8. Volume 6 — part 8

1 “ In his time there were found, in the Indies, native painters, who copied the finest of our European pictures with a fidelity that might vie with the originals. He was partial to the sciences of Europe, and it was this which attached him to the Jesuits. He caused a church and a residence to be built for them at Lahoi'e.” — Catrou’s History of the Mogul Dynasty^ p. 178. See also Sir T. Roe in Kerr’s Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. ix. pp. 279-289.

At this date a certain prisoner was brought before me, and I gave orders for his execution. The executioner acted very promptly, carried him to the place of punishment, and gave effect to my order. After a little while, at the intercession of one of my courtiers, I granted his life, but ordered his feet to be cut off. But according to his destiny, he had been beheaded before my orders arrived. Although he deserved death, yet I regretted the circumstance, and ordered that henceforth, in the event of any person being sentenced to death, notwithstanding that the orders might be imperative, yet they should not be carried into effect till sunset, and if up to that time no reprieve should be issued, the punishment should be then inflicted on the criminal.

On Tuesday night, the 19th, a bazar was held at my own resi- dence. Before this, it was an established custom that the sellers of manufactured goods of the city should bring and expose them for sale in the courtyard of my palace. Jewels, inlaid articles, implements, and all kinds of cloths and stuffs sold in the bazars, were to be seen on these occasions. It came into my mind, that if the market were held in the night-time, and plenty of lanterns were lighted before each shop, it would be a very pretty exhibi- tion. In fact, when it was done, it was exactly as I had antici- pated ; it was altogether a novelty. I visited all the shops, and purchased what jewels and ornamented articles and other things appeared good to me.

The climate of this part of the country was not beneficial to my health, and the physicians had advised me to lessen the quantity of wine I usually drank. I deemed this prudent, and began to do so. In the course of one week I reduced the quantity about one cup. Formerly I took six cups every night, each cup containing seven tolas and a half of liquor, that is.

forty-five tolas altogether ; ^ but now each cup contained six and one-third of a tola^ the whole being thirty-seven tolas and a half.

It was one of the remarkable events of my life, that when I was about sixteen or seventeen years, I made at Allahabad a vow to God, that when I should arrive at the fiftieth year of my age, I would leave off shooting, and give no pain to any living creature.^ Mukarrab Khan, who was one of my most confidential officers, was acquainted with this vow. In short, now that I had arrived at that age, and the fiftieth year had commenced, one day it happened, that through the excess of smoke and vapour, I could not freely draw my breath, and was very much troubled on that account. In this state I suddenly, through divine inspira- tion, recollected what I had promised, and now I determined to conform to my former resolution. I resolved within myself, that after the lapse of this the fiftieth year, and the expiration of the time I had fixed, I would, under the guidance of Almighty God, go to visit the tomb of my father, and, having invoked the aid of his holy soul, I would entirely abstain from that habit. As soon as these ideas occurred to my mind, I was entirely relieved of pain, and found myself fresh and happy. I immediately indulged my tongue by expressing thanks to the Almighty God, and I trusted that he would assist me in my resolution.^

2 His passion for shooting is shown by the statement which he makes at the close of the events of the eleventh year. He there says that as the discourse happened one night to turn upon sport, he directed his news-writers and huntsmen to make out a statement, showing how many animals he had killed during his life. It appeared that he had been present, from the twelfth year of his age to his fiftieth, at the death of no less than 28,532 animals, of which 17,168 had been killed with his own hand, i.e.^ 3203 quadrupeds, comprising, amongst others, 86 tigers, 889 nilgdos, 1372 deer, 36 wild buffaloes, 90 wild hoars, 23 hares; and 13,964 birds, including 10,348 pigeons, and 156 waterfowl. The number is made up of crows, owls, doves, and other birds, which do not enter into the catalogue of English sport.

3 [The Emperor subsequently retracted his resolution, and gives his reason for so doing ; but it is not consistent with what is here stated to be the cause of his resolve ; see infrd^ p. 384. He frequently went out hunting. In the eighteenth year of his reign, and fifty-sixth of his age, he records that he went out on horseback and shot a tiger ]

In the next march I crossed the Mahi by the bridge which had been thrown over it. Although in this river there were no boats fit for building bridges, and the water was very deep and flowed forcibly, yet through the good management of Abu-1 Hasan Mir Bakhshi, a very strong bridge of 140 yards in length and four yards in breadth was prepared in only three days. By way of testing its strength, I ordered one of my largest elephants with three other female elephants to be taken over it. The bridge was so strong that the weight of the mountain-like elephants did not shake it in the least.

Saturdayy V7th Zi4 kcdda. Several nights before this, a little before dawn, a luminous vapour, in the form of a column, had made its appearance, and every succeeding night it arose half an hour earlier than on the preceding night. When it had attained its full development, it looked like a spear ^ with the two ends thin, but thick about the middle. It was a little curved like a reaping-sickle, with its back towards the south, and its edge towards the north. On the date above mentioned, it rose three hours before sunrise. The astronomers measured its size with their astrolabes, and, on an average of different observa- tions, it was found to extend 24 degrees. Its course was in the empyrean heaven, but it had a proper motion of its own, indepen- dent of that firmament, as it was retrograde — first appearing in the sign of the Scorpion, then in that of the Scales. Its declina- tion was southerly. Astrologers call such a phenomenon a spear, and have written that it portends evil to the chiefs of Arabia, and the establishment of an enemy’s power over them. God only knows if this be true !

Sixteen nights ^ after its first appearance, a comet appeared in

1 [This passage is the work of Sir H. M. Elliot.]

2 This word might also be translated a “porcupine.”

^ Literally, “ Up to the above date after sixteen nights since the phenomenon arose,” to which it is difficult to assign any exact meaning.

the same quarter, having a shining nucleus, with a tail in ap- pearance about two or three yards long, but in the tail there was no light or splendour. Up to the present time, nearly eight years have elapsed since its first appearance, and when it dis- appears, I shall take care to record it, as well as the efiects which have resulted from it.^

On the way I passed through a field of juwdr^ in which every plant had no less than twelve bunches of corn, while in other fields there is generally only one. It excited my astonishment, and recalled to my mind the tale of the King and the Gardener. A King entered a garden during the heat of the day, and met a gardener there. He inquired of him whether there were any pomegranates, and received a reply that there were. His Majesty told him to bring a cupful of the juice of that fruit, on which the gardener told his daughter to execute that commission. She was a handsome and accomplished girl. She brought the cupful of that beverage, and covered it with a few leaves. The King drank it, and asked the girl why she had put the leaves over it. The girl with much readiness replied, that she had done it to prevent His Majesty drinking too fast, as drinking of liquids just after a fatiguing journey was not good. The King fell in love with her, and wished to take her into his palace. He asked the gardener how much he derived each year from his garden. He said 300 dinars. He then asked how much he paid to the

1 It was the discovery of a similar phenomenon, namely a new star in Cassiopeia, not fifty years before this, which introduced Tycho Brahe to the notice of the world as an astronomer. The star he discovered, however, only lasted from November, 1572, to March, 1574. The greatest of Grecian astronomers, Hipparchus, is said to have become an observer through the discovery of a similar phenomenon. As Jahangir’s star, if it was one, appeared in the Ecliptic, it must have been noticed by European astronomers, especially as the discoveries effected by Galileo’s telescope were at that time attracting general observation to the heavens. The statement given in the Extract from the Ihbdl-ndma is much more probable than this. In that there is no mention of its continuance, and merely the effects which were visible for eight years are recorded, according to the superstitious notions of the time.

diwdn. He gave answer that he did not pay anything on fruit- trees, but whatever sum he derived from his agriculture, he paid a tenth part to the State. His Majesty said within himself, “ There are numerous gardens and trees in my dominions ; and if I fix a revenue of a tenth on them, I shall collect a great deal of money.” He then desired the girl to bring another cup of the pomegranate juice. She was late in bringing it this time, and it was not much she brought. His Majesty asked her the reason for this deficiency, observing that she brought it quickly the first time and in great plenty, that now she had delayed long, and brought but little. The daughter replied, “ The first time one pome- granate sufficed. I have now squeezed several, and have not been able to obtain so much juice.” The Sultan was astonished, upon which her father replied that good produce is entirely dependent on the good disposition of the Sovereign ; that he believed that his guest was a King ; and that from the time he inquired respect- ing the produce of the garden, his disposition was altogether changed ; and that therefore the cup did not come full of the juice. The Sultan was impressed with his remark, and resolved upon relinquishing the tax. After a little time. His Majesty desired the girl to bring a third cup of the same beverage. Tliis time the girl came sooner, and with a cup brimful, which con- vinced the King that the surmise of the gardener was sound. The Sultan commended the gardener’s penetration, and divulged to him his real rank, and the reflections which had been passing in his mind. He then asked to be allowed to take his daughter in marriage, in order that a memorial of this interview and its circumstances might remain for the instruction of the world. In short, the abundance of produce depends entirely on the good will and justice of the Sovereign. Thanks to the Almighty God, that no revenue on fruit-trees has been taken during my reign ; and I gave orders that if any one were to plant a garden in cultivated land, he was not to pay any revenue. I pray that the Almighty may cause the mind of this humble creature to enter- tain good and pure intentions !

On Monday, the 3rd De, I went to see the fort of Ranthamhor. There are two hills adjacent to each other, one is called Ran, and the other Thamhor, and the fort stands on the latter. The name of Ranthamhor is formed by the connexion of the two names. Althoug'h the fort is very strong, and has much water in it, yet the hill called Ran is still stronger and better situated, and the fort can be taken only from that side.

[The Naii-roz of my fourteenth year corresponded with — Rabi’u-l akhir, 1028 h. (10th March, 1619 a.d.).]

[My huntsmen reported to me that there was in the neighbour- hood (of Mathura) a tiger, wdiich greatly distressed the inhabi- tants. I ordered his retreat to be closely surrounded with a number of elephants. Towards evening I and my attendants mounted and went out. As I had made a vow not to kill any animal with my own hands, I told Nur Jahan to fire my musket. The smell of the tiger made the elephant very restless, and he would not stand still, and to take good aim from a howda is a very difficult feat. Mlrza Rustam, who after me has no equal as a marksman, has fired three or four shots from an elephant’s back without effect. Nur Jahan, however, killed this tiger with the first shot.]

[Shaikh ’Abdu-1 Hakk Dehlawi,^ one of the most learned and accomplished men of the time, came to wait upon me, and pre- sented to me a book which he had written upon the sliailihs of India. He had suffered a good deal of trouble, and was living in retirement at Dehli, resigned to his lot and trusting in God. He was an excellent man, and his society was very agreeable. I showed him great attention and courtesy.]

1 On Tuesday, the the royal camp halted at Hasan Abdal. As an account of this road and a description of the stages have been already given in the narrative of my expedition to Kabul, I will not repeat tliem here ; but from this place to Kashmir I will record all occurrences, stage by stage, please God! From the time of my disembarking from boats at Akbarpiir up to reaching Hasan Abdal, I have travelled 178 hos during sixty-nine days, in fifty-eight marches and one halt. As there are at this place a fountain, a small cascade, and a basin filled with water of the most translucent clearness, I remained here two days.

On Thursday, the 16th, I celebrated the lunar anniversary, and the fifty-second lunar year of my age commenced, in all gratitude to my Maker, and with every prospect of happiness. As the road I was going to take was full of hills and passes, ravines and ascents, and the royal party would have found it difiicult to march all together, it was determined that the lady Maryamu-z Zamani, and the other hegams^ should remain behind a few days, and come on at their ease afterwards ; and the Prime Minister, Ftimadu-d daula al-Khakani, Sadik Khan Bakhshi, and Sa’adat Khan Mir Saman, should also come on subsequently with the household and establishments. For the same reason Mirza Safawi and Khan-i ’Azam were sent on with a party of my attendants by way of Punch, and I myself went accompanied by only a few of my personal friends, and the servants who were absolutely necessary.

On Friday I marched three hos and a half to Sultanpur ^ Here intelligence was received of Eana Amar Singh having died a natural death. Jagat Singh, his grandson, and Bliim, his son, who were in attendance upon me, were honoured with IJiiVats., and it was ordered that Baja Kishan Has should convey to Kunwar Karan a farmdn^ conferring the title of Pana, with a

2 This village lies on the southern bank of the Harroh river.

khiVat^ and a liorse from my own stables, and so do him honour, and congratulate him upon his succession.

I heard from the people of this country that a noise like that of thunder fell upon the ear from a hill in the neighbourhood, though there might be at the time no sign of rain, or cloud, or lightning. They therefore call this hill Garaj. This sound is now to be heard every year, or certainly every two years. I have also heard this matter frequently mentioned in my father’s pre- sence. As the story is a very strange one, I have recorded it, but God knows whether it is true.^

On Saturday, the 18th, I marched four ko% and a half to Sahi. During this stage we entered the pargana of Hazara Farigh.^

On Sunday, the 19th, we encamped at Naushehra,^ after travel- ling three kos and three-quarters, where we entered Dhamtaur. As far as the eye could reach, the blossoms of the thal kamval and other flowers were glowing between the green foliage. It was a beautiful scene.

On Monday, the 20th, after a march of three kos and a half, I arrived at Salhar,^ where Mahabat Khan presented jewels and inlaid arms to the value of 60,000 rupees. In this tract I saw

1 This is still commonly reported in the neighbourhood, but the sounds are said to have ceased within the last twenty years, since the fort of Srihote was built on the summit of the hill. The mountain is no doubt that which is now called Gandgarh, composed of clay-slate capped with limestone. The name of Garaj is not now known, but the local tradition is, that it was once called Ganjgarh (evidently Garajgarh), but that some Emperor changed it to Gandgarh “ the bald,” on account of its apparent barrenness. The sounds are said to proceed from a Rakas, or demon, whom Raja Rasalu, the King Arthur of the traditions of the Upper Sind Shgar, imprisoned in a cavern. He was the son of Salbahan, and is said to have built the tope at Phallur, near Usman Khhtur.

2 Hazara is not so called from the famous Mughal tribe, as there are none of them in it. The fertility of this valley is celebrated especially for wheat. A local distich runs : —

“ Chach Hazara kanaka bhalyau, Dhanne khubi gain ;

Sur Sikesar te ghore bhale, Ishnor doabe te dhhen.”

That is, the wheat of Chach Hazara, the cows of Dhanni, the horses of Sikesar (salt range), the rice of Hashtnagar (near Peshawar), are all excellent.

3 The village is on the eastern bank of the river Uhor, but the distance between this place and Sult&.npur is greater than here represented.

^ This place is on the eastern bank of one of the feeders of the same river, under Mount Sii’ban.

a flower red and fiery, in the form of a gul kliitmi (marsh- mallow), but smaller. So many flowers were blooming near one another, that it appeared to be all one flower. The tree is like that of the apricot. On the slope of this hill there were many wild violets, of exceeding fragrance, but their colour was paler than that of the usual variety.

On Tuesday, the 21st, we travelled three kos^ and encamped at Malgalli.i On this day Mahabat Khan was despatched to his government at Bangash, and I gave him a kliiVat^ a posting and an elephant from my private stables. During the whole march there was drizzling rain, and it rained also at night. Snow fell in the morning, and as the whole road was muddy and very slippery, the beasts which happened to be at all weak fell in every direction, and were not able to rise again. Twenty-five elephants belonging to the illustrious Government were lost upon the occasion. As the weather was very cloudy, I halted here for two days.

On Thursday, the 23rd, Sultdn Husain, the zammddr of Pakli (or Pakhali), obtained the honour of kissing the earth, for here we had entered Pakli, It is an extraordinary thing that, when my father was here, snow also fell as it did on this occasion ; whereas for several years past there had been no fall, and rain also had been very scanty.

On Friday, the 24th, I marched four kos to Tawadkar. There was much mud on this road also, and the whole way the plum and guava trees were in blossom, and the pine-trees also were ravishing to the sight.

On Saturday, the 25th, I travelled over nearly three kos and a half to the neighbourhood of Pakli.

On Sunday, the 26th, I mounted and rode down some par- tridges.2 Towards evening, at the request of Sultan Husain, I

^ Still well known as an encamping ground, more generally called Mangli.

2 ‘ ‘ The Afghans often ride down partridges in a way which is much easier of execution than one would imagine. Two or more horsemen put up a partridge, which makes a short flight and sits down ; a horseman then puts it up again. The hunters

went to his residence, and honoured him much in the eyes of his compeers and friends. My father also visited him. He presented some horses, swords, hawks, and falcons. I accepted some of the birds, and returned the other things.

Sarkar Pakli is thirty-five kos in length, by twenty-five in breadth. On the east it has the mountains of Kashmir, on the west Attock Benares, on the north Kator, on the south the country of the Ghakkars, It is said that when Timur was returning to Turan from the conquest of Hindustan, he left some of his followers here. The people themselves say they are by origin Farsis (?), but they cannot tell what was the name of their leader. They are now called Lahori, and their speech is that of the Jdts. The same may be said of the people of Dhamtaur. In the time of my father Shah Rukh was the zaminddr of Dhamtaur. His son Bahadur is now zamindd?'. Although the people of Pakli and Dhamtaur intermarry and communicate freely, yet they are always quarrelling, like other zaminddr 8 y about boundaries. These people have always been well affected towards our family. Sultan Mahmud, the father of Sultan Husain of Pakli, and Shah Bukh, both came to visit me before my accession. Notwithstanding that Sultan Husain is seventy years old, he is to all appearance strong ; he can ride and take exercise.

In this country hozah is prepared from bread and rice, which liquor the people call sir, but it is very much stronger than hozah. They drink nothing but sir with their food, and the oldest is considered to be the best ; and when the ingredients are mixed, the people keep it tied up in jars for two or three years in their houses. They then take off the scum, and the liquor is called dchiy which can be kept for ten years. If it is kept for a longer period, so much the better ; but it should never be less than one year old. Sultan Mahmud used to take a cup of sir, and yet a

relieve one another, so as to allow the bird no rest, till it heeomes too tired to fly, when they ride it over as it runs, or knock it down with sticks.” — Elphinstone's Kingdom of Caubul, vol. i. p. 375.

mouthful is sufficient to create intoxication. Sultan Husain does the same. They brought the very first quality for my use. I took some by way of trial. I had taken some before. It is harsh and bitter to the taste ; and it seems that they mix a little hhang in it. If you get drunk with it, it occasions drowsiness. If there were no such thing as wine, this might be used as a substi- tute. The fruits are apricots, peaches, and pears, but they are all sour and ill-flavoured.

They make their houses and dwellings all of wood, after the manner of Kashmir. There is plenty of game here, as well as horses, mules, and horned cattle. Goats and fowds are abun- dant. The mules are rendered weak and useless, in consequence of the- heavy loads which they have been made to carry. As it was reported that a few marches ahead the country was not sufficiently populous to supply food for my retinue, orders were issued to take only the few tents and establishments which were absolutely necessary, to diminish the number of elephants, and to take supplies sufficient for three or four days. A few attendants w'ere selected to accompany me, and the rest were placed under the orders of Khwaja Abu-1 Hasan Nakhshabi, to follow a few stages after me. Notwithstanding all my precau- tions and injunctions, it was found necessary to take with me 700 elephants even for the reduced tents and establishments. The mansab of Sultan Husain, which was 400 personal and 300 horse, was raised to 600 personal and 350 horse, and I gave him a hhiVat^ an ornamented dagger, and an elephant. Bahadur Dhamtauri, who stands appointed to Bangash, was raised to a mansah of 200 personal and 100 horse.

On Sunday, the 29th, I marched five Jws and a quarter, cross- ing the bridge and stream of Nain Sukli. This Nain Sukh flows from the north to the south, rising in the hills below the country of Badakhshan and Tibet. As in this place the river is divided into two branches, I ordered two wooden bridges to be made ; one was eighteen yards long, and the other fourteen, and the breadth of each was five yards. The following is the mode of making a

bridge in this country. Trees of sal are thrown over the river, and their two ends are lashed firmly to the rock ; and across these thick planks are riveted strongly with nails and ropes. A bridge so made lasts for several years, with occasional repairs. The elephants were made to ford the stream, but horse and foot crossed over the bridge. It was Sultan Mahmud who named this river Nain Sukh, which means “ the eye’s repose.”

On Thursday, the 3rd, after travelling nearly three kos and a half, we encamped on the bank of the Kishenganga. On this march we crossed an exceedingly high hill ; the ascent was one A’os, and the descent one and a half. They call it Pham Dirang, because in the Kashmiri tongue cotton is called pham^ and as there were agents here, on account of the Kings of Kashmir, who levied duties on each load of cotton, and as delay or dirang occurred on this account, the place became known as Pham Dirang. After passing the bridge, we saw a cascade, of which the water was beautifully clear. Sitting down near it, I drank my usual cups of wine, and arrived in camp at eventide. There was an old bridge over this river fifty-four yards long, and one and a half broad, by which those on foot crossed. I ordered another bridge to be made near it, fifty-three yards long and three broad. As the stream was deep and rapid, I made the elephants pass over without their loads, but horse and foot crossed by the bridges. By orders of my father, a very strong sardi was built here of stone and mortar, on the top of a hill to the east of the river.

As only one day remained before the Sun would enter a new sign, I sent on Mu’tamad Khan to select a high and conspicuous spot on which to erect my throne, and make preparations for the festival of the New Year. It so happened that a little beyond the bridge, on the eastern bank of the river, there was an eminence — a charming green spot, on the top of which there was a level surface of fifty yards, just as if the executors of the decrees of God had designed it for such an occasion. It was there that Mu’tamad Khan set up the decorations for the

festival, and managed all so admirably as to call forth my praises and acknowledgments.

The river Kishenganga flows from the north towards the south.^ The river Behat, flowing from the east, falls into the Kishenganga, taking a northerly course.^*

[The Nan-roz of the fifteenth year of my reign fell on the 15th Rabi’u-s sani, 1029 h. (10th March, 1620 a.d.).]

On Friday, the 27th, I rode out to see the fountain of Yirnag, which is the source of the river Behat. I went five lios in a boat, and anchored near Manpur. This day I received very sad news from Kishtiwar. When Dilawar Khan, after the conquest of that country, returned to Court, he left Nasru-lla, an Arab, with several other ofidcers, for the protection of the country. This man committed two faults of judgment. He oppressed the zaminddrs and the people, and he foolishly com- plied with the wishes of his troops, who petitioned him for leave to come to Court, with the hope of obtaining the reward of their services. Consequently, as very few men were left with him, the zaminddrs^ who had long nourished revenge against him in their hearts, and were always lying in wait for him, took advantage of the opportunity, and having assembled from all sides, burnt the bridge which was the only means of his receiving succour, and engaged openly in rebellion. Nasru-lla Khan, having taken refuge in the fort, maintained his position for two or three days with great difficulty. As there were no provisions in the fort, and the enemy had cut off the supply of water, he resolved to die with the few men he had with him, and he gave proofs of the most

2 It takes a slight turn to the north before joining the Kishenganga; but after the junction, they flow together towards the south.

• [End of Sir H. M. Elliot’s translation.]

determined courage. Many of his men were slain, and many captured . When this news reached my ears, I appointed Jalal, son of Dilawar Khan, in whose forehead shone the marks of in- telligence and worth, and who had shown much enterprise in the conquest of Kishtiwar, to extirpate the wretched rebels ; and having conferred on him the rank of 1000 and the command of 600 horse, ordered the retainers of his father, who were now enlisted among the special servants of the throne, together with part of the Kashmir army, a large body of zammddrs^ and some matchlockmen, to reinforce him. Raja Sang Ram, the zammddr of Jammu, was also ordered to attack with his force from the Jammu hills, and it was now hoped that the rebels would soon be punished.

[On Monday, 5th Muharram, the joyful intelligence of the conquest of the fort of Kangra arrived. * * Kangra is an ancient fort, situated in the hills north of Lahore, and has been renowned for its strength and security from the days of its foundation. The zaminddrs of the Panjab believe that this fort has never passed into the possession of another tribe, and that no stranger’s hand has ever prevailed against it ; but God knows ! Since the day that the sword of Islam and the glory of the Muhammadan religion have reigned in Hindustan, not one of the mighty Sultans had been able to reduce this fort. Sultan Firoz Shah, a monarch of great power, besieged it for a long time ; but he found that the place was so strong and secure, that it was im- possible to reduce it so long as the garrison had provisions. * * When this humble individual ascended the throne, the capture of this fort was the first of all his designs. He sent Murtaza Khan, governor of the Panjab, against it with a large force, but Murtaza died before its reduction was accomplished. Chaupar Mai, son of Raja Basu, was afterwards sent against it ; but that traitor rebelled, his army was broken up, and the fall of the fortress was deferred. Not long after, the traitor was made

prisoner, and was executed and went to hell, as has been re- corded in the proper place. Prince Khurram was afterwards sent against it with a strong force, and many nobles were directed to support him. In the month of Shawwal, 1029 h., his forces invested the place, the trenches were portioned out, and the ingress of provisions was completely stopped. In time the fortress was in difficulty, no corn or food remained in the place, but for four months longer the men lived upon dry fodder, and similar things which they boiled and ate ; but when death stared them in the face, and no hope of deliverance re- mained, the place surrendered on Monday, Muharram 1, 1031.]

As the saffron was in blossom, His Majesty left the city to go to Pampur,2 which is the only place in Kashmir where it flourishes. Every parterre, every field, was, as far as the eye could reach, covered with flowers. The stem inclines towards the ground. The flower has five petals of a violet colour, and three stigmas producing saffron are found within it, and that is the purest saffron. In an ordinary year, 400 maunds^ or 3200 Khurasan! maunds^ are produced. Half belongs to the Govern- ment, half to the cultivators, and a sir sells for ten rupees ; ^ but the price sometimes varies a little. It is the established custom to weigh the flowers, and give them to the manufacturers, who take them home and extract the saffron from them, and upon giving the extract, which amounts to about one-fourth weight of the flower, to the public officers, they receive in return an equal weight of salt, in lieu of money wages ; for salt is not produced in Kashmir, and even in the beauty of the inhabitants there

2 This place still maintains its reputation. Von Hiigel tells us, that saffron is produced almost exclusively in the district of Phmpdr, on the right bank of the Jhelam, from three distinct varieties of crocus ; the root of one sort continues productive for fifteen years; of another, for eight; of the third, for five. — Easchmir, vol. ii. p. 275.

3 Mr. Pereira states that one grain of good saffron contains the stigmata and styles of nine flowers ; hence 4320 flowers are required to yield one ounce of saffron.

is but very little, i,e. they have but little expression.^ They import salt from Hindustan. * * *

The next day the fortunate camp was pitched at Rajaur. The people of Rajaur were originally Hindus. Sultan Firoz con- verted them. Nevertheless, their chiefs are still styled Rajas. Practices which prevailed during the times of their ignorance are still observed amongst them. Thus, wives immolate them- selves alive on the funeral pyres of their husbands, and bury themselves alive in their graves. It was reported that, only a few days ago, a girl of twelve years old had buried herself with her husband. Indigent parents strangle their female offspring immediately after birth. They associate and intermarry with Hindus — giving and taking daughters. As for taking, it does not so much matter ; but, as for giving their own daughters — heaven protect us ! Orders were issued prohibiting these prac- tices for the future, and punishments enjoined for their infraction,

[In these happy days, when I was enjoying myself in hunting and travelling in Kashmir, successive despatches arrived from the Dakhin. When the royal Court left the capital, evil-disposed men in the Dakhin, failing in duty and loyalty, raised the standard of rebellion. They got many of the dependencies of Ahmadnagar and Birar into their power, and the despatches related how they were maintaining themselves by plunder and devastation, and were burning and destroying ships and pro- vender. On the former occasion, when I marched with the Imperial army to efiect the conquest of the Dakhin, Khurram, who commanded the advance, arrived at Burhanpur. The in- surgents, with that craft which distinguishes them, made him their intercessor, and abandoned the Imperial territory. They presented large offerings of money and valuables as tribute, and

^ Maldhat is the word, and a double meaning is intended. Maldbat not only means saltness as well as expression, but a dark complexion in opposition to Labdbat, “ fairness.” These meanings are not in the dictionaries, though there is some ap- proach to them in Ereytag. Nevertheless, they are of common application.

engaged to remain quiet and loyal. At the instance of Kliurram, I remained for some days in the palace of Shadiabad at Mandu, and consented to forgive their misdeeds. Now that they had once more thrown off their allegiance, it was my wish to send the Imperial army again under the command of Khurram, to inflict upon them the punishment they deserved, and to make them an example and warning for others. Rut he was engaged in the siege of Kangra, and many experienced officers were with him on that service, so that for some days I could not determine what to do.

Letters arrived one after the other, reporting that the insurgents having gathered strength, numbered nearly 60,000 horse, and had occupied many parts of the Imperial dominions. The forces which had been left in occupation had taken the field, and for three months had been operating against the rebels, over whom they had obtained several advantages. But the rebels employed themselves in plundering and laying waste the country about the Imperial forces, and there was no road left open for the supply of provisions, so great want arose. Suddenly they descended from the Balaghat, and stopped at Balapur. Emboldened by their impunity, they meditated a raid round Balapur. The Imperial forces numbered 6000 or 7000 horse, and in some fighting which occurred, they lost their baggage. Many were killed or taken, and the rebels returned unmolested and plundering to their quarters. Gathering forces from all sides, the rebels advanced fighting as far as Azdu. Nearly 1000 men fell on both sides. They stayed at Balapur three months. The scarcity in the royal camp became very great, and many of the men fled and joined the rebels. The royal force retreated to Burhanpur, and was followed and besieged there by the rebels. They remained for six months round Burhanpur, and took possession of several districts in Birar and Khandesh, where they by force exacted contributions from the people. The royal forces suffered great hardships and privations, and being unable to endure longer, they came out of

the city (?). This increased the insolence and pride of the rebels. By the favour of God, Kangra had fallen, and so on Friday, the 4th De, I sent Khurram to the Dakhin, and I conferred upon him ten krors of dams, to be collected from the country after its conquest. * * I now turned back on my return to the capital.]

[The Nau-roz of my sixteenth year fell on the 27th Eabi’u-s sani, 1030 h. (10th March, 1621 a.d.).]

One of the most surprising events of the time is the following : On the morning of the 30th Farwardin of the present year, a very loud and dreadful noise arose from the east, in one of the villages of the pargana of Jalandhar, and almost frightened the inhabitants to death. In the midst of the noise a light fell on the earth from the sky, and the people thought that fire was going to fall. After a moment, when the noise had subsided, and the people, who were much confounded and alarmed, had come to their senses, they sent a runner to Muhammad Sa’id, the ^Amil of the pargana, and informed him of the phenomenon. The A mil immediately rode to the village, and saw the place with his own eyes. The land for about ten or twelve yards in length and breadth was so burnt that not a blade of grass or herbage was found there. The ground was yet warm. He ordered it to be dug, and the deeper it was dug the warmer it was found. At last a piece of iron appeared, which was as hot as if it had been just taken out of a furnace. After some time it became cool. He took it to his residence, and having put it into a bag and sealed it up, he sent it to me. It was weighed in my presence, and found to weigh 160 tolas, I ordered Ustad Baud to make a sword, a dagger, and a knife from it, and to bring them to me ; but he represented that it would not bear hammering, but would break into pieces. I ordered that if that was the case it should be mixed with other iron. Accordingly three parts of the

meteoric iron were mixed with one part of common iron, and two swords, one knife, and one dagger, were made and presented to me. The watering was made on them with the other kind of iron. The sword bent like the genuine Almdsi swords or those of the Dakhin, and again became perfectly straight. I ordered them to be tried before me, and they cut exceedingly well, equal to the best tempered swords.

[On the 4th Khurdad, letters arrived from Khurram. When the Imperial forces reached Ujjain, a letter arrived from the force which held Mandu, with the information that a rebel force had boldly crossed the Nerbadda, had burnt several villages in sight of the fort, and was engaged in plundering. The com- mander-in-chief sent forward Khwaja Abu-1 Hasan, at the head of 5000 horse, to march rapidly and inflict punishment on the rebels. The Khwaja arrived at daybreak on the banks of the Nerbadda, but they had got information of his approach, and had crossed over just before he came. The royal forces pursued them for nearly four kos^ and put many of them to the sword. The rebels retreated to Burhanpur. Khurram then wrote to the Khwaja, directing him to remain on that side of the river until he himself arrived. Shortly afterwards Khurram joined the advanced force, and they marched rapidly to Burhanpur. On their approach the rebels took to flight, and removed to a distance from Burhanpur. For two years the royal forces had been shut up in Burhanpur, and had suffered greatly from want of food and supplies. They were greatly in want of horses. The army remained there nine days to refit, and during that time thirty lacs of rupees and many coats were distributed among the Imperial soldiers. They had no sooner begun to move, than the rebels, unable to make any resistance, fled. The royal forces pursued, and put many of them to the sword. Thus giving them no time for repose, they drove them to Khirki, which was the abode of Nizam u-1 Mulk and other rebels. But before the royal

army arrived, the rebels carried off Nizamu-1 Mulk with all his family and dependents to the fortress of Daulatabad. ' Some of their men were scattered about the country.

The royal forces stayed three days at Khirki, and so destroyed that town, which had taken twenty years to build, that it will hardly recover its splendour for the next twenty years. Having destroyed this place, it was determined to march to Ahmadnagar, which was besieged by a rebel force, and after driving off the besiegers, and revictualling and reinforcing the place, to return. With this determination they marched to Pattan. The rebel now resorted to artifice, and sent envoys and nobles to express his re- pentance and ask forgiveness. He promised ever afterwards to remain loyal, and not to depart from the old arrangement, and also to send his tribute and a sum as an indemnity to the Im- perial Court. It happened that just at this time there was a great want of provisions in the royal camp, and the news arrived that the rebels, who were laying siege to Ahmadnagar, being frightened at the approach of the royal army, had moved off to a distance. So a reinforcement and some cash to supply his needs were sent to Khanjar Khan (the commandant). Having made every necessary provision, the royal army set out on its return. After much entreaty on the part of the rebel, it was settled that, besides the territory which was formerly held by the Imperial officers, a space of fourteen kos beyond should be re- linquished, and a sum of fifty lacs of rupees should be sent to the Imperial treasury.]

[I have before mentioned that on the day of the Dasahra^ when I was in Kashmir, I was seized with a catching and shortness of breath. This was charged entirely to the moisture of the atmo- sphere. In the air-passages on my left side near the heart, an oppression and catching was felt. It gradually increased and became fixed. * * A course of warm medicine gave me a little relief; but when I crossed the mountains, the violence of the

malady increased. On the present occasion I took goat’s milk for several days, and I bethought me of the camel’s milk (I had formerly taken), but neither of them did me any good. [^Treat- ment by various doctors.'] In despair of obtaining any relief from medicine, I gave up all doctoring, and threw myself upon the mercy of the Universal Physician. As I found relief in drink- ing, contrary to my habit, I resorted to it in the daytime, and by degrees I carried it to excess. When the weather became hot, the evil effects of this became apparent, and my weakness and suffering increased. Nur Jahan Begam, whose sense and ex- perience exceeded that of the physicians, in her kindness and devotion, exerted herself to reduce the quantity of my pota- tions, and to provide me with suitable and soothing preparations. Although I had before discarded the doctors and their advice, I now had faith in her attention. She gradually reduced the quantity of wine I took, and guarded me against unsuitable food and improper things. My hope is, that the True Physician will give me a perfect cure. * *

When intelligence of my illness reached my son Parwez, he did not wait for a summons, but set off instantly to see me, and on the 14th of the month, that kind and dutiful son came into my presence. I seated him on the throne near me, and although I adjured him and forbad him, he burst into tears, and showed the deepest concern. I took his hand, drew him to my side, and pressed him affectionately to my bosom. I showed him every attention and kindness, and I hope that his life and prosperity may be prolonged.

The extreme heat of Agra was uncongenial to my constitution, so on the 12th Aban, in the sixteenth year of my reign, I started for the mountain country on the north, intending, if the climate proved suitable, to build a town somewhere on the banks of the Ganges, to which I might resort in the hot weather. If I could not find a place that suited me, I intended to proceed further

towards Kashmir. * * On the 7th De, I arrived at Hardwar on the Ganges, and there halted ; but as the climate of the skirts of the mountains was not pleasant, and I found no place appro- priate for a residence, I resolved to proceed farther to the moun- tains of Jammu and Kangra. * * On the 14th, I arrived at the village of Bahlun, a dependency of Siba, and as I had a great desire for the air of Kangra, I left my great camp at this place, and proceeded onwards with a few special attendants and servants towards the fortress.

rtimadu-d daula was ill, so I left him behind with the camp under the charge of Sadik Khan Mir-hakhsM. On the following day the intelligence was brought that a change for the worse had come over the Khan, and the signs of dissolution were manifest. Moved by the distress of ISTur Jahan Begam, and by the affection I had for him, I could proceed no further, so I returned to the camp. At the close of the day I went to see him. He was at times insensible, and Nur Jahan, who was by my side, made signs and asked if I perceived (his critical state). I stayed by his pillow two hours. Whenever he came to his senses, his words were intelligible and sensible. On the 17th of the month he died, and I felt inexpressible sorrow at the loss of such an able and faithful minister, and so wise and kind a friend.

After this 1 went on towards Kangra, and after four days’ march encamped on the river Ban-ganga. * * On the 24th of the month 1 went to pay a visit to the fortress, and I gave orders that the kdzz^ the Chief Justice, and others learned in the law of Islam, should accompany me, and perform the ceremonies required by our religion. After passing over about half a kos, we mounted to the fort, and then by the grace of God prayers were said, the khutba was read, a cow was killed, and other things were done, such as had never been done before from the foundation of the fort to the present time. All this was done in my presence, and I bowed myself in thanks to the Almighty for this great conquest which no previous monarch had been able

to accomplish. I ordered a large mosque to be built in the fortress. * *

A letter from Khurram informed me that Khusru had died of colic.]

[The Nau-roz of the seventeenth year of my reign fell on — Jumada-1 awwal, 1031 (March, 1622).

A despatch arrived from the son of Khan Jahan, reporting that Shah ’Abbas, King of Persia, had laid siege to the fort of Kandahar with the forces of ’Irak and Khurasan. I o^ave orders for calling troops from Kashmir, and Khwaja Abu-1 Hasan Diwdn and Sadik Khan Bakhshi were sent on in advance of me to Lahore, to organize the forces as the princes brought them up from the Dakhin, Gujarat, Bengal, and Bihar, and as the nobles came from ihelv jag irs and assembled, and then to send them on in succession to the son of Khan Jahan at Multan. Artillery, mortars, elephants, treasure, arms, and equipments were also to be sent on thither ... For such an army 100,000 bullocks or more would be needed. * *

Zainu-1 ’Abidin, whom I had sent to summon Khurram, re- turned and reported that the Prince would come after he had passed the rainy season in the fort of Mandu. When I read and understood the contents of the Prince’s letter, I was not at all pleased, or rather I was displeased. I consequently wrote a farmdn to the effect, that as it was his intention to wait till after the rains, he was to send me the great amirs and officers I had placed under his command, especially the Saiyids of Barha and Bokhara, the Bhaikhzadas, the Afghans, and Rajputs.]

[Intelligence was brought that Khurram had seized upon some of i\iQ jdgirs of Kiir Jahan Begam and Prince Shahriyar. He had fought with Ashrafu-1 Mulk, an officer of Shahriyar’s, who had been appointed faujddr of Dholpur and the country round,

and several men liad been killed on both sides. I had been offended by his delaying at the fort of Mandu, and by his im- proper and foolish statements in his letters, and I had perceived by his insolence that his mind was estranged. Upon hearing of this further intelligence, I saw that, notwithstanding all the favour and kindness I had shown him, his mind was perverted^ I accordingly sent Raja Roz-afzun, one of my oldest servants, to inquire into the reasons of this boldness and presumption. I also sent him a farmdn^ directing him to attend to his own affairs, and not to depart from the strict line of duty. He was to be content with the jdgirs that had been bestowed upon him from the Imperial Exchequer. I warned him not to come to me, but to send all the troops which had been required from him for the campaign against Kandahar. If he acted contrary to my commands, he would afterwards have to repent. * * * When Khurram’s son was ill, I made a vow that, if God would spare his life, I would never shoot an animal again with my own hand. For all my love of shooting, I kept my vow for five years to the present time ; but now that I was offended with Khurram, I resolved to go out shooting again.

On the 24th I crossed the Jhelam. On the same day Afzal Khan, diwdn of Khurram, arrived with a letter, in which Khur- ram endeavoured to make excuses for his undutiful actions. He hoped also that by Afzal Khan’s persuasion and plausibility he might obtain forgiveness ; but I took no notice of him, and showed him no favour.

Letters arrived from I’tibar Khan and other of my officers whom I had left at i^gra, stating that Khurram persisted in his perverse course, and preferring the way of disobedience to the path of duty, had taken a decided step in the road to perdition by marching upon Agra. For this reason, said I’tibar, I have not deemed it advisable to send on the treasure, but have busied myself in making preparation for a siege. A letter from Asaf Khan also arrived, stating that this ungrateful son had torn away the veil of decency, and had broken into open rebellion ;

that he (the Khan) had received no certain intelligence of his movements, so, not considering it expedient to move the treasure, he had set out alone to join me.

On receiving this intelligence, I crossed the river at Sultanpur, and marched to inflict punishment on this ill-starred son {siydh- hahht). I issued an order that from this time forth he should be called “AVretch” {he-daulat)}

On the 1st Isfandarmuz, I received a letter from I’tibar Khan, informing me that the rebel had advanced with all speed to the neighbourhood of ^gra, my capital, in the hope of getting pos- session of it before it could be put in a state of preparation. On reaching Fathpur, he found that his hope was vain, so he remained there. He was accompanied by Khan-khan an (Mirza Khan) and his son ; and by many other amirs who held office in the Dakhin and in Gujarat, and had now entered upon the path of rebellion and perfidy. * * The rebels took nine lacs of rupees from the house of Lashkar Khan, and everywhere they seized upon whatever they found serviceable in the possession of my adherents. Khan-khanan, who had held the exalted dignity of being my tutor, had now turned rebel, and in the seventieth year of his age had blackened his face with ingratitude. But he was by nature a rebel and traitor. His father, at the close of his days, had acted in the same shameful way towards my revered father. He had but followed the course of his father, and disgraced himself in his old age — ■

After I had passed through Sirhind, troops came flocking in from all directions, and by the time I reached Dehli, such an army had assembled, that the whole country was covered with men as far as the eye could reach. Upon being informed that the rebel' had advanced from Fathpur, I marched to Dehli.

In this war I appointed Mahabat Khan commander-in-chief

^ [Here follows the passage quoted in page 281 supra. 1

of the army, and ’Abdu-lla Khan to the command of the advanced force of chosen and experienced troops. His business was to go on a kos in advance, to collect information, and take possession of the roads. I forgot that he was an old companion of the rebel ; but the result was that he communicated informa- tion about my army to the rebel.]

[The eighteenth year of my reign commenced on 20th Jumada-1 awwal, 1032 h. (10th March, 1623). On this day intelligence was brought that the rebel had advanced near to Mathura, and had encamped in the pargana of Shahpur. * * The next intelli- gence was that he had deviated from the direct course, and had gone twenty kos to the left. Sundar Rai, who was the leader in this rebellion, Darab son of Khan-khanan, and many other amirs, had been sent on with the army against me. The command was nominally held by Darab, but Sundar was the real commander, and the prop of the revolt. They encamped near Biluchpur. I sent forward 25,000 horse under Asaf Khan, and he was opposed by Kasim Khan and others. * * The Almighty has at all times and in all places been gracious unto me ; so when ’Abdu-lla Khan went over to the enemy with 10,000 men under his com- mand, and a great disaster menaced my army, a bullet directed by fate killed Sundar, and his fall made the rebels waver. Khwaja Abii-l Hasan drove back the force opposed to him, Asaf Khan also brought up his division opportunely, and we achieved a great victory. * *

AVhen the rebel passed near Amber, ^ the birth-place and abode of Raja Man Singh, he sent a party of men to plunder it, and lay it waste. * * I also learnt that he had sent Jagat Singh, son of Raja Basu, to stir up disturbances in his native land in the Panjab.* * On the 25th Urdibihisht, I appointed my son Shah Parwez to the command of the army operating against the rebel. He was to have the supreme command, but Mu’tamadu-d daula al 1 [In the proyince of Ajmir.]

Kalilra Mahabat Khan was charged with the general direction of the army. Khan-i ’alam, Maharaja Gaj Singh, Fazil Khan, Rashid Khan, Raja Giridhar, Raja Ram Das, and others were also sent with him. The force consisted of 40,000 horse, with suitable artillery, and twenty lacs of rupees were assigned to it. * * On the 30th, agreeing with 19th Rajah, 1034, I encamped by the tank of Ana-sagar, within sight of Ajmir.

When the Prince’s army passed over the mountains of Chanda, and entered Malwa, Shah Jahan came out of the fort of Mandu with 20,000 horse, 600 elephants, and powerful artillery, with the intention of giving battle. * * Mahabat Khan opened communications with several persons, who, through appre- hension or compulsion, had joined the army of the rebel, and they, perceiving that his case was hopeless, wrote to Mahabat, asking for assurances of safety. Shah Jahan, not daring to risk a general action, and thinking always of his retreat, sent his elephants over the Nerbadda. He then sent his forces against the royal army near the village of Kaliya ; but he himself, with Khan-khanan and several others, remained a kos in the rear. Barkandaz Khan, who had been in correspondence with Mahabat, and had received his promise, when the opposing armies ap- proached each other, seized the opportunity of coming over to the royal army with the body of matchlockmen that he com- manded. Rustam also, one of the chief and most trusted officers of the rebel, received assurances from Mahabat, and came over with several other officers. When Shah Jahan heard of this, he gave up resistance, and, being unable to place reliance upon any one, he determined to fly. With his forces in disorder, he crossed the Nerbadda, and several of his followers took advantage of the confusion to join the royal army.

Shah Jahan, having crossed the Nerbadda, kept all the boats on his side, and placed strong guards over the fords. Leaving Bairarn Beg BakhsM with a force of his most trusty soldiers and men of the Dakhin, and with the artillery drawn up by the river, he himself went off towards the fort of Asir and Burhan-

piir. At this time his men caught a messenger whom Khan- khanan had sent to Mahabat Khan. He sent for the Khan, and showed him the letter taken from the messen2:er. Khan- khanan endeavoured to excuse himself, but could not give a satisfactory answer. An order was accordingly given that he and Darab and his other sons should be kept under arrest.

Kustam Khan, Muhammad Murad, and several others who had abandoned the service of the rebel, and had paid their respects to my dutiful son, according to orders were sent to my Court, and were received by me. Kustam Khan received a mansah of 5000, and 4000 horse. Muhammad Murad a mamah of 1000, and 500 horse, and prospects of future promotion were held out to them.

When the rebel ShMi Jahan reached Asir, he placed Khan- khanan, Darab, and all his other children in confinement in the upper part of the fortress. He remained there three or four days, attending to the victualling and preparation of the fortress, which he placed under the command of Gopal Das, a Kajput. * * When he departed, he left some of his women and superfluous things there in charge of Gopal ; but he took with him his three wives, his children, and such maids as were necessary. His first intention was to leave Khan-khanan and his children prisoners there ; but he changed his mind, and carried them with him to Burhanpur. * * Mahabat Khan was very desirous to separate Khan-khanan from the rebel, and thus to promote a peace. Shah Jahan also, in the strait he then was, took Khan-khanan out of confinement, and bound him by oath upon the Kuran to be faithful. To give force to the oath and agreement, he took him into his female apartments, and giving him the privileges of a near relation, presented to him his wives and children, and, with tears and great earnestness, said, “ In case of evil falling upon me, I trust myself and the honour of my family to you ; some- thing must be done, that I may proceed no further in this wretched and miserable course.”

Khan-khanan separated from him, intent upon peace, and pro-

ceeded towards the Imperial army. It was arranged that he should stay on that side of the river to carry on the negociations for peace. But before he reached the bank of the river, some dashing young men of the royal army one night found a place which the rebels had left unguarded, and passed over the river. This caused some dismay, but Bairam Beg gallantly resolved to contest the passage. While he was getting his forces together some more men passed over, and the same night the rebels retreated. Khan-khanan was left in a difficult position, he did not know whether to advance or retreat. But the men of my son^s army continually pressed forward, and Khan-khanan was relieved from the trammels of rebellion, and was presented by Mahabat Khan to my son.

Shah Jahan, when he heard of the defection of Khan-khanan, the passage of the river by the Imperial troops, and the retreat of Bairam Beg, fell back. Notwithstanding heavy rain and inundations, he crossed the river Mati in a wretched state, and went off towards the Dakhin. In the confusion many officers, who willingly or unwillingly had joined him, now separated from him.

On the 9th i^ban, Khawas Khan brought a despatch from Prince Parwez and Mahabat Khan, informing me that they had reached Burhanpur, but that many men had fallen in the rear in consequence of the violence of the rain. But acting in obedience to orders, they had taken no rest, and had pressed on in pursuit of the rebel across the river (Tapti). The fugitives, on hearing of their arrival, continued their flight in disorder, and lost many of their animals through the heavy rain, and the mud and mire. The royal forces then continued the pursuit to the pargana of Ankot, forty Iws from Burhanpur. * * The rebel then went on to the territories of Kutbu-1 Mulk. When my son Parwez found that the rebel had quitted my dominions, he and Mahabat and all the amirs returned to Burhanpur on the 1st Aban.

Intelligence arrived that Shah Jahan, with Darab and other fugitives, had passed out of the territory of Kutbu-1 Mulk, and

was making for Orissa and Bengal. On the way they had to endure great hardships, and many of the rebel’s companions abandoned him when they found opportunity. * * After per- forming a long march, Shah Jahan arrived at Machhli (Masuli- patam), which belonged to Kutbu-l Mulk. When his arrival there became known, Kutbu-l Mulk sent one of his people to the fugitive, and gave him every kind of relief and assistance in money and provisions. He also directed his margrave to convoy the fugitive safely out of his dominions, and he further appointed grain-dealers and zaminddrs to attend his camp, and supply it with corn and other necessaries. * *]

[The Nau^roz of my nineteenth year corresponded with 29th Jiiinada-l awwal, 1033 (10th March, 1624).

Intellifrence next came that the rebel had reached the confines

of Orissa. Upon which I issued a farmdn to Prince Parwez, Mahabat Khan, and the other nobles who had been sent to support them, with orders to provide, as far as possible, for the safety of that province, and to march towards Allahabad and Bihar. * * Upon the arrival of these orders, the Prince pre- pared to obey, and to march towards Allahabad, notwithstanding the violence of the rains. On the 6th Farwardin, he marched with the Imperial army from Burhanpur to Lai Bdgh ; but Mahabat Khan remained at Burhanpur, awaiting the arrival of Mulla Muhammad Lari.

A despatch arrived from Ibrahim Beg Khan, with the informa- tion that Shah Jahan had entered the province of Orissa. The explanation of this was, that between Orissa and the Dakhin there is a difficult pass, on one side of which are mountains, on the other a marsh ^ (?) and a river. In this place the ruler of Golkonda had built a fort, and had armed it with guns and muskets. It was impossible to pass this place without the con-

sent of Kutbu-1 Mulk ; but the escort which he had sent to conduct Shah Jahan had enabled the rebel to pass this fortress and to enter Orissa. * * On hearing of the rebel’s approach, Salih, brother of the late i^saf Khan, who held the jdgir of Bardwan, put the fort in a state of defence. * * Ibrahim Khan being frightened, took refuge in Akbar-nagar,i where he occupied himself in gathering forces and preparing for resistance.]

1 [R&jmali&l. — Stewart’s Bengal^ p. 186.]

This work is the completion of the Memoirs noticed in the preced- ing article. The author is Muhammad Hadi, of whom mention has already been made. In his Preface, however, he omits the title of Kamwar Khan, which he gives himself in his other works. He tells us that he wrote when he was more than sixty years old, after transcribing the Memoirs of eighteen years with his own hand ; that after having completed this task, it occurred to him that the “ thirsty wanderers in the desert of history ” would be dissatisfied, like himself, at reaching to the end of the eighteenth year and finding the work incomplete ; and that, as he from his earliest youth had been much devoted to historical studies, he determined to complete the work to the close of Jahangir’s reign, and to add an Introduction to the Memoirs, detailing the principal events of Jahangir’s life previous to his accession to the throne, availing himself for this purpose of several trust- worthy manuscripts. He has done this satisfactorily, but without adding anything to our previous knowledge; for he copies his authorities almost verbatim, and especially the Ikhdl-ndma^ from which he has borrowed most largely. At the end of the Intro- duction, he tells us that he hoped some day to be able to write a brief history of the entire reign of Shah Jahan from beginning to end, and to append it to the history of Jahangir. He may be considered to have accomplished this task in the Tdrikh-i ChaghatdL

The copies I have seen of this work are annexed to manu- scripts of the authentic Memoirs, and perhaps the continuation

is not to be found separate. [It is so annexed to the Memoirs in the MS. belonging to the Royal Asiatic Society.]

[The work, being a completion of the Memoirs, and appended to them, is taken out of its chronological order. Its exact date is not known, but the author’s other work, the Tdnkh-i Chaghatdi^ comes down to 1137 a.h. (a.d. 1724).

The Introduction is a brief narrative of the important events in the life of Jahangir prior to his accession, and is borrowed from Mirza Kamgar and other sources.

The body of the work is almost entirely a reproduction of the Ikhdl-ndma ; but the Editor has translated a few passages which the author appears to have derived from another authority. The last Extract is taken from the short chapter at the end on the ministers of Jahangir ; the translation of this is by an unknown contributor, but it has been greatly altered by Sir H. M. Elliot.] The Introduction comprises 28 pages, and the continuation of the Memoirs 88 pages of 17 lines each.

[The New Year began on a day corresponding with 29th Jumada-1 awwal, 1033 h. (10th March, 1624 a.d.).

When Sultan Parwez and Mahabat Khan arrived near Allah- abad, ’Abdu-lla Khan raised the siege and returned to Jhaunsi. Darya Khan held the bank of the river in force, and had carried all the boats over to his own side ; the passage of the Imperial army was thus delayed for some days. The Prince and Mahabat Khan encamped on the other side of the river. Darya Khan held the fords, but the zaminddrs of the neighbourhood showed their loyalty, and collected thirty boats ^ from various parts, and guided the royal forces over at a spot some kos higher up. Darya Khan held his position to contest the passage until he heard

‘ [The phrase here used for boats is manzil-i Mshti^ which seems to he of the same character as zanjir-i-fil and hatdr-i shutur. See a note of Sir H. Elliot’s in Vol. V. p. 108, where the word sardi is used in connexion with ships.]

that the royal army had crossed. He then knew that it was no longer tenable, and fell back to Jaunpur. ’Abdu-lla Khan and Raja Bhim proceeded to Jaunpur, and counselled a movement to Benares ; so Shah Jahan sent his females and attendants to Rohtas, and himself proceeded to Benares. He was joined by ’Abdu-lla Khan, Raja Bhim, and Darya Khan, and having arrived at Benares, passed over the Ganges, and halted on the river Tunus. Prince Parwez and Mahabat Khan, having arrived at Damdama,^ they left Aa Muhammad Zaman Teherani there, while they passed over the Ganges with the intention of crossing over the Tunus. Shah Jahan, leaving Khan-dauran in charge of his position, crossed the Ganges, and confronted Muhammad Zaman, who fell back to Jhaunsi. Khan-dauran advanced in full confidence, and Muhammad Zaman hastened to meet him. A sharp action followed. Khan-dauran was defeated, and his soldiers abandoned him. Being left alone, he struggled and fought desperately in every direction until he was killed. His head was sent to Prince Parwez. Rustam Khan, an old servant of Shah Jahan’s, now left him and joined Prince Parwez. He said it was a good thing that the traitor ^ (Khan-dauran) had been killed. Jahangir Kuli, son of Khan-i ’azam, who was present, said, “No one can call him rebel or traitor, a more devoted man cannot exist, for he served his master to the death, and what more could he do ! Even now his head is raised above all.”

Shah Jahan took his departure from Bengal, and proceeded towards the Dakhin. Mukhlis Khan then went on the wings of haste to Prince Parwez, to send him and his amirs on to the Dakhin. * * A despatch arrived from Asad Khan, the Bakhshi of the Dakhin, written at Burhanpur, to the effect that Ya’kub Khan Habshi, with 10,000 horse, had arrived at Malkapur, ten kos from the city, and that Sarbuland Rai had gone out of the city with the intention of attacking him. Dpon this, strict injunc-

^ [damdama means “ a battery,” but here it would rather appear to be a proper name.]

tioiis were sent forbidding him to fight until reinforcements arrived.

At the beginning of 1034 a.h. Shah Jahan arrived in the Dakhin. Malik ’Ambar tendered him assistance, and sent a force under the command of Ya^kub Khan Habshi to Burhanpur to plunder. He communicated this movement to Shah Jahan, who proceeded in that direction, and pitched his camp at Dewal- ganw. The Prince then sent TAbdu-lla Khan to join Ya’kub Khan, and lay siege to Burhanpur. He himself followed, and pitched his tent in the Lai Bagh, in the outskirts of the city. Kao Katan, and other Imperial officers who were in the place, did their best to put it in a state of defence, and took every precau- tion to secure it. Shah Jahan ordered ’Abdu-lla to assail the town on one side, and Shah Kuli Khan on the other. The besieged, by dint of numbers and by hard fighting, held ’Abdu-lla in check ; but Shah Kuli’s division breached the walls, and made their way inside,

Sarbuland Kai then left a force to keep ’Abdu-lla Khan in check, and hastened to attack Shdh Kuli. Several of Shah Kuli Khan’s men were scattered in the streets and bazars, but he, with the few around him, stood fast in the esplanade in front of the citadel. Several of them fell. He then entered the citadel, and closed the gates. Sarbuland Kai surrounded it, and Shah Kuli, being hard pressed, capitulated.

Shah Jahan then ordered a second attack to be made ; but although great gallantry was exhibited, the assault failed, and several officers of distinction fell. He mounted his horse, and ordered a third assault. Great courage was again displayed, and many officers and men fell, but without success. Saiyid Ja’far received a slight wound in the neck from a bullet, but he was so frightened that he went away. His departure affected all the Dakhinis, who broke up and went away, followed by many men who were disheartened by failure.

Intelligence now arrived, that Prince Parwez and Mahabat Khan, with the Imperial army, had reached the Nerbadda on

their return, so Shah Jahan retired to the Balaghat. ’Abdu-lla Khan separated from him, and occupied the village (inaiiza!) of Indore. * *]

[When the raising of the siege of Burhanpur was reported to the Emperor, he bestowed great favours on Sarbuland Rai. He gave him a mansab of 5000 and the title of Ram Raj, than which there is no higher title in the Dakhin. When the siege was raised, Shah Jahan bent his course to the Dakhin, but he was seized with illness on the way. The error of his conduct now became apparent to him, and he felt that he must beg forgiveness of his father for his offences. So with this proper feeling he wrote a letter to his father, expressing his sorrow and repentance, and begging pardon for all faults past and present. His Majesty wrote an answer with his own hand, to the effect that if he would send his sons Dara Shukoh and Aurangzeb to Court, and would surrender Rohtas and the fortress of Asir, which were held by his adherents, full forgiveness should be given him, and the country of the Balaghat should be conferred upon him. Upon reading this, Shah Jahan deemed it his duty to conform to his father’s wishes ; so, notwithstanding the love he had for his sons, he sent them to his father, with offerings of jewels, chased arms, elephants, etc., to the value of ten lacs of rupees. He wrote to Muzaffar Khan, directing him to surrender Rohtas to the person appointed by the Emperor, and then to come with Sultan Murad Bakhshi. He also wrote to Hayat Khan directions for surrender- ing Asir to the Imperial officers. Shah Jahan then proceeded to Nasik. * *

It was now reported to the Emperor that Mahabat Khan had married his daughter to Khwaja Barkhurdar, the eldest son of Nakshabandi. As this marriage had been contracted without the royal consent, the Emperor was greatly offended ; so he sent for the young man, and asked him why he had, contrary to rule, married the daughter of so great a noble. He was unable to give

a satisfactory answer, so he was ordered to be beaten, and sent to prison. * *

The intelligence of Mababat Khdn’s daring act having reached Shah Jaban, he was greatly incensed, and notwithstanding his bodily weakness and want of warlike munitions, he resolved to go to the assistance of his father, and inflict punishment for this pre- sumptuous deed. On the 23rd Ramazan, 1035 a.h. (7th June, 1626 A.D.), he left Nasik with 1000 horse, hoping to gather forces as he proceeded. On reaching Ajmir, Raja Kishan Singh, son of Raja Bhim, who accompanied him, died, and 500 horse- men of the Raja’s broke up and went away, leaving only 500 men in the suite of Shah Jahan, and these were in great distress. Unable to carry out his original intention, he resolved to do the best he could under the circumstances, and to go to Thatta,

. and remain for a while in that obscure place. So he proceeded from Ajmir to Nagor, and from thence through Joudhpur and Jesalmir.]

Mirza Ghiyas Beg was so charitably disposed, that no one ever left his door dissatisfled ; but in the taking of bribes he certainly was most uncompromising and fearless. ’Ali Ruli Beg Istajlu, who was educated under the instructions of Shah Isma’il the Second, came and entered the service of the Emperor Akbar during the period of his stay at Lahore. He there married Mirza Ghiyas Beg’s daughter, who was born in the city of Kandahar. This individual afterwards entered the service of Jahangir, who honoured him with the title of Sher-Afgan, gave him a jdgir in Bengal, and directed him to proceed there. The close of his life and his killing of Kutbu-d din Khan has already been related in its proper place. After he had met with his reward, and proceeded to the desert of annihilation, by the orders of the King, the ofiicers in Bengal sent the daughter of Mirza Ghiyas Beg, surnamed Ftimadu-d daula, to His Majesty,

1 [This is borrowed with little alteration from the Ikbdl~ndma^ s,qq post, p. 403.]

who, in the deepest affliction at the death of Kutbu-d din Khan, placed her on the establishment of Ruki^^a Sultana, one of his father’s wives, on which she continued for a long time without any employment. However, the days of misfortune drew to a close, and the stars of her good fortune commenced to shine, and to wake as from a deep sleep. The bride’s chamber was pre- pared, the bride was decorated, and desire began to arise. Hope was happy. A key was found for closed doors, a restorative was found for broken hearts; and on a certain New Year’s festival she attracted the love and affection of the King. She was soon made the favourite wife of His Majesty. In the first instance she received the title of Nur Mahals “ the Light of the Palace,” and after some days Nur Jahdn Begam^ the Queen, the Light of the World.” All her relations were elevated to the highest offices in the State. Ptimadu-d daula became Prime Minister, and her eldest brother, Abu-1 Hasan, was appointed Master of the Ceremonies, under the title of I’timad Khan. The King and his relatives were deprived of all power ; while the servants and eunuchs of I’timadu-d daula became Khans and Turkhaiis. The old servant called Dila Kani, who had nursed the favourite lady of the King, superseded Haji Koka in the appointment of super- intendent of the female servants of the palace, and without her seal the Sadru-s Sadiir would not pay their stipends. Nur Jahan managed the whole affairs of the realm, and honours of every description were at her disposal, and nothing was wanting to make her an absolute monarch but the reading of the khutha in her name.

For some time she sat at the jharokd} and the nobles came to make their salutations and receive her commands. Coins were struck in her name, and the royal seal on farmdns bore her signature. In short, by degrees she became, except in name, un- disputed Sovereign of the Empire, and the King himself became

1 “Every morning the Mogul comes to a window, called the jaruco^ which looks into the plain or open space before the palace gate, where he shows himself to the common people.” — Sir T. Rowe, In Purchas this is called yarwco, in Churchill jarruco. It is a Hindi word “ a lattice.”

a tool in her hands. He used to say that Nur Jahan Begam has been selected, and is wise enough to conduct the matters of State, and that he wanted only a bottle of wine and piece of meat to keep himself merry.

Nur Jahan won golden opinions from all people. She was liberal and just to all who begged her support. She was an asylum for all sufferers, and helpless girls were married at the expense of her private purse. She must have portioned about 500 girls in her lifetime, and thousands were grateful for her generosity.

This is a valuable history by Nawab Mu’tamad Khan, com- monly known as Muhammad Sharif, who states of himself in one portion of his work that he was appointed to the office of paymaster, received a mansah of 1000, and was presented with an elephant by the Emperor as an honorary gift.

The Il'hdl-ndma is divided into three volumes or parts. The first contains the history of the Khakan dynasty, and includes the reigns of Babar and Humayun ; the second contains the reign of Akbar; the third that of Jahangir. The first two parts are not common, but the third is to be found everywhere.

The third volume gives the entire reign of Jahangir, and the first nineteen years may be considered an abridgment of the Memoirs, which, as has been seen in the article on the Memoirs, Mu’tamad Khan was directed to continue and complete. In the present work he tells us that Jahangir ordered him also to write the IkbdUndma. As may be supposed, therefore, truth is often sacrificed to flattery. The work does not rank very high among the critics of the country, but there is no book more common than this third volume ; and as the author held high offices during this reign, and took a part in many of its most important transactions, we cannot refuse to allow that the work is of con- siderable use.

It is most commonly known by the name of Jahdngir-ndma^ and under this title is quoted by Dow as his authority for the transactions of this Emperor’s reign. M. Anquetil also speaks

of it as ‘‘ Djelianguirnameli, ouvrage compose par Nabab Motamet Khan, General de la Cavalerie de Djehanguir, et le compagnon de ses Voyages/’^ Upon this passage Mr. Marsden observes, “ M. AnquetiFs expressions imply that the Memoirs of Jahangir were not, in fact, composed by that monarch himself.” ^ But M. Anquetil’s expressions by no means imply this, and we are here presented with another instance of the confusion which prevails respecting the true Memoirs of Jahangir.

This volume has been translated into I/rdu prose by Mazhar ’All Khan Wild. There is a copy in the Library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.^

The work is in the form of annals, like the authentic memoirs, and the Ma-dsir~i Jahdngin. There are occasionally rubrics to the chief occurrences of each year, but so few as not to be worth transcribing. The volume begins with the accession, and closes with the death of the Emperor, the names of the royal family, the ministers, learned men, physicians, and poets of the reign.

The best copy known to me is in the possession of Mirza ’All Akbar, taJmlddr of Dam oh in the Sagar territory. It was transcribed in the year 1087 a.h. (1676 a.d.).

[The third volume has been published in the Bibliotheca Inclica, The following Extracts comprise some few matters not given in the memoirs, and the whole of the continuation from the nineteenth year of the reign. With three short excep- tions, which needed great amendment, the whole translation is the work of the Editor.]

[On the 9th Safar, the Emperor reached Lahore. Khusru was then placed upon an elephant, and conducted between the stakes (on which his followers were impaled^), so that he might see their punishment, and be warned to abandon his evil course.]

1 Zendavesta, tom. i. p. cclxvii. 2 JS'umismaia Orientalia, p. 614.

2 M. Gai’cin de Tassy, de la Litt. Hindoui et Hindoustani^ tom. i. p. 536.

Death of Slier- Afg an, husband of Nur Jahdn.

[Intelligence came from Bengal that ’All KuU Beg Istajlu, who had received the title of Sher-Afgan, had killed Kutbu-d din Khan, and several Imperial officers wKo were in attendance upon him. ’AH KuH had been the table-attendant of Shah IsmaHl, son of the late Shah Tahmasp Safawi. Upon the death of Shah Isma’il, he came by way of Kandahar to Hindustan, and at Multan he joined Khan-khanan, who was then marching against Thatta. Khan-khanan of his own accord took him into the Imperial service, and during the campaign he displayed ability and courage, and performed good work. On returning victorious from the campaign, Khan-khanan reported his services, and obtained for him a suitable mansah. About that time the daughter of Mirza Ghiyas Beg was given to him in marriage. When the Emperor Akbar marched from Ygra against the Dakhin, and Prince Salim, the heir-apparent, was sent against the Bana, ’AH KuH Beg was appointed to assist him. He rose in favour, and received the title of Sher-Afgan. Upon the accession of Jaliangir, \\s jdgir was confirmed, and he was sent to Bengal. It was afterwards reported that he was insubordinate, and disposed to be rebellious. When Kutbu-d din was sent to Bengal, he was directed to look after Sher-Afgan : if he was found to be loyal and dutiful, he was to be maintained in his jdgir ; but if not, he was to be sent to Court, or to be brought to punishment if he delayed to proceed thither. Kutbu-d din formed a bad opinion of his actions and way of life. When he was summoned to attend upon the viceroy, he made unreasonable excuses, and cherished evil designs. Kutbu-d din made a report upon his conduct to the Emperor, and the Imperial order was given for sending him to Court ; the viceroy was also directed to carry out the instructions he had received, and to bring Sher- Afgan to punishment if he manifested any disloyalty. On receiving this command, Kutbu-d din immediately proceeded to

Bardwan, which was in the jdgtr of Sher-Afgan. When he approached, Sher-Afgan went forth with two attendants to meet him. Kutbu-d din's men then gathered round Sher-Afgan. The manner in which Kutbu-d din had come roused Sher- Afgan’s suspicions, so he quietly asked what this kind of proceeding meant. Kutbu-d din forbad his men to come near, and having joined Sher-Afgan, engaged in conversation with him. Sher-Afgan felt convinced that there was a design against him, so he drew his sword, and before any one could interfere, he ran it into Kutbu-d din’s belly, so that his bowels gushed out. Kutbu-d din pressed both hands to his belly, and called out with a loud voice not to let the assassin escape. Pir Khan Kashmiri, a brave officer, galloped against Sher-Afgan and struck him on the head with a sword, but Sher-Afgan returned it so fiercely that he killed his assailant at a blow. The other attendants now pressed forward in numbers, and despatched Sher-Afgan with their swords.]

Among the great events that occurred during this interval was the Emperor Jahangir’s demanding Nur Jahan Begam in marriage. This subject might be expanded into volumes, but we are necessarily confined to a limited space in thus describing the strange decrees of Fate. Mirza Ghiyas Beg, the son of Khwaja Muhammad Sharif, was a native of Teheran. Khwaja Muhammad was, first of all, the wazzr of Muhammad Khan Taklu, governor of Khurasan. After the death of Muhammad Khan, he entered the service of the renowned King Tahmasp Safawi, and was entrusted with the wazirship of Yazd. The Khwaja had two sons, Aka Tahir and Mirza Ghiyas Beg. For his second son the Khwaja demanded in marriage the daughter of Mirza ’Alau-d din, who was the father of Aka Mulla. After the death of his father, Mirza Ghiyas Beg, with two sons and a daughter, travelled to Hindustan. On the road, as he was

passing through Kandahar, by the blessing of God another daughter was born to him. In the city of Fathpur, he had the good fortune to be presented to the Emperor Akbar. In a short time, owing to his devotion to the King's service, and his intel- ligence, Mirza Ghiyas Beg was raised to the office of diwdn or superintendent of the household. He was considered exceedingly clever and skilful, both in wTiting and in transacting business. He had studied the old poets, and had a nice appreciation of the meanino: of words ; and he wrote shikasta in a bold and elegant style. His leisure moments were devoted to the study of poetry and style, and his generosity and beneficence to the poor was such that no one ever turned from his door disappointed. In taking bribes, however, he was very bold and daring. When His Highness the Emperor Akbar was staying at Lahore, 'All KuH Beg Istajlu, who had been brought up under Shah Isma’il IL, having come from the kingdom of 'Irak, became included among the number of the royal servants, and, as Fate ordered it, married that daughter of Mirza Ghiyas Beg who had been born in Kandahar. Afterwards, in the reign of Jahangir, he received a suitable mansah^ and the title of Slier- Afgan was conferred on him. He next received a jdgir in the province of Bengal, and departed thither to take possession. His murder of Kutbu-d din Khan and his own death have already been related. After the death of Kutbu-d din, the officials of Bengal, in obedience to royal command, sent to Court the daughter of Ghiyas Beg, who had been exalted to the title of 'Itimadu-d daula, and the King, who was greatly distressed at the murder of Kutbu-d din, entrusted her to the keeping of his own royal mother. There she remained some time without notice. Since, however. Fate had decreed that she should be the Queen of the World and the Princess of the Time,^ it happened that on the celebration of New Year’s Day in the sixth year of the Emperor’s reign, her appearance caught the King’s far-seeing eye, and so captivated him that he included her amongst the inmates of his ^ This is but the cream of a long florid passage.

select harem. Day by day her influence and dignity increased. First of all she received the title of Nur Mahal^ “ Light of the Harem,” but was afterwards distinguished by that of Nur Jahdn Beg am, “ Light of the World.” All her relations and connexions were raised to honour and wealth. * * No grant of lands was conferred upon any woman except under her seal. In addition to giving her the titles that other kings bestow, the Emperor granted Nur Jahan the rights of sovereignty and government. Sometimes she would sit in the balcony of her palace, while the nobles would present themselves, and listen to her dictates. Coin was struck in her name, with this superscription : “ By order of the King Jahangir, gold has a hundred splendours added to it by receiving the impression of the name of Nur Jahan, the Queen Begam.” On all farmdns also receiving the Imperial signature, the name of “ Nur Jahan, the Queen Begam,” was jointly attached. At last her authority reached such a pass that the King was such only in name. Repeatedly he gave out that he had bestowed the sovereignty on Nur Jahan Begam, and would say, “ I require nothing beyond a sir of wine and half a sir of meat.” It is impossible to describe the beauty and wisdom of the Queen. In any matter that was presented to her, if a difficulty arose, she immediately solved it. Whoever threw him- self upon her protection was preserved from tyranny and oppres- sion ; and if ever she learnt that any orphan girl was destitute and friendless, she would bring about her marriage, and give her a wedding portion. It is probable that during her reign no less than 500 orphan girls were thus married and portioned.

This year a pestilential disorder (wabd) broke out in certain parts of Hindustan, and gradually increased until it raged with great fury. This dreadful calamity arose in the parganas of the Panjab. It reached to Lahore, and a great number of Muham- madans and Hindus lost their lives from it. It then proceeded

towards Sirhind, and throuofh the Doab as far as DeliH and the surrounding places. It destroyed many villages and parganas in that part of the country. When it was about to break out, a mouse would rush out of its hole as if mad, and striking itself against the door and the walls of the house, would expire. If, immediately after this signal, the occupants left the house and w'ent away to the jungle, their lives were saved ; if otherwise, the inhabitants of the whole village would be swept away by the hand of death. If any person touched the dead, or even the clothes of a dead man, he also could not survive the fatal con- tact. The effect of the epidemic was comparatively more severe upon the Hindus. In Lahore its ravages were so great, that in one house ten or oven twenty persons would die, and their sur- viving neighbours, annoyed by the stench, would be compelled to desert their habitations. Houses full of the dead were left locked, and no person dared to go near them through fear of his life. It was also very severe in Kashmir, where its effect was so great that (as an instance) a darwesh^ who had performed the last sad offices of washing the corpse of a friend, the very next day shared the same fate. A cow, which had fed upon the grass on which the body of the man was washed, also died. The dogs, also, which ate the flesh of the cow, fell dead upon the spot. In Hindustan no place was free from this visitation, which continued to devastate the country for a space of eight years. * *

On the 16th of De, an hour and a quarter before the dawn of the day, there appeared in the atmosphere a vaporous matter in the shape of a column, and it was seen half an hour earlier every succeeding night. When it appeared in its full form, it resembled the shape of a javelin. It was thin at both ends, and thick and crooked in the middle like a sickle. Its back was towards the south, and its face towards the north. The astrono- mers measured its size by means of an astrolabe, and upon a comparison of different observations, it was found to extend

over 24 degrees. It moved with the highest of the heavens, but had a proper motion of its own ; so that it first appeared in the sign of Scorpio, and in a short time left it, and entered that of Libra. It also had a southerly declination. Astrologers in their books mention such a phenomenon under the name of a javelin. Sixteen nights after its appearance a star was seen in the same direction, the head of which was luminous ; but its tail, which was two or three yards long, emitted no light. It was in conse- quence of its appearance that a pestilential disorder {wahd o taaiin) spread throughout this extensive country of Hindustan, which exceeded everything known and recorded in former ages, nor is there any mention made of such in the authentic works of the Hindus. The pestilence arose in the country one year before the appearance of the phenomenon, and continued to rage for eight years. It was also through the effects of this phenomenon that a misunderstanding arose between His Majesty and the fortunate Prince Shah Jahaii. The disturbances which thus originated lasted seven or eight years. What blood was shed in the country ! and what families were ruined !

At this time it was learnt from the petition of Bahadur Khan, governor of Kandahar, that in the environs and dependencies of the city, the mice had increased to such an extent that they left no trace of either crops or fruits. With the greatest difficulty, perhaps, only one-fourth of the produce was saved to the culti- vators. In the same manner, the fields of melons, and the produce of orchards and vineyards were totally destroyed ; and when no fruit and no corn remained in the gardens and in the fields, by degrees the mice all died off.

[The nineteenth year of the reign of Jahangir began. The intelligence of the march of Shah Jahan’s^ army towards 1 [In this work he is called ShdM, 'Alishdn Shd/ii, Shdh-i gHi-sitdn, etc.]

Orissa and Bengal was confirmed. An order was sent to Prince Parwez and Maliabat Khan, to make provision for the security of the Dakhin, and then to march towards Illahabas and Bihar ; so that if the governor of Bengal was unable to prevent the advance of the rebel Shah Jahan, the Prince might be there to oppose him with the Imperial army. The Emperor also sent Khan Jahan to the capital, to watch the turn of affairs, and to take such steps as might seem necessary.

Mahabat Khan sent an ambassador from Burhanpiir to ’Adil Khan, * * who wrote in reply that he would meet Mahabat Khan at Dewal-ganw, and would send his son to enter the Imperial service. The ambassador also wrote to say that ’Adil Khan was loyal, and had determined to send his minister, Mulla Muhammad Lari, to join Mahabat with 5000 horse. In com- pliance with repeated farmdns^ the Prince marched for Bengal, notwithstanding the severity of the rains and the dilB&culties arising from the mud and mire of Malwa. Mahabat Khan, having sent forward the Prince, remained at Burhanpur, awaiting the arrival of Mulla Muhammad Lari.

Ahmad Beg Khan, nephew of Ibrahim Khan, and governor of Orissa, had gone forth against the zaminddrs of Garha. When he heard of Shah Jahan’s arrival, he retreated in alarm to Pipali, the residence of the governor, and there collecting his property, he carried it with him to Katak (Cuttack), which is twelve kos from Pipali, in the direction of Bengal. But not feeling himself able to make a stand even there, he went off to Bardwan, and carried the news to Salih, nephew of Ja’far Beg. * * Salih received a letter from ’Abdu-lla Khan, which was written for the purpose of winning him over, but Salih rejected the proposition, and put Bardwan in a state of defence.

Ibrahim Khan, when he received the threatening intelligence, although he had forces scattered at different posts, fled to Akbar- nagar,i and there collected men and munitions for the conflict. He now received a letter from Shah Jahan _proposing an arrange- ^ [A name given to E&jmaliy. — Stewart’s Bengal, p. 186.]

ment] ; but he wrote in reply that * * he would fight for his master to the death. When the Prince’s army arrived at Bard- wan, the short-sighted Salih put forth the foot of ignorance and folly, ^ and made resistance. ’Abdu-lla Khan did not give him much grace, but invested the fort, and soon brought it to ex- tremity. When Salih perceived that there was no hope of relief, he went out to see the Khan, who led him with a sash round his neck to the Prince. This obstacle being removed, the Prince marched on to Akbar-nagar. It was Ibrahim Khan’s first intention to hold Akbar-nagar, but the fort was large, and his force was insufiicient for its defence ; so he retired to the tomb of his son, which was smaller and more secure. Here he was joined by forces from different stations.

Shah Jahan’s army having arrived at Akbar-nagar, invested the tomb, and death began to be busy both within and with- out. Ahmad Beg Khan came, and found an entrance into the besieged place, which greatly inspirited the garrison. The wives and families of many of the besieged were on the other side of the river ; so ’Abdu-lla Khan and Darya Khan Afghan crossed over, to commence operations on that side. This movement alarmed Ibrahim Khan, who hastened thither, taking with him Ahmad Khan Beg, leaving others in charge of his fortified post. He sent over before him some war-boats, called in Hindi niwdrdy to prevent the passage of the enemy. But before the boats arrived, Darya Khan had crossed over. On hearing this, Ibrahim Khan sent Ahmad Beg over the river against Darya Khan; but when he landed, a fight began on the banks of the river, and he lost many of his men ; so he turned back and re- joined Ibrahim Khan, carrying with him the news of his defeat. Ibrahim sent to the fortress for a reinforcement, and a party of well-mounted horsemen came to his aid. On hearing of this, Darya Khan retreated some /cos, and ’Abdu-lla Khan, under the

^ [This shows when the work was written. Muhammad Hadi follows this work very closely in his continuation of Jahangir’s Memoirs ; but he has cut out such ex- pressions as this, and writes as a partisan of Jahangir.]

guidance of the landholders, crossed the river some hos higher up and joined him. The united forces took up a position, with the river on one flank and a thick jungle on the other. Ibrahim Khan crossed over, and gave battle. * * The advanced force was defeated, * * disorder arose, and many fled. Ibrahim Khan, with a small party of followers, disdained to escape ; and although some of his men seized his bridle, and tried to drag him out of the fight, he exclaimed, My life does not need such a course ; what can I do better than die on the field of battle ? ” He had scarcely uttered the words, when the enemy gathered round and despatched him.

The news of his fall discourao-ed the ^arrison, and the besiegers exploded a mine under the fortress. The storming party rushed in, and the place was carried. * * Some of the garrison cast themselves into the river, and others, who were fettered by their families being in the hands of the enemy, submitted to the victor. The children and the property of Ibrahim Khan were in Dacca, so the Prince’s army proceeded thither by the river. Ahmad Beg, Ibrahim’s nephew, arrived before them ; but sub- mission was the only course open to him, and he obtained grace through one of the Prince’s attendants. The victors took pos- session of the property, nearly forty lacs of rupees in cash, besides various effects, and elephants.

Darab Khan had hitherto been kept in confinement, but he was now released ; and after being bound by an oath, was made governor of Bengal ; but his wife, a daughter, a son, and a son of Shah Nawaz Khan, were kept (as hostages). Kaja Blum, son of Rana Karan, who had never left the Prince in any of his troubles, was sent forward in command of the advanced force towards Patna. The province of Patna was in the jdgir of Prince Parwez, and it had been left in charge of Mukhlis Khan, the Prince’s diwdn^ and of Iftikhar Khan and Slier Khan Afghan, his faiijdars. But before even Raja Bhim arrived, they were frightened ; and giving up all hope of support, they did not even set the fort of Patna in order, and wait a few days for the

approach of the army ; they abandoned the place, and made off to Illahabas, setting their own safety above the loss of such a country. So Raja Blum entered the fort of Patna, and took possession of the province of Bihar without resistance.

A few days afterwards Prince Slmh Jahan arrived there, and i\Q jdgirddt's of the province waited upon him, and made their submission, Saiyid Mubarak made over to him the fort of Rohtas. The zammddir of Ujaina also came in and was received. Before advancing himself, Shah Jahan sent on ’Abdu-lla Khan with an army towards Allahabad, and Darya Khan Afghan with another force towards Oudh, A few days after, the Prince him- self marched, leaving Bairam Beg in charge of Bihar. Before ’Abdu-lla Khan passed over the ford of Jausa,^ Jahangir Kuli Khan, son of ’Azam Khan Mirza Koka, who held the government of Jaunpur, left that place and went to Mirza Rustam at Allahabad. ’Abdu-lla pursued him hotly, and came up to the town of Jhaunsi on the river Ganges, opposite Allah- abad.2 Shah Jahan then advanced to Jaunpur. The war-boats {nucdrd) had been brought up from Bengal, and ’Abdu-lla now employed them in effecting a passage of the river under a fire of guns and muskets, and pitched his camp in Allahabad.]

[We must now return to the affairs of the Dakhin. ’Ambar Habshi had sent his envoy ’Ali Sher to Mahabat Khan, to express his obedience and devotion, in the hope that the manage- ment of the Dakhin would be entrusted to him. He was at war with ’Adil Khan, and he hoped to obtain Imperial assistance, and so triumph over his enemy. On the other hand, ’Adil Khan in the same way hoped to get charge of the province, and so to repel the assaults of ’Ambar. In the end ’Adil Khan prevailed. Mahabat Khan rejected the proposals of ’Ambar, and decided in favour of

2 Bhim rested at five kos from Allahabad.” — Tatimma.\

Khan. ’Ambar was on the road, and Mulla Muhammad, the envoy of ’Add Khan, was in dread of him ; so Mahabat Khan sent a detachment from the Imperial army to the Bala- ghat, to escort him to Burhanpur. When ’Ambar was informed of this, he turned back, vexed and disappointed, and proceeded with Nizamu-1 Mulk from Khirki to Kandahar, on the borders of Golkonda. He sent his children with his wives and attendants to the fortress of Daulatabad, and left Khirki empty. He gave out that he was going to the frontier of Kutbu-1 Mulk, in order to receive his fixed payment [zar-i mukarrari) .

When Mulla Muhammad Lari approached Burhanpur, Maha- bat Khan went forth as far as Shahpur to meet him, and received him with great attention. Then they proceeded to wait upon Prince Parwez. Mahabat Khan left Sarbuland Rai in charge of Burhanpur, with Jadu Rai and Uda Earn Eai to support him ; but he took with him the son of J adu Eai and the brother of UMa Earn by way of precaution. When Mulla Muhammad Lari had his interview with the Prince, it was arranged that he should go to Burhanpur with his 5000 horse, to assist Sarbuland Eai, and that his son Aminu-d din, with another 5000 horse, should accompany the Prince. * *

A despatch arrived from Fazil Khan, the hakhsM of the army of the Dakhin, stating that Mulla Muhammad Lari had gone to Burhanpur, and the Imperial commanders felt that the Dakhin was secure. Prince Parwez and Mahabat Khan had therefore marched towards Bihar and Bengal. The commanders having considered the rebellious actions of Khan-khanan, and the fact of his son Darab being in the service of Shah Jahan, resolved that he should be kept under arrest. His tent was to be pitched near that of the Prince, and his daughter Jana Begam, who had been married to Prince Daniyal, and was an intelligent pupil of her father, was ordered to be detained in the same place with him, and constant guard was to be kept round their tent by trusty men.] * *

[On the 1st of Shahryur, while the Emperor was at Yirnag in Kashmir, a despatch arrived from Mahabat Khan, reporting that Shah Jahan’s generals held all the passages of the Ganges, and had seized upon all the boats. The Imperial army had con- sequently been delayed some days in crossing the river ; but they had been assisted by the zammddrs^ thirty boats had been pro- cured, and the army had crossed forty Iws above the fords. * * The next intelligence was that a party of zammddrs in the service of Shah Jahan had carried off all the war-boats, with their guns and equipment, and had fled to Bengal. Shah Jahan was in the jungle of Kampat, where he had entrenched himself, and had mounted cannons and guns upon his earthworks. But the supply of provisions was small, and scarcity had begun to prevail.

A courier now arrived by dak cliauki from Prince Parwez, with a despatch announcing that he had gained a victory over Shah Jahan, who had gone off towards Patna and Bihar. The parti- culars of the engagement are as follows : The two armies were in sight of each other, and forming their array for several days. The royal army amounted to 40,000 men, that of Shah Jahan did not exceed 10,000 ^ horse, including old and new troops ; and some of the most devoted were averse to fighting.^ Baja Bhim, the son of the Bana, contrary to the opinions of all, was eager for war. He went so far as to say that if they did not fight, they must not reckon upon his support, for such marching and moving about was against the rules of the Bajputs. His voice prevailed, and the ranks were formed for battle. The guns were taken out of the redoubts, and the battle began. The royal forces encompassed the field on three sides like a bow, and arrows and bullets fell like hail. Baja Bhim, unheeding the numbers of foes, charged bravely with his Bajputs * *; but a chosen force which

1 [The Tatimma makes the number only 7000.]

2 [According to the Tatimma^ which varies a little here, ’Abdu-lla Khhn advised an advance upon Dehli by way of Oudh and Lucknow, and failing in that, to fall back on the Dakhin.]