragedy happened in the month of Shaban, in the same year as the rebellion.

The author of the Towareehh Mahmood Shahy states, he learned from the royal attendants, that upon the King's first hearing of the escape of the Prince Hussun Khan, rage and passion so over- came him, he tore his robes, bit his pillows, and often his own lips, in such a manner that they dropped with blood. Alarmed at the example of Hussun Khan, he put to death several innocent persons of the royal family who were confined in different fort- resses. Nor did his suspicions rest here ; many other persons of his own court fell the innocent victims of his indiscriminate cruelty. From this moment Hoomayoon threw off all restraint, and seized at will the children of his subjects, tearing them from their parents to gratify his passions. He would frequently stop nuptial processions in the street, and seizing the bride, after enjoying her, send her to the bridegroom’s house. He was in the habit of putting the females of his own house to death for the most trivial offences ; and when any of the nobility were obliged to attend him, so great was their dread, that they took leave of their families, as if preparing for death.

About sunset, the gates were burned ; but the quantity of hot ashes yet glowing prevented any one passing in or out till mid- night, when Mirza Khan and his friends rushed from the citadel, and tried to make their escape. Numbers of others were slain in the attempt by the populace, but Mirza Khan having effected his retreat, fled towards the fort of Joonere. The Deccany troops, the Abyssinians, and the mob, having entered the fort, put to death every foreigner they found within, amounting to nearly 300, among whom were several persons of high rank and emi- nent character. Their bodies were dragged out on the open plain, and orders given that they should lie unburied. Not content with the past slaughter, Jumal Khan commanded his adherents to murder the foreigners of every rank and occupation in the city, and to plunder and burn their dwellings. The soldiers and 1 Briggs, vol. iii. p. 274.

their followers, being once let loose, put to death indiscriminately the noble, the master, the servant, the merchant, the pilgrim, and the travelling stranorer. Their houses were set on lire, and the heads of those lately exalted to the skies were brought low, and trampled in the dust ; while the very females, who from modesty concealed their faces from the sun and moon, were dragged by the hair into the assemblages of the drunken. On the fourth day, Mirza Khan, who had been seized near Joonere, was brought to Jumal Khan, and being first carried, through the city on an ass, his body was hewn in pieces, which were affixed on different buildings. Several of his friends taken with him were also put to death, and their bodies being rammed into cannon, were blown into the air. In the space of seven days, nearly a thousand foreigners were murdered ; some few only escaping under the protection of Deccany or Abyssinian officers. The reign of Meeran Hoossein Nizam Shah lasted only ten months and three days. Among those princes recorded in history as murderers of their fathers, we find none whose reigns extended beyond one year ; and a poet observes, “ Royalty befitteth not the destroyer of a parent, nor will the reign of such a wretch be long.’’ * * *

Beny Ray having recovered from his wounds, the King used every effort to persuade both him and his minister to embrace the Mahomedan faith. They, however, persisted in refusing, swearing that they preferred death to abjuring their religion. Mahmood Shah was in hopes of shaking their constancy by confining them separately, and treating them harshly. This conduct only tended to support their resolution, till at length the King, at the instigation of some holy men about his person, ordered them to be put to death.

Dr. Lee observes of this work, that “ it is a valuable and elaborate history of the Emperors and other eminent men of Tartary, Hindustan, etc., by Muhammad ^Abdu-1 Bakiu-1 Eahimiu-1 Nahavandi. In large folio, containing about 4000 pages.” ^ Major Stewart describes it as “Memoirs of ’Abdu-1 Balum Khan, Khan-khanan, wazir^ and of all the illustrious nobles, authors, and poets, who resided at the Court of Akbar. Author, ’Abdu-1 Baki, a.d. 1613.”^

These authors differ much in their account of the work : both are partly right and partly wrong. There is no account of the Emperors and other eminent men of Tartary, if we except the account of ’Abdu-r Eahim’s ancestors, and the biographical details do not concern the Court of Akbar, but belong almost entirely to the Dakhin. A great portion of the work is devoted to an ample detail of the transactions of his patron, the Khan- khanan, his sons and progenitors, who though he certainly was of sufficient eminence to deserve a full biography, it is here written, as usual under such circumstances, in so fulsome a strain of eulogy, that it is difficult to know what faith to put in it. The first Book contains Indian History, not sufficiently compre- hensive to be of any essential service ; but it is so far valuable that it does not literally copy Eirishta, which can rarely be said of any other author who has followed in the same line. Nizamu-d din is his great guide, and his alarm at attempting any period of

2 Descriptive Catalogue of Tippoo Sultan's Library^ p. 14.

history not already occupied by another is shown by the Extract taken from the close of his account of Akbar. The work also contains a Tazliira^ or notices of poets, with long extracts from their writings, and it will be seen from the following Table of Contents that nearly one-third of the volume is devoted to that object ; — the accounts of the poets extending from p. 990 to p. 1454.

Introduction, respecting the ancestors of ’Abdu-r Rahim, Khan-khanan, pp. 7-36.

Book I. — An account of Muhammad Bairam Beg, father of ’Abdu-r Rahim, preceded by the history of the Kings of Hin- dustan from the time of the Ghaznivides to the accession of Jahangir, including the Kings of Bengal, p. 46, — ^the Kings of Jaunpur, p. 52, — Kings of Malwa, p. 56, — Kings of Kashmir, p. 113, — Kings of Multan, p. 148, — Kings of Dehli, p. 160, — Babar, p. 272, — Humayun, p. 290, Akbar, p. 381, — Jahangir, p. 552 pp. 37-606.

Book II. — The virtues and victories of ’Abdu-r Rahim, with copies of farmdns addressed to him, and of some of his composi- tions, including also an account of the rulers of Gujarat, p. 621, — of Sind, p. 696, — of Dakhin, p. 776, — of Khandesh, p. 808 ; — pp. 606-922.

Book III. — On the palaces, baths, mosques, and other build- ings erected by the Khan-khanan, the gardens planted by him, and the ships built by him ; — pp. 923-932.

Book ly. — An account of the sons of the Khan-khanan,

Conclusion — in a Preface and three ^ Chapters, (1) on contem- porary philosophers, physicians, and other celebrated men, 31 persons, p. 962 ; (2) poets, including the author, 92 persons,

1 In the body of the work the Chapters are said to amount to four ; hut the Preface states that the Conclusion is divided into three Chapters, and the detail shows that there are only three.

p. 990 ; (3) on the military officers under command of the Khan-khaiian, 44 persons, p. 1454 ; pp. 969-1513.

Size. — Folio^ 1513 pages, each containing 25 lines. There are a few blank pages, which are about equal to the marginal additions.

The author, ’Abdu-1 Baki, Nahavandi, composed his work under the encouragemeni he received from Abu-1 Faiz Faizi, brother of Abu-1 Fazl, and ’Abdu-r Rahim, Khan-kharian, son of Bairam Khan. He gives a little information respecting him- self and his ancestry, referring for more copious particulars to Takiu-d din’s TazUra^ entitled Ma-dsiru-l Khizrm^ which was dedicated and named after his brother, Agha Khizr, and to ’Abdu-1 Ma’ all’s TazMra^ which is dedicated to Shah ’Abbas ; and as “ self-praise is a great fault,” he refers to them, rather than repeat in this work what they have said respecting him. In them also will be found a full account of his family and connexions, as well of his patron, the Khan-khanan. His family was originally from Julak,^ “which contains more than 30,000 bouses,” but in consequence of the contentions which arose during the reign of Shah Isma’il Safavi, his family left Julak, and went to reside at Nahavand.

The author states that his ancestors were G-enerals under Afrasiyab, and that they held the lands of Julak in rent-free tenure from Shah Isma’il. His most noted ancestor was Aka Baba, who resided at Hamadan. His brother was made Deputy Governor of Hamadan in the time of Shah ’Abbas. Amir Taki Muhammad has noticed the excellence of his administration in the Tazkira which he has written, and many memorials of his munificence exist in the neighbourhood, especially the em- bankment at Kashan and the avenue of trees, of which our author for a long time enjoyed the proceeds.

He appears, for some reason or other, to have given dissatis- faction to the reigning monarch, Shah ’Abbas ; on account of

^ For the correct mode of writing this word, see Ouseley’s Persian Travels^ vol. ii.

which he determined upon quitting his native country, and, at the invitation of Abu-l Faiz Faizi and ’Abdu-r Rahim Khan, was induced to visit Hindustan, and arrived at Burhanpur in Khandesh in a.h. 1023, where he was received with kindness, and presented with Sbjdgir, He completed his work in a.h. 1025 (a.d. 1616), calling it Ma-dslr-i after his patron, in

whose praise he has inserted many pieces of poetry in the body of the work, and declares his intention of continuing these laudatory effusions till the day of his death.

This w^ork is not common in India. There is one copy at Lahore, in two volumes, which is an abridgment, rather than the entire work. The copy which the Asiatic Society possesses constitutes one of the most valuable manuscripts of its collection. It was transcribed in a legible naatdlik hand under the author’s own superintendence, and contains revisions and marginal addi-;- tions in his own handwriting. It purports to have been sent as a present to his friend, Khwaja Sultan Muhammad Isfahani, in the year 1026 h., and afterwards to have been received from him again, and presented in 1041 h. to Kazi ’Abdu-l ’Aziz. The author states that this MS. has not undergone the careful revi- sion he could wish, and that a complete history of the Kings of the Dakhin is wanting, which he hopes to supply some future day.

The King went out for the purpose of hunting, and arrived at Sultanpur, on the bank of the river, thirty hos from Lahore, and the Khan-khanaii, who had gone to Sirhind to pay his respects to Prince Daniyal, was sent for by the King to be con- sulted. He had an interview with His Majesty near Shaikhpur, and had frequent conferences on the subject of the Dakhin, when the King inquired whether that province could not be conquered

1 [The Extracts which appeared in the old volume relating to Kai-Kubad and to Mubarak Kutbu-d din were abstracts of Zia Barni {suprd^ Vol, III. pp. 125 and 211). That relating to “the building of a private chapel,” and that containing the record of the events of the “ 38th llahi year after the accession,” were copied from the Tabakdt-i Althari (Vol. V. pp. 390, 460).]

without troubling the Prince to go there. The Khan-khan an undertook to subdue it, and instructions were therefore issued, that the army, which had been directed to accompany the Prince, should be placed under the orders of the Khan-khan an. The Prince was then summoned to Court, which he reached in two days. The Khan-khanan, loaded with honours by the King, set out on his expedition, and His Majesty, having broken up his hunting camp, returned to Lahore. The Khan-khanan set out with all haste, and arrived at i!gra. The rainy season was approaching, and he had received orders to draw what he could from the Agra treasury, to pay the soldiers, and provide for the conquest of the Dakhin. He remained at Agra during the rains, and having supplied himself with every necessary, he set out for Malwa, which was the jdgir of Mirza Shah Rukh, with whom he had an interview in Ujjain. From Malwa he went to Khan- desh, and by peaceful means induced Raja ’All Khan to declare his allegiance to the Kin^. Khandesh thus became included in the subject states, and the coin was struck and the kJuitha read in the name of His Majesty in the country where Asir had baffled every attempt to subdue it. Khandesh was given in jdgir to Raja ’All Khan, and he was enrolled among the nobles of 5000. The Khan-khanan sent a petition from Raja ’Ali Khan, ac- companied by a suitable offering, to His Majesty, that this grant might be confirmed, and that Raja ’AU Khan might be reckoned among the royal adherents, and be allowed to accompany the army to the Dakhin. The King acceded to these proposals, and the Khan-khanan was rewarded with fresh marks of favour.

After the annexation of Khandesh, the Khan-khanan set out on his expedition to the Dakhin. His first step was to lay siege to Ahmadnagar. Chaiid Bibi, who was at that time ruler of that province, made peace, under which the territory of Birar was surrendered to Akbar.

On the second occasion, when he attacked Ahmadnagar, Suhail, the Abyssinian, was appointed by ’Adil Shah to tlie command of the army, and the armies of Nizamu-1 Mulk, ’Adil Khan,

Kutbu-l Mulk, and the Barid-Shahi chief being placed under his command, he came out in considerable strength and confidence. The Khan-khanan, with the little force at his command, fought like Rustam and Isfandi^’ar, and obtained a complete victory over Suhail. He then proceeded to tlie siege of Ahmadnagar, which he reduced, and brought the whole province of the Dakhin under the rule of the Emperor. As the conquests of the Dakhin, Khandesh, and Birar have already been fully detailed among the great achievements of the Khan-khanan in this book, I beg to refer thereto. If I were here to commence an account of this commander’s proceedings in the Dakhin, it would extend to too great a length.

To be brief, the King reigned for fifty-two years over the whole of Hindustan, from Bengal to the extreme borders of Sind and Kandahar, and Zamindawar, and even to the shores of the sea. All the stubborn chiefs, rajas, rdis, and mminddrs in Hindustan, including the Kings of Gujarat, Sind, Dakhin, Kashmir, Bengal, Malwa, and other countries, were made sub- ject to his rule. Some, after defeat in action, some, under treaties of peace, were all in the end deprived of the exercise of independent sovereignty.

The author has extracted this account of the first thirty- eight years of the reign, viz. from a.h. 963 to 1002, from the Tahalidt-i Akhar'i, by Nizamu-d din Ahmad Bakhshi, who was not spared to complete it. Of the remaining fourteen years the author has never seen any account ; nor has he been able to pro- cure information of the various events of that period. He has therefore omitted it from his history, and must refer to other authorities who may have written concerning this period.

Akbar was a powerful, world-subduing monarch, the very emblem of justice, to whose Court people from all sides resorted for protection, and to partake of a benevolence so universally diffused. He extended toleration to all religions and creeds, and would recognize no difference between them, his object being to unite all men in a common bond of peace. The names of the

Sultans, nobles, ministers, poets, and philosophers who adorned his reign, can be ascertained from the Tahahdt-i Akhari and the Akbar-ndma ; and in the same comprehensive works will be found an account of his greatness, and the inventions of his bright in- tellect and ready genius.

During his entire reign of fifty-two years, no neighbouring Prince of Hindustan made an incursion into his territories, and notwithstanding that the Afghan kings are notorious for their malignity and turbulence, they were not able to move from their homes during his supremacy, so that all quarters were subject to his victorious sword. Whoever dared to lift his head from loyalty and subjection never escaped with life.

Akbar died at Agra on the 23rd Jamadu-1 awwal, a.h. 1014, after a reign of fifty-two years. The date of his death is found to be represented by the letters in the words '■’•faut-i Akbar Shah^” “the death of Akbar Shah.”

This work is of much the same historic character as the last. It is in a more abridged form, but is devoted to the eulogies of a patron, and their publication appears to have been one of the chief objects contemplated in the undertaking.

The author, Muhammad Amin, son of Daulat Muhammad-al Husaini-al Baliki, was in the service of Nawab Sipahdar Khan, who receives an enlarged and laudatory notice at the close of the work. He concluded it in a.h. 1036, and styled it Anfa^u-l Akhhdr^ “ The most useful chronicle,” because the year is repre- sented by the letters composing those words. He resided chiefly at Ahmadnagar, on which account he often notices this city ; and its buildings, gardens, and history, receive a large share of notice.

This history is divided into a Preface, ten Books, and a Conclusion.

Preface. — Containing the usual lauds, pp. 1-6.

II. — The early philosophers, pp. 100-104.

III. — The early Kings of Persia, pp. 104-135. lY. — The prophet Muhammad, pp. 136-138.

V. — The four first Khalifs and twelve Imams, pp. 138-144.

VII. — The ’Abbaside Khalifs, pp. 146-150.

Till. — The dynasties contemporary with, and subsequent to, the ’Abbaside Khalifs, viz, Tahirides, — Samanians, Buwaihides or Dailamites, — Isma’ilians, — Saljukians, — Ghorians, — and others, pp. 150-190.

The following are the rubrics of the tenth Book.

Accession of Khakan Sa’id Shah Bukh, Sultan, to the throne of Khurasan. — Mirza ’Alau-d daula ascends the throne, and the death of Mirza ’Abdu-l Latif in the year 857 h. — Mirzd Mughisu-d din Ulugh Beg Giirgan crosses the river. — March of Mirza Abu-1 Kasim Babar to Khurasan. — Disagreement between Mirza ’Alau-d daula and Mirza ’Abdu-1 Latif. — Enmity between Mirza Ulugh Beg and Mirza ’Abdu-1 Latif; and the death of the King. — A brief account of Mirza Sultan Muhammad. — March ot Mirza Balia. — Mirza ’Abdu-l Latif killed, and the accession of Mirza ’Abdu-lla to the throne of Samarkand. — Mirza ’Abdu-lla Shirazi killed — and Sultan Sa’id ascends the throne. — March of Mirza Babar towards Balkh. — Mirza ’Alau-d Daula seized. — Mirza Sultan Muhammad. — Mirza Babar proceeds towards Astarabad. — Mirza Babar departs for Mashhad. — Mirza Shah Mahmud, and certain events of his time. — Arrival of Sultan Sa’id at Khurasan. — March of Mirza Ibrahim to Mazandaran, and his defeat by Mirza Jahan Shah Turkoman. — Visit of Mirza Jahan Shah to the capital of Khakan Sa’id, and his peace with him. — Fight of Sultan Sa’id with Mirzas Ibrahim, ’Alau-d Daula and Sanjar. — Arrival of Amir Khalil to besiege Hirat.- — March of Sultan Sa’id towards Turkistan. — A brief account of Mirza Jahan Shah Turkoman. — March of Sultan Sa’id from Astarabad. — The Khurasani troops defeated, and Sultan Sa’id Gurgan killed. — Accession of Sultan Husain Bahadur Khan to the throne. — Several events related in a concise manner. — March of Mirza Yadgar Muhammad with the design of conquest, and his defeat by the royal army. — The King marches against Mirza

Yadgar Muhammad. — Accession of Mirza Yadgar Muhammad to the throne of Khurasan. — The King proceeds in the direction of the garden Zaghan, and Mirza Yadgar is killed. — Ke-accession of the King to the throne of Khurasan. — The events which occurred after his accession to the throne of Klmrasan. — Death of Mirza Sultan Husain, and the joint succession of Badfu-z Zaman Mirza and Mirza Muzaffar Husain to the throne of Khurasan, and several other events. — A summary account of the tribe of Ak-Kuinlu who ruled in Azarbaijan, Fars, the two Hraks, and Kirman. — A brief account of the Uzbek Kings who ruled in Mawarau-n Nahr and Khurasan subsequent to 900 a.h. — Safavi Kings. — Conquests of ’Irak, Persia, and Kirman. — Fall of Baghdad, and flight of Sultan Murad. — Conquest of Khuzistan. — The territories of Khurasan conquered, and Shahi Beg Khan killed. — A brief account of Amir Yar Muhammad Isfahaiii. — Arrival of Sultan Salim, King of Rum, in Tran. — Death of the King. — Accession of Shah Tahmasp, son of Shah Isma’il. — Zahiru-d din Muhammad Babar. — Accession of Huma- yun. — Capture of the fort of Champaiiir. — Sultan Bahadur. — The events which befell the King after his arrival at Agra. — Retreat of the King towards Tran, and several events which occurred at that time. — Return of the Kins: from Tran towards Hindustan. — March of the King from Kabul in the direction of India, with the design of conquest. — Death of the King in Rabi’u-1 awwal, 963 a.h. — Account of certain excellent men. — Biography of Muhammad Akbar, from the beginning of the flrst up to the flfty-flrst year of his reign. — An account of Jahangir. — Account of the Kin^ and certain events which occurred at that

time. — Sultan Khusru flghts, is defeated, and seized. — Return of Sultan Parwez from the Dakhin, and arrival of Sultan Khurram according to the summons of the King. — Rupture of engage- ments, and recurrence of the insurrection of Malik Ambar in the Dakhin. — Disafifection of Sultan Khurram. — An account of Sultan Khurram after his arrival in Bengal, — Settlement of the aftairs of the Dakhin and march of the army to Bengal. — Mis-

fortunes which occurred after the departure of Prince Sultan Parwez. — Fight of Sultan Parwez and Mahabat Khan with Sultan Khurrara. — Submission of Malik Ambar. — Certain trans- actions related in a succinct manner, — Pp. 218-446.

Conclusion. — Account of Sipahdar Khan. — The peace of Cod rest on him, and may his life be prolonged ! — Pp. 446-482.

Size. — Small quarto, containing 482 pages, and 17 lines in each page.

This work is probably unique. I know of only one copy, and that is an autograph of the author, transcribed in Muharram, 1037, only a few months after the composition of the original. This MS. belongs to Nawab Shamshir Kadr of Lucknow.

In the year 1003 h. Prince Sultan Murad marched towards the Dakhin by order of the King, where Khwaja Beg Mirza and Mirza Muhammad Salih paid their respects to him. IJpon the death of Prince Sultan Murad in the Dakhin, Prince Daniyal, as has already been mentioned in its proper place, went to that province, and captured the fort of Ahmadnagar, which was the capital of Kizamu-1 Mulk. The government of that country was conferred upon Khwaja Beg Mirza and Mirza Muhammad Salih. These two great men have resided in this country for a long period, during which they have conferred many kindnesses, obligations, and comforts upon the people, as will shortly appear in the sequel.

The forty-ninth, fiftieth, and fifty-first years of the reign of Akbar, or the years 1012, 1013, and 1014 of the Hijra, were marked by the following events, viz. : —

In the year 1012 a.h. Prince Sultan Salim was imprisoned in a bath, on the very day on which His Itoyal Highness, repent- ing of his evil actions, presented himself to the King, availing himself of the opportunity which the death of his grandmother, Mariam Makani, afforded him of offering his condolences to His

Majesty. He was, however, after a space of twelve days, released. This year is also marked by the arrival from the Dakhin of the news of the death of Sultan Daniyal. In the year 1013 a.h. the King (Akbar) was taken ill. On Wednesday, the 12th of Jumada-s sani, 1014 a.h., he died at i^gra, and was interred in Sikandra. “ It is God alone who will exist for ever.’"

This King never sustained a defeat at any place. His army was victorious in every engagement. He subjugated all adver- saries, some by means of arms, and. some by peaceful means. The whole length and. breadth of the land was firmly and. righteously governed. All people of every description and station came to his Court, and universal peace being estab- lished among all classes, men of every sect dwelt secure under Ids protection. Be it not concealed that this account of his happy reign does not comprise even one-tenth part of the trans- actions which actually occurred in it. The detailed particulars of his reign are recorded in the Akbar~ndma and the Tdrikh-i Nizdmi, God be praised that the distress which the people ex- perienced at the loss of their sovereign Akbar, was removed by the accession of his excellent and powerful son Jahangir. May this exalted dynasty maintain its power till the day of judgment !

A brief account follows of the events which occurred in the year 1036 H., viz. : — When Mahabat Khan returned from the Dakhin by command of the King, His Majesty was in Kashmir. On the way a dispute arose between Mahabat Khan and i^saf Khan, son of Ftimadu-d Daula, and brother of Nur Jahaii Begam. It took so serious a turn, that they at last came to action, drawing up their troops in battle array. Mahabat Khan gained the victory, and i^saf Khan fled to the fort of Attak Benares, where he fortified himself. The victorious party be- sieged him, and after a few days succeeded in obtaining posses- sion of his person, when they took him to their master, who threw him into prison. These circumstances gained Mahabat

Khan such influence at Court, that no one without his authority could go near the King, and His Majesty’s food and drink were subject to his inspection. Mahabat Khan also appointed his own obedient Rajputs to remain in constant attendance day and night on the King, thereby cutting off every one from direct communi- cation with His Majesty. The matter stood upon this footing for about six months, when a party of Mughals, collected through the judicious counsels of the wise Niir Jahan Begam, marched against Mahabat Khan, put nearly 3000 of his Rajputs to death, and effected the release of jf^saf Khan. Mahabat Khan bein^ thus defeated, took to flight. The Khan-khanan was sent by the King with a large force to pursue and exterminate him ; but while engaged in the expejjtion, the Khan-khanan died, and Mahabat Khan is in consequence still {i.e, the close of the year 1036 H.) wandering about with a small body of adherents.

Sultan Khurram remains in the Dakhin under the same circumstances as have been already mentioned. We must wait to see what may happen to him, and what course he may here- after pursue.

This year is also marked by the death of Prince Parwez in the city of Burhanpur. The date of the death of that excellent Prince is found in the following chronogram, composed by Mau- lana Samadi Buanati, viz. Shdh-i Shdhdn hi-shud az jahan. “ The king of kings has departed from this world.”

In this year Nizamu-1 Mulk created a disturbance in the Dakhin, which, however, was put down by the exertions of Khan Jahan. A detail of this transaction will be found in the con- cluding part of this work.

At the present time, i.e. the latter part of the year 1036 h., the people of this country, whether rich or poor, high or low, are in the enjoyment of all the blessings of comfort and content, and slumbering secure from all danger, are in return offering up their prayers to the Almighty God for the continued prosperity of the King, who is the safeguard of the empire and the shadow of God.

The concluding part of this book contains an account of Sipah- dar Khan ; may the peace of God be on him ! The object of giving an account of him in this work is that his memory may descend to posterity. Be it not concealed that his birthplace is Tabriz, and his ancestors were reckoned among the nobles of that country. His name is Mirza Muhammad Salih. In the year 1000 H. he left Tran for Hindustan, in company with the late Khwaja Beg Mirza, son of Ma’sum Beg Safavi, who requires no eulogy, and whose excellent qualities cannot be adequately described. The relations of friendship and amity which subsisted between them were exceedingly strong.

Mirza Muhammad Salih, after his arrival in India, obtained the honour of an interview with His Majesty. Mansahs suitable to his dignity, as well as the government of the siiha of Gujarat, were conferred on him. While in Gujarat, he saw in a dream a white flag so lofty that it penetrated the very heavens ; at one time it went towards his right hand, at another towards the left ; then it retreated a short distance from him, and again approach- ing him, began to bend down towards him, when he seized hold of it with his hand, and placed it in an erect posture ; upon which he woke from his dream. Since the time he had this auspicious dream, he has prospered day by day, and has attained his present exalted position. But the height of the flag presages to him, according to the interpretation of the dream, even a higher dignity than that which he has yet attained. He is constantly in the habit of relating this dream to intelligent persons. “ There is a dignity yet greater than thine, and thy dignity at every period is not always the same. Wait till the dawn of fortune cometh to thee, as these are the mere harbingers of that dawn. The dignity which thou hast attained is very low, when compared with that which Fate yet ordains for thee in its full accomplishment.’^

[There are several works which profess to be the Auto- biographical Memoirs of the Emperor Jahangir, and there is such confusion in their titles that a preliminary notice seems necessary for a proper apprehension of what Sir H. Elliot has written on the subject. There is also some additional information respecting them, which was not published when Sir H. Elliot wrote, but which requires to be noticed. This further knowledge might possibly have led Sir H. M, Elliot to have modified his opinions, so, instead of introducing it into his articles, it is here given with the conclusions which it suggests. The original articles are thus left as they were written, with the addition only of a few lines not affecting the general question. By this arrangement Sir H. M. Elliot’s arguments will have their full force, and the reader must draw his own conclusions as to the effect of what is here written.

It is certain that there are two distinct editions of the Memoirs which differ entirely from each other. Major Price translated the one, Anderson wrote upon the other in 1786 5 so to obviate any prejudice as to their respective priority or authority which might arise from numbering them, one will be called Price’s, the other Anderson’s. It will be seen also that there are varieties of each edition.

The Autobiography translated by Major Price comes first in this work (No. LIY.). Price’s Manuscript bore no title, but Sir H. Elliot calls it “ TdriJch-i Salim-Shdhi” According to Mr. Morley, the best copy of it, belonging to the Royal Asiatic Society, is called Tdrikh-i Jahdngir-ndma Salimi” Another copy is called simply “ Jahdngir-ndma” A MS. in the Library of the India Office (No. 546), is called in different places ^'"Tuzak-i Jahdngiri” and Jahdngir-ndma, and another in the British Museum is entitled “ Tiizak-i Jahdngiri.”

Sir H. Elliot notices three different issues of this edition. One, to which he gives no name, is brief and written with great simplicity (page 257). The TdrWi-i Salim- Shdhi translated by Price extends to the fifteenth year of the reign, 1029 a.h., and there is another version called ^’‘Tiizak-i Jalidngiri^^ which does not come down so late (page 260).

Of the other, or Anderson’s edition, there are two distinct issues. One extends only to the twelfth year of the reign, when, as the work itself records, it was copied and distributed by the Emperor’s orders ; this bears the title Dwdzda Sdla Jalidngiri. The other carries on the work to the nineteenth year, when it is said that Jahangir, in consequence of failing health, gave up writing. Sir H. M. Elliot prefers calling this work Jalidngiri” but all the MSS. I have seen are labelled Tuzak-i Jalidngiri” and, as will be seen in Sir H. Elliot’s remarks, it has no distinctly recognized title. Jahangir himself at one time called it Jahdngir-ndma (page 331); afterwards he seems to have been inclined to Ikhdl-ndma (page 281). The Royal Asiatic Society has a good copy of this work, there is a copy in the British Museum, another in the Library of the India Office, and Sir H. Elliot’s Library contains three copies.

This edition was first noticed by Anderson in 1786. Gladwin subsequently made Extracts from it, and Major Price, in the Preface of his work, observed upon the differences between his own and Anderson’s version. IJpon the publication of Price’s translation, De Sacy compared it with Anderson’s, and proved that they were independent works. The following is a summary of his argument : “ He observed that the difference could not be explained by the supposition that the text, as published by Ander- son, was only an abridgment or extract from the original memoirs of Jahangir, since the version of Anderson, though the more concise of the two, contains the statement of many circumstances omitted in Price’s translation ; he likewise, by quoting parallel passages, showed that it was impossible that Anderson’s extracts and Price’s version could have been derived from the same text.

De Sacy also mentions the exaggerated account of property and expenditure, as to the number of elephants, horses, etc., and the cost of buildings, and such like, in the memoirs translated by Price, compared with the more moderate statements given in Anderson’s extracts. He concludes, without questioning the authenticity of the MS. employed by Price, by stating that he considers the extracts published by Anderson and Gladwin have a greater right to be considered the work of the Emperor than the MS. from which Price has translated, and that the latter is probably a portion of a more recent work written on the basis of the original memoirs of Jahangir, and perhaps of other docu- ments, by some writer who has wrongfully adopted the first person, as though addressing his children, and without regard to the order of events, has inserted much extraneous matter, just as he happened to remember it, leaving out many things that ought to have formed part of the narrative.” ^

Sir H. M. Elliot calls these “the authentic Memoirs,” and his view of the question is given in the following articles LIY., LY. A very similar conclusion had been arrived at independently and almost contemporaneously by Mr. Morley in England. That gentleman, in cataloguing the MSS. of the Royal Asiatic Society, found among them and in the Library of the India Government two distinct versions. The version translated by Price he called “ the first edition,” for the very sufficient reason that one copy of this MS. was dated in the year 1040 h. (a.d. 1630), only three years later than the death of Jahangir. But his critical sagacity was not at fault, and he discovered the superior value of what he called “the second edition.” A comparison of the MSS., he says, “ at once set the question at rest as to there being two texts of the Memoirs, but some doubt still remained as to their respective authenticity. That the edition which I have called the first is authentic, is, I think, sufficiently proved by the age of the present MS., since a work transcribed so soon after the author’s death could scarcely have been foisted on the public ^ See Morley’ s Catalogue, p. 114.

if a forgery ; but the authenticity of the larger and more com- plete edition remained still doubtful. The details given by Muhammad Hadi, the editor, are, I think, decisive as to the genuineness of the larger work. He distinctly states that Jahan- gir himself wrote the history of eighteen years of his reign, and that he, Muhammad Hadi, continued it from various trustworthy sources to the time of the Emperor’s death. I have called it the second edition, since it was edited after the author’s death, but it possibly, nay was probably, prepared as it at present exists, by the Emperor himself. That the shorter work was only a kind of sketch for the preparation of the more complete edition, may be hazarded as a conjecture ; but from the great difference existing between them, I am disposed to think that Jahangir, like Timur and Babar, wrote his autobiography in the Chaghatai Turki language, and that the copies we now possess are merel}^ more or less perfect translations from the original.” This “ first edition ” of Morley comes down to the year 1029, and is the same as that called by Sir Henry Tdnkh-i Salim-ShdhiJ'

Sir H. M. Elliot, unaware of the early MS. above noticed, rejects Price’s version as spurious, as having ‘‘been written by a jeweller rather than an Emperor,” but the edition which he describes as “authentic” gives ample proof of Jahangir’s love of jewels, and of his habit of appraising their value. Taken as a whole, Anderson’s edition is the more valuable ; but while it records the Emperor’s venial sins, his love of wine, and his drinking parties, it has less to say of his dark deeds. Morley’s idea of the two editions being only different translations of one Chaghatai original is unsatisfactory, for it would not account for the great divergences of the two works. Another solution of the difficulty may be suggested.

The fact is established that both editions were in existence before or soon after the death of Jahangir. It is proved, as regards Price’s version, by the early dated MS. above noticed; and the fact that there are MSS. extant of Anderson’s version which extend no further than the twelfth year of the reign,

substantiates the statement of Jahangir having had the work copied out and distributed at that period. The first part of the Ikbdl-ndma^ written soon after his death, is merely an abstract of these Memoirs. It has been perhaps too hastily assumed that Jahangir wrote the Memoirs with his own hand, for he was hardly the man to have taken upon himself such manual labour. He certainly states, in the passage quoted in page 280, that he himself was the scribe up to a certain time ; but in the very same passage he says that he appointed Mu’tamad Khan to continue the work, because this man had been “before employed to write the occurrences of my reign.” This shows that one professional annalist had been retained ; and it seems very probable that the Emperor kept two or more memoir- writers, to whom he gave directions as to the events they were to record, and a general expression of his opinion on the various subjects to be noticed. It may be that in some instances he wrote down or dictated the words he wished to be recorded, but it is more likely that in most cases his (auto) biographers followed their own bent in composing their respective records. Such a difference as exists between the two versions, a difference of details rather than of general conception, would be the natural result of such an arrangement.

Anderson’s version, up to the end of the twelfth year, had the advantage of Jahangir’s express approval, and has therefore the right to be called an “authentic version.” Price’s has no such mark of approbation, but cannot fairly be rejected as spurious. It is not a caricature, nor is it written in an inimical spirit ; but the writer had a very exaggerated notion of numbers, and his figures must always be rejected. It contains much which the other version shows to have been characteristic of Jahangir, and in some respects it is superior; for it speaks more fully and clearly of deeds which he would probably have liked to conceal or gloss over. This may account for its not having received the royal approval.]

These two works, of which the names are assumed somewhat arbitrarily, must be considered together.

The name of Tdrikh-i Salim- 8hdM is ascribed to different copies of the same work found in distant parts of India, and as there is no probability that these were copied from one another rather than from some older original, we may assume the name to be correct, although in the body of the work no particular name is assigned to it.

The Tdrikh-i Salim-Shdhi was translated in the year 1829 by Major David Price, of the Bombay Army, for the Oriental Translation Committee, under the title of Memoirs of the Emperor Jehangueir, written by himself, and translated from a Persian Manuscript.” He observes that the Manuscript, “ not being distinguished by any particular title, the translator would have ventured to style it the Wakiat Jahanguiri, or to bestow on it some other name equally signifying ‘ Incidents in the reign of the Emperor Jahangueir.’ But to supply an Oriental name from mere conjecture seemed unnecessary, as the contents could be indicated with sufficient accuracy in an English title-page. Besides, from some extracts, occupying about seventeen pages in the ^Asiatic Miscellany’ (printed at Calcutta, 1785, 1786, vol. ii. pp. 71-73), it would appear to be the same, or nearly the same, with that work which was described by an ac- complished Orientalist, who translated those passages (James Anderson, Esq.), as the Toozuk-i Jehangeery, or Memoirs of Jehangeer, written by himself, and containing a history of the

transactions of the first thirteen years of his reign. But Mr. Anderson did not profess to give more than a few extracts from the Tiizak ; and a comparison of these with the present work will sliovv that he must have occasionally omitted whole pages between certain facts recorded in both.”

The difference between the versions of Major Price and Mr. Anderson have been' marked by M. de Sacy in the “Journal des Savans,” 1830.^

Amongst the autobiographies of Jahangir which circulate in this country, there is one much smaller than the Salim- Shdid translated by Major Price. It is written with greater simplicity, with a truthfulness and sincerity more suited to an Imperial pen, and bearing upon it a far superior stamp of authenticity. This was probably the original from which the Tdrihh-i Salim-Shdhi was amplified, and may have been composed by Jahangir in the early part of his reign. The translated work seems to have been written rather by a jeweller than an Emperor, and the pretended accuracy and minuteness with which the value of gold, silver, and precious stones is given, and the astounding exaggeration displayed in enumerating sums, “ which far outshine the wealth of Ormus and of Ind,” convey to the mind strong internal evidence of fabrication ; and though there is much that no doubt correctly represents the sentiments of Jahangir, some parts at least of the composition must be ranked in the same class with the fictions of Ennius and Psalinanazar.

A few instances may as well be adduced, to show the exagge- rations of the Tdrikh-i Salim-ShdJd.

At page 2 of Major Price’s translation it is said, “ On this occasion I made use of the throne prepared by my father, and enriched it at an expense without parallel, for the celebration of the festival of the year, at the entrance of the Sun into Aries. In the fabrication of the throne a sum not far short of ten krours

^ [A memorandum of Sir II. Elliot’s shows tliat he had not seen De Sacy's notice when he wrote this article, but that it remained to be obtained and considered. A summary of De Sacy’s arguments is given in page 252 supra,']

of ashrejies^ of five mithkals the ashrefy, was expended in jewels alone ; a krour being the term of an hundred laks^ and a lak being 100,000, independently of 300 mauns of gold, Hindiistany measure, employed in the workmanship, each maun of Hind being equal to ten mauns of Irak.’^

The translator converts the value of jewels alone into 150 millions sterling ! — an incredible sum, as he justly observes ; but the more sober statement of the Tiizak-i Jahdngiri says “ only sixty laks of ashrafis and fifty mans of gold, Hindustani measure,” and there is no mention of the throne in the authentic Memoirs.

A little below we read : “ Having thus seated myself on the throne of my expectations and wishes, I caused also the Imperial crown, which my father had caused to be made after the manner of that which was worn by the great kings of Persia, to be brought before me, and then, in the presence of the whole assembled Ameirs, having placed it on my brows, as an omen auspicious to the stability and happiness of my reign, kept it there for the space of a full astronomical hour. On each of the twelve points of this crown was a single diamond of the value of one lak of ashrefies of five mithkals^ the whole purchased by my father with the resources of his own government, not from anything accruing to him by inheritance from his predecessors. At the point in the centre of the top part of the crown was a single pearl of four mithkals, of the value of one lak of ashrefies ; and on different parts of the same were set altogether 200 rubies of one mithkal each, and each of the value of 6000 rupees/’ Upon which the translator observes, “ Altogether this superb symbol of supreme power may be valued at two millions and seventy thousand pounds sterling;” but in the smaller work, and in the authentic Memoirs, there is no mention whatever of this costly crown.

At p. 5 Jahangir says he remitted certain sources of revenue, “ which yielded to his father no less than 1 600 Hindustany mauns of gold, equal to 16,000 mauns of Irak.” The Tuzak

says sixty mam Hindustani, and the authentic Memoirs give no sum.

At p. 14 he says that “ the workmanship alone of the citadel of Agra was completed at the expense of not less than 186 lahs of ashrefies of five mithlcals each ; which the translator, with a note of admiration, converts into 26,550,000/. ! The Tuzak gives only thirty-six lacs of rupees, and the authentic Memoirs thirty- five lacs of rupees, equal to 1,15,000 tiimdns of Tran, or one kror five lacs Khani of Turan.

At p. 15 he says that “ the temple which had been built by Eaja Man Singh, and which the King demolished for the pur- pose of raising a mosque on its ruins, cost in its construction nearly thirty-six lacs of five mithkaly ashrefies^'' which, as the translator says, is 5,40,00,000 rupees ! The Tuzak says only 8,00,000 rupees.

At p. 32 “ he sends to Shahzada Parwez a chaplet of pearl of the value of 5,00,000 rupees.’’ The Tuzak says 1,00,000.

At p. 34 he says “ that Daulat Khan left at his death pro- perty equivalent, according to the translator, to 120,000,000/. ! ” The Tuzak says only 300,000 tumdns of jewels, besides gold and other specie.

At p. 37 he states “that the property of his brother Danial amounted in jewels to five crore of ashrefies^ and two crore in treasure of the same currency, or 63,000,000/. sterling!” The Tuzak is silent as to the amount.

At p. 51 the tiara of Himii is said “to have been set with diamonds, sapphires, rubies, emeralds, and pearls, to the value of sixty lacs of ashrefies^ or 5,400,000/. sterling ! ” The Tuzak says only 80,000 tumdns.

At p. 67, in speaking of the preparations for the pursuit of his son Khusru, he says, “ 40,000 horses feeding in his own stables, and 100,000 camels, were brought out and distributed.” The Tuzak has nothing on the subject.

At p. 79 he sa^^s “ he delivered to Jemeil Beg 100,000 ashrefies to be distributed amongst the Badakshanians, and that he ordered

50,000 rupees to be distributed among ihQ Dunceishes at Adjmeir.’’ The Tuzak gives the sum at 30,000 rupees, and mentions nothing about the donations to the Badakhshanians.

At p. 88 “ the jewel-chest of Khossrou is said to have contained 18,000,000/. sterling!’’ It must have been a pretty large and heavy one to have held only 18,000/., and the Tuzak says nothing about its contents.

After these instances of exaggeration, who will believe this Yalerius, “immoderately augmenting the number of all things,”^ and it is therefore much to be regretted that these translated Memoirs have obtained so much currency and credit in Europe, as true revelations of the Emperor’s sentiments and proceedings.

There are also other additions, as well as omissions, which throw discredit upon the translated work. For instance, the account of the rebellion and capture of Khusru, though given in great detail in both the spurious and the authentic copies, which Avill be hereafter noticed, varies in several essential particulars,’ and at the conclusion of these occurrences, instead of Jahangir’s returning to i^gra, as he is represented in the translation to do, he goes to Kabul, as he is said in all other histories to have done.

Amongst other omissions, a very striking one is, that not only is there scarcely any allusion made to his propensity to drinking, but he speaks with pious horror of this disgraceful addiction of his brother Daniyal ; whereas in the true Memoirs, there are as many drinking bouts noticed as in the Memoirs of Jahangir’s great-grandfather Babar ; and the extraordinary potations to which he confesses would have shamed even that immoderate toper.

The Tdnkh-i Sa.Rm-ShdJii details events, without much regard to order, down to the period of Jahangir’s first visit to Kashmir, which occurred in 1029 a.h., or the fifteenth year of the reign.

The Tuzak gives no date beyond 1017 a.h., but notices a transaction which occurred in 1020 a.h. One -half of the Tuzak is devoted to Akbar and Khusru.

1 Valerio quis credat, omnium rerum immodice numerum augenti.— Livy, xxxiii. 10

It concludes with mentioning the practice of the King and his officers to discharge guns on the first day of every month. This corresponds with p. 89 of the translation ; and thus those stories of magical performances and sleight of hand are omitted,^ in which the Emperor betrays himself as the most credulous believer in the supernatural power of jugglers, and which has served his biographers with the opportunity, when reflecting upon the Demonology of his English contemporary, of marking another striking coincidence between the sentiments and persuasions of the two monarchs.

A comparison of the concluding portion of the Tuzak-i Jahangiri with the corresponding passage in the translated Tdrilih-i Scilim-Shd/n will show better than any description the relation which one bears to the other.

The copies of the Tdnlch-i Salim-Shdhi which I have seen close with a few pages of moral precepts, containing a kind of prose Pand-ndma^ of which the authorship is assigned to Jahangir; but these are not noticed by Major Price in his translation of the work. [“The Fand-ndniaP says Morley, “occupies thirty-two leaves. The Memoirs and i\Q Pand-ndma are in the present volume (No. 117) freely interspersed with verses, many of which are omitted in Price’s MS.,” though that contains the Pand-ndmad] The short Preface which follows, without any break, immediately after the text of the Salim- Shdhi^ appears to have been written by Ptimadu-d daula. It runs thus : — From the icords of Ftimddu-d daula — “ Since His Majesty’s disposition inclines at all times to the weighing of

^ It will be seen that in the authentic Memoirs these exhibitions are mentioned merely in general terms. See also the beginning of the Srd Julus. 'J'hese stories are given in full detail in the Khuldsatu-t Tawdrikh, as from the Memoirs, showing that the author must have considered the Salim- Shdhi as authentic. It is there added that the Emperor gave them nearly 50,000 rupees, and made his principal officers imitate his example, so that the jugglers received in all 2,00,000 rupees. He tells us also that these feats are common in Europe. Major Price’s version says (p. 104), ‘‘I have heard it stated that the art has been called Lemuanian (perhaps Asmanian)^ celestial.” But the real word used in the original is Simi/d, meaning “ fascination,” ‘‘enchantment.” In the Mirdt-i Aftdb-numd (p. 888), these performances were narrated in the same way.

words, decent manners, and excellent actions, he has enjoined several precepts for the observance of his servants, who are en- dowed with purity of mind. In very truth, he has threaded the pearl of intelligence by means of the boring instrument of a powerful imagination, and, in very truth, he is such a wise and prudent King, that useful advice is implanted in the very essence of his noble nature, and he may fairly be considered among the perfect saints. It is therefore proper for his true and faithful subjects to invoke continually blessings on his head, for God, from the tribunal of the six quarters of the universe, has bestowed the chain of Justice^ upon his subjects. May the Almighty increase the years of His Majesty, Nuru-d din Jahan- gir, until the Day of Judgment, and may the years of the children of this second Alexander, of this lord of State and lofty dignity, of him who sits on the throne of Sulaiman, etc., etc., of this compound of bravery and excellence, be also con- tinued for ever

The precepts of Jahangir Shdh^for the observance and regula- tion of his sons and disciples^ who should treasure them in their memories perpetually . First, let them know that the world is not eternal, and that the less care they have for it the better. Act towards your inferiors, as you wish that your superiors should act towards you.^^

After several pages of similar common-place axioms, it con- cludes with the following sage remarks : “ Bodily strength is to be obtained by three practices: 1. To speak little. 2. To eat little. 3. To sleep little. Three combinations are incompatible. 1. Power with the eating of' lawful things. 2. Kindness with anger. 3. Truth with loquacity. Four things make a man fat.

^ In allusion to the silly chain of justice which the Emperor tells us he fastened from the palace at Agra to a stone pillar near the Jumna. It was covered with bells, so that when any petitioner demanded justice, he might make his presence known by shaking the chain. It does not appear that it was ever shaken, and probably was never meant for anything but parade. The practice was a mere imitation of what was attributed to one of the early Chinese Emperors, Yu-tu. — Modern TJniversal History, vol. vii. p. 206. And Raja Anangpal had already done the same at Dehli. — See Extract from Mir Khusru’s Nuh Sipihr, supra, Vol. III. p. 565.

1. To put on new clothes. 2. To indulge much in hot baths. 3. To eat greasy or sweet food. 4. To live according to one’s desire. Six things make the heart black and sorrowful. 1. To put on dirty clothes, and cut your hair but seldom. 2. To be in a state of ceremonial defilement. 3. To tell many lies. 4. Back- biting. 5. To be abusive. 6. Negligence in prayer. Whoever attends to these precepts will procure liberation in this world and the next, will never be oppressed by evil, will always be held in consideration by great and small, and will not be ashamed in the morrow of resurrection. But whoever acts contrary to these precepts will obtain nothing but distress and dishonour in this world, and it will be accounted to him for sin in the next.”

Verse. — “ I have told you what I was commissioned to reveal ; you may derive warning from listening to my words, or sorrow from rejecting them.”

Size.' — 12mo., 498 pages of 9 lines each.

Here follows the beoiimiiifr and endin" of the Tuzak-i Jahdn-

girt, corresponding with the work in Jonathan Scott’s Library under the name of Kdr-ndma Jahdng'iri}

^ AJ ^ A-kJ biJ l^ \ ^ Jb j*^ ji3 1^ (3^<*J ^ ^

A.4.^^^ j j^lA3l *^3^ LIl-^o-iA ^\ L ^i^'i.w:A

Size. — 8vo., 109 pages of 16 lines to a page.

2 When the troops and generals of Khusru’s army despaired of the capture of the fort, and news arrived of the royal army being

^ Critical Essay on Various Manuscript Works, p. 40.

2 [This translation was made by Sir H. M. Elliot. It has been compared with Major Price’s translation, and Avith his IVIS. now in the possession of the Royal Asiatic Society. The chief variations are attributable to differences in the original texts; but in minor points Sir 11. Elliot’s translation often represents more accurately the sense of the AIS.J

in pursuit, they perceived that they had committed extreme folly, and had not obtained any place where they could remain secure. Distracted as they were, they set their hearts upon battle, and determined tha.t with twelve thousand men they would make a night attack upon my victorious army.

With this design, on Tuesday, between the hours of evening- and bed-prayer, they abandoned the siege of the fort of Lahore, and withdrew. The next evening the intelligence reached me at the sard'i of Kazi AH, that Khusru, after raising the siege of Lahore, had gone off with nearly 20,000 wretches. On receipt of this news, fire inflamed my breast, and I reflected that perhaps he might have undertaken some other expedition. That very night, though rain was falling heavily, I ordered that the camp should be struck, and we marched to Dewal, crossing the river at Govindwal.

On Thursday, about noon. Shaikh Farid succeeded in inter- cepting the army of Khusru, and found himself in presence of the luckless enemy. I was seated at Sultanpur, and at that moment they had just brought me a tray of food, and I was about to eat something, when news arrived that the action had commenced. I took only a mouthful for good luck’s sake, while they were preparing my charger. I then mounted and galloped off. I did not stay to put my army in array, and although I demanded my arms, yet I took nothing but my sword and spear with me, and commending myself to God, proceeded in the utmost haste towards the scene of action. There were about 10,000 cavalry with me, but I ordered the pa^unaster to get ready the reserve and follow me. When I arrived at the bridge of Govindwal, I sent on nearly 20,000 men to support Shaikh Farid.

I also despatched Mir Jamalu-d din Husain Inju to Khusru, to give him advice, to the effect that although the devil had drawn him from the right path, and that he was now actually engaged in open contest with me, I was ready to pardon his crime, provided he accompanied Mir Jamalu*d din to my pre- sence, and confessing shame for his proceedings, would relieve

himself of the responsibility of sacrificing me and the slaves of God. Though himself well inclined to repair to my presence, he was withlield by the counsels of the desperate and turbulent profligates with him, and the reply which he conveyed to me through Jamalu-d din imported that, having proceeded so far, there was no alternative but the sword, and that God Almighty would give the crown to that head which he knew to be worthy of the empire.

When this reply was communicated to me by Mir Jamalu-d din, I no longer entertained any compassion for my headlong son, and, being without remedy, I sent to announce to Shaikh Farid that there w^as no longer need to wait further orders, and that he was at once to attack the main body of the rebels. When the Shaikh received this announcement, Bahadur Khan U'zbek commenced the attack on their rear with 10,000 cavalry, while Shaikh Farid attacked the enemy in front with 20,000 men. The battle commenced two hours after sunrise, and did not close till sunset. As the assistance of God and the future of the empire were on my side, nearly 10,000 horsemen of the enemy were slain in the battle and pursuit.

Bahadur Khan U^zbek happened to come to the very spot where Khusru, having dismounted from his horse, had seated himself on a litter, conceiving that in the tumult of the battle he would not be recognized and be taken captive. Bahadur Khan, however, on recognizing him, caused him to be immediately surrounded by his troops, just as Shaikh Farid arrived at the same spot. Khusru, no longer perceiving the smallest outlet for escape, quitted the litter, and said to Shaikh Farid that compulsion was unnecessary, as he was of his own accord on the way to throw himself at his father’s feet,