7. Volume 6 — part 7

2 This name is derived from a fort nearly opposite Jalalabad, at the junction of the Kuner with the river which Englishmen call the Kabul river. The Kuner is also called the K&ma ; but the lower part of the Kabul river, which Jahangir calls the Kama, is now generally known as the Lundye, or Landa. The Lundye proper rises in the Panjkora country, and flows nearly due south into the Kabul river, opposite Peshawar. Lieut. Macartney says that the stream is called the Kama from Jalalabad as far as Peshawar. — Elphinstone’s Kingdom of Caubul, vol. ii. p. 473.

• Any one who has tried these convenient floats can testify to this. In the upper rivers of the Panj^b an inverted bed is usually placed on two skins, and the float is then called Kha-ncio, “ a bed-boat.’'

5 There is now a Naushahra on either side of the river. Near the town of the Yusufzai bank the Kala-pani enters the Lundye.

had liimself attended his father two or three times on these excursions.

On Tuesday, the 25th, I moved to Sarai Daulatabad. Ahmad Beg Kabuli, the jdg'irddr of Peshawar, brought the Yusufzai and Ghorya-khail chiefs with him to pay their respects. As I was not pleased witli his services, I removed him from the government of that country, and bestowed it upon Slier Khan Afghan.

On Wednesday, the 26th, I arrived at the garden of Sardar Khan, near Peshawar. Ghorkhatri, a famous place of worship amongst the Jogis, is in this neighbourhood, and I went to see it in the possible chance of seeing some/rt/«r, from whose society I mio^ht derive advanta^je: but such a man is as rare as the Philosopher’s Stone or the’Anka; and all that I saw was a small fraternity without any knowledge of God, the sight of whom filled my heart with nothing but regret.

On Thursday Jamrud w’as our encamping ground.

On F riday we went through the Khaibar Pass, and encamped at ’Ali Masjid.^ * * *

On the same day (3rd Safar) Kalij^an, son of Baja Bikramajit, arrived from Gujarat. Many heinous deeds of villany were reported of this mean and vicious character. One among his other atrocities is that he kept a common woman of the Mu- hammadan persuasion in his house, and for fear of being dis- covered, he killed her father and mother, and buried them in his house. I ordered him to be imprisoned until the facts were ascertained. After conviction I ordered that his tongue should be cut out,^ that he should be kept in prison for life, and that he should be fed at the same mess as the dog-keepers and sweepers. * * *

1 [End of Sir H. M. Elliot’s translation. A note states that he deemed it unneces- sary to carry the translation of this itinerary further.]

2 [This excision of the tongue is not mentioned in some MSS.]

With the object of acquiring information about the history of Kabul, I used to read the WdkVdt-i Bdhari^ which, all except four parts {juziv), was written with his (Jlabar’s) own hand. To complete the work I copied these parts {ajza) myself, and at the end I added some paragraphs in the Turkish language, to show that they were written by me. Although I was brought up in ' Hindustan, yet I am not deficient in reading and writing Turki.

On the 12th I summoned Khusru to my presence, and ordered the chains to be put off from his legs, and that he should be allowed to walk in the garden of Shahr-ara, for my paternal affec- tion had not so far departed as to induce me to deprive him of this indulgence. * * * Although Khusru had been repeatedly guilty of improper actions, and was deserving of a thousand punish- ments, yet paternal affection did not allow me to take his life. To bear with such wicked proceedings was incompatible with the rules of government and policy ; yet I overlooked his offences, and he was kept in great comfort and ease. It was discovered that he had sent people to several vile and wicked characters, and by pro- mises had instigated them to raise disturbances, and to attempt my life. Some of these wretched, shortsighted people conspired together and formed the design of destroying me while engaged in hunting at Kabul and its vicinity ; but as the favour of Pro- vidence is the protector and preserver of kings, they found no opportunity to commit that crime. The day on which I halted at Surkhab, one of the conspirators hastily came to Khwaja Kuraishi, the diwdn of Prince Khurram, and said that about 500 insurgents, with Fathu-lla, son of Hakim Abu-1 Path, Nuru-d din, son of Ghiyasu-d din AH, Asaf Khan, and Sharif, son of Ftimadu-d daula, were, at the instigation of Khusru, on the watch for a suitable opportunity of making an attack upon me. The Khwaja immediately reported the matter to Khurram,

who in great perturbation instantly came and informed me. I blessed the Prince, and resolved to take measures for the appre- hension of all those imprudent persons, and for treating them with every kind of severe punishment. But again I thought that as I was now on a journey, their pursuit would cause the disturbance and dispersion of my camp, and accordingly only the , chief insurgents were captured. Fathu-lla Khan was placed in prison, in charge of some trustworthy persons, while the two other wretches, with three or four more ringleaders of those cursed revolters, were killed.

The third Nauroz after my happy accession to the throne occurred on Thursday, the 2nd of Zi-1 hijja, corresponding with the 1st of Farwardin, and the world-enlightening Sun, after leaving the sign of Pisces, entered that of Aries. The festival of Nauroz was celebrated in the village of Rankata, which is at the distance of five kos from the city of Ygra. * * *

As the magnificent sepulchre of my father was on the road, I thought that if I now went to see it, ignorant people would consider that I went to visit it only because it was on my road. I therefore determined that I would proceed direct to the city, and then, as my father, in accordance with his vow respecting my birth, had gone on foot from Ygra to i^jmir, in the same manner 1 would also walk from the city to his splendid sepulchre, a distance of two and a half kos. Would that I could have ofone this distance upon my head !

On Saturday, the 5th of the month, at noon, in an auspicious hour, I set out towards the city. As I went, I distributed about 5000 rupees to the beggars, who lined both sides of the road along the whole way, till I entered my palace within the fort. On the same day. Raja Nar Singh Deo brought to me a white leopard. Though among animals of otlier species, both quad- rupeds and birds, there may be some of white colour, distinguished

bj the name of towigliun^ yet a white leopard I had never seen up to tins time.

On Thursday, the 8th of Muharram, a.h. 1016, Jalalu-d din Mas’ud, who held the rank of 400, and was not destitute of courage, and in several actions had shown valour which was more nearly allied to rashness, expired of dysentery at the age of between fifty and sixty years. He was much addicted to opium, and took it after breaking it into small pieces like cheese. He often received it from the hands of his mother. When his illness grew worse, and symptoms of death were visible, she took a large quantity of the same opium which she used to give him, and died a few minutes after he departed this world. To this time such maternal love for a son has never been heard of. It is a custom among: the Hindus that women burn themselves alive after the death of their husbands, either through affection, or for the sake of the honour and reputation of their fathers and relations ; but a thing like this was never known to be done by any mother, whether among the Muhammadans or Hindus.

On the 15th of the same month I bestowed the finest of my horses on Haja Man Singh in consequence of the affection which I entertained for him. As I had asked Jagat Singh, the eldest son of E-aja Man Singh, for the hand of his daughter, I sent to the Raja, on the 16th, a sum of 80,000 rupees on account of one of the nuptial ceremonies, called sdchak} Mukarrab Khan sent me from the Port of Kambhait (Kambay) a piece of European tapestry, which was so beautifully made that I had never seen any work of the Faringis equal to it before.

On the 4th of Rabi’u-1 awwal, the dauMiter of Ja^-at Sing: entered my Seraglio, and the nuptial ceremonies were performed in the residence of Mariam-i Zarnan. Among other valuables which Raja Man Singh sent with her were sixty elephants.

As I was very anxious to extirpate the Rana, I determined

^ P Turk! Dictionary to mean exclusively a white hawk. It

is not found in Richardson’s Diction iry.

to send Maliabat Khan against him, and placed 12,000 horse, perfectly equipped, with some experienced officers, under his command, besides 500 Ahadis, 2000 musketeers, artillery to the number of seventy or eighty guns, and elephant and camel-swivels, and sixty elephants. I also ordered a treasure of twenty lacs of rupees to be sent with this army.

Khan-khanan, who was my preceptor, came from Burhanpur, and paid me a visit. He was so anxious to see me, that he did not know whether he came on foot or head. He threw himself in great agitation at my feet. With great kindness and favour I raised up his head with my hands, and with much affection took him in my arms and kissed his face. He presented me •with two rosaries of rubies and pearls, and several rubies and emeralds, to the value of three lacs of rupees, besides many other articles of all sorts. * * *

On the 22nd Asaf Khan presented me with a ruby seven tanks in weight, which was purchased by his brother Abu-1 Kasim in the port of Kambhait for 75,000 rupees. Its colour and form were exceedingly good, but in my opinion it was not worth more than 60,000 rupees.

On the 24th the sons of Khan-khanan, who were coming after him, also arrived and paid their respects. They presented me with 25,000 rupees. On the same da}^ the Khan also pre- sented me with ninety elephants. This day a doe was brought, which freely allowed itself to be milked, and produced four sers of milk every day. Such a doe I had never seen or heard of. There is no difference of taste between the milk of a doe and that of a cow or a female buffalo. It is said to be a remedy for asthma.

On the 1 1th Baja Man Singh, in order to make his prepara- tions for the equipment of the army of the Dakhin, whither he was ordered to proceed, asked for leave to go to Amber, his native country. I granted his request, and gave him an elephant, which was called Hushiyar Mast.

• On the 21st Khan-khanan, having undertaken to suppress all

the disturbances which had arisen in the territory of Nizamu-1 Mulk at the death of the late Emperor, wrote a document, in which he engaged that if he did not successfully perform this service within two years, he would confess himself liable to punishment, provided only that, besides the army which was already in the province, a force of 12,000 horse and a treasure of ten lacs of rupees be placed at his disposal. I ordered that he should immediately be provided with every equipment for the army, and gave him leave to proceed to his duty.

As Kishen Singh, the youngest maternal uncle of Khurram, had rendered many valuable services while with Mahabat Khan, and in the engagement with the army of the Rana had received a spear- wound in his foot, had killed twenty of the Rana’s dis- tinguished officers, and captured about 3000 men, he was now raised to the rank of 2000 personal salary, and the command of 1000 horse. * * *

On Tuesday the 17th, I went on foot to see the resplendent sepulchre of my father. If I could, I would travel this distance upon my eye-lashes or my head. My father, wlien he made a vow respecting my birth, had gone on foot from Fathpur to Ajmir on a pilgrimage to the shrine of the great Khwaja Muhnu-d din Chishtl, a space of 120 Iws^ and it would therefore be nothing very great if I were to go this short distance upon my head or eyes. When I had obtained the good fortune of visiting the tomb, and had examined the building which was erected over it, I did not find it to my liking. My intention was, that it should be so exquisite that the travellers of the world could not say they had seen one like it in any part of the inhabited earth. While the work was in progress, in consequence of the rebellious conduct of the unfortunate Khusru, I was obliged to march towards Lahore. The builders had built it accordino' to their own taste, and had altered the original design at their dis- cretion. The whole money had been thus expended, and the work had occupied three or four years. I ordered tliat clever architects, acting in concert with some intelligent persons, should

pull down the objectionable parts which I pointed out. By degrees a very large and magnificent building was raised, with a nice garden round it, entered by a lofty gate, consisting of minarets made of white stone. The total expense of this large building was reported to me to amount to 50,000 tumdns of ’Irak, and forty-five lacs of khdms of Turan.

On Sunday, the 23rd, I went to the house of Hakim ’AH, to see the reservoir, like one which was made in the time of my father in Lahore. I was accompanied by a body of attendants who had not seen it. The size of the reservoir was six yards each way, and by its side was made a chamber, which was ex- ceedingly well lighted, and which had a passage to it through the water, but not a drop could penetrate the chamber. It was so large that ten or twelve persons could sit in it. The Hakim pre- sented me there with what money and articles he could produce at the time. After seeing the chamber, and allowing all my attendants to examine it, I returned to my palace, having honoured the Hakim with the rank of 2000. * *

On the 6th of Zi-1 hijja, Mukarrib Khan sent me a picture, stating that the Portuguese believed it to be the portrait of Timur. It was represented that, at the time when Ilderim Bayazid was taken prisoner by the victorious army of that Emperor, a Christian, who was then the governor of Istambol, sent an ambassador with presents to offer terms of submission. He was accompanied by a painter, who drew a portrait of the Emperor, and on his return carried it away with him. If this had been true, in my opinion tliere could not have been a more valuable curiosity in my possession ; but as it bore no resemblance to his royal descendants, I was not at all satisfied of the truth of the statement.

[The Nauroz of the Fourth Year fell on the 14th Zi-1 hijja, 1017 (11th March, 1609).

It had now become manifest that, to secure the settlement of

the Dakhin, one of the Princes must be sent thither, and I accordingly resolved upon sending Parwezd]

[The Nau-roz of the Fifth Year fell on the 24th Zi-l hijja, 1018 (10th March, 1610).]

[On the 19th of Urdibihisht, in the fifth year of my reign, a wonderful event took place in Patna, which is the chief residence of the governor of the province of Bihar. When Afzal Khan, the governor of the province, was about to march to Gorakpur, which had been recently conferred on him mjdgir^ and which lies at about sixty kos distance from Patna, he placed the fort and the city in charge of Shaikh Banarasi and Ghiyas Zain Khani the cliwdn, and other mansahdars ; but thinking that there was no enemy in the country, he never thought of making provision for the security of the fort and city.

It happened that in his absence a turbulent and seditious person of IPch, by name Kutb, came in the habit of a fakir ^ into the territory of TJjjainiya, which lies near Patna, and having made friends with some people of notorious character, declared himself to be Khusru, and said that, having escaped from prison, he had come there ; and that those who joined and helped him should share in his success. With such false words, he assured those foolish people of the truth of his pretensions. As his eyes had been branded in days gone by, he told those people that while he was in prison hot cups had been tied over his eyes, whicli had left that mark.^ By these means he succeeded in col- lecting a number of horse and foot. As these insurgents had received intelligence of Afzal Khan’s absence from Patna, they took advantage of the opportunity, and having entered the city,

1 [Asaf Kh§iii was sent with him as his atdlik or tutor. — Ikhdl-ndma^ Ma-dsir-i Jahdngiri.']

2 [An attempt had been made to blind Khusrd. See infra ^ Extract from Intikhdb-i Jahdngir-Shdhi

made an attack upon the fort. On one occasion Shaikh Banarasi, who was in the fort, being confounded, came down to the gate ; but the enemy pushed in, and would not let him close it. Then he went with Ghiyas, and getting out of a window on the river- side, they procured a boat, and endeavoured to make their way to Afzal Khan.

The rebels, flushed with success, entered the fort, took posses- sion of all the property of Afzal Khan, and all the royal treasure. A number of the vagabonds and adventurers of the city and suburbs also joined with them. The intelligence of this outrage reached Afzal Klian in Gorakpur, and Shaikh Banarasi and Ghiyas also arrived by water. Several letters from the city stated that the pretender was only an impostor, and had falsely assumed the name of Khusru. Afzal Khan, depending upon the favour of God and the aid of my fortunate star, immediately marched against the insurgents. In five days he arrived at Patna. The enemy having left one of their leaders in the fort, marched out both horse and foot to oppose him, and took post at four kos from the city, on the river Punpun, in array of battle. The engagement began, and the insurgents, after a slight resist- ance, took to flight in consternation. A number of them fled back into the fort, but Afzal Khan pursued them so closely, that he prevented them from shutting the gate. In panic they rushed into the house of Afzal Khan, and there held out till the evening. They shot about thirty men with their arrows. The impostor at last, when his companions were going to hell, and he had become helpless, came out to the presence of Afzal Khan. The Khan, to quash the rebellion, put him to death on the same day, and sent several of his followers who had been captured into confinement. When I was informed of this outbreak, I had Shaikh Banarasi, Ghiyas Kihani, and the other officers brought to Agra. I then ordered that their heads and beards should be shaved, and that they should be dressed in sordid garments, and be paraded round the city on the backs of asses, as a punishment to them and as a warning to others.]

[On the 2nd i^ban, Khan-khanan came to present himself before me. I had received many complaints, true or untrue, about him, so I was estranged from him, and did not treat him with that kindness and attention which I had ever shown him, and which I had seen my venerable father show him. He had been sent on service to the Dakhin for a certain time, in attend- ance upon Prince Parwez, He and other amirs had started on this important duty ; but when he arrived at Burhanpur, regard- less of the time being unfavourable for operations, and the want of supplies and necessaries, he led Sultan Parwez and the army to the Balaghat. Ill-feeling and discord prevailed among the amirs^ and at length the grain was exhausted, and none was to be obtained for money. The men were reduced to distress, and there was no means of carrying the matter further. Horses, camels, and other quadrupeds sank exhausted. So he patched up a sort of peace with the enemy, and conducted Sultan Parwez and the army back to Burhanpur. This reverse and distress brought me many letters of complaint against Khan-khanan, but I did not believe all that was stated. A letter also came from Khan Jahaii, in which he said, “All the disasters have happened through the bad management of the Khan-khanan. Either confirm him in his command, or recall him to Court and appoint me to perform the service. If 30,000 horse are sent as a reinforcement, I will undertake in the course of two years to recover all the Imperial territory from the enemy, to take Kanda- har and other fortresses on the frontier, and to make Bijapur a part of the Imperial dominions. If I do not accomplish this in the period named, I will never show my face at Court again. As the relations between Khan-khanan and the other sdrdars were unsatisfactory, I did not think it right to uphold him, so I removed him, and appointed Klian Jahan to the command. * *

From the time of the conquest of Ahmadnagar by my late brother Daniyal to the present, the place had been under the command of Khwaja Beg Mirza Safawi, a relation of Shah

Talimasp of Persia ; but since their late successes, the Dakhiuis had invested the town. Every effort was made to defend the place, and Khan-khanan, and the other amirs who were with Prince Parwez at Burhanpur, marched forth to relieve it. Through the jealousies and dissensions of the leaders, and from want of supplies, the army was conducted by improper roads through mountains and difficult passes, and in a short time it was disorganized, and so much in want of food, that it was compelled to retreat. The hopes of the garrison were fixed on this force, and its retreat filled them with despair. They desired to evacuate the place. Khwaja Beg Mirza did his best to console and encourage them ; but in vain, so he capitulated on terms, and retired with his men to Burhanpur. When the despatches arrived, and I found that the Khwaja had fought bravely and done his best, T promoted him to a mansah of 5000, and gave him a suitable

[Kew Year’s Day of the sixth year fell on the 6th Muharram, 1020 (12th March, 1611).] * * *

One of the royal slaves, who was employed as an ornamental carver, presented me with a most extraordinary instance of his ingenuity. It was such a marvel as I had neither seen nor heard of before, and therefore a brief description of it will be interest- ing. He had fixed within the shell of a filbert a piece of painted ivory, which he had divided into four compartments. The first contains five individuals. Two are wrestling with each other, the third stands with a spear, the fourth bears a heavy stone, and the fifth is sitting with his hands on the ground, with a staff, a bow, and a cup before him. The second part represents a throne, on which a king sits under a magnificent canopy. One leg is crossed over the other, and he has a cushion behind his back. Five servants are in attendance round about him, and the shade of a tree spreads over the whole. The third part exhibits a party of rope-dancers. There is a long bamboo sup-

ported by three ropes. One man dances upon the rope in an extraordinary attitude. He holds his right leg at the back of his head by his left hand. There is a goat also standing on the top of a stick. The second man beats a drum which hangs round his neck, while the third person stands holding up his hands and looking at the rope. Five individuals are also stand- ing by him, one bearing a stick in his hand. The fourth part represents a large tree, under which J esus Christ is sitting. One man is bowing^ his head at the feet of J esus, while an old man is talking with him. Four other men are standing by his side. In acknowledgment of this wonderful piece of workmanship, I rewarded the artist with a handsome present and an increase of his allowances. * * *

It had repeatedly come to my hearing, that the amirs at the frontier posts were in the habit of requiring certain observances to which they had no right, paying no regard to the established rules and ordinances. Accordingly, the bakhsMs were ordered to issue farmans prohibiting them from observing in future those practices which are peculiar to emperors. 1. Not to sit at the jharoka or window.^ 2. Not to give the amirs and sarddrs serving under them the annoyance of their own chair or of requiring obeisance to the chair.^ 3. Not to have elephant fights. 4. Not to punish any person by ordering him to be blinded, or to have his nose or ears cut off. 5. Not to forcibly impose Musulman burdens {taklif-i Musulmdni) on any one.^ 6. Not to grant titles to their

^ [Not to show themselves at the window to the people, as was the practice of emperors,]

\ Ma-dsir repeats the exact words, Ikhdl-ndma substitutes

(servants of the State) for the first part of the sentence, and

leaves out the second chauTci (chair). The meaning is perhaps this: “They were not to sit in state themselves nor to require obeisance to an empty chair placed for the Emperor,”]

2 [This prohibition is not repeated either in the Ilchdl-ndma or Ma-dsir-i Jahdngiri\

servants. 7. Not to require the servants of the State to bow their bodies or to touch the ground before them.^ 8. Not to trouble the singers and musicians to give chairs after the manner of a darhar? 9. Not to have the drums beaten at the time of their going out. 10. When they presented a horse or elephant to any man, whether a public or private servant, they were not to require obeisance from him with a horse’s bridle or an ele- phant’s goad placed upon his back. 11. Not to make the royal servants to walk on foot in their retinue. 12. Not to place tlieir seals upon letters addressed to royal servants. These rules, which were promulgated under the title of A’in-i Jahdngir'i^ are now in force.

[New Year’s Day of the seventh year fell on the 17th Muharram, 1021 (12th March, 1612).]

[J ust at this time, a despatch arrived from Islam Khan, with intelligence of the defeat of the enemy, and tlie deliverance of the country of Bengal from the sway of ’Dsman the Afghan. Before entering upon this subject, a few particulars respecting Bengal may be recorded. It is an extensive country, situated in the second clime. Its length is 450 kos^ extending from Bandar Chatgam (the port of Chittagong) to Garin, and its breadth, from the northern mountains to the province of Madaran (Midnapur), is 220 Icos. Its revenue amounted to sixty krors of dams? In former times, its governors always maintained 8000 horse, one lac of foot soldiers, 1000 elephants, and 400 or 500 war boats. From the time of Sher Khan Afghan and his son Salim Khan,

^ t Ikhdl-7idma omits this interdict. The

Ma-dsir transposes the words “ chauki dddan ” and reads “ dddan-i chauki." There would seem to he some conventional meaning of the words “ taklif chauki,'" which was not generally understood even when these works were written. ]

this country had remained in the possession of the Afghans^ When my revered father mounted and adorned the throne of Hindustan, he appointed an army to subdue it. Strenuous efforts to effect its conquest were for a long time maintained, and at length it was wrested from the hands of Daud Kir an i, the last ruler of the country, who was killed, and his forces defeated and scattered by Khan Jahan.

From that time to the present the country has been governed by servants of the Empire, excepting only a remnant of Afghans who remained in the recesses and on the borders of the country. By degrees these fell into trouble and distress, and the whole country was annexed to the Imperial dominions. When I ascended the throne, in the first year of my reign, I recalled Man Singh, who had long been governor of the country, and appointed my kohaltdsh Kutbu-d din to succeed him. Soon after his arrival, he was assassinated by one of the turbulent characters of the country, who met with his reward and was killed.2 Jahangir Kuli Khan, whom I had made a commander of 5000, was governor of the province of Bihar, and was near to Bengal, so I ordered him to proceed thither and take posses- sion of the country. Islam Khan was then at Agra, and I sent a farmdn to him, granting him the province of Bihar in jdgir^ and directing him to proceed there. Jahangir Kuli Khan had not been long there when he fell ill, and died from the effects of the climate. On receiving intelligence of his death, I appointed Islam Khan to succeed him, and sent directions for him to pro- ceed thither with all speed, leaving Bihar in charge of Afzal Khan.

On my appointing him to this great service, some of my servants made remarks upon his youth and want of experience, but I perceived that he had nobility of character and talents, -so I selected him. The result has been, that he has brought the

^ [“After the death of Salim Khan, Sulaimhn Kirani ruled over it.” — Ikldl-ndma.\

2 [Sher-Afgan, first husband of Nhr Jahan. — See_ post, Extracts from the Ihbdl. ndmai\

country into a state of order, sucli as no one of his predecessors in the office had ever been able to accomplish. One of his most signal services has been the suppression of ’Usman the Afghan. During the reign of my father, the royal forces had continual encounters with this man, but were unable to subdue him.

Islam Khan took up his quarters at Dacca, to bring the zamin- ddrs of that vicinity to submission, and he formed the design of sending an army against ’Usman and his country, to induce him to make profession of allegiance, or else to exterminate him and his turbulent followers. Shuja’at Khan was at this time with Islam Khan, and he was appointed to command the force ap- pointed for this service. Several other of the servants of the State, such as ^ *, were sent with him. * * When they arrived near ’Usman’s fortress and country, some able speakers were sent to advise him to renounce his rebellious habits, and to become a good subject ; but he was too proud and ambitious. He cherished the design of subduing this country, and had other projects in his head. He would not listen to a word, but got ready for battle. He took a position in a village on the bank of a ndla^ surrounded by water and marsh. Shuja’at Khan determined to attack, and arranged his forces in their respective places. ’Usman had not intended to fight that day ; but when he heard that the Imperial forces were in motion, he mounted and rode to the bank of the ndla to arrange his men.

The battle began, and the fight waxed warm. At the very first the bold rebel, mounted on a fierce elephant, pushed forward and encountered the advanced force. After a sharp struggle, the commanders of the attacking force were killed. Iftikhar Khan, the commander of the right wing, showed no want of gallantry, and was killed fighting, while his men fought desperately till they were cut to pieces. In the left wing also Kishwar Khan fell, after performing great deeds of valour.

Although the enemy had lost many men, their intrepid leader conceived a well-devised and skilful movement.^ He knew that * [He was very fat and heavy, and rode on an elephant in a howda. — Ikbdl-ndma.']

the commanders of the advance and of the right and left wings had fallen, but that the centre remained. So, heedless of his dead and wounded, he made a fierce assault upon the centre. The sons and brothers and relatives of Shuja’at Khan, with some others, cast themselves in his way like lions and panthers, and fought desperately tooth and nail, till many of them were slain, and such as survived were severely wounded.

The leading elephant, a very fierce one, attacked Shuja’at Khan, and he wounded it with his spear, but what does such an animal care for a spear ? Shuja’at drew his sword and gave it two cuts, but what did it care for that ? He then wounded it twice with his dagger, but even then it did not turn, but sought to bear down both the Khan and his horse. As he was thrown from his horse, he shouted “Jahangir Shah!” and then sprung to his feet. One of his attendants struck the elephant on his fore-legs with a two-handed sword, and brought him to his knees. Shuja’at and his attendant then threw his driver to the ground, and with the same dagger he wounded the elephant in the trunk and forehead so that he shrieked with pain and turned back. The animal had received so many wounds, that he fell on reaching the enemy’s ranks.

Shuja’at Khan’s horse got up unhurt ; but wdiile he was mount- ing, the baffled foe drove another elephant against the standard- bearer of Shuja’at Khan, to overthrow both horse and standard. Shuja’at raised a shout of warning to the standard-bearer, and cried, “Act like a man, I am yet alive.” Every man near the standard directed his arrow, his dagger, or his sword against the elephant. Shuja’at Khan bade the standard-bearer arise, and calling for another horse, made him remount and again raise the standard.

During this struggle, a musket-ball struck the forehead of the rebel commander, but the hand which fired it was never known, though inquiry was made. As soon as he received the wound, ’Usman fell back, for he knew that it was mortal. Still for two watches and a half, in spite of his wound, he kept urging his

men on, and the fight and slaughter was continued. At length the foe gave way, and the troops pursued them to the position they had fortified. Still they kept up a discharge of arrows and muskets, and prevented the royal forces from obtaining an entrance.

When Wall the brother, and Mainrez the son, of ’Usman, and other of his friends, were informed of the severe wound he had received, they knew that he could not survive ; they also reflected that if after such a defeat they broke and made for their fast- nesses, not one of them would escape ; so they resolved to remain in their position for the night, and to escape just before break of day to their fortresses. At midnight ’Usman departed to hell, and in the following watch the enemy, carrying off his body, and leaving all their equipage standing, made off to their strongholds. Upon hearing of their flight, Shuja’at Khan proposed to pursue them, and not give them time to draw breath ; but the exhaus- tion of the troops, the burying of the dead, and the tending of the wounded, prevented him, to his great chagrin. ’Abdu-1 Islam, son of Mu’azzam Khan, now arrived with several officers, 600 horse, and 400 gunners. With these fresh troops he started in pursuit. Wall, who was now the leader of the rebels, on being informed of this, {resolved to ask for peace). Shuja’at Khan and the other officers accepted the proposition, and granted terms. Next day AVali, and the sons and relations of ’Usman, came into the Imperial camp, and presented forty-nine elephants, with other tribute. Shuja’at Khan then left some forces to watch the country held by the enemy, while he carried WaK and his Afghan prisoners to Jahangir-nagar ^Dacca), which he entered on the 6th Safar, and waited on Islam Khan. * * In reward of this service, I raised Islam Khan to the dignity of 6000, and I gave Shuja’at Khan the title of “ Eustam of the age,” with a mansab of 1000.] * * *

On the 16th of the month of Farwardin, Mukarrab Khan, one of my chief, confidential and oldest nobles, having received

the dignity of 3000, and the command of 2000 horse, gained the honour of being presented to me on his arrival from Kambay. Certain political considerations induced me to depute him to the seaport town of Goa,^ to visit the ivazir or ruler of that place. I further asked him to purchase certain articles procurable there, which might suit my taste. In obedience to orders, he set out directly for that harbour, and resided there for a long time. He did not regard the expense, but purchased several articles from the Feringis, at any price they asked. On his return, he presented the precious things he had bought in Goa. Amongst these were a few animals which excited my curiosity, and which I had never seen before. No one even knew their names.

The Emperor Babar has in his Memoirs given an able descrip- tion and pictured representation of several animals ; but it is most probable he never ordered the painters to draw them from the life. But as the animals now before me were of such exquisite rarity, I wrote a description of them, and ordered that their pictures should be drawn in the Jahangir -ndma^ with the view that their actual likenesses might afford a greater surprise to the reader than the mere description of them. One of the birds resembled a peahen, but was a little larger in size, though less than a peacock. When he was desirous of pairing, he used to spread liis tail and feathers, and danced about like a peacock. His beak and feet resembled those of a barn-door fowl. His head, neck, and throat changed their colour every minute ; but when anxious to pair, he became a perfect red, and seemed to be a beautiful piece of coral. After some time, he was as white as cotton, and sometimes he got as blue as a turquoise, and in short turned all colours like a chameleon. The piece of flesh which is attached to his head looked like the comb of a cock. But the curious part of it was this, that piece of flesh, when he was about to pair,

^ Though this is spelt Goa, or rather Goh, in the original, it is most probable that Goga is meant ; and indeed in one copy it is spelt Goda, where the d may have been inserted for g. Goa was much beyond Mukarrah Khan’s jurisdiction ; whereas Goga was in it. Goga is the seaport of Ahmadhbhd, and was at one time the chief port of the Gulf of Kambay. — See Briggs’s Cities of Gujarishtan^ p. 281,

hung down a span long, like the trunk of an elephant, and when again restored to its position, it was erected over his head to the height of two fingers, like the horn of a rhinoceros. The part round his eyes remained constantly of a blue colour, and was never subject to change, which was not the case with his wings, which were always changing their colour, contrary to those of a peacock.^ * * *

I put the tikd on the forehead of Dalpat with my Royal hands, selected him as the successor of his father, and conferred upon him the jd^zr and country of the deceased Rai Singh. A handsome ornamented inkstand and pen was this day given by rtimadu-d daula.

Lakhmi Chand, the Raja of Kamaun, one of the chief Rajas in the hills, was son of Raja Rai, who, at the time of waiting upon the late King, sent a petition, asking that the son of Raja Todar Mai might lead him to the royal presence, and his request was complied with. Lakhmi Chand now likewise begged me to order the son of ITimMu-d daula to conduct him to the Court ; and to meet his wishes, I sent Shahpur to bring him into my presence. The hill-chief had brought a great number of the valuable rarities of his mountains for my acceptance. Amongst them were beau- tiful strong ponies called Guts, several hawks and falcons, numerous pods of musk, and whole skins of the musk-deer with the musk in them. He also presented me with various swords which were called kliandah and katdra. This Raja is the richest hill-chief, and it is said that there is a gold mine in his territory.

As Khwaja Jahan had greatly distinguished himself in archi- tecture, I sent him to Lahore to build a handsome palace for me.

[Affairs in the Dakhin were in a very unsatisfactory state, in consequence of the bad generalship and want of care of Khan-i

1 This description is evidently meant for a turkey-cock — which, strange to say, is in Turkish ascribed to India, and called Hind Tdiighi. — See David’s Turkish Grammar, p. 133.

’azam, and a defeat had been suffered by ’Abdu-lla Kban. I summoned Kbwaja Abu-1 Hasan to my presence, and after inquiry, I ascertained that the disaster was attributable partly to the conceit and rashness of ’Abdu-lla Khan, and partly to discord and want of co-operation among the amirs.

’Abdu-lla Khan and the officers who had been appointed to serve under him, marched with the army of Gujarat by way of Nasik Tirbang. This force was well equipped ; its numbers were from 10,000 to 14,000, and the officers serving in it were * It had been arranged that another force should advance from the side of Birar under the command of Raja Man Singh, Khan- Jahan, Amiru-l TJmara^ and other officers. These two armies were to keep up communications, and to be informed of each other’s movements, so that they might at an appointed time close in upon the enemy. If this plan had been carried out frankly and cordially without jealousy, it is very probable that under God’s grace it would have succeeded.

’Abdu-lla Khan, having passed the Ghats, entered the country of the enemy, but made no arrangements for sending messengers to obtain intelligence of the other force, and to regulate his movements in concert, so as to place the enemy between the two armies. He trusted entirely to his own power, and thought that if he could effect the victory himself, it would be all the better. Acting upon this view, he paid no heed to Raja Man Singh when the latter wished to settle a concerted plan.

The enemy kept a sharp watch over his movements, and sent a large force of Mahrattas {bargiydn)^ who skirmished with him all day, and harassed him at night with rockets and other fiery pro- jectiles, till the main body of the enemy drew near, and he was quite unaware of their proximity, although he approached Haulat- abad, a stronghold of the Hakhinis. * * ’Ambar the black-faced, who had placed himself in command of the enemy, continually brought up reinforcements till he had assembled a large force, and he constantly annoyed ’Abdu-lla with rockets and various kinds of fiery missiles (dtash-bdzi)^ till he reduced him to a sad

condition. So, as tlie Imperial army had received no reinforce- ments, and the enemy was in great force, it was deemed expedient to retreat, and prepare for a new campaign. All the chiefs were ■unanimous in favour of this, and before dawn they began to fall back. The enemy pressed upon them to the boundaries of their own territory, but either side held its own. But a party of our force courted a serious encounter, and ’Ali Mardan Khan, after a valorous conflict, was left wounded in the hands of the enemyd * * After another day, when they reached the frontier of Baja Baharjiu, an adherent of the Imperial throne, the enemy retired, and ’Abdu-lla Khan proceeded to Gujarat. It seems clear, that if proper precautions had been taken, and the two forces had been kept in co-operation, the objects of the campaign would have been accomplished. On the retreat of ’Abdu-lla, the army, which marched by way of Birar, had no alternative but to retire ; so it retreated and joined the camp of Prince Parwez, near Burhan- pur. On receiving this information, I was greatly excited, and felt inclined to proceed thither myself to retrieve the position.' But Khwaja Abu-1 Hasan remonstrated * % and I resolved to send Khan-khanan * *.

The Dakhinis now made proposals for peace. ’Adil Khan pro- fessed amity, and promised, if the affairs of the Dakhinis were left to him, that he would restore sundry districts to the Imperial oiB&cers. I did not come to any decision on the matter, but left it to Khan-khanan.]

[The eighth New Year’s Day of my reign fell on the 26th Muharram, 1022 a.h. (8th March, 1613 a.d.).]

Journey to Ajmir and Campaign against the Rand,

[On the 2nd Sha’ban I left Agra, with the intention of paying

^ [He was carried to Daulatab§.d, and Malik ’Ambar appointed a surgeon to attend him, but be died in a few days. A saying of bis, continues the Ikbdl-ndma, has become famous. A person attending him observed, “Victory is in the hands of heaven.” He replied, “ Truly victory is with heaven, but the battle is for man.”]

a visit to Ajmir, having two objects in view. One, to pay a visit to the tomb of Khwaja Mu’inu-d din Chishti, whose blessed influence had operated so powerfully on the fortunes of my dynasty. Second, to overcome and subjugate Amar Singh, who was the greatest of the zemindars and rajas of Hindustan. All the rajas and rciis of the country have acknowledged him and his ancestors to be their chief and head. The sovereignty and government have been held by this family for a long time. For many ^^ears they held rule in the east country, and then had the title of Raja. Afterwards they fell upon the Dakhin, and brought the greater part of that country under their sway, when they took the title of Riip, “ handsome,’’ instead of that of Raja. After that they overran the mountain land of Mew at, and still advanc- ing they got possession of the fortress of Jaipur.

From that date ^ up to the present year, which is the eighth of my reign, 1471 years have passed. Twenty-six individuals ot this race have reigned over a period amounting to 1010 years, who have borne the title of Rdival. From the time of Rahab, who was the first to assume the title of Rana, to Rana Amar Singh, who is the present Rana, there have been twenty-six persons, who have reigned over a period of 461 years. During all this long period not one of them had bowed the neck in submis- sion to any King or Emperor of Hind. They were nearly always in a state of insubordination and rebellion. So, in the days of the Emperor Babar, the Rana Sanga, having assembled all the Rajas and Rais of this countrj^, with 180,000 horsemen and several hundred thousand infantry, fought a battle in the vicinity of Bayana against the victorious array of the Musulrnans, and suffered a signal defeat. The full particulars of this battle are given in that most trustworthy work, the Wdki’dt^ written by the Emperor Babar himself. My father also devoted himself with great ardour to the subjection of this unruly race. Several times he sent expeditions against them, and in the twelfth year of

^ [It does not distinctly appear what “ that date ” means. Inferentially it would seem to signify the time when the title “ Rup ” was used.]

his reign he marched in person to effect the reduction of Chitor, one of the strongest fortresses in the world, and to subdue the country of the Rana. After a siege of four months and ten days, he overpowered the men of Amar Singh’s father, took the fortress, and then returned. Repeatedly he sent armies against the Rana, and each time they pressed him so hardly that he was reduced to the brink of ruin, when something occurred to save him from destruction. Near the end of his reign, my father, having directed his own attention to the conquest of the Dakhiu, sent me with a large army and trusty leaders against the Rana. For reasons too lengthy to be here entered upon, both these enterprises failed.

When the Empire devolved upon me, as this conquest had been half effected under my leading, the first army I sent upon foreign service after my accession was this army against the Rana. My son Parwez was appointed to command, and all the resources of my government were applied to the service. Ample treasure and abundant artillery were ready to be sent off, when all was stopped by the unhappy outbreak of Khusru. I was obliged to pursue him to the Panjab, and the capital and interior of the country were denuded of troops. I was obliged to write to Parwez, directing him to return to protect A^gra and the neigh- bourhood, and to remain there ; so the campaign against the Rana was suspended. When, by the favour of God, I had quashed Khusru’s rebellion, I returned to A^gra, and I then sent Mahabat Khan, ’Abdu-lla Khan, and other amirs against the Rana; but uutil I started from Ajmir, the Imperial forces had not achieved any success of importance. There was nothing to detain me in Aigra, and I felt assured that nothing of any im- portance would be accomplished till I myself went thither.

At the time appointed, I left Agra and encamped in the garden of Dahra. The next day was the festival of the Ddsahra^ and according to rule the horses and elephants were decked out and paraded before me. The mothers ^ {todlidahd) and sisters of 1 It has already been recorded (page 294) that Khusru’s mother had poisoned herself.

Khusru represented that he was exceedingly contrite and sorry for what he had done. Having thus excited my paternal affec- tion, I called him into my presence, and arranged that he should come every day to pay his respects to me. I stayed in the garden twenty days, and on the 21st day of Mihr 1 started, having ap- pointed Khwaja Jahan to the charge of the capital, with its palaces and treasures. On the 2nd Mihr, intelligence arrived that Haja Basu had died at Shahabad, on the Bana’s frontier. On the 10th I encamped at Bup-bas, now called Amanabad. It was formerly i\Qjdgtr of Bup, but after him I gave it to Amanu-lla son of Mahabat Khan, and I ordered that it should be called by his name. It was one of my regular hunting-grounds, so I went out hunting every day. In these few days 158 deer, male and female, and other kinds of game were killed. * * On the 10th Bamazan intelligence arrived of the death of Kalij Khan, one of the oldest servants of the State, in his eightieth year. He was engaged at Peshawar in controlling the Afghans.] * * *

In this month (Azur) news arrived that the Europeans in Goa, in defiance of their engagements, had plundered four ships engaged in the foreign trade of the port of Surat ; and having made a great many Muhammadans prisoners, had at the same time taken possession of their money and goods. It gave me much displeasure. Mukarrab Khan, the governor of that harbour, received a dress of honour, besides an elephant and horse, and was commanded to proceed to put a stop to such outrages. He started on the 18th of Azur. * * *

[After visiting the tomb of the saint Muhnu-d din Ohishti, the matter of the Bana was again taken into consideration, and I now determined to stay at Ajmir, and to send my dear son Khurram on the expedition. On the 6th I gave him leave to depart, and made him many presents.^ Besides the men who had already been sent on this service under Khan-i ’azam, I now placed 12,000 horse under the command of the Prince, and after ^ [The text specifies them.]

granting presents to the officers, I despatched them. Fidai Khan was appointed BakhsM. * * Although Khan-i ’azam had requested me to send Khurram on this service, and the Prince himself treated him with much attention, he did not show a proper spirit, and acted in an unsatisfactory matter. I wrote him a very kind letter, * * but my words had no effect upon him, and he still went on in a foolish obstinate way. When Khurram found that he was not hearty in the work, he wrote to me that it was by no means desirable to keep him there, and that his relations with Khusru were the cause of his misbehaviour. So I ordered Mahabat Khan to go to U^dipur and bring him away, and I ordered Muhammad Taki Diwan to proceed to Mandisor and convey to Ajmir his children and dependents. * * On the 16th, I received a despatch from Khurram, informing me that an elephant of which the Rana was very fond, and seventeen others, had been taken. He added that their master would soon be a prisoner.]

[The New Year’s Day of the ninth year of my reign fell on a day corresponding with the 9th Safar, 1023 h. (1614 a.d.).

Mahabat Khan, who had been sent to fetch Khan-i ’azam and his son ’Abdu-lla, arrived. I consigned Khan-i ’azam to Asaf Khan, to custody at Gwalior, but to be honourably treated.

On the 18th Drdibihist, I forbad Khusru to come to my pre- sence. In consequence of my paternal affection, and the suppli- cations of his mothers and sisters, I had given orders that he should come to pay his respects to me every day. But he showed no signs of frankness of spirit, and always seemed sad and down- cast, so I forbad his coming to see me.]

[L4^r of roses, the most excellent of perfumes, was discovered in my reign. The mother of Nur Jahan Begam conceived the idea of collecting the oil which rises to the surface when rose-water is heated, and this having been done, the oil was found to be a most powerful perfume.]

[In the month of Bahman, intelligence came in of the submis- sion of Rana Amar Singh, and of his willingness to pay homage to the Imperial throne. The particulars of the matter are these : My dear and fortunate son Sultan Khurram had established several military posts, especially in places where, from the in- salubrity of the climate, the bad quality of the water, and the diiBbculty of access, many persons deemed it impossible to form a station. By this, and by keeping the Imperial forces in continual movement against the enemy, regardless of the intensity of the heat and the abundance of rain, he had captured the families of many Singhs, and had brought the enemy to such straits, that the Edna perceived he could hold out only a little longer, and that he must either flee from his country or be made a prisoner. Being helpless, he resolved to succumb, and to do homage. He sent his maternal uncle Subh Karan, and Hardas Jhala one of his most trusty and intelligent servants, praying my son to over- look his offences, and to give him an assurance of safety under the princely seal ; he would then wait upon him in person to pay homage, and would send his son and heir-apparent to the Imperial Court, so that he might be classed among the adherents of the throne like all other rajas. He also begged that on account of old age he might be excused from proceeding to Court.

My son sent these persons to me in charge of Mulla Shukru-lla, his diwdn^ who, after the settlement of this matter, was dignified with the title of Afzal Khan, and of Sundar Das, who afterwards received the title of Rai Rayan. My son wrote me the particu- lars in a despatch. * * Ran a Amar Singh and his ancestors, relying upon the security of his mountains and his home, had never seen one of the kings of Hindustan, and had never shown obedience ; but now in my fortunate reign he had been compelled to make his submission. In compliance with my son’s letter, I overlooked the Raiia’s offences, and wrote him a kind and re- assuring farmdn under my own seal. I also wrote a kind letter to the Rana’s son, desiring him to specify the way in which he

would come to pay his respects, and assuring him that all things should be made pleasant for him. My son sent my letters to the Rana, to comfort him, and to gratify him with the expectation of my favour and kindness, and it was arranged that the Rana and his sons sliould have an interview with my son on the 2Sth Bah man.]

The second happy tidings was the death of Bahadur, son of the chief of Gujarat, and the leaven of insubordination and turbulence. God of his mercy destroyed him, but he died a natural death.

The third happy tidings was the defeat of the Portuguese (JVarzi)y who had made every preparation for the capture of tlie port of Surat. An action took place between them and the English, 1 who had sought refuge in that port. Most of their vessels were burnt by the English, and not being able to stand the contest, they took to flight, and sent a message to Mukarrab Khan, the governor of the ports of Gujarat, suing for peace, and representing that they had come with peaceful views, not to fight, and that the English had been the first to quarrel.

[Another piece of intelligence that came was, that the Rajputs who had resolved to kill (Malik) ’Anibar had concealed them- selves till they found an opportunity of approaching him, when one of them gave him an ineffectual wound. The men in the escort of ’Ambar killed the Rajput, and carried their master off home. A very little more would have made an end of this cursed fellow.]

[At the end of the month, while I was hunting in the environs of Ajmir, Muhammad Beg arrived with a letter from my son Sultan Khurram. * * From the letter it appeared that on the 26th Bahman the Rana came in and paid his respects to my son, with all the observances required by the rules of the Imperial

1 Angrczdn. This is perhaps the first occasion of the use of that word in a native book.

Court. He presented as tribute a celebrated ruby belonging to liis family, and * *. My son received him with great kindness ; and when the E-ana advanced to kiss the Prince’s feet, and beg pardon for his offencea, the Prince raised him up, did his best to cheer him, and presented him with a jewelled sword, etc., etc. It is the practice among zaminddrs, that they, and the son who is heir-apparent, never present themselves before kings together ; so the Ran a had not brought his son Karan, who was his heir. But the Prince wished to depart on that same day, so the Raiia took his leave, and sent his son Karan to wait upon Khurram, and on the same day he started with the Prince on his journey to the Imperial Court.]

[The New Year’s Day of my tenth year corresponded with the 8th 1 Safar, 1024 h. * *

Karan (son of the Rana) was granted a mansah of 5000, and I gave him a small rosary of emeralds and pearls with a ruby in the middle, such as in Hindi is called Smarani. * *]

[The 25th of De was the day of the annual weighing of my son Khurram. He was now twenty-four years of age, a married man, and the father of a family, but yet he had never been addicted to drinking wine. This being the day for weighing him, I said to him, “ My boy, you are the father of children, and kings and princes drink wine. To-day is a festival, and I will drink wine with you, and I give you leave to drink on feast days, on New Year’s Day, and at great entertainments, but always with moderation ; for to drink to excess and weaken the intellect is avoided by the wise ; in fact, some good and benefit ought to be obtained from wine-drinking.”

Up to my fourteenth year I had never drunk wine, except two or three times in childhood, when my mother or nurses had given me some as a remedy for some childish ailment. Once also my J [This ought to be the 18th, corresponding to 10th March, IGld.]

father called for some spirit (’arak) to the amount of a tola, and mixing it with rose-water, made me drink it as a remedy for a cough. In the days when my father was in the field against the Yusufzai Afghans, and was encamped near Atak, on the Nilab (Indus), I one day went out hunting. I met with many mishaps, and was very tired, when one of my attendants told me that if I would drink a cup of wine, it would relieve my fatigue and weariness. I was young, and prone to indulgence, so I sent a servant to the house of Hakim "All for a refreshing drink. He brought me about a cup {piydia) and a half of yellow wine of sweet taste in a small bottle, and I drank it. The result was pleasant. From that time I took to wine-drinking, and from day to day took more and more, until wine of the grape had no effect upon me, and I resorted to spirit-drinking. In the course of nine years I got up to twenty cups of double- distilled spirit, fourteen of which I drank in the day, and the remaining six at night. The weight of this was six sirs of Hindustan, equal to one man of Tran. My food in those days was one fowl and some bread. No one dared to expostulate with me, and matters reached such an extreme, that when in liquor I could not hold my cup for shaking and trembling. I drank, but others held the cup for me. At last I sent for the hakim (doctor) Hum am, brother of Hakim Abii-l Fath, who was one of my father’s attendants, and placed my case before him. With great kind- ness and interest, he spoke to me without concealment, and told me that if I went on drinking spirits in this way for six months longer, my state would be past remedy. His advice was good, and life is dear. I was greatly affected by his words, and from that day I began to diminish my potations, but I took to eating faluhd} As I lessened my drink, I increased the faliihd; and I directed that my spirits should be mixed with wine of the grape ) two parts wine and one spirit. Lessening my allowance daily, I reduced it in the course of seven years to six cups, each cup

^ [This word is \Qx\OMdy faluhd^ faluhdn,falimiyd,faluniydn. It is, no

doubt, the name of some intoxicating dimg or preparation ; perhaps bhang.}

weighing eighteen miskdls and a quarter. For fifteen years I have now kept to this quantity, taking neither more nor less.

I take it at night, except on Thursday, that being the day of my accession to the throne, and on Friday, which is the most holy day in the week, for I do not think it right to pass these niglits in heedlessness, and to fail in giving thanks to the Almighty for his blessings. On Thursday and on Sunday I eat no meat ; that being the day of my accession, this my father’s birthday. These days are held in great honour. After some time, instead of faluhdj I took to opium. Now that my age is forty-six years and four months solar reckoning, and forty-seven years nine months lunar style, I take eight surkhs^ of opium when five hours of the day have passed, and six surkhs after one hour of the evening.]

Towards the end of the year, tidings of victory arrived from all quarters of my dominions. The first victory was that won over Alidad the Afghan, who had long been in rebellion in the mountains of Kabul. * *

Another victory was achieved over the army of the wretched ’Ambar. The following is a brief account of it. Some good officers and a body of Bargis (Mahrattas), a very hardy race of people, who are great movers of opposition and strife, being offended with ’Ambar, desired to become subjects to my throne. Having received assurances from Shahsawar Khan, who was with the royal army at Balapur, Adam Khan, Yakut Khan, and other chiefs, with the Bargis Jadu Rai and Baba Jukayath, came to see him, and he gave them each a horse, an elephant, a robe, and cash, according to their respective ranks. Having thus brought them into the interests of the throne, he marched with them from Balapur against ’Ambar. On their way they were opposed by an army of the Dakhinis ; but they soon defeated it, and drove the men in panic to the camp of ’Ambar. In his

^ [The siirkh or rati is the seed of the Ahrus precatorius, which averages about ly*!. of a grain Troy (Wilson). The old rati was 170 gr. ; Akbar's coin rati ran as high as 190 (Thomas).]

vanity and pride, he resolved to hazard a battle with my victo- rious army. To his own forces he united the armies of ’i^dil Khan and Kutbu-1 Mulk, and with a train of artillery he marched to meet the royal army till he came within five or six kos of it.

On Sunday, the 25th of Bahman, they came to an engagement. At about three o’clock in the afternoon the fi^ht commenced witli rockets and guns, and at last Darab Khan, who commanded the foremost division, with other chiefs and warriors, drew their swords and vigorously attacked the enemy’s advanced force. Their bravery and courage soon put their opponents to confu- sion. Without turning aside, they then fell upon the centre. In the same manner each division attacked the division which was before it, and the fight was terrible to behold. The battle went on for about an hour, and heaps of corpses were formed. ’Ambar, unable to withstand the royal army, fled from the field, and had it not been a very dark night, none of the enemy would have escaped. The great warriors of the royal army pursued the fugitives for about two or three kos, till horse and man were unable to move. The enemy was totally defeated and dispersed, and the w^arriors returned to their camp. All the enemy’s guns, with 300 camels laden with rockets, many elephants, horses, and munitions of war to an incalculable extent, fell into the hands of the victorious army. The killed and wounded were innumerable, and a great number of chiefs were captured alive. Next day the army having moved from Fathpiir, marched towards Khirki, which had been the shelter of the rebels ; but no trace of them was found. It encamped there, and learnt that the enemy were completely disorganized.

The third conquest achieved in those days w^as that by which the territory of Kokrah and its diamond mines were taken possession of, tlirough the enterprising exertions of Ibrahim Khan. The territory belongs to the province of Bihar and Patna, and through it there runs a stream, from which diamonds are extracted in a very peculiar manner. In the days when the water is low, and is left in little holes and troughs, the people

whose business it is to extract the diamonds, and who have great expertness in the art, search out for those portions from which they observe many little insects issue like gnats, which are called in the language of those people chika. These parts, along the whole course of the stream which is accessible, they fence round with a wall of stones, and then dig it up with spades and axes, to about one yard and a half deep, and search among the stones and mud which are brought up. In such soil both large and small diamonds are found, and sometimes so large that they are worth even a lac of rupees. In short, this territory and the stream from the bed of which diamonds are extracted were in the possession of Durjan Sal, zammddr. Although the gover- nors of the province of Bihar had several times led their armies to invade his dominions, yet, on account of the impassable roads and thick forests, they were obliged to return, being contented only with two or three diamonds which he presented to them.

When the governorship of the province was transferred from Zafar Khan to Ibrahim Khan, I instructed the latter, on his departure to the province, to invade the dominion of that refrac- tory chief, and dispossess him. Accordingly, Ibrahim, imme- diately after his arrival in the province, collected a force and marched against the zammddr; who, as on former occasions, sent him some diamonds and elephants ; but the Khan did not accept them, and having proceeded with all speed, invaded his dominions. Before the enemy could collect his force, Ibrahim penetrated into his territory, and before the news of his approach could reach him, attacked the hill and the valley where he resided. Ibrahim ordered his people to search for him, and he was at last found in a valley with one of his brothers and some women, among whom was his mother and other wives of his father. All the diamonds which they had were taken, and twenty-three elephants fell into the hands of the royal army. As a reward for this service, the mansah of Ibrahim Khan was raised to the personal salary of 4000 and the command of 4000 horse, with the title of Fath-Jang. In like manner promotions

were ordered to be made in the rank of all those who had shown distinguished bravery in the accomplishment of this undertaking. The territory is still under the possession of the officers of this government ; and diamonds wliich are extracted from the stream are brought to this Court. Recently, a diamond was found, the value of which was estimated at the amount of 50,000 rupees, and it is hoped that if the search be continued, more excellent diamonds will be placed in the repository of the crown jewels.

The Nau-roz of the eleventh year of my reign corresponded with the 1st Rabi’u-1 awwal, 1025 h. (10th March, 1616 a.d.).

In this year, or rather in the tenth year of my reign, a dreadful plague (tvabd) broke out in many parts of Hindustan. It first appeared in the districts of the Panjab, and gradually came to Lahore. It destroyed the lives of many Muhammadans and Hindus. It spread through Sirhind and the Doab to Delhi and its dependent districts, and reduced them and the villages to a miserable condition. Now it has wholly subsided. It is said by old men, and it is also clear from the histories of former times, that this disease had never appeared before in this country. I asked the physicians and learned men what was the cause of it, as for two years in succession the country had suffered from famine, and there had been a deficiency of rain. Some said that it was to be attributed to the impurity of the air arising from drought and scarcity’ ; but some ascribed it to other causes. God knows, and we must patiently submit to his will.^

Before this date, some thieves had plundered the public treasury of the kotu'dli^ and after a few days seven vagabonds were apprehended, with their chief named Namal. Some of the treasure was also recovered. I was incensed at the bold conduct of these scoundrels, and consequently I was determined to punish them severely. Each of them got a fitting punish-

^ [A few pages before, and in the tenth year of his reign, Jahtingir records that one of his nobles died in the Dakhin of cholera {haiza).]

ment, and tlieir chief was ordered to be trodden under the feet of an elephant. He petitioned to me that he would rather fight with that formidable animal than suffer the agony of being tram- pled under his feet. I consented to this. A dagger was given to him, and notwithstanding that the elephant, which was wild and vicious, prostrated him several times, and notwithstanding he had been witness to the fate of his associates, yet, with un- daunted courage, he managed to recover his feet, and inflict several wounds with his dagger upon the trunk, and succeeded in driving the animal back. It was truly an act of wonderful bravery, and I therefore spared his life, directing at the same time he was to be taken care of. After some time, he ungrate- fully made liis escape. It gave me much annoyance. I issued orders to the jdgirddrs of the neighbourhood for his apprehension, and when caught he was hanged by the neck.

On the afternoon of Saturday, the 1st of Zi-l ka’da, corre- sponding with 21st of i^ban, I marched in sound health from Ajmir in a European carriage drawn by four horses, and I ordered several nobles to make up carriages similar to it,^ and to attend upon me with them. About sunset I reached my camp in the village Deo Eana, a distance of nearly two kos.'^

It is customary in India, when a king, prince, or noble under- takes an expedition towards the east, to ride on an elephant with

^ A little above be tells us, that on the departure of B&b5 Khurram, he had given him “a carriage of the Feringf English fashion, that he might sit and ride in it.” These are the only remote allusions made throughout the work to the embassy of Sir T. Roe, whose residence in Jahangir’s camp lasted from the 10th January, 1616, to the 21st January, 1618.

2 Sir Thomas Roe thus mentions the mode of departure from Ajmir : “ Thus richly accoutred, the King went into the coach, which waited for him under the care of his new English servant, who was dressed as gaudily as any player, and more so, and had trained four horses for the draught, which were trapped and harnessed all in gold. This was the first coach he had ever been in, made in imitation of that sent from England, and so like it that I only knew the difference by the cover, which was of gold velvet of Persia. * * * Next followed the English coach, newly covered and richly trimmed, which he had given to his favourite queen, Nourmahal, who sat in the inside. After this came a coach made after the fashion of the country, which I thought seemed out of countenance, in which were his younger sons. This was followed by about twenty spare royal elephants, all for the King's own use.” — (Kerr’s Collection of Voyages and Travels^ vol. ix. p. 312.)

long tusks; when towards the west, to ride on a horse of one colour ; when towards the north, to go in a litter ov pdlki ; when towards the south, to go in a carriage drawn by bullocks. I remained at Ajmir five days less than three years. At that place there is the holy shrine of Khwaja Mu’inu-d din. Ajmir is situated within the limits of the second climate. * * *

A large tray of fruits was brought before me. Among them were the celebrated melons of Karez, Badakhshan, and Kabul. Grapes from the latter place as well as from Samarkand. The sweet pomegranates of Yazd, and the subacid ones of Farrah. Pears from Samarkand and Badakhshan. Apples from Kashmir, Kabul, Jalalabad, and Samarkand were also there. Pine-apples from the seaports of the Europeans were also in the tray. There were some plants of this latter fruit placed in my private gardens at i^gra, and after some time they produced several thousands of that fruit. The kaiild was also among them, which is smaller than an orange, and full of sweet juice. In the province of Bengal it is produced in abundance. I had no sufficient words to thank Almighty God for the enjoyment of these delicious fruits. My father the late King was exceedingly fond of fruit, especially melons, pomegranates, and grapes ; but in his reign, the melons from Karez, which are of the best quality, the pome- granates from Yazd, which are celebrated all over the world, and pears from Samarkand, were never brought to India, and, therefore, when I see and enjoy those luxuries, I regret that my father is not here to share them. * * *

When I was Prince, I had promised to give an Altamghd grant of the district of Malda in Bengal to Mir Ziau-d din, a saiyicl of Kazwin, and two of his sons. When I ascended the throne, I gave him the name of Mustafa Khan, and in this journey I had the pleasure of fulfilling my promise.

Mandu is one of the divisions of the province of Malwa, and the total of its revenue is one kror thirty-nine hm of ddms.

The city was for a long time the capital of the kings of this country. Many buildings and relics of the old kings are still standing, for as yet decay has not fallen upon the city. On the 24th, I rode out to see the royal edifices. First I visited the jdmV masjid which was built by Sultan Hoshang Ghori. It is a very lofty building, and erected entirely of hewn stone. Although it has been standing 180 years, it looks as if built to-day.

Afterwards I visited the sepulchres of the kings and rulers of the Khilji dynasty, among which there is also the tomb of the eternally cursed Nasiru-d din, son of Sultan Ghiyasu-d din. It is notorious that this graceless wretch twice attempted to kill his father by poison when he was in the eightieth year of his age ; but the old monarch saved his life by the use of bezoar. The third time he gave him, with his own hand, a cup of sherbet mixed with poison, and told him that he must drink it. The father, seeing his son’s determination, took the bezoar off his arm, and placed it before him. Then he bowed in humble supplica- tion before his Maker, and said, O Lord! I have now arrived at the age of eighty. All this time I have passed in ease and prosperity, and in a state of pleasure such as has been the lot of no monarch. This moment is my last, and I pray thee not to hold my son Nasir answerable for my blood. May my death be deemed a natural death, and may my son be not held answer- for it.” Having said this, he drank the poisoned draught and expired. What he meant by saying that he had enjoyed such luxury and pleasure as no king ever did was this : In the forty- eighth year of his age, when he succeeded to the throne, he said to his friends and associates, that in the time of his father he had spent thirty years of his life in the command of the army, and had done all that was required of a soldier. Now that the sovereignty had devolved upon him, he had no desire for con- quest, his only wish was to pass the remainder of his life in pleasure and luxury. It is said that he had 15,000 women in his harem. He built a city which was inhabited only by women, and all arts and sciences were taught them. The posts of

governor, judge, magistrate, and all offices required in the management of a city, were held by persons of the female sex. Whenever he heard of a girl possessing beauty, he never rested till he obtained her. He was exceedingly fond of sport, and had made a deer park, in which he had collected all kinds of animals. He often amused himself in hunting in this park, in the company of women. As he had from the first deter- mined, he made no invasion during his whole reign of thirty- two years, and spent all this time in ease, enjoyment, and pleasure ; and no enemy made any attack upon his dominions.

It is reported that Sher Khan Afghan, in the course of his reign, came to the tomb of Kasiru-d din, and although he had a brutal disposition, yet on account of the shameful deed above stated, he ordered his people to beat the tomb with their sticks. When I went to the tomb, I also kicked it several times, and ordered my attendants also to spurn it with their feet. Not satisfied even with this, I ordered the tomb to be opened, and the remains of that foul wretch to be thrown into fire. But then I remembered that fire is a part of the eternal light, and that it was very wrong to pollute it with that filthy matter. I also hesitated from burning his remains, lest by so doing a remission be made in his punishment in the next world. I ordered that his decayed bones and the dust of his body should be thrown into the Nerbudda, because it is said that as he had a very hot temper in the days of his youth, he always remained in water. It is well known that one day, in a fit of intoxication, he threw himself into the tank of Kaliyadah, which was very deep. Some of the servants of the palace caught hold of his hair and dragged him out. When he came to his senses, and learnt what had happened, and that they had dragged him out by the hair, he was so angry with them that he ordered their hands to be cut off. The next time he fell into the tank, nobody attempted to pull him out, and so he was drowned. Now, at a period of 110 years after his death, it had come to pass that his rotten remains were also mixed with water.

One night I turned the discourse of my courtiers on the chase, and told them how fond of it I formerly was. At the same time it occurred to my mind whether all the animals and birds which I had killed since the time of my coming to reason could not be calculated. I therefore ordered all the news-writers, the gamekeepers and other officers to ascertain and write out a list of all the various animals and birds I had killed, and to show it to me. Accordingly a paper was prepared, from which it appeared that from the twelfth year of my age, a.h. 988, to the end of the last year, the eleventh of my reign, and the fiftieth lunar year of my age, 28,532 animals and birds were killed in the course of my sport, of which 17,168 were gramini- vorous animals and birds I had shot or killed with my own hands, and the following is a detailed account of them.^

The Nau-roz of my twelfth year corresponded with 12th Rabi’u-1 awwal, 1026 (10th March, 1617 a.d.).

As the smoking of tobacco had taken very bad effect upon the health and mind of many persons, I ordered that no one should practise the habit. My brother Shah ^Abbas, also being aware of its evil effects, had issued a command against the use of it in Tran. But Khan-i ’Alain was so much addicted to smoking, that he could not abstain from it, but oftened smoked.

On Thursday, the 20th Mihr, and the twelfth year of my reign, corresponding to the 11th of Shawwal, a.h. 1026, at about three o’clock after noon. Prince Khurram arrived and obtained audience in the fort of Mandu. He had been absent from the Court for eleven months and eleven days. After he had paid me his respects, I called him in the window where I was sitting, and ^ [Sir H. M. Elliot gives a summary of it in a note, w/rd.]

with the impulse of excessive paternal affection and love, I imme- diately rose up and took him in my arms. The more he expressed his reverence and respect for me, the more my tenderness in-

creased towards him. I ordered him to sit by me. He presented me with 1000 gold mohurs and 1000 rupees. * *

Formerly at the conquest of the Eana, a mansah of 20,000 and the command of 10,000 horse had been conferred on Prince Khurram, and when he was sent to the Dakhiii, he was honoured with the title of a Shah. Now, in consideration of his present service, his mansah was promoted to a mansah of 30,000 and the command of 20,000 horse. I also conferred on him the title of Shah-Jahan. It was also ordered, that henceforth a chair should be placed for him in the Court next to my throne, an honour which was particularly conferred on him, and had never before been known in my family.

A report came from Kashmir, that in the house of a silk-dealer two girls were born who had teeth in their mouths, and who were joined together by the back as far as the waist,^ but their heads, hands, and feet were all separate. They lived only a little time, and then died.

On Monday, the 2nd of the month, I drank wine in an as- sembly at the banks of a tank where my tents were pitched.^

On Friday, the 1st of De, I marched three kos and three- quarters, and encamped on the banks of the tank of Jhanud. At this place Kai Man, the head of the royal footmen, caught a Eahu fish and brought it to me. I was very fond of this fish, which is the best of all the fishes found in India. Since the date I had passed the defile of Chanda up to this time, a space of eleven months, I had not been able to procure it, although every search was made. I was highly pleased at receiving it this day, and granted Eai Man a horse.

2 [This is but one of many similar entries.]

Tliough the country from the pargana of Dahad is reckoned as belonging to Gujarat, yet it was only from this stage that I saw a marked difference in all things, both jungle and cultivation. The people and their tongue were different. The jungles which I saw on the roadside were full of fruit trees, such as those of the mango, khirni, and tamarind. The fields are protected by the thorns of the zakum tree. The cultivators, in order to separate the lands of their respective possessions, make hedges of these thorns round their fields, and between them leave a narrow path for wayfarers. As the soil is very sandy, the least move- ment in a party of travellers raises so much dust, that one can see another’s face with difficulty, and therefore it came into my mind, that thenceforth Ahmadabad should not be called by that name, but Gardabad.

On Friday we travelled a distance of six kos and a half, and the tents were pitched on the sea-shore. Khambait (Kambay) is a very ancient port, and according to the Brahmins many thousand years have elapsed since its foundation. In the begin- ning it was called Trimbawati, and Raja Nar Singh Makhwar was its ruler. It would be very tedious to detail the account of this Raja as given by the Brahmins. To be brief, when the chiefship devolved on Raja Abhi Kumar, who was a descendant of his, by the will of heaven a great calamity fell upon this city. A shower of dust and dirt fell, and buried all the houses and buildings, and destroyed a great number of people. Before the occurrence of this catastrophe, an idol, which the Raja used to worship, ap- peared to him in a dream, and informed him of the approaching misfortune. Consequently, he embarked with his family on a vessel, and he also took with him the idol and the pillar which supported it behind. It so happened that the vessel was battered by a storm ; but as the Raja was destined to live some time longer, he, by means of that same pillar, brought the ship and himself safe to land. He then set up that pillar as a mark of

his intention to rebuild and newly people the place. Asa pillar in Hindi is called Khamb, the city was hence called Khamba- wati, which was gradually worn down by constant use into Khainbait. This port is one of the largest in Hindustan, and is situated on one of the estuaries of the sea of ’Uman. The average breadth of this estuary is estimated to be seven A’os, and the length about forty. Ships cannot enter this branch, but are ancliored in the port of Goga, which is one of the dependencies of Khain- bait, and is near the high sea. From hence the cargoes are transported to Khambait on boats {ghardh^ grabs), and in the same manner merchandize intended for exportation is carried to the ships. Before the arrival of iny victorious arms, several boats had come to Khambait from the ports of Europe, and the crews, after selling and purchasing goods, were on the point of returning. On Sunday, the 10th, having decorated their boats, they displayed them before me, and then took their departure towards their destination. On Monday, the 11th, I embarked on a boat, and sailed about one hos.

In the time of the Sultans of Gujarat, the tamghd or customs duty levied from the merchants was very large ; but it is now ordered that no more than one part in forty should be taken. In other ports the custom officers ^ take the tenth or twentieth part, and give all sorts of trouble and annoyance to the merchants and travellers. In Jedda, the port of Mecca, one-fourth is taken, and sometimes even more than that ; hence it may be inferred what the duties at the ports of Gujarat were in former reigns. Thanks be to God, this humble creature of the Almighty has dispensed with levying the tamghd^ which amounted to a sum beyond calculation, througliout the territories under his rule, and the very name of tamghd has disappeared from his dominions.

It was also ordered in these days, that tankas of gold and silver, ten and twenty times heavier than the current gold

mohiir and rupee, should be struckd The legend on the face of the golden tanka was “ Jahangir Shah, a.h. 1027,” and on the reverse, “ Struck at Khambait, the 12th year of H. M. reign.” For the silver tanka^ on one side, “Jahangir Shah, a.h. 1027,” with a verse round it, the meaning of which is, “ This coin was struck by Jahangir Shah, the ray of victory.” On the other side was impressed, “ Struck at Khambait, the 12th year of H. M. reign,” with this verse round it, “ After the conquest of the Dakhiu, he came from Mandu to Gujarat.” In no reign before this had tankas been coined except of copper. The tankas of gold and silver were inventions of my own, and I called them Jahdngiri tankas?

Intelligence arrived from the eastern provinces that Mukarram Khan, son of Mu’azzam Khan, who had been appointed to the governorship of Orissa, had conquered the territory of Khurda ; and that its Kaja had sought protection at the Court of Eaja Mahendra. As a reward of this service, the Khan was favoured with a mansah of 3000 personal allowance and the com- mand of 2000 horse. He was also honoured with a kettle-drum, a horse, and a khiVat. Between the province of Orissa and Golkonda, there were the territories of two zaminddrs^ viz. the Kaja of Khurda and the Kaja Mahendra. The territories of the former have been taken possession of by the servants of my Government, and it is hoped that through the influence of the Emperor’s prosperous star, that of the latter will also be soon added to the protected countries.

1 In the sixteenth year of the reign, he gives to the Persian ambassador a gold

mohur, called Nur-jahdni, weighing 100 tolas. In the twelfth year, he gives to the vakils of ’Adil Khan a gold called kaukab tola^ equal to 500 current gold woZiMrs.

In the tenth year he gives one of the same weight to the ambassador of ’Adil Khan, but calls it a Nkr-jalidni.

2 [This statement is certainly not true, so far as regards the silver tanka ; and it

seems to have puzzled the copyists, for in several MSS. the word (I) is written instead of (copper), making the whole passage unintelligible. But perhaps

When the royal tents were pitched on the banks of the Mahi, the zammddr (called) Jam attended at Court. ■ Having obtained the honour of kissing the ground, he presented fifty horses, 100 mohurs^ and 100 rupees. His name was Jasa, and Jam was his title, which is held by every man who succeeds to the chiefship. He is one of the greatest zammddr^ of the province of Gujarat. His territory is bordered by the sea. He has always 5000 or 6000 horsemen ; but in time of war he can collect 10,000 or 12,000. There are plenty of excellent horses in his territory, and a Kachi horse is sold at as high as 2000 or 3000 rupees. I bestowed a khiVat upon him.

On Sunday night, the 23rd of Kabi’u-l awwal, a.h. 1027 (10th March, 1618), at about two hours after sunset, that great luminary which benefits the world with its bounty entered Aries, the first sign of the Zodiac. This New Year’s Day which gave light to the world, brought to a close the twelfth year of this humble servant of God, which had been passed in happiness, and now a new, auspicious and prosperous year began.

On Thursday, the 2nd of Farwardin, the festival of my being weighed against metals on the lunar anniversary of my birth occurred ; and the happy fifty- first year of ni}^ age commenced. May the remaining days of my life be spent in occupations con- sistent with the will of God, and no moment pass without reflec- tion upon his goodness ! After the ceremony was over, a wine party was convened, and the most familiar servants of the throne, being favoured with draughts of wine, became merry.

The Tuesday night, 21st of the month, I marched on my return towards Ahmadabad. As the excess of heat and the oppressive atmosphere were very grievous to the camp followers, and a great distance had to be travelled before we could reach Ygra, it oc- curred to me that I had better remain at Mandu during this hot season. As I had heard much praise of the rainy season of Gujarat,

and as there was no comparison between the city of Ahmadabad and that of Mandu, I at last determined to remain in the former. The Almighty God always and in all places has extended his assistance and protection to this his humble creature 5 and this is shown from the fact that at this very time it was reported to me that a pestilential disease {wabd) had broken out in i^gra, and numbers of men had perished. For this reason I was fully confirmed in my resolution of postponing my march towards Agra, which had occurred to my mind by the divine inspiration.

Formerly it was customary to strike my name on one side of the coin, and that of the place, and the month, and the year of the reign, on the obverse. It now occurred to my mind that, instead of the name of the month, the figure of the sign of the Zodiac corresponding to the particular month should be stamped. For instance, in the month of Farwardin the figure of a Ram, in Frdibihisht that of a Bull, and so on f that is, in every month in which a coin might be struck, the figure of the constellation in which the Sun might be at the time should be impressed on one side of it. This was my own innovation. It had never been done before.

On Thursday, 20,000 darahs were granted to Hakim Masihu-z Zaman, and 100 gold mohurs and 1000 rupees to Hakim Ruhu-lla. As they well knew that the air of Gujarat was very uncongenial to my health, they told me that if I would diminish a little the usual quantity of wine and opium which I took, my complaint would be at once removed. Accordingly, on the very first day I derived great benefit from their advice.

On Saturday I had a severe headache, which was followed by fever. That night I did not take my usual quantity of wine. After midnight the effect of my abstinence became apparent, and

aggravated the fever with which I was tossing about on my bed till morning. In the evening of Sunday the fever decreased ; and by the advice of some physicians of Multan, I took my usual quantity of wine. They also repeatedly recommended me to take some gruel made of pulse and rice, but I could not manage to do so. From the time 1 arrived at years of discretion, I had never, so far as I recollect, drunk such broth, and I hope I may never be obliged to drink it again. When my meal was brought, I had no inclination to take it. In short, I fasted altogether three days and three nights. Although I had fever only one day and one night, yet I was as weak as if I had been for a long time laid up in my bed. I had no appetite at all.

I am at a loss to conceive what beauty and excellence the founder of this city saw in this wretched land, that he was in- duced to build a city here ; and how after him others also should spend the days of their precious life in this dirty place. Hot wind always blows here, and there is very little water. I have already mentioned that it is very sandy, and that the atmosphere is loaded with dust. The water is exceedingly bad and dis- agreeable ; and the river which runs along the outskirts of the city is always dry, except during the rains. The water of the wells is bitter and brackish, and that of the tanks in the out- skirts becomes like buttermilk from the mixture of soap which the washermen leave in it. Those people who are somewhat affluent have reservoirs in their houses, which are filled with rain-water during the rainy season, and they drink from this supply during the whole year. It is manifestly very injurious to drink water which is never fanned by a breeze, and stagnates in a place where there is no passage for exhalation. Outside of the city, instead of verdure and flowers, all the ground is covered with zakiim (thorn-trees), and the effect of the air which blows over these thorns is well known. I have previously called this city Gard- abad. Now I do not know what to call it — whether Samumistan

(the home of the simoom), Bimaristan (place of sickness), Zakumdar (thorn-brake), or Jahannamabad (hell), for all these names are appropriate.

It was reported in these days that Khan-khanan, the com- mander-in-chief and my preceptor, had composed a ghazal in imitation of the well-known verse —

“ For one rose the pain of a hundred thorns must be suffered.”

And that Mirza Bustani Safawi and Mirza Murad his son liad also tried their talents in the same manner. Instantly the follow- ing couplet occurred to my mind —

“ A cup of wine should be quaffed in the presence of one’s beloved.

The clouds too are thick, it is time to drink deep.”

Of my courtiers who were present, those who had a turn for poetry composed ghazals and repeated them before me. The first-mentioned verse is a very celebrated one, composed by Maulana ’Abdu-r Rahman Jami. I have read the whole ghazal; but except that verse, which is, as it were, a proverb on the tongues of all people, the others are not of any great elegance. They are, indeed, very plain and homely.

This day Abu-1 Hasan, a painter, who bore the title of Nadiru-z Zarnan, drew a picture of my Court, and presented it to me. He had attached it as a frontispiece to the Jahdngir-ndma. As it was well worthy of praise, I loaded him witli great favours. He was an elegant painter, and had no match in his time. If the celebrated artists Abii-l Hai and Bihzad were now alive, they would do him full justice for his exquisite taste in painting. His father. Aka Raza, was always with me while I w^as a Prince, and his son was born in my iiousehold. However, the son is far superior to the father. I gave him a good education, and took care to cultivate his mind from his youth till he became one of

the most distinguished men of his age. The portraits furnished by him were beautiful. Mansur is also a master of the art of drawing, and he has the title of Nadiru-1 Asli. In the time of my father and my own, there have been none to compare with these two artists. I am very fond of pictures, and have such discrimination in judging them, that I can tell the name of the artist, whether living or dead. If there were similar portraits finished by several artists, I could point out the painter of each. Even if one portrait were finished by several painters, I could mention the names of those who had drawn the different portions of that single picture. In fact, I could declare without fail by whom the brow and by whom the eye-lashes were drawn, or if any one had touched up the portrait after it was drawn by the first painter.^

As the events of twelve* years forming part of the Jahangir- ndma had been written down, I ordered the miitasaddis of my library to make a volume of them, and prepare a number of copies, to be distributed among the chief servants of the throne, and also to be sent to all parts of the country, that great and influential men might make it their study and exemplar. On Friday, one of my writers having finished a copy and bound it, brought it to me. As this was the first copy, I gave it to Prince Shah Jahan, whom I considered in all things the first of all my sons. On the outside of it I wrote with my own hand that it was presented to him on such a date and at such a place. May he be favoured with the ability of knowing the contents of it, which shall obtain for him God’s grace and the blessings of His creatures !