6. Volume 6 — part 6

I was myself at the head of the bridge of Govindwal, in some apprehension of the result. Mir Jamalu-d din was saying that lie had seen with his own eyes that the troops of Khusru exceeded 50,000 men, and he doubted if Shaikh Farid could overcome them that night, seeing that his force, combined with that of

Bahadur Khan I/zb^k, did not exceed 14,000 cavalry. I was engaged in this conversation, when news arrived of Shaikh Farid’s victory and the capture of Khusru. Mir Jamalu-d din dismounted from his horse, and throwing himself at my feet, exclaimed, “This is the real meaning of good fortune. But I scarcely yet venture to believe the news to be true.” He had scarcely said this, when Khusru himself with his eunuchs were brought into my presence, and laid their heads on the ground before me. At that moment, the Mir, in great agitation and surprise, fell down again at my feet, exclaiming, “ This is indeed Your Majesty’s good fortune, which God has been pleased to grant.”

Both Shaikh Farid and Abu Kasim U^zbek (Bahadur Khan) had conducted themselves with distinguished valour, and I im- mediately advanced both to the order of five thousand, with the insignia of the drum and standard, a horse with enriched capa- risons, and waistband similarly ornamented ; and I promoted Bahadur Khan to the government of Kandahar. Shaikh Farid had previously possessed the rank of an amir of two thousand, and I now promoted him to that of five thousand. Saif Khan, son of Saiyid Mahmud, had also performed excellent service, having received not less than seventeen wounds ; and Saiyid Jarnalu-d din also received a mortal wound on one side of the head, of which he died a few days afterwards.

Saiyid Kamalu-d din and his brother, terror-stricken by the din of the Imperial kettle-drums, fied in consternation from the field at the very commencement of the action. Nearly 400 Aimaks^ were sent to perdition in the conflict, and nearly 300

^ This is the specific name of a tribe, as well as a generic term to signify a tribe. The particular tribe of Aimaks is noticed in Bidle’s Bokhara^ p. 79 ; David’s Turkish Grammar, p. xliii. The Aimaks of Afghanistan lie to the west of the Hazaras. — Elphinstone’s Cabul, vol. i. p. 162; vol. ii. pp. 242-49. For its generic meaning see Modern JJniv. Hist., vol. iii. pp. 251-334. “Each of the three great branches of the Mungls is divided into aymacks or tribes. Every aymack is composed of a number of families, -who usually encamp together, and never separate without acquainting their chief. When an aymack or tribe is assembled, whether to fight their enemies, or for any other particular reason, it is called orda, or, as the Europeans term it, a horde.” — Ibid, vol. iv. p. 79.

wretched ingrates from different quarters were brought prisoners to my presence. The jewel-chest of Khusrd fell into the hands of some persons who were never discovered.

On Thursday, the 25th of Zi-l hijja, I entered the castle of Lahore, and took my seat in the royal pavilion built by my father, from whicli he used to view the combats of elephants ; and I directed a number of sharp stakes to be set up in the bed of the river, upon which thrones of misfortune and despair I caused the 300 traitors who had conspired with Khusru to be impaled alive. Than this there cannot exist a more excruciating punishment, for the culprits die in lingering torture. Let the reflecting man take warning by this, and be deterred by the thousand punishments, which cannot exceed those which I have described, from similar acts of perfidy and treason towards their benefactors.

As the Imperial treasury was at i^gra, as my authority was only lately established, and as the disaffected were ripe for revolt, it seemed inconsistent with good policy to remain longer at Lahore, and I therefore returned to i^gra, leaving Khusru to the visitations of shame, in the custody of Dilawar Khan, who had instructions to watch him with unremitting vigilance. A son ought always to be the stay of monarchy. To continue, therefore, in a state of hostility with him, would be to sap the foundations of its prosperity. Never have I permitted myself to be misled from the right path by injudicious counsels ; my proceedings being governed by my own reason and experience. I have constantly borne in mind the observation of rny father and spiritual guide, that two things are necessary for kings and princes, viz. prudence and success ; prudence to preserve the sovereignty, and good fortune to maintain one’s wealth. Without good fortune, wealth is fleeting, and in a short time slips through our fingers.

In short, on the 28th of Safar, I returned to the metropolis of Agra. I cannot omit to describe, that for more than thirty-two hours after the flight of Khusru, and while I was far from Agra,

his mother, being oppressed with grief, refused to take either food or water, but weeping and wailing, in hunger, and doing penance like the saints, sustaining life only by the barest sustenance, departed at last, in distraction and in anger, to the mercy of God — for how can any one live without either bread or water for two or three days ? ^

Keshu Rai, in close attention to his duties, surpassed his father. By night and by day he was unremitting in his attend- ance. Rain or fair, he would stand during the whole night leaning on his staff. He always accompanied me on foot on my hunting excursions. For these services, I had, previous to my accession conferred upon him the order of 5000, and after my accession, I raised his mansah by 1000. He is now, however, from his increasing corpulence, become in a great degree incapable of discharging his duties. In short, kings do not look so much to the persons of men as to their services ; and in proportion as these latter improve in merit, so will be the personal advance- ment.

On the first day of every month, it was the rule with my father to discharge his matchlock, and he was followed by all his attendants, from the highest dignitary to the lowest stipendiary. This discharge never occurred but on such occasion. In imita- tion of the same example, I have continued the practice, dis- charging a matchlock with my own hand, and followed by every one present.

The same passage from the Tdrikh i Salim- Shdhi runs thus in Major Prices translation, pp. 85-89.

“The generals of Khossrou, not less than his troops, now de- spairing of the capture of the castle, and assailed by accumulating rumours of the approacli of the imperial armies, began to perceive the folly of the treasons by which they had so deeply committed

^ Major Price attributes this abstinence to Khusru, but in this and many other parts be is not consistent with tlic oiii'inal Tdrikh-i Sidtm-SJicthi, which I have examined. But it must tie confessed that the sentence is infamously constructed in both works, and the translator says that, from some omission, it became difficult to translate it into common sense.

themselves ; neither could they venture to foresee the moment at which, instead of laying siege to others, they should not be them- selves besieged. All was now consternation, in which, never- theless, setting their minds on battle and death, it was resolved, with one hundred and twelve thousand horse, which they had contrived to collect together, to make at nioht a bold and simul- taneous attack upon my camp.

With this magnificent design in view, on Tuesday, the 24th of Zilhudge, between the hours of evening prayer and supper- time, they abandoned the siege of the castle of Laliour, and withdrew from before the city altogether. On the evening of Thursday the 26th, while at the serai of Rhaujush Ally, intelligence was brought to me, that after raising the siege of Labour, Khossrou, with about twenty thousand men, had gone off no one knew whither; and this awakening the greatest anxiety lest he might, after all, be able to elude my pursuit, I instantly gave orders to march, although there was at the time a heavy and incessant fall of rain. The same day I crossed the river of Goundwaul, and encamped at Oowaul.

It was on Thursday the 26th, about noon, that Sheikh Fereid succeeded in interrupting the march of Khossrou, and thus found himself at last in the presence of the enemy. At this moment at Sultanpour, I had just seated myself, and was about to eat of some parched wheat, which was brought me by Moezz-ul-moulk, when intelligence was communicated to me of the situation of Sheikh Fereid, and that he was actually engaged with the troops of Khossrou. Having swallowed a single mouthful for good luck, I instantly called for and mounted my horse, and consigning myself entirely to the protection of God’s providence, without suffering myself to be delayed by any concern for an array of battle, or being able to furnish myself at the moment with any other arms than my sword and a javelin, I gave the reins to my horse, and hastened towards the scene of the conflict. I had, however, about my person, more than 10,000 horse, although none were apprised that they were that day to be led to battle.

Neither was it indeed in strict conformity with the rules of military discipline, to engage in conflict with numbers so inferior, however favoured by Providence, the troops being, in fact, much disheartened by the contemplation of their manifest disparity. I endeavoured to remove these impressions, by directing the Bukh- shies to order the whole army forward to our support without delay, and making generally known the crisis at which we were arrived. By the time I reached Goundwaul, accordingly, my force had amounted to 20,000 horse, and 50,000 camel-mounted gunners or matchlockmen, all of whom I now forwarded to the support of Sheikh Pereid.

Things were at this perilous crisis, when I thought it advisable to despatch Meir Jummaul-ud-dein Hussey ne with a message to Khossrou, intreating that he would retrace his steps in time, and to beware of the awful responsibility to which he was exposing himself for the blood of such untold thousands of God's creatures. From this, though himself well inclined to repair to my presence, he was, however, withheld by the counsels of the desperate and turbulent profligates by whom he was surrounded ; and the reply which he conveyed to me through Jummaul-ud-dein imported, that having proceeded so far, there was no alternative but the sword ; and that God Almighty would doubtless give the crown to that head which he knew to be most worthy of the Empire.

When this presumptuous reply from Khossrou was communi- cated to me by Meir Jummaul-ud-dein, I sent to announce to Sheikh Fereid that there was no longer room for deliberation, and that he was at once to attack the main body of the rebels. These orders were carried into execution without a moment’s delay. The attack commenced on one side from Bahauder Khaun the Ouzbek, at the head of 30,000 horse in cotton-mail, and 20,000 camel-mounted matchlockmen ; while Sheikh Fereid, with a body-guard of chosen warriors, rushed upon the enemy on the other. The army of Khossrou, on this occasion, consisted altogether of 200,000 horse and camel-mounted matchlockmen; the former clad in the same description of quilted mail as worn

by the troops of Bahauder Khaun. The battle commenced at the close of the second watch of the day, and continued until sunset. The providence of God and the fortune of the Empire being on my side, the result was a triumphant day for me ; for when 30,000 of the enemy had bitten the dust, the remainder discontinued all resistance, and quitted the field in dismay.

Bahauder Khaun came, as it happened, to the very spot where Khossrou, having dismounted from his horse, had seated himself on a litter, conceiving that in the tumult and confusion of the pursuit, he might possibly be able to escape without being known, Bahauder Khaun caused him, however, to be immediately sur- rounded by his troops, and Sheikh Fereid arriving also on the spot, Khossrou, no longer perceiving the smallest outlet for escape, and that he must be overtaken without alternative, quitted the singhassiin (or covered litter), on which he lay con- cealed, and announced to Sheikh Fereid that all further force was unnecessary, as he was, of his own accord, on the way to throw himself at his father’s feet.

I call God to witness, that while at Goundwaul, at this perilous crisis, I experienced some strong forebodings that Khossrou was coming to my presence; but Juinmaul-ud-dein Husseyne did not hesitate to express considerable doubt that Sheikh Fereid would that night be able to repulse the enemy, since, as he said, he had with his own eyes ascertained that Khossrou had with him a force of more than 200,000 fighting men. In this sort of dis- cussion we were engaged, wlien it was announced that Sheikh Fereid was victorious, and that Khossrou was his prisoner. Still incredulous of the joyful event, Jummaul-ud-dein dismounted from his horse, and throwing himself at my feet, persisted in the declaration, that although my imperial fortune indicated all that was propitious, still he could not yet give credit to the report. Every doubt was removed, however, a little afterwards, when Khossrou, on his litter, accompanied by his general of artillery, was conducted into my presence.

Both Sheikh Fereid and Bahauder Khaun had conducted

themselves on this trying occasion with distinguished ability and valour, and I immediately advanced the latter to the order of 5000, with the insignia of the drum and standard, and a present of horses with enriched caparisons, conferring upon him, moreover, the government of Kandahaur. Sheikh Fereid had previously possessed the rank of an Ameir of 2000, and I now promoted him to that of 4000. Seyf Khaun, the son of Seyed Mahmoud, had also greatly distinguished himself, having received not less than seventeen wounds in different parts of the body. Seyed Jullaul received a mortal wound in the upper region of the heart, of which he died a few days afterwards. He was of a distinguished family among the Afghans.

Seyed Hullaul and his brother, two of Khossrou’s generals, terror-stricken by the din of the imperial kettle-drums, fled in con- sternation from the field, at the very commencement of the action. Nearly 400 heads of tribes, Owimauk, were sent to perdition in the conflict, and about 700 were brought from different quarters prisoners to my presence. The jewel-chest of Khossrou, contain- ing jewels to the value of nearly two hr our of fiYe.-methhaly ashrefies^ fell into the hands of some persons who were never discovered.

In the course of the same Thursday 1 entered the castle of Labour, wliere I took up my abode in the royal pavilion, built by my father on this principal tower, from which to view the combats of elephants. Seated, in the pavilion, having directed a number of sharp stakes to be set up in the bed of the Rauvy, I caused the 700 traitors who had conspired with Khossrou against my authority to be impaled alive upon them. Than this there can- not exist a more excruciating punishment, since the wretches exposed frequently linger a long time in the most agonising torture, before the baud of death relieves them ; and the spectacle of such frightful agonies must, if anything can, operate as a due example to deter others from similar acts of perfidy and treason towards their benefactors.

As the imperial treasury remained at Agrah, and it seemed inconsistent with good policy, in so early a stage of my autliority,

to continue long among the disaffected hypocrites at Labour, I now quitted that place on my return to the metropolis, leaving the unhappy Khossrou a prey to the visitations of shame and remorse, in the custody of Dillawer Khaun, who had instructions to watch over him with unremittino- vif^ilance. A son ouo-ht, indeed, always to be considered as the stay of monarchy ; to continue, therefore, in a state of disunion and hostility with such would be to sap the foundations of its prosperity. Never have I permitted myself, either in this or any other instance, to be mis- led by injudicious counsels ; my proceedings, as far as they were under my control, being ever governed by the dictates of my own reason and my own experience ; constantly have I borne in mind the observation of that best of guides, my father, that there were two things of permanent utility to the sons of sovereign princes, prudence and fidelity in availing yourself of opportunities ; the one indispensable to the preservation of sovereign power, and the other to the maintenance of a course of goood fortune. But too frequently felicity in promoting a career of prosperity is found extremely inconstant, after a very limited period it slips through our fingers never to return.

But to resume the narrative. On the 26th of the month of Suffur, of the year 1015, I returned to the metropolis of Agrah. I cannot omit to describe that in sorrow for his past misconduct, the unhappy Khossrou neither ate nor drank for the space of three days and three nights, which he consumed in tears and groans, hunger and thirst, and all those tokens of deep repent- ance, peculiar only to those on earth who have sustained the character of prophets and saints, but who have, nevertheless, found that a slight daily repast was still necessary to the support of life. It may be superfluous to remark, that an abstinence carried to the extremity of an entire fast for three days and three nights together, would inevitably have sent them on the fourth day to the bosom of mercy.^

1 The whole of this passage, from some omission on the part of the transcriber, has been difficult to translate into common sense.

[Of a certain Kalujen or Kumbujen, it is impossible to ascer- tain which, the imperial narrator proceeds to state as follows :]

In zeal and diligence, and attention to the duties of his trust, he far surpassed his father. By night and by day he was un- remitting in his attendance ; wet or dry, rain or fair, leaning upon his staff, he would continue to read to me from night till morn. Neither did he discontinue his practice even when forming one of the suite on my hunting parties. For these services I had, previous to my accession, conferred upon him the order of 1000 horse, and I subsequently advanced him to that of 2000. He is now, however, from his increasing corpulence, become in a great degree incapable of discharging the duties of his office with the activity which formerly distinguished him. I shall here remark, in passing, that kings do not look so much to the persons of men as to their services ; and exactly in proportion as these latter improve in merit, so will be the advancement in favour, wealth and dignity.

On the first day of every month, it was the rule with my father to set the example to his aineirs by discharging his musket, and this was followed by the whole train, from the highest dignitary to the lowest stipendiary enrolled in the service of the State, whether cannon ier or matchlockman. But this discharge of artillery and musquetry never occurred but on that single occasion : unless, of course in battle. In imitation of the same example, I have continued the practice, a shot from my gun Droostandauz being followed by one from every individual in my armies, high or low.

DAV^ZDA SALA JAHANGrEf. WAKTAT-I JAHANGrRr.

We now proceed to consider the authentic Memoirs of Jahangir. At the outset we are met with a difficulty about the proper name to ascribe to this autobiography, and the matter has been slightly alluded to in the preceding article. The names which are given to the Memoirs, whether spurious or genuine, vary greatly. Besides the Tmnkh-i Salim- Shdhi and Tuzak-i Jahdngiri, they are also called Jahdngiri^ the Wdki’dt-i Jahdngiri, the

Baydz-i Jahangir, the Ikhdl-ndrna, the Jalidngir-ndma^ and the Makdldt-i Jahdngiri?

Muhammad Hashim, in the Preface to his Muntakhabu-l Luhdh, quotes among his authorities three several Jahdngir-ndrnas : first, that by Jahangir himself; second, that by Mufiamad Khan ; third, that by Mirza Kamgar, entitled Ghairat Khdn, which was composed in order to correct sundry errors into wliich Mu’tamad Khan had fallen. Neither of these works is specially entitled to the name, the first being the “ Memoirs,” the second the Ikhdl-ndma^ Jahdngiri, and the third the Ma- dsir-i Jahdngiri.

1 Critical Essays on Various Manuscript TVorlcs, p. 40. It is the name given to Ardishir’s account of his travels and enterprises which was circulated by Naushirwau for the improvement of his subjects. — Malcolm’s History of Persia, vol. i. p. 95.

2 Ma-dsiru-l TJmard, Preface. Crit. Essay, p. 39. Preface to Tdrilch-i Shahddat, by Muhammad Bakhsh Ashoh. Preface to the Akhbdr-i Muhabbat. Preface to 4to. vol. of Tdrikh-i Nddiru-z Zamdni.

^ This word, signifying “ a record of prosperity,” is a common term applicable to panegyrical history. It is adopted in India in imitation of the great poet Nizami, the second part of his Sikandar-ndma being so entitled.

I prefer calling tMs work the Wdlii'dt-i Jahdngiri, as being not only in conformity with the title usually given to the auto- biography of Babar, but as being the one ascribed to it by the author of the Mir-dt-i Aftdh-numd^ and as being in a measure authorized by a passage in the Memoirs themselves under the transactions of the first year of the reign. Jahdngir-ndma and Baydz would also appear to be not unauthorized by different passages of the Memoirs. Perhaps Malfuzdt^ after the precedent of Timur’s Memoirs, might have been more appropriate ; but no author has ever quoted them under that designation.

Gladwin, who extracts from the work in the “ Peign of Jahangir,” published in a.d. 1788, speaks of them under the name of Tuzak-i Jahdngiri^ which he says are the Commentaries of the Emperor written by himself. In the catalogue of Captain Jonathan Scott’s Library the Tuzak is said to be the same as the Ma-dsir-i Jahdngiri^ which is altogether wrong.

The copy of the authentic work which I have had an oppor- tunity of examining is in the possession of Major-General T. P. Smith, of the Bengal Army. It was copied for him at Lucknow, and at his desire collated by Saiyid Muhammad Khan, who procured with much trouble copies for the purpose of comparison from the Libraries of the King of Dehli, Baja Baghuband Singh, chief of Ifchhaira, Nawab Faiz ’All Khan of Jhajjar, and several other places, and completed his task in the year 1843. A copy was sent to England for deposit in the Library of the East India House.

This work is prefaced by an Introduction and Conclusion by Muhammad Hadi, which will be noticed in another article. The autobiography is almost entirely different from the one translated by Major Price, and it may, therefore, perhaps be considered worthy of being translated, if it were only for the purpose of displacing the spurious version already given to the world, and which has attracted much observation from its sup- posed authenticity.

It is written in the form of Annals, giving chronologically

the occurrences of each year of the reign. Major Pricers trans- lation, on the contrary, gives very few dates. The style is simple and inornate, and bears in some places the marks of negligence.

The royal author speaks of two different copies of his own Memoirs, the first edition comprising the period of twelve years only. In the transactions of the thirteenth year of the reign he tells us, that when the occurrences {wakdi^) of twelve years were transcribed from the Jahdng'ir-ndma into a fair copy [haydz^), he directed the writers of the Royal Library to make several copies of the history of these twelve years, and to bind them into a separate volume, and then he distributed them amongst his de- pendents for circulation throughout his dominions, in order that they might become a study and exemplar for their observance. The first copy which was prepared he presented to Shah Jahan, after writing on the back of it with his own hand the date and place of presentation. A little later, in the annals of the same year, we read of two more copies being given away.

The twelve-year work ends with the King’s arrrival at Ahmadabad in Gujarat, which occurred at the beginning of the thirteenth year of the reign. In the language there is no difference between that and the complete Memoirs, and in the former there are very few omissions, not amounting to more than 500 lines, so that it is evident that it was not re-compiled for the purpose of being included in the complete work. I have seen two copies, both commencing and ending in the same way ; but, from several omissions, one was a third less than the other. The best contained 482 pages of 13 lines each.

This smaller work is evidently the one which Gladwin speaks of in his “ Memoirs of Jahangir.'’ He says (p. 92), “ They con- tain a minute account of the political and private conduct of his life from the commencement of his reign to the end of the twelfth year. They are universally admired for the purity, elegance, and simplicity of the style, and he appears in general

^ Usually a coQunon-place book. The word also means “ paper,” “ whiteness.”

to have exposed his own follies and weaknesses with great candour and fidelity. When he had completed the Memoirs of twelve years, he distributed several copies of them amongst his children and the principal officers of his Court. He continued these Memoirs with his own hand till the commencement of the seventeenth year of his reign, when, finding himself from ill- health unable to proceed, he from that period to the time of his death employed Mu’tamad Khan as his amanuensis. The whole of the continuation is exceedingly scarce ; the compiler of this history not having been able to procure a sight of any other copy than the one which was lent him by his friend Colonel Polier.”

It will be observed hereafter that the name of the continuator is wrongly given, and that the real Memoir is extant to the end of the eighteenth, or rather the beginning of the nineteenth year.

That Gladwin never saw the larger work is probable from the style in which he speaks of the Memoirs above, and from his extracting nothing from them after the twelfth year, as well as from the tables of routes at the end of the history, which do not extend beyond Jahangir’s arrival at Mandu, which occurred in the twelfth year of the reign, leaving out all the subsequent pro- gresses to and from Gujarat, and in Upper India and Kashmir. It is doubtful whether Colonel Polier’s copy, to which he alludes, contained the continuation ascribed to Mu’tamad Khan, or the continuation by the Emperor himself beyond the first twelve years, or merely the Memoirs of these twelve years.

It is strange that the author of the Ma-dsiru-l TJmard^ who was a man of unusually large research, quotes in his Preface the Jahangir -ndma^ written by the Emperor, “ in which he details the occurrences of twelve years of the reign,” so that he, too, could not have been in possession of a perfect copy, and we may therefore consider the Memoirs of eighteen years as a very rare work, almost unknown even in India itself. The author of the Critical Easay is among the few to whom it was known, because

he says he never saw a copy wliich extended beyond the eig'liteenth year.

Respecting this more perfect work, Jahangir himself says in the annals of the seventeenth year of his reign, “ On the 7th of the month of Xzur, the ambassadors of Shah ’Abbas, who had been deputed several times to my Court, received honorary dresses, and took their leave. Shah ’Abbas had despatched by Haidar Beg a letter to me, apologizing for his conduct in the matter of Kandahar. An account of it with the attendant cir- cumstances was entered in this Ikhdl-ndma. * * *

“As I still suffered from the weakness which had affected me during the last two years, I had neither heart nor head to think about the foul copies of my Memoirs. It was about this time that Mu’tamad Khan returned from the Dakhin and kissed the threshold. He was a faithful servant and pupil, and conducted himself to my satisfaction. He knew my disposition, and under- stood me in every respect. He was before this employed to write the occurrences {icakdi’) of my reign, and I now gave him an order to continue the Memoirs from the date up to which I had been writing, and place his narrative at the end of my foul copies {miismvicldt) . I told him to write it in the form of a diary [roziidmcha)^ and after submitting it for my corrections, it was afterwards to be copied into a book ihaydz). Moreover, at this time my mind was seriously engaged in making preparations for the expedition to Kandahar, and distracted by the anxiety I sustained upon learning the disaffection and excesses of Khurram.”

It does not appear that Mu’tamad Khan ever strictly carried into effect the wishes of his royal master ; and it is probable he never did anything more than abridge his master’s original, and after adding the concluding events, he compiled, under his own name, the work called Ikbdl-ndma^ which will shortly come under review.

Jahangir seems to have rewritten the events subsequent to the twelfth year about the same period that he left off adding to his Journal, for lie sometimes alludes to events subsequent to that of

the date of which he gives the occurrences. In the account, for instance, of the celestial phenomenon, which he records in the thirteenth year, he says the effects of it were felt for eight years subsequently.

Before concluding this notice, it may he as well to observe, that the probable reason for the rarity of this volume is to be found in the fact that, in the latter parts of it, the conduct of Shah Jahan towards his father is so severely reproved that it would not have been safe to copy the work, that it was conse- quently suppressed through fear of Shah Jahan, and that after his long reign, it became almost forgotten, till the time of Muham- mad Shah, when fortunately Muhammad Hadi undertook to edit it.

This will appear more probable, if we consider the following passage, which occurs in the seventeenth year of the reign, on the occasion of Jahangir’s march towards Thatta, to oppose his rebellious son. “ I directed that henceforward he should be called ‘Wretch,’ and whenever the word ‘Wretch’ occurs in this Ikhdl-ndma^ it is he who is intended. I can safely assert that the kindness and instruction which I have bestowed upon him no King has ever yet bestowed upon a son. The favours which my respected father showed to my brothers I have shown ever to his servants. I exalted his titles, made him lord of a standard and drum, as may be seen recorded in this Ikhdl-ndmOy and the fact cannot be concealed from the readers of it. The pen cannot describe all that I have done for him, nor can I recount my own grief, or mention the anguish and weakness which oppress me in this hot climate, which is so injurious to my health, especially during these journeys and marchings which I am obliged to make in pursuit of him who is no longer my son. Many nobles, too, who have been long disciplined under me, and would now have been available against the U^zbeks and the Kazilbashes, have, through his perfidy, met with their due punishment. May God in His mercy enable me to bear up against all these calamities ! What is most grievous for me to

bear is this, that this is the very time when my sons and nobles should have emulated each other in recovering Kandahar and Khurasan, the loss of which so deeply affects the honour of this empire, and to effect which this ‘Wretch’ is the only obstacle, so that the invasion of Kandahar is indefinitely postponed. I trust in God that I may shortly be relieved of this anxiety ! ’’

No one could well have ventured to give currency to such imprecations during the life of Shah Jahan. The same objection would not apply to the twelve-year Memoirs, because in them he is mentioned throughout in extravagant terms of laudation.

[The present autobiography is longer than the one translated by Major Price. It is a plain and apparently ingenuous record of all that its author deemed worthy of note. The volume contains a good deal of matter quite uninteresting to a European reader, such as the promotions and honours bestowed upon the Em- peror’s followers, and the presents he gave and received ; but taken as a whole, the work is very interesting, and assuming that Jahangir is mainly responsible for its authorship, it proves him to have been a man of no common ability. He records his weaknesses, and confesses his faults, with candour, and a perusal of this work alone would leave a favourable impression both of his character and talents. Like his father, he was fond of jewels, and estimated their value as a true connoisseur. He was a mighty hunter, and took pleasure in sport, even in the later years of his life. He was a lover of nature, both animate and inani- mate, and viewed it with a shrewd and observant eye. He mentions the peculiarities of many animals and birds, and shows that he watched their habits with diligence and perseverance. Trees and fruits and flowers also come under his observation, and he gives his opinions upon architecture and gardening like one who had bestowed time and thought upon them. The Extracts which follow will enable the reader to form his opinion of the work. They have been translated by various hands, some by Sir H. M. Elliot, much by his private mimshi^ some by a person whose handwriting is unknown to the Editor, some by

the Editor, and from the beginning of the fifteenth year entirely by the Editor himself. The MS. translation of several years appears to be nearly perfect, but only a small portion of it can be printed in this volume.]

Size. — Small folio, containing 659 pages, of 15 lines to a page. [The copy belonging to the Royal Asiatic Society is also a small folio of 823 pages, of 15 lines each.]

The commencement of both works is the same : —

The Dwdzda-Sdla Jahdngiri concludes at about the 150th line of the thirteenth year of the perfect Memoirs ; but as the same sentence is continued in them, it is probable that the real conclu- sion is, as one of my copies represents a few lines above, where he indulges in his complaint of the climate of Gujarat, and especially of Ahmadabad, which he said should be called Gardabad, the City of Dust ; Samumabad, the City of Pestilential Winds, and Jahannamabad, the City of Hell.

The conclusion of the larger work is as follows : —

The copy in the King of Dehli’s Library gives the answer of Ibrahim Khan as part of the autobiography. In General Smith s copy it forms part of the continuation by Muhammad Uadi.

[On Thursday, the 8th Jumada-s sani, 1014 Hijra (12th October, 1605), I ascended the throne at i^gra, in the thirty- eighth year of my age.]

[The first order which I issued was for the setting up of a Chain of Justice, so that if the officers of the Courts of Justice should fail in the investigation of the complaints of the oppressed, and in granting them redress, the injured persons might come to this chain and shake it, and so give notice of their wrongs. I ordered that the chain should be made of pure gold, and be thirty gaz long, with sixty bells upon it. The weight of it was four Hindustani mam^ equal to thirty-two mam of ’Irak. One end was firmly attached to a battlement of the fort of .^gra, the other to a stone column on the bank of the river.] ^

[I established twelve ordinances to be observed, and to be the common rule of practice throughout my dominions.

1. Prohihition of cesses {zakdt). — I forbad the levy of duties under the names of tamghd and mir-hahri^ together with the taxes of all descriptions which the jdgirddrs of every suba and sarkdr had been in the habit of exacting for their own benefit.

2. Regulation about highway robbery and theft. — In those roads which were the scenes of robbery and theft, and in those portions of road which were far from habitations, the jdgirddrs of the neighbourhood were to build a sardi or a mosque, and they were to sink a well, to be the means of promoting cultiva- tion, and to induce people to settle there. If these places were

2 [Price has sermohary '' instead of mir-hahri ; but although his MS. is in- distinct, there can be no doubt that mir-hahri is the term used. His MS. reads ^'■zakdt^ mir-hahri^ and tamghd." But in all the MSS. of this version, zakdt" is part of the rubric. The words “ three sources of revenue ” which Price uses are not found in his text.]

near to khdlisa lands, the Government officials were to carry out these provisions,

3. Free inheritance of property of deceased persons, — Firstly. No one was to open the packages of merchants on the roads without their consent. Secondly. When any infidel or Musul- man died in any part of my dominions, his property and effects were to be allowed to descend by inheritance, without interference from any one. When there was no heir, then officers were to be appointed to take charge of the property, and to expend it according to the law of Islam, in building mosques and sardis, in repairing broken bridges, and in digging tanks and wells.

4. Of wine and all kinds of intoxicating liquors, — Wine, ^ and every sort of intoxicating liquor is forbidden, and must neither be made nor sold ; although I myself have been ac- customed to take wine, and from my eighteenth year to the present, which is the thirty-eighth year of my age, have regularly partaken of it. In early days, when I craved for drink, I some- times took as many as twenty cups of double -distilled liquor. In course of time it took great effect upon me, and I set about reducing the quantity. In the period of seven years I brought it down to five or six cups. My times of drinking varied. Some- times I began when two or three hours of the day remained, sometimes I took it at night and a little in the da^r. So it was until my thirtieth year, when I resolved to drink only at night, and at present I drink it only to promote digestion of my food.

5. Frohihition of the taking possession of houses^ and of cutting off the noses and ears of criminals. — No one was to take up his abode in the dwelling of another. I made an order pro- hibiting every one from cutting off the noses or ears of criminals for any offence, and I made a vow to heaven that I would never inflict this punishment on any one.

6. Prohibition of Ghasbi} — The officers of the khdlisa lands and the jdcjirddrs are not to take the lands of the rdigats by

^ Shardb^ lit. drink. Commonly used to signify wine, but spirits are included.

2 In law, taking the property of another without his consent.

force, and cultivate them on their own account. The collectors of the khdlisa lands and the jdgtrddrs are not without permission to form connexions with the people in their districts.

7. Building of hospitals and appointment of physicians to attend the sick, — Hospitals were to be built in large cities, and doctors were to be appointed to attend the sick. The expenses w^ere to be paid from the royal treasury.

8. Prohibition of the slaughter of animals on certain days. — In imitation of my honoured father, I directed that every year from the 18th of Rabi’u-1 awwal, my birthday, no animals should be slaughtered for a number of days corresponding to the years of my age. In every week, also, two days were to be exempted from slaughter : Thursday, the day of my accession, and Sunday, the birthday of my father.

9. Respect paid to the Sunday. — He (my father) used to hold Sunday blessed, and to pay it great respect, because it is dedicated to the Great Luminary, and because it is the day on which the Creation was begun. Throughout my dominions this was to be one of the days on which killing animals is interdicted.

10. General confirmation of mansahs and jag irs. — I issued a general order that the mansahs ?indjdgirs of my father’s servants should be confirmed, and afterwards I increased the old mansahs according to the merit of each individual. He who held ten was not advanced to less than twelve, and ’the augmentation was sometimes as much as from ten to thirty or forty. The allowance ijalufa) of all the ahadis was advanced from ten to fifteen, and the monthly pay of all the domestics {shdgird-pesha) was from ten to twelve or ten to twenty. The attendants upon the female apartments of my father were advanced according to their position and connexions from ten to twelve, or ten to twenty.

11. Confirmation of aima lands. — The aima and madad- mfdsli lands throughout my dominions, which are devoted to the purposes of prayer and praise, I confirmed according to the terms of the grant in the hands of each grantee. Miran, Sadr-i Jahdn^ who is of the purest race of Saiyids in Hindustan, and

held the office of Sadr in the days of my father, was directed to look after the poor every day.

12. Amnesty for all prisoners in forts and in prisons of erery kind. — All prisoners who had been long confined in forts or shut up in prisons, I ordered to be set free.]

[Gold and silver coins of various weights were struck, to each one of which I gave a distinct name. The coin of 100 tolas I called Nur-i shdhi; the 50 tolas^ Nur-i sultdni; the 20 tolas, Nur-i daulat; the 10 tolas, Nur-i harm; the 5 tolas, Nur-i mihr ; the 1 tola, Nur-i jahdni ; the J tola, Nurdni; the J tola, Raivaji. Silver coins. — I called the 100 tolas, Kauhab-i tdlif the 50 tolas, Kaukah-i haJckt; the 5 tolas, Kauhdb-i saJd; the 1 tola, Jahdngiri; the \ tola, Sultdni; the \ tola, Aishydri; the 10th of a tola, Khair-kabul. The copper coins in like manner each received a name.] _Legends on the coinsC^

Hardas Eai, who had received from my father the title of Eai Eayan, and from me that of Eaja Bikramajit (after (5ne of the most celebrated Eajas of Hindustan, the founder of an Indian Observatory), was honoured by me with marks of the highest distinction. I made him commandant of artillery, with direc- tions to keep 50,000 gunners and 3000 gun-carriages always in a state of readiness. Bikramajit was a Khatri by caste. He was in my father’s time examiner of the expenditure on the elephants, and was afterwards raised to the exalted grade of diwdn, and enrolled among the nobles of the Court. He was not desti- tute of gallantry and judgment.

As it was my intention to satisfy, as far as possible, all the old dependents of my father, I issued orders to the hakhsMs, that every one of them who wished to obtain a jdgir in his own country must apply for a grant to that effect, and that, in ac- cordance with the Institutes of Changiz, he should be rewarded with an Altamghd grant, and enjoy the same without appre-

hension of change or removal. My ancestors, whenever they wished to bestow a jdgir in proprietary right, used to stamp the grant with an Altamghd seal, which means one to which red ink is applied. I ordered that the place of the seal should be covered with gold-leaf, and then stamped with the Altamghd seal. Hence I named it Altuntamghd — that is, the gold seal.

Mirza Sultan, the favourite son of Mirza Shah Rukh, and grandson of Mirza Sulaiman, the descendant of Mirza Sultan Abu Sa’id, chief of Badakhshan, was elevated to the grade of 1000. I had asked my father to allow him to be on my estab- lishment. Hence I brought him up, and treated him as a son. Bhao Singh, the ablest son of Kaja Man Singh, was rewarded by a mansah of 1500, retaining his former office, and Zamana Beg, son of Ghayur Beg Kabuli, had gained the dignity of 500, by serving me when I was Prince as an Ahadi. He now, having received the title of Mahabat Khan and a mansah of 1500, was nominated paymaster of my household. Kaja Nar Singh Deo, one of the Bundela Kajputs, stood high in my favour. He was as brave, kind-hearted, and pure as any man of his age. I elevated him to the dignity of 3000. The cause of his elevation was the murder of Abu-1 Fazl, a descendant of one of the Shaikhs of Hindustan, distinguished for his talents and wisdom. About the close of my father’s reign, Abu-1 Fazl, wearing upon his plausible exterior tlie jewel of probity, which he sold to my father at high price, was summoned from his appointment in the Dakliin to the Koval Court. He was not my friend. He inwardly nourished evil intentions towards me, and did not scruple to speak ill of me.

The details of the murder of Shaikh Abu-1 Fazl are thus described : Certain vagabonds had caused a misunderstanding between me and my father. The bearing of the Shaikh fully convinced me that if he were allowed to arrive at Court, he would do everything in his power to augment the indignation of my father against me, and ultimately prevent my ever appearing

before him. Under this apprehension, I negociated with Nar Singh Deo. His country lay on the high road of the Shaikh from the Dakhin, and he at that period was engaged on a plundering expedition. I sent him a message, inviting him to annihilate Shaikh Abu-1 Fazl on his journey, with promises of favours and considerable rewards. Nar Singh Deo agreed to this, and God rendered his aid to the success of the enterprise. When the Shaikh passed through his territory, the Raja closed upon him and his followers. They were in a short time put to flight, and he himself murdered. His head was sent to me at Allahabad. Although my father was exasperated at this catastrophe, yet in the end I was able to visit him without any anxiety or apprehen- sion, and by degrees his sorrow wore away, and he received me with friendliness.

One day I observed to some learned Hindus that if the foundation of their religion rested upon their belief in the ten incarnate gods, it was entirely absurd ; because in this case it became necessary to admit that the Almighty, who is infinite, must be endowed with a definite breadth, length, and depth. If they meant that in these bodies the supreme light was visible, it is equally visible in all things, it is not limited to them alone ; and that if they said that these incarnate gods were the emblems of His particular attributes, it is also not admissible, for, amongst the people of all religions, there have flourished persons who per- formed miracles, and were possessed of much greater power and talents than others of their time. After a long discourse, they at last admitted that there was a God who had no corporeal form, and of whom they had no definite notion. They said that as to understand that singular and invisible Being was beyond their comprehension, they could not form any idea of Him but by the means of some natural objects, and therefore they had made these ten figures the medium of raising their minds up to

the Supreme God. I then told them that they could not attain that end by this means.

My father used to hold discourse with learned men of all persuasions, particularly with the Pandits and the intelligent persons of Hindustan. Though he was illiterate,^ yet from con- stantly conversing with learned and clever persons, his language was so polished, that no one could discover from his conversation that he was entirely uneducated. He understood even the elegancies of poetry and prose so well, that it is impossible to conceive any one more proficient. The following is a description of his person. He was of middling stature, but with a tendency to be tall, wheat-colour complexion, rather inclining to dark than fair, black eyes and eyebrows, stout body, open forehead and chest, long arms and hands. There was a fleshy wart, about the size of a small pea, on the left side of his nose, which appeared exceedingly beautiful, and which was considered very auspicious by physiognomists, who said that it was the sign of immense riches and increasing prosperity. He had a very loud voice, and a very elegant and pleasant way of speech. His manners and habits were quite different from those of other persons, and his visage was full of godly dignity.

As I had removed the practice of levying transit duties, which amounted to many hrors of rupees, throughout all the protected territories, I also extended the same indul^rence to all the commercial places on the way between Kabul and Hindustan,

“ one who can neither read nor write, an idiot.”]

2 [Jahangir counts the years of his reign by the solar reckoning, and the first year of his reign as commencing on the New Year’s Day next after his accession, with the entrance of the Sun into Aries, which corresponded with the 11th Zi-1 ka’da, 1014 A.H. (10th March, 1606 a.d.).]

the transit duties of which were collected annually to the amount of one liror and twenty-three lacs of dams. The whole transit duties of both provinces, viz. Kabul and Kandahar, were paid to the public treasury, and they formed the principal part of the income of those provinces. I removed the practice alto- gether, and this contributed much to the prosperity and benefit of the people of Tran and Turan.

[In the first year after my accession Khusru, influenced by the petulance and pride which accompany youth, by his want of experience and prudence, and by the encouragement of evil com- panions, got some absurd notions into his head. In the time of my father’s illness some short-sighted men, trembling for their crimes and despairing of pardon, conceived the idea of raising him to the throne, and of placing the reins of the State in his hands. They never reflected that sovereignty and government cannot be managed and regulated by men of limited intelligence. The Supreme Dispenser of Justice gives this high mission to those whom he chooses, and it is not every one that can becomingly wear the robes of royalty.

The vain dreams of Khusru and his foolish companions could end in nothing but trouble and disgrace ; so when I obtained the sovereignty, I confined [girifta) him, and quieted my doubts and apprehensions. Still I was anxious to be kind and considerate to him, and to cure him of his ridiculous notions ; but it was all in vain. At length he concocted a scheme with his abettors, and on the night of the 20th Zi-1 hijja, he represented that he was going to visit the tomb of my father. Fifty horsemen in his interest came into the fort of Agra, and went off in that direction. A little afterwards, intelligence was brought that Khusru had

^ [This account of Khiisrh’s rehellion has been translated by the Editor. It is the Emperor’s own version of this important episode of his reign, and it will afford the means of comparing the two different versions of his Memoirs. See the account of the same transaction from the other version, supra^ p. 264.]

escaped. The Amiru-l umard having ascertained the fact, sent into my private apartments, desiring to speak with me on an urgent affair. I thought that perhaps some news had come from the Dakhin or from Gujarat. When I heard what had occurred, I said, “ What is to be done, shall I mount and pursue him, or shall I send Khurram?’' The Amiru-l umard said he would go if I would give him permission, and I said, “ Be it so.’’ He then said, “ If he will not be persuaded to return, and force becomes necessary, what am I to do?” I said, “ If he will not return to the right way without fighting, do not consider what you may do as a fault — sovereignty does not regard the relation of father and son, and it is said, a king should deem no one his relation.” After having spoken these words, and settled some other matters, I sent him off. It then came to my recollection, that Khusru had a great hatred of him. He (the Amiru-l umard) also, in consequence of the position and dignity that he holds, is envious of his peers, God forbid lest he should be malicious and destroy him ! So I sent to call him back, and I despatched Shaikh Farid Bokhari on the service, directing him to take all the mansabddrs and ahadis he could collect. I determined that I myself would start as soon as it was day. * * The news came in that Khusru was pressing forward to the Panjab, but the thought came to my mind that he might perhaps be doing this as a blind, his real intention being to go elsewhere. Baja Man Singh, who was in Bengal, was Khusru’s maternal uncle, and many thought Khusru would proceed thither. But the men who had been sent out in all directions confirmed the report of his going towards the Panjab.

Next morning I arose, and placing my reliance on God, I mounted and set off, not allowing myself to be detained by any person or anything. When I reached the tomb of my honoured father, which is about three kos distant, I offered up prayers for the aid of his protecting spirit. Mirza Hasan, son of Shah Bukh Mirza, who had formed the design of joining Khusru, was brought in. I questioned him, but he denied the intention. I

ordered them to bind his hands, and carry him back on an elephant. This capture I took as a good omen of the blessed assistance vouchsafed to me by that departed spirit.

At mid-day, when it became hot, I rested under the shade of some trees, and I observed to Khan-i ’azam, that I had been so engrossed with this unhappy matter that I had not taken the allowance of opium I usually took in the fore-part of the day, and that no one had reminded me of it. My distress arose from the thought that my son, without any cause or reason, had become my enemy, and that if I did not exert myself to capture him, dissatisfied and turbulent men would support him, or he would of his own accord go off to the Uzbeks or Kazilbashes, and thus dishonour would fall upon my throne. Determined on the course to be pursued, after a short rest, I started from the pargana of Mathura, which is twenty kos from Agra, and after travelling two kos farther, I halted at one of the villages of that pargana^ in which there was a tank.

When Khusru arrived at Mathura, he met Hasan Beg Khan Badakhshi, who had received favours from my father, and was coming from Kabul to wait upon me. The Badaklishis are by nature quarrelsome and rebellious, and when Khusru, with his two or three hundred men, fell in with him, Khusru made him commander of his men.^ Every one whom they met on the road they plundered, and took frum him his horse or goods. Merchants and travellers were pillaged, and wherever these insurgents went, there was no security for the women and children. Khusru saw with his own eyes that a cultivated country was being wasted and oppressed, and their atrocities made people feel that death was a thousand times preferable. The poor people had no resource but to join them. If fortune had been at all friendly to him, he would have been overwhelmed with shame and repentance, and would have come to me without the least apprehension. It is well known how I pardoned his offences, and with what great kindness and gentleness I treated him, so as to leave no ground ^ A very involved and obscure passage.

for suspicion in his breast. When, during the days of my father, he was incited by designing men to entertain improper aspira- tions, he knew that the fact had been communicated to me, hut he showed no trust in my kindness.

His mother even, in the days when I was a prince, being grieved by his very unseemly acts, and by the unkindness of her younger brother Madhu Singh, took poison and died.^ How can I describe her excellences and o^ood nature ! She had an

excellent understanding, and her affection for me was such that she would have given a thousand sons or brothers as a ransom for one hair of mine. She frequently wrote to Khusru, and urged upon him the proofs of my kindness and affection, but it was all without effect ; and when she found that there was no knowing to what lengths he would go, her Eajput pride was wounded, and she set her heart upon death. From time to time her mind wandered, and her father and brothers all agreed in telling me she was insane. After a time she appeared to recover, but on the 26th Zi-1 hijja, 1013 h., when I had gone out hunting, she, in a state of aberration, took an excessive quantity of opium, and died soon afterwards, hoping that her fate would bring her undutiful son to contrition. She was my first bride, and I was married to her in youth. After the birth of Khusru, I gave her the title of Shah Befjam. Unable to endure the ill-conduct of her son and brothers towards me, she gave up her life, and so relieved herself from vexation and sorrow. Her death took . such an effect upon me that I did not care to live, and had no pleasure in life. For four nights and days, that is for thirty-two watches, in the depth of distress and sorrow, I did not care to eat or drink. When my father heard of my state, in his extreme kindness and affection, he sent me a robe and the turban which he had worn upon his own head. This great favour fell like water on the flaming fire of my affliction, and gave me relief and comfort. But the recital of all this had no effect upon Khusru. By his wicked and unfilial conduct he had caused the death of

his mother, and for no reason, but from mere freak and vicious fancy, he had broken out in rebellion against me, and thrown off all duty and obedience. It was necessary to punish his evil con- duct, and at last he carried matters to such a length that he was placed in confinement.

On the 2nd Zi-1 hijja I halted at Hindal, and sent Shaikh Farid Bokhari with some men in pursuit of Khusru, and I gave him the command of the advance force. I sent Dost Muhammad to take care of ^gra, and of the palaces and treasure. When I departed from i^gra, I left that city in charge of ’Itimadu-d daula and Waziru-1 Mulk. I now told Dost Muhammad that as I was going to the Panjab, and that province was under the dhvdni of ’Itimadu-d daula, he was to send the latter to me, and that he was to seize and keep in confinement the sons of Mirz4 Muhammad Hakim, who were in Agra ; for if my own son could act in the way he had done, what might I expect from my uncle’s sons ? After the departure of Dost Muhammad, Mu’izzu-1 Mulk became bakhsM.

I halted at Palol and Faridabad, and on the 18th reached Dehli. There I visited the tomb of my grandfather Humayun, and distributed alms to the poor. Then I went to the tomb of Nizamu-d din Auliya, and there also I had my bounty dispensed among the poor and needy. On the 14th Ramazan, I halted at the sardi of Narila. Khusru had set fire to this sardi, and then passed on. * * On the 16th I halted in pargana of Panipai, a place which had always been a fortunate one for my ancestors, and where two important victories had been won by them : one, the victory gained by Babar over Ibrahim Lodi ; the other, the victory over Himu by my honoured father. When Khusru left Dehli and got to Panipat, it happened that Dilawar Khan had reached that place. The Khan received a short warning of his approach, and immediately sent his sons over the Jumna, while he pressed forward to throw himself into the fortress of Lahore before Khusru could arrive there. About the same time, ’Abdu-r Kahim arrived from Lahore at the same place. Dilawar Kh4n

advised him to send his sons over the river in the company of Dilawar’s own sons, and himself to await my arrival. He was alarmed and timid ; he could not resolve upon this course : but he delayed till Khusru arrived, and then he waited upon him and joined him.

Dilawar Khan bravely pushed on towards Lahore. On his way he informed every Government servant, and every krori merchant or other traveller he met, of the rebellion of Khusru. Some he took with him, and some he warned to keep out of the way. After this the people were saved from the violence of the rebels. It seems ver}^ probable that, if Saiyid Kamal in Dehli, and Dilawar Khan at Panipat, had shown any vigour, and had thrown themselves in the way of Khusru, the disorderly party which accompanied him would have been unable to make any resistance, and would have broken up, when Khusru would have been taken prisoner. Their courage did not serve them on this occasion, but both of them made up for the deficiency afterwards.

Dilawar Khan, by rapid marching, reached Lahore before Khusru, and exerted himself to put the fortress in a state of defence to repel the rebel. Kamal also had done his best to stop the rebel, as will be noticed in its proper place. On the 18th Zi-1 hijja I reached Karnal, where I halted. * * On the 19th I stopped at Shahabad, where there was great scarcity of water ; but a heavy rain now fell, and gladdened every one. * * At Aloda I sent Abu-1 Bani Uzbek with fifty-seven mansahddrs to the support of Shaikh Farid, and I also sent by them 40,000 rupees for expenses. Seven thousand were given to Jamil Beg, to pay arrears, and I also gave 18,000 to Mir Sharif Amali.

On the 24th Zi-1 hijja five of Khusru’s followers were captured and brought in. Two of them who had entered into his service I ordered to be cast before elephants ; the other three denied having undertaken to serve him, and they were placed under restraint till the truth could be ascertained. * * On the 24th Farwardin, a messenger arrived from Dilawar Khan to inform me that Khusru was threatening Lahore, and to warn me to be

cautious. On that same day the gates of Lahore were closed and secured, and two days afterwards Dilawar Khan entered the fortress with a few men. He immediately began to strengthen the place, repairing damages, mounting guns on the ramparts, and making all preparations for a siege. There was but a small force of troops in the place, but they were earnest, and had been appointed to their respective posts. The men of the city also were loyal and zealous.

Two days afterwards, when the preparations were complete, Khusru arrived before the city, and commenced operations. He directed his followers to burn one of the gates in any way they could, and he promised them that after the capture of the fortress the place should be given up to plunder for seven days, and that the women and children should be their prisoners. The desperate villains set fire to one of the gates, but Dilawar Khan and the other ofiicers inside the walls raised up another barrier ^ at the gate. Sa’id Khan, who was encamped on the Chinab, being in- formed of these movements, marched rapidly to Lahore. On reaching the river Ravi, he informed the garrison of his presence, and requested them to find a means of bringing him into the fortress. They sent twenty boats, and brought him and some of his followers in.

On the ninth day of the siege Khusru was informed of the ap- proach of the Imperial army in pursuit of him and his adherents. Having no resource, he deemed it desirable to encounter the royal forces. Lahore is one of the largest cities in Hindustan, and in the course of six or seven days a great number of men had been got together. I had been well informed that 10,000 or 12,000 men were ready to march away from Lahore, and to make a night attack on the van of my army. This intelligence reached me on the night of the 16th, in the garden of i^gha Kuli. On the night of the 20th, although it was raining heavily, I marched, and on the following morning reached Sultanpur. I remained

1 [A doubtful word. Two MSS. have another ^ fourth

there till mid-day, and just at that time a great action began between the royal army and the rebels. Muhzzu-1 Mulk had just brought me some food, and I w^as about to enjoy myself, when the news of the battle reached me. Directly I heard it, although I had a very good appetite, I merely swallowed a mouthful for good luck, and then mounted. Aware of the small- ness of the force engaged, and anxious to bring up my men, I determined to press on with all speed night and day. I called for my great coat, but nobody brought it, and the only arms I had were a javelin and sword. Confiding myself to the favour of God, I started without hesitation. At first my escort did not exceed fifty horse, and no one knew that a battle was on that day imminent. At the bridge of Govindwal my men numbered four or five hundred, good and bad. After crossing the bridge, intelligence of victory reached me. The man who brought it was an officer of the wardrobe named Shamshir, and to him I gave the title of Khush-khabr Khan. Mir Jamalu-d din, whom I had before sent to warn Khusru, arrived just at the same time, and he spoke so much about the numbers and strength of Khusru, that my men were frightened, until the news of victory was con- firmed by successive messengers. This Saiyid was a simple fellow. He would not believe the report, but expressed his incredulity that an army such as he had seen could have been vanquished by so small and unprepared a force as that of Shaikh Farid. But when the litter of Khusru was brought in attended by two eunuchs, he then believed, and alighting from his horse, he placed his head at my feet, and offered his congratulations.

Shaikh Farid had acted in this battle with the greatest zeal and fidelity. He placed the Saiyids of Barha, the heroes of the age, in the advance, and they fought most bravely. Saif Khan, son of Saiyid Mahmud Khan, the chief of the tribe, greatly distinguished himself, and received eighteen wounds. Saiyid Jalal, another of the tribe, received an arrow in the head, and died in a few days. The Saiyids of Barha in this action did not exceed fifty or sixty in number. These Saiyids repulsed

the attack of 1000 horse and 500 Badakhshis, and were cut to pieces. Saijid Kamal, with his brothers, was sent to support the advanced force, and he attacked the enemy vigorously in flank. The right wing, shouting, “ Long live the King ! ” bore down, and the enemy, stricken with panic, broke and fled in all directions. Nearly 400 of the enemy were killed, and Khusru’s chest of jewels and trinkets, which he always carried with him, was captured. * *

I placed Mahabat Khan and ’Ali Beg Akbarshahi in com- mand of a force to pursue Khusru wherever he should go. I also determined that if he went to Kabul, I would follow him, and not return till I had got him into my hands. If he should not stay in Kabul, but go off to Badakhshan and those parts, I would leave Mahabat Khan in Kabul, and follow him thither, lest he might ally himself to the Uzbeks, and bring disgrace to my throne. * *

On the 28th my camp rested at Jahan, seven kos from Lahore. On that day Khusru came with a few followers to the banks of the Chinab. After his defeat, the opinions of those who escaped with him differed. The Afghans and the Hindustanis, who were mostly his oldest adherents, wished to turn back to Hindustan, and there raise disturbances. Husain Beg, whose wives and children and treasure were in the direction of Kabul, was in favour of going towards Kabul. When he resolved upon the latter course, the Afghans and Hindustanis separated from him. Upon reaching the Chinab, he wanted to cross at Shahpur, one of the regular ferries ; but as he could not get boats, he went to the ferry of Sudhara. ' There they found one boat without boatmen, and another boat made of wood and straw. Before the defeat of Khusru, an order had been issued to all the jdgirddrs^ road- keepers, and ferrymen of the Panjab, informing them of what had happened, and warning them to be careful. In consequence of this notice, the ferries and rivers were watched. Husain Beg was about to take the two boats and send Khusru over. But just at this juncture, a chaudhari of Sudhara came up, and saw

that a party of men were going to cross over the river by night. He expostulated with the boatmen of the wood and straw boat, and told them that the Emperor’s order was, that no boat should pass over by night. The contention and noise brought a number of men together, and the boat was taken away from the boatmen, and no one would convey them over. Abu-1 Kasim Khau, who had charge of the ferry at Gujarat, when he was informed that a party of men w’anted to cross the Chinab, proceeded to the place with his sons and some horsemen. Husain Be" * * "ot four

boats, and attempted to cross ; but the last one stuck on a sand- bank. At daybreak Abu-1 Kasim and Khwaja Khizr, who was director of the boatmen, assembled a party and secured the western bank of the river. The eastern bank was occupied by the zdminddrs. A force which I had sent under Sa’id Khan now came up at a most opportune time, and assisted to capture Khusru. On the 29th of the month, men riding on elephants and in boats secured him. Next day I heard of his capture, and I immediately sent the Amiru-l umard to bring Khusru to my presence. In matters of Government and State it frequently happens that one has to act upon one’s own judgment. Of the councils I have held, there are two which are remarkable. First, when, in opposition to the counsel of all my friends, I left Allah- abad, and went to wait upon my father, through which I obtained his pardon, and became King. Second, when I resolved instantly to pursue Khusru, and not to rest till I had taken him. * * On the Srd of Muharram, 1015 a.h., Khusru was brought into my presence in the garden of Mirza Kamran, with his hands bound and a chain on his leg, and he was led up from the left side, according to the rule of Changiz Khan. Husain Beg was on his right, and ’Abdu-1 ’Aziz on his left ; he stood between them, trembling and weeping. Husain Beg, suspecting that they would make a scape-goat of him, began to speak sorrowfully, but they did not allow him to continue. I gave Khusru into custody, and I ordered these two villains to be inclosed in the skins of a cow and an ass, and to be placed on asses, face to the tail, and

so to be paraded round the city. As the shin of a cow dries quicker than the skin of an ass, Husain Beg lived only to the fourth watch, and then died. ’Abdu-1 ’Aziz, who was in the ass’s skin, and had moisture conveyed to hiin,^ survived.

From the last day of Zi-1 hijja till the 9th Muharram, in consequence of bad weather, I remained in the garden of Mirza Kamran. I attributed the success gained in this expedi- tion to Shaikh Farid, and I dignified him with the title of Murtaza Khan. To strengthen and confirm my rule, I directed that a double row of stakes should be set up from the garden to the city, and that the rebel awahndhs? and others who had taken part in this revolt, should be impaled thereon, and thus receive their deserts in this most excruciating punishment. The land-holders between the Chinab and Behat who had proved their loyalty, I rewarded by giving to each one of them some lands as madad-ma! ash. * *

The disposal of Khusru still remained unsettled. As the vicinity of Agra was a hot-bed of disaffection, I was desirous that it should be cleared of dangerous persons, lest these pretensions of Khusru should be backed up and kept alive. So I directed my son Parwez to leave several sarddrs to carry on the campaign against the Rana, and to proceed himself with Asaf Khan and 200 others to Agra, and there to undertake the control and pro- tection of the city. But before they arrived there, Khusru'’s attempt had been crushed to the satisfaction of my friends, so I directed Parwez to come and meet me. On the 9th Muharram I entered Lahore. My friends and well-wishers advised me to return to Agra, because Gujarat, the Dakhin, and Bengal were all in a disordered state. But this advice did not approve itself to me, because I had learnt from the letters of Shah Beg Khan,

^ [“ In the excess of his impudence he drew a dog’s skin over his face {i.e. he acted like a dog), and as he was led through the streets and bazars, he ate cucumbers and anything else containing moisture that fell into his hands. He survived the day and night. Next day the order was given for taking him out of the skin. There were many maggots in his skin, but he survived it all.” — Ikhdl-ndma.'\

the ruler of Kandahar, sundry facts all tending to show that the amirs of the frontier of the Kazilbashes had designs upon Kandahar. * * Intelligence reached me at Lahore, that the Kazilbashes had inclosed the fort of Kandahar on three sides, and it was evident that further delay would be dangerous ; so I sent a force thither under the command of Ghazi Beg Khan and * * *. With a view to prevent the threatened danger, I deter- mined to proceed to Kabul, and to postpone my proposed excursion round about Lahore.]

[The second new year of my auspicious reign began on the 22nd Zi-1 ka’da, 1015 a.h. (10th March, 1603 a.d.).]

On the 7th of Zi-1 hijja, at a prosperous hour, I left the fort of Lahore, and crossing the Eavi, alighted at the garden of Dil- amez, and stopped there for four days. I passed Sunday, the 19th of Farwardin, which was the day of the Sun’s entry into Aries, in that garden. Some of my servants were favoured with promotion. Ten thousand rupees in cash were given to Husain Beg, the ambassador of the ruler of Tran. I left Kalij Khan, Miran Sadr-jahan, and Mir Sharif Ymali at Lahore, and autho- rized them to conduct all transactions in concert with each other.

On Monday I marched from the garden to the village called Haripur, three and a half 'kos from the city. On Tuesday, my flags waved in Jahangirpur, which was a hunting-ground of mine. Kear this village a minaret was raised by my orders over ati antelope of mine, called ^‘Raj,” which was not only the best fighter in my possession, but was the best decoy for wild ones. Mulla Muhammad Husain of Kashmir, who in caligraphy ex- celled all persons of his profession, had engraved the following words on a piece of stone : “ In this delightful spot an antelope was caught by the Emperor Nuru-d din Muhammad Jahangir,

whicli in the space of a month became entirely tame, and was considered the best of all the royal antelopes/’ Out of regard to this animal I ordered that no one should hunt antelopes in this forest, and that their flesh should be considered as unlawful as that of a cow to the infldel Hindus, and as that of a hog to the Musulmans. The stone of its tomb was carved into the shape of a deer. I ordered Sikandar Mai, ih.Q jdgirddr of i\iQ pargana, to erect a fort in Jahangirpur.

On Thursday, the 14th, we encamped in the pargana of Chand- wala, and, after one intervening stage, arrived on Saturday at Hafizabad, and put up in the buildings erected under the super- intendence of Mir Kiranu-d din, who held the office of krori at that station. In two marches more I reached the banks of the Chinab.

On Thursday, the 21st Zi-1 hijja, I crossed the river over a bridge of boats, and pitched my tents in i\Q pargana of Gujarat. When the Emperor Akbar was proceeding to Kashmir, he built a fort on the other side of the river, and made the Gujars, who had been hitherto devoted to plunder, dwell there. The place was consequently named Gujarat, and formed into a separate pargana. The Gujars live chiefly upon milk and curds, and seldom cultivate land.

On Friday we arrived at Khawaspur, flve kos from Gujarat, which was peopled by Khawas Khan, a servant of Sher Khan Pathan. Beyond it, after two marches, we reached the banks of the Behat, and pitched our tents there. In the night a very strong wind blew, dark clouds obscured the sky, and it rained so heavily that even the oldest persons had never seen such rain within tlieir memory. The rain ended with showers of hail- stones, which were as large as hens’ eggs. The torrent of water and tlie wind combined broke the bridge. I with my ladies crossed the river in a boat, and as there were but very few boats for the other men to embark on, I ordered that they sliould wait till the bridge was repaired, which was accomplished in a week, when the whole camp crossed the river without any trouble.

The source of the river Behat is a fountain in Kashmir, called Yirnag. The name signifies in the Hindi language a snake, and it appears tliat at one time a very large snake haunted the spot. I visited this source twice during the life- time of my father. It is about twenty kos from the city of Kashmir. The spring rises in a basin, of an octangular form, about twenty yards in length, by twenty in breadth. The vestiges of the abodes of devotees, numerous chambers made of stone, and caves, are in the neighbourhood. Its water is so clear that although its depth is said to be beyond estimation, yet if a poppy-seed be thrown in, it will be visible till it reaches the bottom. There are very fine fish in it. As I was told that the fountain was unfathomably deep, I ordered a stone to be tied to the end of a rope and thrown into it, and thus it was found that its depth did not exceed the height of a man and a half. After my accession, I ordered its sides to be paved with stones, a garden to be made round it, and the stream which flowed from it to be similarly decorated on both sides. Such elegant chambers and edifices were raised on each side of the basin, that there is scarcely any- thing to equal it throughout the inhabited world. ^ The river expands much when it reaches near the village of Pampur, which is ten kos from the city.

All the saffron of Kashmir is the product of this village. Perhaps there is no other place in the world where saffron is so abundantly produced : the quantity annually yielded there being 500 maunds of Hindustan, or 4000 maunds of Kabul {wildyat). I visited this place once with my father in the season in which the plant blossoms. In all other trees we see they first get the branches, then the leaves, and after all the flower. But it is otherwise with this plant. It blossoms when it is only about two inches high from the ground. Its flower is of a bluish colour, having four leaves and four threads of orange colour, like those of safflower, in length equal

^ Compare Forster’s Journal^ vol. ii. p. 4 ; Von Hugel’s Kaschmir, vol. i. p. 291 ; Vigne’s Kashmir, vol. i. p. 333 ; Moorcroft’s Travels, vol. ii. p. 250.

to one joint of the finger. The fields of saffron are sometimes a hos^ sometimes half a Iws in length, and they look very beau- tiful at a distance. In the season when it is collected, it has such a strong smell that people get headache from it. Although I had taken a glass of wine, yet I was also affected by it. I asked the Kashmirians, who were employed in collecting it, whether it took any effect upon them, and was surprised by the reply, which was, “ they did not know even what the headache was.’^

The stream that flows from the fountain of Yirnag is called Behat in Kashmir, and becomes a large river, when it is joined by many other smaller ones on both sides. It runs through the city. In some places its breadth does not exceed the reach of an arrow shot from a bow. Nobody drinks its w^ater, because it is very dirty and unwholesome. All people drink from a tank called Dal, which is near the city. The river Behat, after falling into this tank, takes its course through Barah-Mulah, Pakali, and Damtaur, and then enters the Panjab. There are many rivulets and fountains in Kashmir, but Darah- lar, which joins the Behat at the village of Shahabu-d dinpur, is the best of all the streams.

This village is one of the most famous places in Kashmir ; and in it, in a piece of verdant land, there are nearly a hundred handsome plane trees, the branches of which inter- lace and afford a deep and extensive shade. The surface of the land is so covered with green that it requires no carpet to be spread on it. The village was founded by Sultan Zainu-1 ’Abidin, who ruled firmly over Kashmir for fifty-two years. He is called there Baroshah, or the Great King. He is said to have performed many miracles. The remains of his many buildings are still to be seen there ; and among these there is a building called Barin^ Lanka, which he built with great difficulty in the middle of the lake called Ulur (Wulur), about

^ [The Tabakdt-i Akbari calls it Zain-lanka. Supra, Vol. V. p. 465.J

three or four in circumference. This lake is exceedingly deep. To form the foundation of the building, boat-loads of stone were thrown into the lake ; but as this proved of no use, some thousands of boats laden with stones were sunk, and so with great labour a foundation of a hundred yards square was raised above the water, and smoothed. On one side of it were erected a palace and a place for the worship of God, than which no finer buildings can anywhere be found. Generally he used to come to this place in a boat, and devoted his time there to the worship of Almighty God. It is said that he passed many periods of forty days in this place.

One day one of his sons came into the sacred place, with a drawn sword in his hand, with the intention of killing him. But as soon as his eye fell upon him, the natural affection of the son and the royal dignity of the parent struck him with dismay, and diverted him from his purpose. After a short time the King came out, and having embarked in the same boat with his son, returned towards the city. Midway he told his son that he had left behind him his rosary, and asked him to return in a skiff and bring it to him. When the Prince went back to the building, he was amazed to find the King also there. He was exceedingly sorry for what he had done, and imme- diately fell at his feet, soliciting forgiveness for his conduct.

The King is said to have performed many such miracles, and that he could assume any form he liked. Eeflecting on the habits and manners of his sons, and knowing that they were very impatient and anxious to ascend the throne, he told them that with him it was easy to resign the crown and to die, but that they could do nothing after him, for their government would not last long, and but few days would elapse before they would see the reward of their conduct. Having said this, he left off eating and drinking, and passed forty days in the same manner. He did not even doze during this interval of time, but like a great saint he directed his whole attention to the worship of the Omnipotent God. On the fortieth day he delivered his

soul to the angel of death, and met with the mercy of his Maker.

He left three sons, viz. i^dam Khan, Haji Khan, and Bahram Khan. They quarrelled among themselves, and at last lost the dominions of tlieir father. The sovereignty of Kashmir fell into the hands of a class called Chaks, who were formerly but common soldiers. Three rulers of this tribe constructed three buildings on the remaining three faces of the foundation which was laid by Zainu-1 ’i^bidin in the lake of Ulur, but none of them is so substantial as the first one built by that King.

Kashmir is a delightful country in the seasons of autumn and spring. I visited it in the former season, and found it even more charming than I had anticipated. I never was there in spring, but I hope some time or other to be there during that season.

^On Saturday, the Jst of Muharram, I marched from the bank of the Behat to Bohtas, with one stage intervening. The fort of Bohtas is one of the buildings of Slier Khan Afghan, and is constructed amongst the ravines, where it was scarcely conceiv- able that so strong a position could have been obtained. As this tract is near the country of the Gakkhurs, a troublesome and turbulent race, it came into his head to build this fort for the purpose of overawing and controlling them. Slier Khan died when onl}^ a portion of the work was done, but it was comple6ed by his son Salim Khan. Over one of the doors the cost of the fort is engraven on a stone, which is set in the wall. The amount is 16,10,00,000 dams and something more, which is

34.25.000 rupees of Hindustan,^ 120,000 tumdns of Tran, or

On Tuesday, the 4th, I marched four kos and three-quarters to Tillah,3 which means “a hill’’ in the Gakkhur language.

2 It is worth bearing this comparatively moderate estimate in mind, for our modern travellers rarely place it under 100,00,000, and one has it as high as 500,00,000 rupees.

3 The original reads li’dah, hut Tillah must he meant, which hears the meaning ascribed, and though the lofty Tillah cannot itself be meant, yet the halting ground is sufficiently close to utlmit of its deriving its name from that conspicuous hill.

From that place I marched to the village of Bhakra,^ which in the language of the same people is the name of a shrub with wdiite flowers without any odour. From Tillah to Bhakra I marched the whole way through the bed of a river, ^ in which w'ater w^as then flowing, and the oleander bushes were in full bloom, and of exquisite colour, like peach blossoms. In Hin- dustan this evergreen is always in flower. There were very many growing at the sides of this stream, and I ordered my personal attendants, both horse and foot, to bind bunches of the flow^ers in their turbans, and I directed that the turbans of those who would not decorate themselves in this fashion should be taken off their heads. I thus got up a beautiful garden.

On Thursday, the 6th, Hatya^ was the encamping ground. On this march a great many Palas^ shrubs w^ere found in blossom. This shrub is also peculiar to the jungles of Hin- dustan. It has no fragrance in its flowers, which are of a fiery orange colour. The trunk is black. The flowers are the size of a red rose, or even bigger. It was such a sight that it was im- possible to take one"’s eyes off it. As the air was very charming, and as, in consequence of a veil of clouds obscuring the light of the sun, there was a slight shower, I indulged myself in drinking wine. In short, I enjoyed myself amazingly on this march.

^ This is now called Bakrala, correctly Bekkr^a. The local name for this flower is Phakra, elsewhere it is ordinarily called Haft-chingara. It is not more common at Bakrala than elsewhere in the neighbourhood, and I could get no one to acknow- ledge that this was, or could be, the origin of the name ; so I suspect that the royal autobiographer has been deceived by his informants.

2 This is the Kahan, a troublesome stream, full of quicksands.

2 This is a few miles beyond the usual encamping ground at present, which is Dhamak, a most impracticable name of which to obtain the true pronunciation. In the village and by tbe same men I have heard it variously given as Damak, Dhamak, Damihak, Tara’ak, Taraiak, Tamihak, the d and t being convertible in these parts, as “ an^a ” for “ an«?a,” an egg. It was here that Shahabu-d din Ghori was assassi- nated, and in the lines which record the dates of his death, given in the Lubbu-t Tawdrikh, the place is called Darayek. One of our road books (in the Bengal and Agra Guide) renders the confusion worse confounded, by attempting to be specific, and recording it as “ Tamako, near Dharaack.” Dhamak appears the most correct. The zaminddrs are of the Aw^n tribe.

• Generally called “ Dhak,” Butea frondosa.

This place is called Hatja because it was founded by a Gakkhur named Hati. The country from Margalla to Hatya is called Pothuward Within this tract there are but few crows to be found. Between Kohtas and Hatya is the country of the Bugyals,^ who are of the same stock, and connected with the Gakkhurs.

On Friday I marched four kos and three-quarters to Pakka, so called because it has a sardi built of baked bricks ; and Pakka in the Hindi language means “ baked.’’ There was nothing but dust on the road ; and in consequence of the annoyances I ex- perienced, I found it a very troublesome march. In this place most of the sorrel brought from Kabul got injured.

On Saturday, the 8th, I marched four and a half kos to a place called Khar, which means broken ground” in the Gakkhur language.^ This country is very bare of trees.^

On Sunday I pitched my camp on the other side of Bawal Pindi, so called because it was founded by a Hindu named Bawal, and Pindi ^ in that language means ‘^a village.” Near tliis place there is a stream of flowing water in a ravine, which

^ It is so called now, or rather Pathwar, but the pronunciation is not distinct, Various origins are ascribed to the name, none of them satisfactory. One is, that Phutwar is the proper name, on account of the mixed tribes which this table-land contains, in consequence of the frequent depopulation it has undergone. Another, that when it was under Kashmir, the collections used to be carried there in bags, called pithu. Another, because the land is patwdr, or level between the hills which form its boundaries. There are tracts in India, as those under the Sindian and Sulaimhni Hills, called P&t, for this reason ; but the ground here can only be called level by comparison, for it is intersected by ravines in every direction, and this very fact is assigned as another origin of the name, the soil being phutwar, or broken. As this is conspicuously the case all the way from Dhamak to Margalla, I am disposed to look on this as the most probable origin, though the present pro- nunciation omits the aspirate with the p.

2 This tract is now called Bugyal from the Gakkhur tribe of that name, descendants of Sultan Buga.

^ Spelt “ Kor ” in the original, but Khor must he meant, as it bears the meaning ascribed to it in the text, though there is no village of that name. The present encamping ground is Manikyala, where is the celebrated Buddhist tope, of which it is surprising that Jahangir makes no mention.

• A later traveller, speaking of this country, says truly, “ I never passed through a country so devoid of any pretension to beauty.” — Baron Hilgel’s Travels, p. 238.

5 It can scarcely he called Hindi. It prevails throughout the Punjab, but is unknown to the east of the Jumna.

empties itself into a tank. As the place was not destitute of charms, I remained there for a short time. I asked the Gakkhurs what the depth of the water was. They gave no specific answer, and added, “ We have heard from our fathers that there are alligators in this water, which wound and kill every animal that goes into it, and on this account no one dares enter it.” I ordered a sheep to be thrown into the water, which swam round the wliole tank, and came out safe. After that I ordered a swimmer to go in, and he also emerged safe. It was therefore evident that there was no foundation for what the Gakkhurs asserted. The breadth of this water is about a bow- shot.

On Monday I encamped at Kharbuza. The Gakkhurs in former days erected a domed structure here, in which they used to collect tolls from travellers. As the dome is in shape like a melon, it was called Kharbuza.

On Tuesday, the 11th, the camp moved to Kala-pani, which means in Hindi “ black water.” On this march there occurs a hill called Margalla.^ ilfdr, in Hindi, signifies “to rob on the liighway,” and galla^ “ a caravan,*” — that is, it is a place where caravans are plundered. Up to this extends the boundary of the country of the Gakkhurs. These fellows are strange animals, always squabbling and fighting with one another. I did all I could to effect a reconciliation, but without effect. “ The life of fools is held very cheap in troublous times.”

On Wednesday, our encamping ground was Baba Hasan Abdal. About a kos to the east of this place there is a cascade, over which the water flows with great rapidity. On the whole road to Kabul there is no stream like this, but on the road to Kashmir thence are two or three of the same kind. Baja Man Singh raised a small edifice in the middle of the basin whence the water flows. There are several fish in it, of half or a quarter

^ The road has been improved since this Emperor’s time. There is a substantial -stone pavement through the pass, which from a Persian inscription on a rock appears to have been erected in a.h. 1084, by “the strong-handed Khan Mahabat Shikoh.”

of a yard long. I stayed three days at this charming spot, and drank wine with my intimate companions. I also had some sport in the way of fishing. I had never, up to this time, thrown the 8afra net, which in Hindi they call “ Bhamcar Jdl” and is one of the commonest kind. To throw this net is a matter of some difficulty, but I tried it with my own hand, and suc- ceeded in getting twelve fish. I strung pearls in their noses, and let them go again in the water. I asked the inhabitants and people acquainted with history who Baba Hasan Abdal was, but no one could give me any specific information. The most noted spot there is where a spring issues from the foot of the hill. It is exceedingly pure and clear, and the following verse of Mir Khusru may well be applied to it. “ The water is so transparent, that a blind man in the depth of night could see the small particles of sand at the bottom.’’ Khwaja Shamsu-d din KhwM, who was for a long time the minister of my respected father, erected a small summer-house there/ and excavated a cistern into which the water of the spring flows, supplying the fields and gardens with the means of irrigation. Close to it he built a domed tomb for himself, but it was not his fate to be buried there. Hakim Abu-1 Path Cilani and his brother Hakim Humam, who were the most intimate friends of my father, and to whom he entrusted all his secrets, were buried there by his orders.^

On the 15th I encamped at Amardi, a most extraordinary green plain, in which you cannot see a mound or hillock of any kind. At this place and in the neighbourhood there are seven

^ It is probable that this is the place now occupied by Sikh Grantbis, who have set up there panja^ or hand, of Bkba N^nak, and have established the cistern as a sacred spot where they feed fat fish. Considering at what a late period this place came under the dominion of the Sikhs, it is curious that popular feeling should concur in the new belief that Babh Nanak visited the spot and performed the miracle ascribed to him, which is recorded by our modern travellers who have visited the spot.

2 There is an old tomb in this situation, now domelcss, which is no doubt the place indicated. The inhabitants say some prince is buried there, some say Ndr Jahan Begam, but she is buried not far from Jahangir, at Shahderah, in an elegant structure like a bdrddari (summer-house), now fulling rapidly to ruin.

or eight thousand houses of Khaturs and Dilazaks, who practise every kind of turbulence, oppression, and highway robbery. I gave orders that the sarkdr of Attak, as well as this tract of country, should be made over to Zafar Khan, the son of Zain Khan Koka, and I gave him directions, that before the return of the royal camp from Kabul, he should march olF the whole of the Dilazaks towards Lahore, and should seize the chiefs of the Khaturs, and keep them in prison and fetters.^

On Monday, the 17th, I encamped near the fort of Attak,^ on the banks of the river Nilab, after making one march interme- diately. At this place I promoted Mahabat Khan to the rank of 2500. This fort, which is very strong, was constructed under the direction and superintendence of Khwaja Shamsu-d din Khvvafi by order of my father. In these days the Nilab was very full, insomuch that the bridge consisted of eighteen boats, over which people passed with great ease and security. The Amiru-1 Umara w^as so weak and sick, that I left him at Attak, and as the country around Kabul was not able to subsist so large

1 His orders appear to have been faithfully executed, for there are now no Dilaz&ks here. There are some in Hazara, who caU themselves Turks. Of the Khaturs there are still several villages, such as Wake, Kate, etc., and the fertile plain of Khatur is still called after their name. They called themselves Mughals, and also say they were converted R&jputs, whose original seat was Dehli. Others say their name is owing to their being converted Khattris, others because they practise agriculture {kheti). The little information which the people of this neighbourhood can give about themselves is as remarkable now as in Jahangir’s time. Of the Dilazaks Elphinstone says ; — “ All the lower valley of the Cauhul. all the plain of Peshawer, with part of Bajour, Chush Huzaurah, and the countries east of them, as far as the Hydaspes, belonged to the Afghaun tribe of Dilazauk, which is now almost extirpated. The country between the Dilazauks and the range of Hindoo Coosh on both sides of the Indus, formed the kingdom of Swaut, which was inhabited by a distinct nation, and ruled by Sultan Oneiss, whose ancestors had long reigned over that country. The Ghorees descended to Peshawer in the reign of Cawmraun, the son of Baubar, and with the assistance of that prince drove the Dilazauks across the Indus ; of that numerous and powerful tribe, there are now only two or three villages to the west of the Indus. There are, however, some thousand Dilazauks on the Indian side of the river.” — Kingdom of Cauhul^ vol. ii. pp. 12, 56.

2 At that period the place was called Attak Banaras, as it is now in the vicinity of the place itself. [See supra, Vol. V. p. 443.] Ban^iras is a small ruinous town, about a mile to the east of the fort, where the tomb and garden of Bair^m Beg, the guardian of Akbar, are still conspicuous.

a camp as accompanied me, I ordered the halihshis to allow no one to cross the river except my own friends and household ; the main camp being ordered to wait at Attak till my return.

On Wednesday, the 19th, I embarked with the Prince and a few attendants on a raft, and passing over the Nilab^ in safety, landed on the bank of the Kama,^ the river which flows under Jalalabad. These rafts are composed of bamboos and grass, and placed on inflated skins. Here they call them Jdl^^ and in rivers where there are many stones, they are safer than boats.^ I gave 12,000 rupees to Mir Sharif Amali and the officers who were left on duty at Lahore, to be distributed to the poor ; and orders were given to ’Abdu-r Razak M’amuri and Bihari Das, paymaster of the Ahadis, to make arrangements for supplying with every necessary the party who had been left behind with Zafar Khan.

From that ground we moved, one march intervening, to my camp near Sarai Bara. On the opposite side of the river Kama there is a fort,^ built by Zain Khan Koka, when he was ap- pointed to exterminate the Yusufzai Afghans. It is called Naushahra, and nearly 50,000 rupees were expended in its con- struction. They report that His Majesty Humayun hunted wolves in these parts, and I have heard my father say, that he

^ The river is not now known by this name, since the town of Nil&b has declined, and Attak has risen. From the north-east downwards it is called Abbhsin, and from Attak to Kalabagh, the Attals. By the Hindus of that neighbourhood it is fre- quently called the Sind, under which name they read of it in their Shasters.