9. Volume 6 — part 9

attended Prince Parwez and Mahabat Khan fell upon him and cut him down ; still he fought fiercely as long as he could draw breath. * * The gunners abandoned their guns and fied, and the guns fell into the hands of the royal forces. * * An arrow wounded the horse of Shah Jahan, and ’Abdu-lla, who was near him, seized his bridle, and led him out of the fight, when he exchanged his own for the Prince’s wounded horse. Shah Jahan went to the fort of Kohtas,^ and there stayed his flight.] * *

[Advices now arrived from the Dakhin. Malik ’Ambar pro- ceeded to the frontiers of Kutbu-l Mulk, to receive the annual payment for the arm}^, which was now two years in arrear. After receiving it, and making himself secure on that side by a treaty and oath, he proceeded towards Bidar. There he found the forces of ’Adil Khan, who were in charge of that country, un- prepared, so he attacked them unawares, and plundered the city of Bidar. Prom thence he marched against Bljapur. ’Adil Khan had sent his best troops and officers along with Mulla Muhammad Lari to Burhanpur, and not deeming himself strong enough to resist the assailant, he shut himself up in the fortress of Bljapur, and doing all he could to secure the place, he sent a messenger to recall Muhammad Lari and his forces from Burhanpur. * *

When Mahabat Khan and Prince Parwez marched for Allah- abad, Sarbuland Rai was left in charge of Burhanpur, and was ordered to administer the affairs of the Dakhin in concert with Mulla Muhammad Lari. The Mulla now became very pressing, and gave three lacs of hiins^ nearly equal to twelve lacs of rupees, for the payment of the troops. When the Mulla’s letters of recall reached Mahabat Khan, he acquiesced, and directed the officials in the Dakhin to hasten with the Mulla to support ’Adil Khan. Sarbuland Rai of necessity remained at Burhanpur with a few men ; but he sent Lashkar Khan and * * * all the amirs ^ [He reached there in four marches, and stayed only three days. — Tatimma.l

of the Dakhin along with Muhammad Lari, to oppose Malik ^Ambar. When the Malik received information of this, he wrote to the Imperial officers, asserting his loyalty to the Imperial throne, and asking that Nizamu-1 Mulk and ’Adil Khan might be allowed to settle their old standins: differences without inter- ferenced Ko attention was paid to this remonstrance by the amtrs^ who pressed steadily on. He renewed his appeal more earnestly than before ; but they displayed their forces, and he was compelled to depart from Bijapur, and go to his own terri- tories. Upon the approach of the Imperial forces, ’Ambar endeavoured to conciliate and procrastinate, and spared no effort to avoid war. But Mulla Muhammad Lari and the Imperial amirs followed him, and allowed him no rest. The more submis- sive and importunate he became, the more Muhammad Lari tried to humble him, and the harder he pressed him.

He was reduced to extremity, and compelled to take some de- cided course. So one day, when the Imperial forces were heed- less, and were impressed with the notion that he would not fight, suddenly he appeared on the edge of their camp, five kos from Ahraadnagar. The battle began with the forces of ’Adil Khan, and, by the will of Fate, Muhammad Lari, who commanded them, was killed. His fall threw the Bijapur forces into con- fusion. Jadu Bai and UMa Kam fled without striking a blow, and a perfect rout followed. Ikhlas Khan and twenty-five other officers of ’Adil Khan, who were the props of his power, were taken prisoners. Of these, Farhad Khan, who had sought the death of Malik ^Ambar, was executed ; the others were im- prisoned. Lashkar Khan and some other chiefs of the Imperial army were also made prisoners. Khanjar Khan by great exertion escaped to Ahmadnagar, and prepared the fortress for a siege. Jan-sipar Khan went to Bir, which was in his tiiyul {jdgir)^ and set the fort in order. Of the rest who escaped from the field of carnage, some fled to Ahmadnagar, and some to Burhanpur.

^ [The text gives the letter in full, hut this is the whole gist of it.]

Malik ’Ambar. successful beyond his hopes, sent his prisoners to the fortress of Daulatabad, and marched to lay siege to Ahinad- nagar. But although he brought up his guns and pressed the siege, he met with no success. He therefore left a part of his army to maintain the investment, whilst he marched against Bijapur. ’Adil Khan again took refuge in the fortress, and Malik ’Ambar occupied all his territories as far as the frontiers of the Imperial dominions in the Balaghat. He collected an excellent army and laid siege to Sholapur, which had long been a subject of contention between Nizamu-1 Mulk and ’Adil Khan. He sent a force against Burhanpur, and having brought up guns from Daulatabad, he took Sholapur by storm.

The intelligence of these reverses greatly troubled the Emperor. By advice of Mahabat Khan, he summoned Khana-zad Khan, son of Mahabat, from Kabul, and sent him with his army to join his father. * * ^ A despatch arrived from Mahabat Khan, in- forming the Emperor that Shah Jahan had quitted Patna and Bihar, and had gone to Bengal. Prince Parwez, with the Im- perial army, was in Bihar awaiting instructions as to his future proceedings. It has already been related how Shah Jahan had made Darab, son of Khan-khanan, governor of Bengal, and having first bound him by an oath, had carried off his wife and son and nephew as hostages. After being defeated, Shah Jahan placed the wife in the fort of Rohtas, and wrote to Darab, ordering him to come in person to the fort. Darab improperly and perversely took another view of the matter, and wrote to say that he was unable to come, because the zammddrs had banded

too’ether and held him in blockade. Wlien Shah Jahan found ©

that he must not expect the arrival of Darab, and that he had not forces sufficient to carry on the war, he placed Darab’s son in charge of ’ Abdu-lla Khan, and went to Akbar-nagar, where he took all the munitions and baggage which had been left there, and returned to the Dakhin by the way in which he had come. Darab Khan had disgraced himself to all eternity by his detest- ^ [The Emperor at this time arrived at Lahore from Kashmir. — Tatimma.']

able conduct, so ’Abdu-lla Khan relieved his own mind by putting Darab’s son to death ; and this he did, although Shah Jahan had sent to forbid him.

Prince Parwez, having given Bihar mjdgir to Mahabat Khan and his son, started on his return. He sent notices to the zamin- ddrs of Bengal, who held Darab in confinement, warning them not to hurt him, but to send him • to the army. He soon arrived, and intelligence of his arrival having been communi- cated to the Emperor, he issued his mandate to Mahabat Khan, that there was no use in keeping such a worthless fellow alive, and that therefore he was to be beheaded, and his head sent to Court. So Mahabat Khan had him decapitated, and sent his head to the Emperor. * * Strict orders were sent to the Dakhin, forbidding warlike operations until the arrival of reinforcements, and commanding the troops to keep in the fortified places, and make them secure.]

[The twentieth year of the reign commenced on the 10th Jumada-s sani, 1033 h. (10th March, 1624 a.d.), and the Em- peror set out for Kashmir.]

As it has been several times asserted, and is especially men- tioned in the ZakMra Khwdrism ShdM^ that laughter arises from eating saffron, — and that if it is taken in large quantities, there is fear of death supervening, — His Majesty determined on making a trial of its effects, and therefore sent for a condemned criminal from the jail, and giving him a quarter of a sir of saffron, equal to forty miskdls, made him eat it in liis presence. It did not occasion any change in him. On the next day, he gave him double the quantity, but it did not cause him even to smile, much less to laugh. How then can a man possibly die from eating saffron ? ^

1 Saffron, however, has an effect upon individuals endowed with excessive sensi- bility. Many aromatics exercise a peculiar influence. Violets have been known to occasion convulsions and apoplexy. See Triller, Dissert, de morte subita ex nimio violarum odore.

[Despatches from Asad Khan, baJihshi of the Dakhin, brought intelligence that Shah Jahan had arrived at Dewalgam ; that Yusuf Habshi had invested Burhanpur with the forces of Malik ’Ambar ; that Sarbuland Bai had kept close in his fortifications ; and that the besiegers had not been able to accomplish anything. The next intelligence was that Shah Jahan had reached the La^l- bagh (before Burhanpur), -and had made several assaults upon the place without success. He had been attacked by sickness, and was compelled to go away to Bohangarh in the Balaghat.^ The forces of Malik ’Ambar, finding their efforts unavailing, raised the siege, and returned to their master. Hoshang, son of Prince Daniyal, and ’Abdu-r Bahfm Khan-khanaii came in to wait upon Prince Parwez. The former was graciously received and liberally provided for. Khan-khanan expressed sorrow and shame for his actions, and the Prince consoled him, and directed that he should be kept in a suitable place.^

Fidai Khan was sent to Prince Parwez, with orders for Maha- bat Khan to leave him, and proceed to Bengal. Khan Jahan ^ was to come from Gujarat, and to act as valnl with the Prince. Fidai Khan saw the Prince at Sarangpur, and wrote to say that the Prince was unwilling either to part with Mahabat Khan or to receive Khan Jahan. * * He (Fidai) had, nevertheless, sent messengers for Khan Jahan, who was hastening to his post. Another farmdn was then sent to the Prince, warning him not to disobey. If Mahabat Khan was unwilling to go to Bengal, he was to return express to Court, and the Prince was to stay with his amirs at Burhanpur.

On the 19th Muharram, 1035, the Emperor started from Kashmir on his return to Lahore.] * *

1 [It was at this time that Sh&h Jah§.ii hegged and obtained forgiveness from his father — a fact which the author of this work has suppressed. — See Extract from the Tatimma, p. 397 supra.']

2 [The Tatirnma says-that on the last day of Muharram, 1035, when the Emperor was at Lahore, he ordered two lacs of rupees to be sent to Khan-kh-^inan. — MS.

3 [Khan-Jahtin Lodi, from whom the Tdrikh-i Khdn-Jahdn Lodi received its name. -See Vol. V. p. 67.]

Prince Dawar Bakhsh presented a tiger, which had an extra- ordinary affection for a goat, which lived in the same cage with it. They used even to couple and consort together, as if they were animals of the same kind. It was ordered that the goat should be taken away to a distance and concealed ; upon which the tiger became disconsolate and uneasy. It was then ordered that a goat of precisely the same colour and size should be placed in the cage. The tiger at first began to smell it, and shortly afterwards seized it in his mouth, and broke its back. A sheep was then placed in the cage, when it was immediately torn and devoured. They then brought the old goat back again, when it was received with undiminished regard. The tiger lay on his back, and took the goat upon its breast, and licked its face. Such a thing was never seen, either among tame or wild beasts, as an animal kissing the mouth even of its mate.

[Mahabat Khan had not as yet sent to Court the elephants obtained in Bengal, and he had realized large sums of money due to the State, and also from jdgirs, A person called ’Arab Dast-ghaib was therefore sent to collect the elephants, and bring them to Court, -also to obtain a settlement of accounts, and to return to Court if the result proved satisfactory.

Intelligence arrived that Khan Jahan had come from Gujarat, and had joined Prince Parwez. A letter arrived simultaneously from Khan Jahan himself, stating that ’Abdu-lla Khan had aban- doned Shah Jahan, and through him had written penitent and sub- missive letters, begging for forgiveness. Khan Jahan forwarded the letters with his own intercession, and pardon was granted. * *

On the 8th Jumada-s sani the Emperor began his travels in the direction of Kabul.] * *

[The twenty-first year of the reign began on the 10th Jumada-s sani, 1035 h. * * An answer to the dutiful letter of Shah Jahan was written and forwarded, with a mace set with diamonds, valued at a lac of rupees, a studded girdle, etc.] * *

[It has previously been mentioned that ’Arab Dast-ghaib had been sent to Mahabat Khan in Bengal, to bring the elephants, and to summon the Khaii to Court. Mahabat Khan, having first sent the elephants, came himself to the vicinity of the royal camp. His recall was owing to the instigation of Asaf Khan,^ whose object was to bring him to disgrace, and to deprive him of honour, property, and life. But Mahabat Khan had cleverly seen through Asaf’s designs, and had brought with him 4000 or 5000 Rajputs, brave men united in one cause. He had also brought the wives and families of many of them, so that, if driven to extremity, they would fight to the last for the lives and honour of themselves and their families.

Although strong observations were made about the manner in which Mahabat Khan had come, Nawab Asaf Khan treated the matter with indifference and neMijrence. When his arrival was reported to the Emperor, a message was sent forbidding him to attend at Court until summoned. The elephants which he had brought were to be forwarded to Court.

Mahabat Khan had, without the royal permission, affianced his daughter to the son of Khwaja ’Umar Kakshabandi. The Emperor made a great noise about this. He sent for the young man, and having treated him with great insult and harshness, he gave orders for binding his hands to his neck, and for taking him bare-headed to prison. Fidai Khan was directed to seize what Mahabat Khan had given to the youth, and place it in the Im- perial treasury.

The abiding place of the Emperor was on the bank of the river Behat, and Asaf Khan, notwithstanding the presence of such a brave and daring enemy, was so heedless of his master’s safety, that he left him on that side of the river, while he passed over the bridge to the other side, with the children and women, and the attendants and officers. He sent over also the bafX2:ao:e, the treasury, the arms, etc., even to the very domestics.

^Mahabat Khan perceived that his life and honour were at stake, and that he had no resource, for he had not a single friend left near the Emperor. With 4000 or 5000 Eajputs who had sworn fidelity to him, he proceeded to the head of the bridge. There he left nearly 2000 horsemen to hold it, and to burn tlie bridge rather than allow any one to pass over. Mahabat Khan then proceeded to the royal quarters. The writer of this Ikhdl- ndma at that time held the offices of hakhsM and mir-tiizak; there- fore he had not gone over the river, but passed the night in the antechamber. After prayers, and saying good morning to his comrades, he went round to inspect. A cry arose that Mahabat Khan was coming, and the thought occurred to me^ that perhaps he had gone to the door of the private apartments. Then it was said that he had left the private apartments, and had come to the state-apartment, to give expression to his feelings. On reaching the entrance of my ante-room, he inquired how matters stood. When his voice reached my ear, I drew my sword, and went out of the tent. When he saw me, he addressed me by name, and asked after His Majesty. I saw that he had with him about 100 Eajputs on foot, carrying spears and shields, and leading his horse in the midst of them ; but the dust prevented me from seeing any one’s face distinctly. He hastened to the chief entrance, and I entered the state-apartment by a side door. I saw a few men of the guard in the state-room, and three or four eunuchs standing at the door of the bath-room. Mahabat Khan rode to the door of the state-room, and alighted. When he pro- ceeded towards the bath-room, he had about 200 Eajputs with him. I then went forward, and in my simplicity exclaimed,

This presumption and temerity is beyond all rule ; if you will wait a minute, I will go on in, and make a report.” He did not trouble himself to answer. When he reached the entrance of the bath-room, his attendants tore down the boards which the

^ [The printed text here gives two versions, extending to about a page and a half. The one adopted by the Tatimma is here followed.]

2 [The writer here adopts the first person.]

door-keepers had put up for security, and threw them into the middle of the state-room. The servants who were in attendance on His Majesty informed him of this daring action. The Emperor then came out, and took his seat in a pdlki which was in waiting for him. Mahabat Khan advanced respectfully to the door of the pdlki^ and said, “ I have assured myself that escape from the malice and implacable hatred of Asaf Khan is impossible, and that I shall be put to death in shame and ignominy. I have therefore boldly and presumptuously thrown myself upon Your Majesty’s protection. If I deserve death or punishment, give the order that I may suffer it in your presence.”

The armed Rajputs now flocked in, and surrounded the royal apartments. There was no one with His Majesty but ’Arab Dast-ghaib, * * * and a few other attendants. The violent entrance of that faithless dog had alarmed and enraged His Majesty, so he twice placed his hand on his sword to cleanse the world from the filthy existence of that foul dog. But each time Mansur Badakhshi said, “ This is a time for fortitude, leave the punishment of this wicked faithless fellow to a just God : a day of retribution will come.” His words seemed prudent, so His Majesty restrained himself. In a short time the Rajputs occupied the royal apartments within and without, so that no one but the servants could approach His Majesty. The villain then said, “ It is time to go out riding and hunting ; let the necessary orders be given as usual, so that your slave may go out in attendance upon you, and it may appear that this bold step has been taken by Your Majesty’s order.” He brought his own horse forward, and urged the Emperor to mount it ; but the royal dignity w'ould not permit him to ride upon his horse. So he called for his own horse, and ordered his riding garments to be taken into the private apartments. But that shrewd villain would not allow him to go inside.

They waited a little until the horse was brought. His Majesty then mounted and rode to two arrow-shots distance from the tents. An elephant was brought forward, and Mahabat Khan said

that there was a crowd and uproar, His Majesty had therefore better mount the elephant, and so proceed to the hunting ground. The Emperor, without any observation or opposition, mounted the beast. One of the most trusted Rajputs took his seat in front, and two others behind the howda, Mubarak Khan now came forward, and to satisfy him, took a place in the howda with the Emperor. In the confusion, Mubarak had received acciden- tally a wound in the forehead, from which a good deal of blood liad run, and covered his bosom. One of the personal attendants of His Majesty, who had charge of the wine, and carried the royal wine-cup in his hand, now came up to the elephant. The Rajputs seized their spears, and with their hands and arms tried to prevent him ; but he seized fast hold of the howda^ and as there was not room for three persons to sit outside, he supported himself by holding the middle of the hoivda. After going about lialf a koSy Gajpat Khan, the master of the elephant stables, brought up the Emperor’s own elephant. He was seated in front, and Ids son behind. Apparently this roused Mahabat Khan’s suspicion, and he gave the sign to the Rajputs for killing these two innocent men.

Dressed as if for hunting, Mahabat Khan led the way to his own abode, and His Majesty went in and stayed there for a time. Mahabat placed his wretched sons around the Emperor. He had taken no thought of Nur Jahan Regain ; so it now occurred to him that he would take the Emperor back to the royal abode, and make himself safe on that side also. With this intention, he conducted the Emperor back. But as it happened, Nur Jahan, thinking that His Majesty had gone out hunting, took the opportunity to pass over the river with Jawahir Khan, the eunuch, to pay a visit to her brother Asaf Khan. When Mahabat discovered the departure of Nur Jahan, he bitterly repented of the blunder he had made in not securing her. He now bethought him of Shahriyar, and saw that it would be a great error to let him be apart from the Emperor. So he made His Majesty mount once more, and carried him to the house of

Shahriyar. Apprehension and fear for his life so distracted the traitor, that his deeds and words were not at all sensible. He neither knew what he said nor what he did, nor what was to be done. Every minute some desis^n or some anxiety entered his mind, and caused regret. His Majesty made no opposition to any of his proposals.

When the bold traitor entered the royal apartments, Jahju, grandson of Shuja’at Khan, one of the chief nobles of the late Emperor Akbar, was present, and he went everywhere with His Majesty, until he was taken to the abode of Shahriyar. One can- not tell what suspicion or doubt entered the heart of the traitor ; but when His Majesty went in, Mahabat directed his Kajputs to seize Jahju and slay him, and they soon made a martyr of him.

After Kur Jahan had crossed the river, and reached the house of her brother, she summoned all the chief nobles, and addressed them in reproachful terms. “ This,*” she said, “ has all happened through your neglect and stupid arrangements. What never entered into the imagination of any one has come to pass, and now you stand stricken with shame for your conduct before God and man. You must do your best to repair this evil, and advise what course to pursue.^’ With one mind and one voice they all advised that on the morrow the forces should be drawn out, and that they should pass over the river with her to defeat the rebel and deliver His Majesty. This unwise reso- lution reached the Emperor’s ears, and he considered it very wron". During the night he sent Mukarrib Khan and several others in succession to Asaf Khan and the great nobles, warning them against passing over the river to give battle, for to do so would be a great mistake, productive of nothing but evil and repentance. With what hope and what zeal could they fight, while he was on a different side of the river. To certify and enforce this counsel, he sent his own signet ring over by Mir Mansur. But Asaf Khan suspected that this was done and said at the instigation of Mahabat Khan ; so he paid no heed to it, but resolved to carry out the plan they had resolved on.

Fidai Khan, on being informed of what had happened, mounted his horse, and rode down to the river ; but the bridge had been burnt, and there was no means of passing over. Having no other resource, with a few of his faithful followers he rode into the river opposite the royal abode, and tried to cross over by swim- ming. Six of his men perished in the waters ; others, through the coldness of the water, were unable to proceed, and returned to land half dead. The Khan, with seven other horsemen, reached the opposite bank, and made a gallant effort. Four of his companions were killed; and when he saw that the enemy was too strong, that he could not reach His Majesty, and that his effort must fail, he fell back like a block of stone in an iron wall,^ and repassed the river with the same dash and spirit with which he had crossed it. The Emperor passed that night in the abode of Shahriyar.

On Sunday, the 20th Farwardin, of the Ilahi era, agreeing with 21st Jumada-s sani, i^saf Khan, with Khwaja Abu-1 Hasan, and other grandees, being resolved upon giving battle, determined to pass the river in attendance upon Nur Jahan Begam, by a ford which Ghazi, the commander of the boats, had discovered. As it happened, this was one of the worst of fords. Three or four large holes had to be passed, in which the water was deep. In the passage all order was lost, and each party got over as best it could, i^saf Khan, Khwaja Abu-l Hasan, and Iradat Khan, with the elephant-litter of the Begam, landed in front of a strong party of the enemy, which held the bank, with their elephants posted in their front. Fidai Khan crossed over at a ford about an arrow-shot lower down. Abu Talib, son of Ksaf Khan, and a considerable number of men, passed at a ford still lower down. At times the horses were obliged to swim, the. accoutrements got wet, and the harness disordered. Some of them had reached the shore, and some were still in the water, when the enemy came down upon them, their elephants leading. Ksaf Khan and Khwaja Abu-1 Hasan were yet in the middle of the river, when ^ [The author of the Tatimma shows his taste by cutting out this simile.]

tlie men in advance of them recoiled (I was paralyzed at this sight, as if a mill-stone had been revolving on the top of my head). No one cared for or gave ear to another, no one showed any resolution. The first thing to be done was to secure the ford which offered the easiest passage, and to send a force over to occupy the opposite bank, and to keep the enemy off, so that the amirs and tlieir men might cross the river without interruption, to support those who had already got over. This was a time for the exhibition of discipline, resolution, and devotion. But now every one who was in front fell back, and those who went on together fell. The officers, in a panic, rushed off in disorder, not knowing whither they went, or where they led their men.

I and Khwaja Abu-1 Hasan had crossed one (branch of the) river, and were standing on the brink of the second, beholding the working of destiny. Horsemen and footmen, horses, camels, and carriages, were in the midst of the river, jostling each other, and pressing to the opposite shore. At this time a eunuch of Nur Jahan’s, whose name was Nadim, came to us, and said, The Begara wants to know if this is the time for delay and irresolu- tion ; strike boldly forward, so that by your advance the enemy may be repulsed, and take to flight.’’ I and the Khwaja did not wait to give an answer, but plunged into the water. Seven or eight hundred Rajputs, with a number of war-elephants in their front, occupied the opposite shore in Arm array. Some of our men, horse and foot, approached the bank, in a broken and dis- ordered condition. The enemy pushed forward their elephants, and the horsemen came from the rear, dashed into the water, and plied their swords. Our handful of men, being vflthout leaders, turned and fled, and the swords of the enemy tinged the water with their blood. The Begam Nur Jahan had in her litter the daughter of Shahriyar, whose anka ^ or nurse was the daughter of Shah Nawaz Khan. The anka received an arrow in her arm,

^ [Here, as frequently in other works, we have the word atka instead of anka, foster-father instead of foster-mother. See note, Vol. V. p. 271. The Tatimma does not mention the nurse, 'but says it was the child who was wounded.]

and the Begam herself pulled it out, staining her garments with blood. The elephant on which the Begam was riding received two sword-cuts on the trunk ; and when he turned round, he was wounded two or three times behind with spears. The Rajputs pushed after him with their drawn swords, and his drivers urged him on into the deep water. The horsemen then had to swim, and becoming afraid of being drowned, they turned back. The elephant swam to shore, and the Begam proceeded to the royal abode. Khwaja Abu-1 Hasan and I were together. He left me and made haste to the Begam’s abode, and I remained with forty of my men by the side of the river. They kept up a discharge of arrows, and the Rajputs made no attempt to cross to our side. Asaf Khan now came in sight ; his companions were scattered, and his plan had failed, so he departed. I sought and shouted for his followers, but could not find them or any trace of them.

When Khwaja Abu-1 Hasan left me, he went off at a sharp pace, and in his distraction and alarm, he rode into the river. The water was deep, and the stream was running strong. While the horse was swimming, he fell off ; but he clutched the saddle-bow with both hands. The horse went under several times, and was drowned ; but the Khwaja never let go the saddle-bow. A Kashmiri boatman made his way to him, and saved his life.

Fidai Khan, with a party of the Emperor’s servants, and some of his own men who had been long attached to him, passed the river, and attacked the force which he found opposed to him. He drove back the enemy, and reached the house of Shahriyar, where the Emperor then was. The interior of the residence was full of men, both horse and foot ; so Fidai Khan stopped at the entrance, and sent a discharge of arrows inside. Some of the arrows fell in the courtyard of the private apartments near His Majesty, when Mukhlis Khan placed himself before the throne, and made his body a shield for the protection of the Emperor. Fidai Khan persevered for some time in his efforts, but several

of his followers were killed, others were severely wounded, and the Khan’s own horse received four wounds. When he found that he could not succeed, and that there was no chance of reach- ing the Emperor, he passed through the camp, and went up the river. Next day he crossed the river, and repaired to his sons, who were in Eohtas. * * i^saf Khan, who was the cause of this disaster, and whose folly and rashness had brought matters to this pass, when he found that he could no longer make any resistance to Mahabat Khan, fled with his son Abu Talib, and 200 or 300 horse, hdrgirs, and servants, to the fort of Atak, which was in Yd^jagir^ and closed the fortress. * * Mahabat sent a large party of the royal ahadu (guards), with some of his own followers, and the zaminddrs of the neighbourhood, under the command of his son Bihroz and a Bajput, to invest Atak. They reduced the fort, and Asaf Khan bowed to Fate, and bound him- self by promise and oath to uphold Mahabat. When the Em- peror crossed the river at Atak, Mahabat Khan, having received the royal permission, went into the fort, brought out Asaf Khan and his son Abu Talib, and gave it into the charge of his own adherents. _Several of A!saf Khan's foUoivers executed.'] The royal camp rested for a while at Jalalabad, * * and on the 21sb Sha’ban arrived at Kabul, and the Emperor visited the tombs of his ancestors. * * A party of Rajputs turned out their horses to graze in the hunting ground near Kabul, and a contention arose with the keepers, in which an ahadi was killed. * * The ahad'is sought redress, * * and, dissatisfied with the answer they received, * * attacked the Rajputs, and killed 600 or 700 of them.]

[Intelligence now arrived of the death of Wmbar the Abyssi- nian, in the eightieth year of his age, on the 31 st Urdibihisht. This Wmbar was a slave, but an able man. In warfare, in command, in sound judgment, and in administration, he had no rival or equal. He well understood that predatory {kazzdki) warfare, which in the language of the Dakhin is called hargi-giru

He kept down tlie turbulent spirits of that country, and main- tained his exalted position to the end of his life, and closed his career in honour. History records no other instance of an Abys- sinian slave arriving at such eminence. * *

The Emperor, with Nur Jahan Begam,^ while at Kabul, went to pay a visit to Shah Isma’il. It was now reported that Shah Jahan had departed from the frontiers of Nizamu-1 Mulk, and proceeded through Malwa to Ajmir. But he made no stay there, and had gone on by way of Jesalmir to Thatta. On the 1st Shahryur, His Majesty started from Kabul for Hindustan. At this time intelliirence was brouMit of the serious illness of Prince Parwez. He was first attacked with colic, then he became in- sensible, and after medical treatment, fell into a heavy sleep. The doctors cauterized him in five places on the head and fore- head. His illness was attributed to excessive drinking; the same malady of which his uncles Shah Murad and Shahzada Daniyal had died.]

[His Majesty, in his good nature and gentleness, had now become reconciled to Mahabat Khan, and showed him great favour and kindness, so that Mahabat felt quite secure on that side. * * Whatever Nur Jahan Begam said to the Emperor in private, he unreservedly repeated to Mahabat Khan, and he bade him beware, for the Begam had a design against him. He also told him that the daughter of Shah-nawaz Khan, who was married to Shayastah Klian, son of Asaf, had threatened to shoot him whenever she got an opportunity. By these means he set Mahabat’s heart at rest, and removed that doubt and suspi- cion with which Mahabat had at first regarded him. Mahabat became less watchful, the guard of Rajputs which he used to bring with him to surround the palace was diminished, and the bands of control were relaxed. Besides, he had lost some of his best men in the fight with the ahadis in Kabul.

1 [It is not stated when the Begam rejoined the Emperor.]

Nur Jahan Begam worked against him both in private and in public. She maintained a number of followers, and attached them to herself by money and promises. In time Hushiyar Khan, her eunuch, in compliance with her letters, got together about 2000 men in Lahore, and proceeded to meet her. A con- siderable number of men had also been got together round the royal escort. When he was one inarch distant from Bohtas His Majesty determined to hold a review of the cavalry. He gave orders that all the soldiers, old and new, should form in two lines from the royal abode as far as they would extend. He then directed Buland Khan, one of his attendants, to go to Mahabat Khan, and tell him that His Majesty was holding a review of the Begam’s troops that day. It would be better there- fore for him to postpone the usual parade of the first day, lest words should pass between the two parties and strife ensue.^ After Biiland Khan, he sent Khwaja Abu-1 Hasan to enforce his wish more strongly, and to urge Mahabat to go on a stage. The Khwaja, by cogent reasons, prevailed upon him ; and, cast- ing off all insolence and improper exercise of power, he went on first. His Majesty followed close after, and making no stay at the first stage, he made two stages into one, and passed over the river to Bohtas, where he found a Court ready to receive him.

The Emperor now sent four written orders to Mahabat Khan. 1. That as Shah Jahan had gone to Thatta, he was to follow and assist in settling matters there. 2. To send Asaf Khan and his son Abu Talib to Court. 3. To send Tahmuras and Hoshang, sons of the late Prince Daniyal, who had been placed in his charge. 4. To send also Lashkari, son of Mukhlis Khan, who was

1 [From this point the text is somewhat obscure. The Tatimma alters the wording, and says, “After Buland Khan he sent Khwaja Ahii-l Hasan, to enforce the proposal with suitable arguments. He (Mahabat) acted accordingly, and did not come to wait upon the Emperor. Next day a number of royal adherents assembled at the Em- peror’s tents. He then directed Mahabat Khan to go on a march in advance ; and, although the Khan was aware of what was passing, his mind had been so shaken by the fight wdth the aliadis^ that he did as he was ordered, and marched forwards. The Emperor then mounted, and hastened onwards. Mahabat Khan could not recover himself, but went on again from the first stage, and crossed the Behat.]

his surety, and had not yet come to Court. He was warned that if he made any delay in sending Xsaf Khan, an army should be sent after him. .

Afzal Khan brought the sons of Prince Daniyal ; but in the matter of Asaf Khan, he brought a message from Mahabat, saying that he was going to Thatta, but that he was not safe as regarded Nur Jahan. He was afraid that if he let Asaf Khan go, an army would be sent after him. Therefore, with all due submission, he would keep Asaf Khan till he had passed Lahore, and would then set him at liberty. This answer greatly enraged the Begam, who sent Afzal Khan back to report what he had seen and heard, to say that there must be no delay in sending Asaf Khan, and to beware of giving further provocation. Mahabat Khan was overawed by this message. He sent for Asaf Khan, apologized, and bound him by an oath and promise. Then having shown him much attention, he sent him to Court. But, for the reason above stated, he detained Asafs son, Abu Talib, for some days. He then marched as if it was his intention to proceed to Thatta. * *

When the Court arrived at Lahore, Asaf Khan received the subaddri of the Panjab. He was also appointed prime minister, and the order was given for him to preside permanently over the administration of all affairs, revenue and political. * *

Mahabat Khan did not proceed far in the direction of Thatta, but turned off, and went towards Hindustan to push his fortune. Information came in that twenty-two lacs of rupees was coming to him from Bengal, and that the convoy had arrived near Dehli. A party was sent out to seize upon this treasure, and they fell in with it near Shahabad. The men in charge with their cart loads of money took refuge in a sardi^ barricaded it, and showed a determination of holding out to the last. After a good deal of fighting, the royal troops set fire to the sardi, and got possession of it, when its defenders fled.] * *

[Prince Parwez died on the 6tli Safar, 1035 a.h. His age was thirty-eight solar years.

Intelligence arrived from the Dakhin that Ya’kub Khan, the Abyssinian, who, in that country, was next in rank to Malik ^\mbar, and during his life even had held important com- mands, had now determined to make his submission to the Imperial throne. * * Khan Jahan wrote to Ya’kub in warm and assuring terms, and directed the amirs to receive him with all hospitality and respect, and to bring him to Burhanpur.]

[It has already been mentioned that Shah Jahan, with a small party of adherents, had proceeded to Thatta. In former years he had kept up friendly relations and correspondence with Shah ’Abbas of Persia, and in his present difficulties he entertained the idea of going to him, hoping to receive a friendly reception, until by some means he got over his troubles. On approaching Thatta, Sharifu-1 Mulk, the governor of the country, and a devoted servant of Shahriyar’s, came forward arrogantly with 3000 or 4000 horse, and 10,000 infantry, collected from the country, to oppose Shah Jahan’s progress. The Prince had with him only 300 or 400 horse ; but Sharifu-1 Mulk was afraid to attack them, and retired into the fortress of the city. The fortress had been lately repaired, many guns had been mounted, and chosen parties of men held the various bastions, prepared to make a vigorous defence. Shah Jahan forbad any attempt upon the fort, and desired to avoid a sacrifice of life from the fire of the' fortress. A party of his brave fellows, not heeding his prohibition, made an attack ; but the works were too strong, and the fire too heavy, so they were repulsed. Some days later another party, unable to repress their ardour, made another attack. The ground round the fortress was level and open, with not a mound, a wall, a tree, or any kind of shelter. So they placed their shields in front

of them, and rushed forward. They came upon a broad and deep ditch, which was full of water. To advance was impossible, to return still more so. Trusting in Providence as their fortress, there they stayed. Shah Jahan sent to recall them, but they did not retire. Some of his most devoted servants went to bring them back ; but each one that went took part with them, and choosing the road to death, never returned.

Various events now occurred to prevent Shah Jahan from pro- ceeding to Persia. Prince Parwez was very dangerously ill, and the attempt to subdue Thatta seemed futile, so he determined to return by way of Gujarat and the country of Bihara (Birar?) to the Dakhin. Being weak and ill, he was obliged to travel in pdlJd, He now received intelligence of the death of Prince Parwez, and this hastened his movements. He pursued the route which Mahmud of Ghazni had taken when he conquered Sornnath. Passing by Bajpipliya, he arrived at Nasik Tirbang in the Dakhin, where he had left his stores and equipage.]

[Nizamu-1 Mulk, in concert with Path Khan, son of Malik ’Ambar, took hostile measures, * * so Khan Jahan placed Lashkar Khan in charge of Burhanpiir, and marched to Khirki to frustrate his attempts. * * Nizamu-1 Mulk was in the fortress of Daulatabad. He made Hamid Khan, an Abyssinian slave, ^ his commander-in-chief, and delivered over to him the general management of his State. Nizamu-1 Mulk was thus kept under control like a bird in a cage ; out of doors by the Abyssinian, and indoors by his wife.

When Khan Jahan’s approach became known, Hamid Khan took three lacs of hlins^ and went to meet him. The Abyssinian’s

^ [The text gives an account of the “strange history” of this Abyssinian slave. He married a poor woman who served in the female apartments of Niz§,mu-1 Mulk. She made herself useful in supplying the King secretly with wine, and as a procuress in bringing “ wives and daughters ” for his gratification. By these means she obtained such an ascendancy over him, that she was mistress inside the palace, and her husband became master outside ; but it must be added that he was a man of ability.]

wiles and the temptation of the money, led Khan Jahan from the course of rectitude. He agreed to take the money, and to restore all the country of the Balaghat, as far as the fortress of Ahmad- nagar, to Nizamu-1 Mulk. Shame upon this faithless man, who forgot his duty and his loyalty, and bartered such a territory for three lacs of kuns ! Khan Jahan wrote letters to the com- mandants of the various posts, ordering them to give up the places to the officers of Nizamu-1 Mulk, and to return to Court.

One of these letters was sent to Sipahdar Khan, the comman- dant of Ahmadnagar. When Nizamu-1 Mulk’s officers went there, the Khan said, Take possession of the country, for it belongs to you ; but I will not surrender the fort without a royal farmdny The representatives of Nizamu-1 Mulk did their utmost to persuade him, but it was all in vain ; he never swerved from his determination, and he busied himself in laying in provisions, and putting the fortress in a state of defence. Other commandants weakly surrendered the country of the Balaghat at the command of Khan Jahan, and repaired to Burhanpur.

At this time died, in the seventy-second year of his age, Khan-khanan, son of Bairam Khan, one of the greatest nobles of the reign of the late Emperor Akbar, who had rendered honourable services and gained important victories. * *

Mahabat Khan, when he turned off from the road to Thatta, sent his men to meet the convoy of treasure which was on its way to him, and either to bring it after him, or bear it out of the Imperial territory. He concealed himself for some time in the hills of the Bana’s country, and then sent persons to Shah Jahan to express his contrition. The Prince received his apolo- gies kindly, called him to his presence, and treated him with great favour and kindness.^] * *

^ [According- to the Tatimma he had nearly 2000 horse with him when he joined Shah Jahan at Junir.]

[While the Emperor was staying in Kashmir, his illness in- creased, and he daily became weaker. He was unable to ride on horseback, but was carried about in 2^, pdlM. His sufferings were great. * * He lost all appetite for food, and rejected opium, which had been his companion for forty years. He took nothing but a few cups of wine of the grape.

Just at this time, Sultan Shahriyar inopportunely fell ill. The “fox’s disease”^ robbed him of his honour; for all his hair, his whiskers, his eyebrows, and his eyelashes fell off. Nothing that the doctors prescribed was of any benefit ; so he returned covered with shame to Lahore.]

[The Emperor also started on his return to Lahore. When he reached Bairam Kala, his love of sport, which has been so often mentioned in these pages, revived. * * The country people drove the deer near to the place where His Majesty was seated. He raised his piece and fired, and the stricken animal bounded off to its females, and fell. [A man who followed it fell down a precipice^ and was killed.'] The fate of the poor man greatly affected the Emperor. It seemed as though he had thus seen the angel of death. From that time he had no rest or ease, and his state was entirely changed. The journey was continued two marches to Bajaur. Towards close of day he started from thence. On the way he called for a glass of wine ; but when it was placed to his lips, he was unable to swallow. Towards night he grew worse, and he died early on the following day, the 28th Safar, 1037 a.h., in the 22nd year of his reign.

Nsaf Khan, the chief personage in the State, in concert with Khan-i ’azam (Iradat Khan), brought Dawar Bakhsh, son of Khusru, out of confinement, and held out to him the prospect of his becoming king. But he did not believe them, and placed

^ [Ddu-s salab, “ scald or loss of hair.”]

no confidence in their proposals till they had bound themselves -svith stringent oaths. Then they placed him on horseback, raised the royal canopy, and proceeded towards the royal quar- ters. Nur Jahan Begam sent several persons to bring her brother to her ; but he made excuses, and did not go. Asaf Khan now sent off Banarasi, a swift runner, to Shah Jahan, with intelligence of the death of Jahangir ; and as there was no time for writing, he sent his signet ring as a guarantee. Next day the royal retinue came down from the mountains to Bhimbar. There the funeral ceremonies were performed, and the corpse was sent on under escort to Lahore, where it was interred in a garden which Nur Jahan had made.

When the nobles and officers of the State became aware that Asaf Khan had resorted to the stratagem of proclaiming Dawar Bakhsh, in order to secure the accession of Shah Jahan, and that Dawar was, in fact, a mere sacrificial lamb, they gave their support to i^saf Khan, and did whatever he said. So the khutha was read in Dawar BakhslTs name near Bhimbar, and then they started for Lahore. * * i^saf Khan was not at ease in respect of Nur Jahan, so he kept watch over her, and would allow no communication with her. The Begam’s wish was to raise Shahriyar to the throne. Shahriyar was in Lahore when he heard of the Emperor’s death, and, urged on by his intriguing wife, he assumed the royal title. He seized upon the royal treasure and everything belong- ing to the State which was in Lahore. To secure troops and supporters, he gave to every one what he asked for, and in the course of one week he distributed seventy lacs of rupees among the old and new nobles, in the hope of securing his position. Mirza Baisinghar, son of the late Prince Daniyal, on the death of the Emperor, fled to Lahore, and joined Shahriyar. He took the command of the forces, and led them over the river. * *

On the other side i^saf Khan advanced, Dawar Bakhsh being seated upon one elephant, and he upon another. Thus they marched to action, and the opposing forces met about three kos from Lahore. * * At the first attack Shaliriyar’s mercenaries,

unable to face the old and loyal servants of the State, broke, and fled. Shahriyar, with 2000 or 3000 horse, was in the vicinity of Lahore, awaiting the course of events. A Turki slave brought him the intelliorence of the rout. Unable to

understand his position and danger, Shahriyar fell back and entered the fortress, thus placing his own foot in the trap. Next day the nobles arrived, and sat down before the fort. Some of his followers had an interview with Asaf Khan, and made terms. ’Azam Khan entered the fort at night, and next morning let in the other amirs. Shahriyar fled for refuge into the female apartments of the late Emperor. A eunuch brought him out, and he was led bound to the presence of Dawar Bakhsh. After making the regular bows and homage, he was placed in confinement, and two or three days afterwards he was blinded.

• • Tahmuras and Hoshang, sons of Prince Daniyal, were also taken and confined. Asaf Khan wrote to Shah Jahan, inform- ing him of the victory.

Banarasi, the runner, left Jangazhati, in the mountains of Kashmir, and in twenty days, on the 19th Rabi’u-1 awwal, 1037 A.H., he arrived at Junir, on the frontiers of Nizamu-1 Mulk. The runner went to the abode of Mahabat Khan, who had just before been received by Shah Jahan. Mahabat Khan sent word into the private apartments of the Prince, who came out and received from the runner the signet ring of Asaf Khan.

• • After observing the proper rites and term of mourning, he commenced his journey on the 23rd Babru-1 awwal, and pro- ceeded by way of Gujarat.^ * *

Khan Jahan, after his treaty with Nizamu-1 Mulk, and the surrender of the territory of the Balaghat, was joined at Bur- hanpur by most of the jdgirddrs and nobles. Sipahdar Khan, in Ahmadnagar, rejected all the commands of Khan Jahan and the demands of Nizamu-1 Mulk’s officers, and vowed that he would not give up the fortress without a royal order, even if it

^ [He took the Gujarat road because he had not received any communication from Kh&n-Jahan Lodi, the “Nazim of the Dakhin.” — Bddshdh-ndma.l

should cost him his head. * * Khan Jahan was joined by Darya Rohilla and by others at Burhanabad. * * Then he proceeded to Mandu, and took possession of several parts of Malwa, after which he returned to Burhanpur. * *

Shah Jahan sent a farmdn to Yaminu-d daula iisaf Khan, to the effect that it would be well if Dawar Bakhsh the son, and (Shahriyar) the useless brother,^ of Khusru, and the sons of Prince Daniyal, were all sent out of the world. * * On the 2nd Juniada-1 awwal, 1037 a.h., agreeing with 10th Bahman, in the twenty-second year of the reign of Jahangir, by general consent Shah Jahan was proclaimed at Lahore, and the khutha was read in his name. Dawar Bakhsh, whom the supporters of Shah Jahan had deemed it advisable to set up in order to prevent disturbances, was now cast into prison. On the 26th Jumada-1 awwal, Dawar,^ his brother Grarshasp, Shah- riyar, and Tahmuras and Hoshang, sons of the deceased Prince Daniyal, were all put to death.

On reaching the boundaries of the Band, Shah Jahan was waited upon by Ran a Karan at Kokanda, who, as well as his father Rana A mar Singh, had shown great loyalty. He offered his tribute, and received great gifts and honours. The new Emperor now celebrated his thirty-eighth birthday (solar reckon- ing). On the 19th Jumada-1 awwal he reached Ajmir, and, according to the practice of his great ancestor, paid a visit on foot to the tombs of the saints. * * Mababat Khan, commander- in-chief, solicited and obtained Ajmir in jdgir. On the 26th Jumada-1 awwal, Shah Jahan reached i^gra, and encamped out- side in the gardens. Next day he entered the city, and was universally recognized as King.]

^ [Here, as elsewhere, Shahriyar is designated nd-shudani^ “ fit for nothing.”]

2 [He was also called Bulaki, and the Bddshdh-ndma says “Bulaki, who had only the name of king, and was in fact fettered and helpless, was placed in safe confine- ment.” According to Elphinstone, he escaped to Persia, and was there seen by the Holstein ambassadors in 1633. Olearius’ Ambassador's Travels, p. 190.]

This is the name given to the work of Khwaja Kamgar Ghairat Khan by Gladwin, who has abstracted from it copiously in his “ History of Jehangir,” printed at Calcutta in the year 1788. He calls the author Kamgar Husseiny. The author of the “Critical Essay on Various Manuscript Works,” and James Fraser, in his abridged Moghul History, prefixed to his life of Nadir Shah, also call it the Ma-dsir-i Jahdngiri^ and Muhammad Tahir ’Inayat Khan, in his Preface to the History of Shah Jahan, says the author calls it by that name ; but the author himself gives no name to the work, and native writers, as in the Ma-dsiru-l JJmard and the Muntakhahu-l Luhdh^ usually speak of it simply under the name of Jahdngir-ndma.

Khwaja Kamgar informs us that in consequence of the in- completeness of the Emperor's autobiography, he had long con- templated supplying its deficiencies by writing a complete life himself; when he was at last induced to undertake it at the instigation of the Emperor Shah Jahan in the third year^ of his reign, a.h. 1040 (a.d. 1630-1).

Khwaja Kamgar was son of Sardar Khan, who came to Court in the fourteenth year of J ahangiPs reign, and received a tuyul of Hajipur in Mungir and some parganas in Bihar. He was nephew, by the brother’s side, of ’Abdu-lla Khan Bahadur Firoz

^ Dating the commencement of the reign from Jahangir’s death in a.h. 1037.

Jang, was in the third year of Shah Jahan’s reign invested with the mansah of 1000 and 400 saivdrs, and in the fourth year of the reign rose to higher honours in consequence of his concern in the pursuit of the gallant Khan Jahan Lodi.

Khan Jahan, after he had risen in rebellion in the Dakhin, was soon overwhelmed by the defeat of his allies, as well as by the pestilence and famine which were ravaging the land. He there- fore determined to take refuf>:e with the Afghans of Peshawar, where all the north-eastern tribes were at that time in arms. With this view he crossed the Nerbadda, near the frontier of Gujarat, and traversed Malwa into Bundelkand, where he hoped to revive the spirit of insurrection ; but the Raja turned against him, and cut off his rear-guard under his faithful friend Darya Khdn.i

Khwaja Kamgar, in company with his uncle ’Abdu-lla Khan, pursued him with an army composed principally of saiyicls^ at the head of whom was Saiyid Muzaffar Khan Barba, and so hotly was the pursuit maintained, that the fugitives were several times compelled to turn upon the Imperialists, and try the for- tune of an engagement. Khan Jahan tried to force his way into Kalinjar; but after the loss of his son and several of his adhe- rents, he was forced to relinquish that object.

About forty miles from Kalinjar, he ventured his last desperate engagement, on the 1st of Rajah, a.h. 1040, when he and all his followers were cut to pieces by an advance-guard under Madhii Singh, son of the Hada chief of Bundi,^ before either ’Abdu-lla Khan or Muzaffar Khan could come up.

’Abdu-lla Khan, upon reaching the scene of action, sent the heads of Khan Jahan, of ’Aziz his son, and of Praal Khan, to the Emperor, by the hands of Khwaja Kamgar, who arrived at Court while His Majesty was engaged in a sporting excursion on

^ Elphinstone’s India, vol. ii. p. 358; see also Dow’s Hindustan, vol. iii. pp. 133-147.

2 This is according to the statement of Kewal Ram in the Tazlciratu-l Vmard, s.v, “ Khan Jahhn Lodi.” Shah Nawaz Kh5.n, in the Ma-dsiru-l TJmard, gives, as might he expected, all the credit to the Barha Saiyids.

the river Tapti. The Emperor was overjoyed at the news, in- vested the Khwaja with a robe of honour, ^ave him the title of Ghairat Khan, and increased his mamah by 500 personal and 200 sawdrs ; and as the Khwaja was a man of sound intellect, considerable experience, and long tried service, he shortly was advanced to still higher honours.

In the tenth year of the reign, the Khwaja was promoted to the office of governor of Dehli, which had become vacant by the dismissal of Asalat Khan, and a mamah of 2500 and 2000 saicdrs was at the same time conferred upon him.

In the twelfth year of the reign, the superintendence of the Dehli canal and foundation of the city of Shahjahanabad were committed to his care.

On the 9th of Muharram, 1049 h., the first plan was altered. A new one was substituted in its stead, of which the Khwaja had just laid the foundation with the materials that he had been able to procure during the short time he had been at Dehli, when, being made suhaddr of Thatta, and a mansahddr of 3000, he was obliged to relinquish the work, and set out for his new charge. He had not long entered upon it, when he died at the seat of his government in a.h. 1050 (a.d. 1640-1). ^

The Ma-dsir-i Jahdngin is divided into chapters devoted to the different years of tlie reign, there being but few other rubrics throughout the rest of the volume. The author of the Critical Essatj^ observes of it, that it resembles the Ikhdl-ndma in its paucity of minute details. About one-sixth of the volume is devoted to the proceedings of Jahangir previous to his accession, upon which portion Shah Nawaz Khan remarks that it is very independent and free-spoken in its tone, affording a favourable contrast to the Ikhdl-ndma^ which was written for the purpose of courting Imperial favour ; but the manner in which the murder of Abu-1 Fazl is spoken of in one of the following extracts scarcely bears out the encomium. The fact is admitted, but

^ These details are chiefly taken from the Ma-dsiru-l TTmard. The TazJciratu l TJmard differs in some of the dates. ^ yide p. 39.

every kind of palliative which courtly flattery could suggest is resorted to in order to hide the infamy of the deed.

[Sir H. M. Elliot’s MS. is an octavo of 382 pages, 11 lines to the page.]

When the King of Kings (Jahangir) was residing in the city of Allahabad, before he succeeded to the throne, a body of sedi- tious and turbulent people, who had the privilege of addressing the Emperor Akbar in his paradisaical Court, were in the habit of spreading false reports openly and clandestinely against that ornament of the crown the Prince Salim. Sometimes they represented that he had conferred upon his servants the titles of Khan and Sultan, and at other times they said that he had ordered coins to be struck in his name. By such misrepresenta- tions they every day attempted to excite the alarm of the Em- peror, who, being endowed with a very enlightened and noble mind, was but little affected by their insinuations. In truth, in the relation of father and son, there were those ties of love and affection between the Emperor and the Prince which existed between Jacob and his son Joseph.

One of the events of those days was the murder of Shaikh Abu-1 Fazl, who, by his superior wisdom and vast learning, was the most distinguished of all the Shaikhs of Hindustan. The fol- lowing is a detailed account of this event. The Shaikh, intoxi- cated by the wine of fortune, and vain of the influence he had obtained over the Emperor’s mind, had lost his senses, and having suffered the thread of wisdom and the knowledge of self to drop from his hands, had become proud of his position, and acted with rancour and animosity against his master’s son. He often said to the Emperor, both publicly and privately, that he knew none but His Majesty, and would never entreat or flatter any person, not even the eldest Prince. He had well assured tlie Emperor of the firmness of his sentiments in this particular. In those days, when the Prince was at Allahabad, some designing

people constantly made statements which excited the displeasure of the Emperor against him. If at any time any of the nobles of the Court advanced any excuses, or volunteered any defence in behalf of the Prince, His Majesty would consider that they said it through ill-will towards himself, or too much partiality towards the Prince. But in defiance of all that he heard, he considered that the Shaikh was his friend, and that he was also cordially disposed towards the Prince. A farmdn was therefore sent to him, ordering him to leave his son with the army he had under his command in the Dakhin, and to come alone and un- attended to the Court.

When this news reached the Prince, that master of prudence and scholar of the supreme wisdom at once reflected, that if the Shaikh should ever arrive at Court, he would certainly estrange His Majesty’s mind from the Prince by his misrepresentations. He reflected also that he would never be able to find his way to Court, so long as the Shaikh should remain there, and that he would necessarily be excluded from the enjoyment of that con- summate happiness. Under these circumstances, it was expedient to take measures to arrest the evil before it could occur. Finding that the only remedy depended entirely upon the Shaikh’s de- struction, he called Baja Har Singh Deo, son of Baja Budhkar, whose territory lay on the road which the Shaikh must take, and who w’as one of the servants of the throne, and told him that the Shaikh was about to proceed unattended to the Court, and that if he would put an end to his existence, he should obtain great rewards and favours. The Bajd willingly undertook the task, and hastily marched in that direction. Assisted by the divine power, he soon waylaid the Shaikh, while he was passing through his territory. After a short skirmish, the Shaikh’s at- tendants were dispersed, and he himself was slain. His head was sent to Allahabad by a confidential servant, who communi- cated all that had transpired. Great fear and consternation prevailed in men’s minds in consequence of this transaction, and as for the Emperor, although it excited his highest indignation,

yet the deed done by Nar Singh Deo enabled the Prince to visit his father without any apprehension, and in a short time His Majesty’s sorrow wore off, and he received the Prince witli kindness, * * *

[When the Prince Shah Jahan heard of the rebellious pro- ceedings of Mahabat Khan, he resolved that he would hasten immediately to the Emperor his father, although he was unpre- pared for war, and was in a very feeble state of health. He stated his design to Khan Jahan and to Kaja Kar Singh Deo, and endeavoured to gain their support ; but they did not incline to his proposals, and made excuses. The Prince put his trust in God, and started with a small force from Nasik, trusting that he might find assistance on the road, and collect a force. He passed through the pass of Chanda, although Prince Parwez, with all the Imperial army, was at Burhanpur. Passing about twenty kos from Burhanpur, he crossed the Nerhadda, in the territory of Maudu. Upon reaching Ajmir, Raja Kishan Singh, son of Raja Bhim, who had accompanied him from Kasik with 500 horse, was taken ill, and died. His followers then dispersed. Only 400 or 500 men then remained with the Prince, and with such a small force it was impossible for him to carry out his design of going to the Emperor. It then occurred to him that lie would go to Thatta, which is in a remote corner, and there wait patiently for a while. From Ajmir he proceeded to Nagor, and from thence to Joudhpur. From thence he travelled to Thatta by the route which the Emperor Humayun had fled to Sind when driven from his throne. This route was very arid and destitute of water, and his journey was attended with great hardship. When he reached the country of Thatta, Sharif Mulk, who held, the place for Prince Shahriyar, did his best to put the town in a state of defence, and the Prince was thwarted in his designs by obstacles which it would be tedious to relate.

He was greatly affected by his ill-success, and many of his most devoted followers were disabled. Just at this time a letter reached him from Nur Jahan, informing him that his march had alarmed Mahabat Khan, whose forces had been driven away and dispersed, and that the Prince had better return to the Dakhin, and await a change of fortune. The advice of the Begam seemed good, so the Prince determined to return to the Dakhin by way of Gujarat.]

This is the name ascribed to a work, of which a few Extracts are given at the close of one of the copies of the twelve-year Memoirs in my possession. The extracts consist of only forty pages, of thirteen lines, and evidently belong to a larger work, J

because the author speaks of his having related, in another part j

of the volume, a detailed account of the proceedings of Bikra- majit and of 'Usman in Bengal; and neither of these passages ( occurs in these extracts.

It may perhaps be the same work as is mentioned in Xo. 345 of Sir W. Ouseley's Catalogue, under the name of “ Historical Anecdotes of Jahangir ; " but neither the name of the compiler nor the nature of the anecdotes is given.

The author of the Intikhdh was evidently a contemporary and a companion of Jahangir, for he mentions his visit to Shaikh Dula, a religious enthusiast, residing at Sialkot, who had at- tracted the notice of Jahangir, and imposed upon the credulity of the common people, as well as His Majesty, by expending large sums upon the maintenance of beggars, the repairs of mosques and tombs, and the erection of buildings, one of which at “ new Gujarat,” in the Panjab, could not have cost less than 15,000 rupees ; and all this without any available sources of supply, for the offerings that were made to him chiefly consisted of raw or refined sugar. In another place the author mentions that when Shah ’Abbas sent from Isfahan an ambassador with a compli- mentary letter to Jahangir, His Majesty, who was then at Ajniir, was pleased to insert in his reply a verse composed by the author, to the effect that “though the explanation given be

not true, yet the probability of it affords pleasure.” But there is no allusion to this in the autobiography of that Emperor.

The work does not appear to be so much a continuous history as a collection of anecdotes, most of them taken from the com- mon histories of Jahangir noticed above ; but he gives informa- tion not to be found in those works, and the entire manuscript would be worth recovery.

The author of the Tahahat-i Shdh-Jahdm mentions a work written by Shaikh ’Abdu-l Wahab, entitled the Akhldk-i Jahdngiri. This may possibly be the work now under notice, for the nature of the stories admits of their being classed under this title. The Shaikh is represented to have been an elegant writer, both in poetry and prose. He died a.h. 1032 (a.d. 1622-3).

[The following Extracts were translated by a mimsht^ and revised by Sir H. M. Elliot.]

Four or five persons were appointed, through whose agency money or land was distributed to the people. Kazi Aslam of Kabul was appointed to introduce the people of that province ; Shaikh Sikandar Gujarati to introduce the people of Gujarat ; ^\zmat Khan of the Dakhin to introduce the people of the Dakhin ; and Shaikh MuTnu-d din of Bajgir to introduce the people of Bengal. Those who came from Lahore, Dehli, and the places in their vicinity, were brought before His Majesty by Saiyid Ahmad Kadri ; and the elephant-drivers were introduced by Gujat Khan, the superintendent of elephants. It was strictly ordered that if any person should fall in with a deserving man, he should not neglect to bring him into His Majesty’s pre- sence. Haji Koka Begam was maintained in the superintendence of the affairs connected with the seraglio, and she was now ordered to discharge her duties with more diligence. After a few days, the petitioners for rent-free land came forward in such numbers, that some of the ministers of the empire took the

opportunity of representing that if His Majesty’s liberality extended much further, there would in a few years be no land left to yield revenue to the State. The Emperor replied that these petitioners were like an army to pray for him, and that as the remonstrants were the ministers of the Crown, they should all endeavour to increase this army. May the Almighty pre- serve the stream of the life of tliis generous Emperor to flow in this world till the end of time ! No King was ever more generous and kind to beggars than Jahangir. My object in writing these particulars is to sliow that, although there is no comparison between a king and a beggar, yet the Emperor’s whole atten- tion was devoted to those things which pleased the hearts of the people. * *

The King indemnified every person who had been plundered on the road-side by Sultan Khusru in his flight. For instance, the Sultan had given a note of hand addressed to His Majesty in favour of a person who had been robbed of his horses, and the King satisfied the demand. The Prince himself used to say, that one night during his flight, he was much overcome by drowsiness and fatigue, and was obliged to alight in a forest, and lie down on the earth like a dead man. No one of the party took the slightest heed of his comrade. The horses also lay neglected on the ground. After a short time, a jackal came and seized hold of his foot, but his boots saved him from injury.

His Majesty ordered Prince Khusru to be deprived of his sight. When the wire was put in his eyes, such pain was in- flicted on him, that it is beyond all expression. The Prince, after being deprived of sight, was brought to Agra ; and the paternal love again revived. The most experienced physicians were ordered to take measures to heal the eyes of the Prince, that they might become as sound as they were before. One of the physicians of Persia, Hakim Sadra by name, under- took to cure the Prince within six months. By his skill, the Prince recovered his original power of vision in one of his eyes, but the other remained a little defective in that respect, and also

became smaller than its natural size. After the lapse of the assigned time, the Prince was presented to His Majesty, who showed the physician great favour, and honoured him with the title of Masihu-z Zaman.

During the space of three years and some months, while at Ajmir, His Majesty devised some excellent rules for the tran- quillity and well-being of his subjects, and determining to devote each day of the week to some particular pursuit, on that day attended to no other business. On all the festivals observed on Thursdays, which was called by His Majesty Muhdrak-shamha^ no other business was transacted but that of merriment and festivity, including the granting of promotions, and visiting gardens and fountains. On Fridays, it was ordered that about 1000 men, who were the strict and constant followers of the Muhammadan religion, should be called before His Majesty, and food of all kinds, such as was suited to destitute persons, should be distributed amongst them to such an extent as to leave them fully satisfied. The Emperor was of a very good disposi- tion. While they were taking their dinner, he always ordered curds to be given to them, that they might be able to eat more, and fix their minds on the worship of the Creator of the world. A countless number were fortunate enough to get their fill at those feasts. On Saturdays, His Majesty used to see the elephants fight, and the contests of the swordsmen. At this time, those brave men who firmly stood their ground while witnessing the elephant fights were enlisted among the nobles. On Sundays, a large number of invalids, the lame, the maimed, and the blind, were collected under ihQ jharoka^ and the Emperor Jahangir distributed large sums of money among them with his own hand. After a time, he would order one of the courtiers to count what each man had received ; and it was one of the wonders of the works of God, that those who were blind were found always to have received more than others. The intelligent Emperor was much surprised at this, and observed to his fol- lowers that those who had no eyes placed entire dependence

upon the disinterested liberality of God, hence it was that they got more than others. It was ordered on Mondays, that a party of young nobles and the army should practise archery, and some of the nobles were ordered to play at chaiigdn} and the offerings presented on that day, which were beyond calculation, were bestowed upon Hafiz Nad-i ’Ali.^ On Tuesdays, leopards hunted deer, and do^s chased foxes and rabbits. Those rabbits and foxes which were not cauo:ht during: the hunt were carried off, and set free in the jungle. The elephants and other animals were also allowed to fight on this day, on which also criminals were executed. Wednesdays were very disagreeable to His Majesty. It happened that the Emperor Akbar died on this day, and the daughter of Shah Jahan, whom Jahangir had himself brought up, and loved more than his own life, expired in Ajmir on a Wednesday. Hence it was that His Majesty had called it Kam-shamha.^ Those against whom the King was in- censed were sent on this day to prison, or ordered to be scourged. On all the days of the week His Majesty never ceased to dis- regard the pursuit of his own gratification. From noon till midnight the Emperor was chiefly occupied in granting the prayers of his subjects.

Shahriyar, who was the most beautiful of all the princes, got a pain in his eyes, and Mukarrab Khan was ordered to cure him. He used many appropriate remedies, and succeeded in his en- deavours. When his recovery was reported, His Majesty asked

1 See this game described in Ouseley’s Travels in Persia.

2 We find a similar indulgence conceded to Hafiz Nfid-i ’All on the first Monday of the 11th JuMs. Jahangir calls him his spy — one of the old servants of the Court — and that he bestowed upon him all the peshkash of money and goods which was offered on that day. {Memoirs, eleventh year.) Here he is said to receive the offerings of every Monday.

2 Eespecting these assigned names, the Emperor himself observes, “ As several peculiarities attended this Thursday, first, that it was the anniversary of my acces- sion ; second, that it was the night of the festival of Bardt ; third, that it was the day of the festival of the Rdkhi, which I have before described as being held in great estimation by Hindus : — on account of these three fortunate coincidences, I denomi- nated this day “ the blessed Shamba’^ As Wednesday, on the contrary, had proved unfortunate, I called it the Kam-shamba, and may it continue Kam (little) to the end of iivcxQ.” — Memoirs of the twelfth year.

Mukarrab Khan after the Princess health ; and when the Khan replied that his eyes were quite well again, the Emperor said, “Yes, they will no doubt continue quite well, if they be not deprived of light by his brothers.’’ The Almighty God had embellished the person of the Emperor Jahangir with all ex- ternal and internal excellences, and had given him the light of His own knowledge, for ofttimes circumstances came to pass just as he had previously predicted.

One day at Ahmadabad it was reported that many of the infidel and superstitious sect of the Seoras (Jains) of Gujarat had made several very great and splendid temples, and having placed in them their false gods, had managed to secure a large degree of respect for themselves, and that the women who went for worship in those temples were polluted by them and other people. Seora is a sect of people in whose religion to be always barefooted and bareheaded is considered as one of the modes of worship ; and to drink always warm water, and to pull out the hair of their head and beard, is reckoned as one of the deeds ofi virtue. They wear no other dress than a shirt of cloth. The Emperor Jahangir ordered them to be banished from the country, and their temples to be de- molished. Their idol was thrown down on the uppermost step of the mosque, that it might be trodden upon by those who came to say their daily prayers there. By this order of the Emperor, the infidels were exceedingly disgraced, and Islam exalted. * * *

At this time the influence of Nur Jahan Begam had attained such a height that the entire management of the Empire was entrusted to her hands. Mahabat Khan thought proper there- fore to represent as follows. That to His Majesty and all the world it is well known that this servant Mahabat Khan was brought up only by His Majesty, and that he has no concern with anybody else. Every one knows, added he, that Mahabat Khan presumes much upon His Majesty’s kindness; and he now begs truly and faithfully to represent what he thinks proper, instigated by his loyalty, and for the sake of His Majesty’s good name. His Majesty must have read, he observed, if in any of

the histories of the ancient sovereigns, there was any king so subject to the will of his wife. The whole world is surprised that such a wise and sensible Emperor as Jahangir should permit a woman to have so great an influence over him. Not looking to the present, let us think, continued he, “ What will the kings of the future time say ? ” He gave utterance to many such sentiments as these, and established them by the most irrefrag- able proofs. He also added, that in his opinion it was now very advisable to liberate Prince Khusru from prison, and deliver him to one of the confldential servants of the throne. He also said that His Majesty must recollect that this servant Mahabat Khan had with his own hands deprived the Prince of his sight ; and had been the cause of his being imprisoned. His Majesty should reflect that affairs had now assumed a new aspect, and the safety of His Majesty’s person, and the tran- quillity and peace of the country seem to depend upon the life of the Prince. On this the Emperor ascertained upon oath the truth of his declarations from other nobles, and Khan Jahan and Khan ’Alam both confirmed what Mahabat Khan had asserted. The next day the Emperor ordered that the Prince should be given in charge to Khan Jahan, to be kept in his custody, that he should receive surgical treat- ment, be allowed to come to pay his respects, and that a horse should be given to him to ride on. On Mahabat Khan’s repre- sentations, the Emperor for some days became more reserved in his demeanour towards the Begam. On the day the Khan took his leave from the camp at Pakhali, he again said that he had represented what fidelity and gratitude had suggested to him ; and that His Majesty might listen to his counsel or not, as he thought best. The Emperor acted in some measure upon the advice of Mahabat Khan, till he arrived at Kashmir ; but the influence of Niir Jahan Begam had wrought so much upon his mind, that if 200 men like Mahabat Khan had advised him simultaneously to the same effect, their words would have made no permanent impression upon him.

This voluminous history is by the celebrated Sddik Isfahan!, and is of high repute in Asia.

Muhammad Sadik says of himself, “that being in the habit from early youth of reading histories, I took the opportunity of abstracting as I went on, and devoted a part of my life solely to produce this work, which I hope will prove as a wise minister to kings, and teach them how to govern their subjects, to conquer their enemies, and to make preparation for war or peace, or for whatever besides which concerns a government. It will be like an experienced tutor to wealthy and learned persons who have to deal with kings ; it will also be a faithful friend both to those who lead a public life, and those who prefer retirement, as well as the means of preserving my name in the world. I therefore called this work Suhh-i sddik^ or ‘ Dawn of Day.’ ”

Book I. — Preface, and Eight chapters. The Pre- Adamites, Prophets, Ancient Kings of Persia,- Philosophers, Muhammad, the Khalifs, Imams, ’Ummayaides, ’Abbasides.

Book II. — Six chapters. The first five respecting the Muham- madan Kings of Persia, Changiz Khan, Timur, the Safawi Kings, the Kings of Bum, Sham, and others. Chapter Six comprises a history of the Muhammadan Kings of India, down to the reign of Shah Jahdn.

Book III. — Twelve chapters. Celebrated men of the first ten centuries. Chapter Twelve relates to the author himself and some of his friends.

Book IV. — Alphabetical list of the names of nations, countries, chief cities, seas, rivers, mountains, islands, etc. This book also gives a geographical account of the world, of the latitude and longitude of the chief cities, of the productions of different countries, and of their manners and customs. This book is in reality only an Alphabetical Index of the preceding three books.

The passages in this work relating to India contain no infor- mation not exhibited elsewhere.

To the passage at p. 219 supra, where it is said that the elephant of the Hindu prince became unruly from the effect of the naphtha balls, Major-General Briggs adds the following note :

“ This passage is differently written in the various manuseripts I have seen ; and, in some, the word tope (gun) has been written for nuptJi (naphtha), and toofung (musket) for hhudimg (arrow). But no Persian or Arabic history speaks of gunpowder before the time usually assigned for its invention, a.d. 1317, long after whieh it was first applied to the purpose of war. It appears likely also, that Babar was the first invader who introduced great guns into Upper India, in 1526, so that the words tope and toofung have been prob- ably introduced by ignorant transcribers of the modern copies of this work, which are, in general, very faulty throughout. It is a remarkable fact, that the words guns and musJcets occur in the India House manuscript, which was copied in 1648, and it may, therefore, probably be no error of the transcriber ; the fact, however, appears impossible.”

A confirmation of this reading of tope and tufang is given by Wilken, who observes, that the two copies which he consulted have the same words, and that even the roar of the cannon is spoken of. He considers it not improbable that Greek-fire was used by Mahmud. How boldly translates the word as guns}

It does not appear on what authority Firishta rests his statement. The Tdrikh-i Yamini, the Jdmiu-t Tawdrihh of Rashidu-d din, the Tdrikh-i Guzida, Abu-1 Fida, the Tahakdt-i Ndsiri, the Rauzatu-s

1 [This note is reprinted from the old edition. The alterations and additions (excepting those in brackets) are entirely the work of Sir H. Elliot.]

2 Wilken, Mirchondi Historia Gasnevidarum, p. 169.

Safa, the Tdnkh-i Alfi, and the Tahakdt-i Akhari, though almost all of them notice this important engagement, in a.d. 1008, between the Hindus and Muhammadans, and mention the capture of thirty elephants, yet none of them speak of either naft or tope.

But, ten years after this, we find express mention made of the use of naphtha in a naval action near Multan, between Mahmud and the Jats of the Jud Hills. On this occasion Mahmud built 1400 boats, each of which was armed with six iron spikes, to prevent the enemy boarding, and in each were twenty archers and five naphtha- men, to attack and set fire to the enemy’s flotilla. The Jats opposed him in 4000 boats, but were completely defeated, many of their vessels being set on fire by the naphtha.^

We may therefore conclude that, if any combustibles were used in action near Peshawar, they were composed of naphtha, and that it must be an error to read either tope or tufang in the passage under consideration. This probability is greatly increased by the fact, that the country where both these transactions are recorded to have taken place abounds with naphtha. Near Mukeya Ghat, on the Indus, it oozes out from parts of the Khyssore range. The natives are ignorant of its commercial value, and use it only as a cure for sores on their camels’ backs ; and at Kohat, thirty miles from Peshawar, it is also abundant.^

“Amir Khan sent into the mountains for some mineral liquor, which he told me was collected by dipping cotton into places where it oozed through the ground.” ^

At Narr Topa, near Khanpur, there is a copious spring of asphaltum.* I have seen petroleum near Jabba, about ten miles east of the Indus. It exudes from the rocks at the head of the Katha-nadi, which falls into the Indus a few miles below Mari, and floats on the surface of the water. The natives call it sulphur-oil, and burn it in their lamps. They also apply it medicinally in diseases of cattle. They would not acknowledge the name, but called it lalird and kdld-pdni. It is chiefly used for dissolving

^ Eeinaud, Rel. des Voyages, vol. i. p. Ixi.

ON THE EAELT USE OF GUNPOWDER IN INDIA. 457

resins, caoutcbouc, etc., by virtue of the naphtha it contains, Tvhich it yields by distillation.^

In the Yusufzai country there is a basin situated to the east of Dhyr, where a fire has burned from time immemorial, and is at present maintained under a cupola in charge of a Guebrian woman.^ Sulphur is found in Sind.^

When Sikandar, the Iconoclast, who subverted the Hindu religion in Kashmir, ordered all the places of worship throughout the king- dom to be razed, a temple to Jag Deo, in the Panj-hazara district, on being levelled with the ground, emitted from its foundations volumes of fire and smoke, which the Hindus declared to be an emblem of the wrath of the deity, — but which more sober inquirers may safely attribute to an asphaltine fire-pit.

Capt. A. Cunningham has gone further than this, and in his valuable paper on Arian Architecture in the Asiatic Society’s Journal, has considered that Sikandar must have used gunpowder in the progress of his demolition. He observes :

Most of the Kashmirian temples are more or less injured, but more particularly those at Wantipur, which are mere heaps of ruins. Speaking of these temples, Trebeck ^ says : ‘ It is scarcely possible to imagine that the state of ruin to which they have been reduced has been the work of time or even of man, as their solidity is fully equal to that of the most massive monuments of Egypt; earth- quakes must have been the chief agents in their overthrow.’ I have quoted this passage to show the utter confusion that characterizes the ruins of the Avantipura temples. In my opinion their overth'oio is too complete to have been the result of an earthquake, which would have ^\m^\y prostrated the buildings in large masses. But the whole of the superstructure of these temples is now lying in one confused heap of stones totally disjointed from one another. I believe therefore that I am fully justified in saying, from my own experience, that such a complete and disruptive overturn could only have been produced by gunpowder. I have myself blown up a fort,

^ Dr. A. Fleming’s Report on the Salt Range, in the Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, 1848.

2 M. Court, Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, vol. viii. p. 312.

3 Burton’s Unhappy Valley, vol. ii. pp. 185, 209.

besides several buildings both of stone and of brick; and I have observed that the result has always been the entire sundering of all parts, one from another, and the capsizing or hoideversement of many* of them. Neither of these effects can be produced by an earth- quake. It seems also that Trebeck and Moorcroft would most likely have attributed their destruction to the same agency, had they not believed that the use of gunpowder was unknown at that time : for, in speaking of a traditional attempt made by Shah Hamadan to destroy Martand, they say, ‘ It is fortunate he was not acquainted with the use of gunpowder.’ I admit that this destructive agent was most probably unheard of in Kashmir so early as the reign of Shah Mir Shah, of Hamadan; but the destruction of the Kashmirian temples is universally attributed both by history and by tradition to the bigoted Sikandar, whose idol-breaking zeal procured him the title of But-shikan or ‘ Ikonoklastes.’ He was reigning at the period of Timur’s invasion of India, with whom he exchanged friendly presents, and from whom I suppose that he may have received a present of the ‘ villainous saltpetre.’ This is not at all unlikely, for the furious Tamerlane was as great an idol-breaker as Sikandar himself. Gibbon, it is true, denies that either the Mughals or the Ottomans in 1402 were acquainted with gunpowder ; but as he points out that the Turks had metal cannon at the siege of Constan- tinople in A.D. 1422,^ I think it is no great stretch of probability to suppose that gunpowder itself had been carried into the East, even as far as Kashmir, at least ten or twenty years earlier, that is about A.D. 1400 to 1420, or certainly during the reign of Sikandar, who died in 1416.^

Even if this be not admitted, I shall still adhere to my opinion that the complete ruin of the Avantipura temples could only have been effected by gunpowder, and I would then ascribe their over- throw to the bigoted Aurangzeb. Eirishta ^ attributes to Sikandar the demolition of all the Kashmirian temples save one, which was

2 Even in 1401 against Bajazet, Titnhr had only wild fire on his elephants, which were taken to display his Indian successes ; but Ibn Arab Shah mentions the thunder and lightning at the siege of Damascus from the machines maddji’. — Calcutta edition, p. 223.

dedicated to Mahadeva, and whicli only escaped ‘ in consequence of its foundation being below the surface of the neighbouring water.’ In A.D. 1380-90, however, Abu-1 Fazl ^ mentions that some of the idolatrous temples were in ‘ perfect preservation ; ’ and Firishta himself describes many of these edifices as being in existence in his own time, or about a.d. 1600.^ Besides, as several of them are still standing, although more or less injured, it is certain that Sikandar could not have destroyed them all. He most likely gave orders that they should all be overturned ; and I have no doubt that many of the principal temples were thrown down during his reign. For instance, the tomb of his own Queen in Srinagur is built upon the foundation, and with the materials of a Hindu temple ; likewise the wall which surrounds the tomb of his son Zeinu-1 Abidin was once the inclosure of a Hindu temple ; and lastly the entrance of a masjid in Nowa-Shehra of Srinagur, which, according to its inscription, was built during the reign of his son Zeinu-1 Abidin, is formed of two fluted pillars of a Hindu peristyle. These instances prove that at least three different temples in the capital alone must have been overthrown either by Sikandar or by one of his predecessors. But as the demolition of idol-temples is not attributed to any one of the earlier kings, we may safely ascribe the destruction of the three above mentioned to Sikandar himself.”

The points mooted in the preceding quotations invite us to a con- sideration of the general question respecting the invention and in- troduction of gunpowder. A work upon this subject which has lately been jointly published by MM. Keinaud and Fav^, entitled Histoire de rArtillerie; du Feu Gregeots, etc., Paris, 1845, has in- creased the interest of the inquiry, though, it must be confessed, there are many doubtful points which are left in almost as great uncertainty as before. It shows that among the Arabs of the thirteenth century, many receipts were in use for the mixture of sulphur, saltpetre, and charcoal in different proportions ; that there is strong reason for supposing that these were obtained originally from the Chinese, about the ninth century ; that they improved their knowledge during the three following centuries ; that they

again derived more instruction on this subject, after the Mughal irruption of the thirteenth century; that as ‘‘China snow” and “ China salt ” are the names given by the oldest writers to saltpetre, its discovery originated w*ith that nation ; and that in the history of the Sang dynasty, as early as a.d. 1259, there is distinct mention of a projectile by means of fire ; for that in the first year of the period Khaiking, a kind of fire-arm was manufactured, called “ impetuous fire-dart;” a nest of grains (case of chick-peas?) was introduced into a long tube of bamboo,^ which, on being ignited, darted forth a violent flame, and instantly the charge was projected with a noise like that of a pao, which was heard at about the distance of 150 paces.^ There are, however, some anecdotes which militate against the probability of the Chinese being so early in possession of this destructive power; but there is no occasion to notice them here. These authors consider that Greek fire never became extinct, that it was gradually improved upon, till the name was lost, and that by progressive transitions it reached its maximum effect by conversion into gunpowder.

It is not intended, however, to introduce in this place a disserta-

1 Hence is probably derived the name of bamboo, “ vox a sono ficta,” as in fiofjL0os, bombarda, bombanwn, bombe, and bo7nb. The name is usually ascribed to the early Portuguese, who, on first burning this reed, were astonished at the noise occasioned by the expansion and escape of the air between the joints, and gave it a name significant of this peculiar property. Either way, it derives its name from its explo- sive faculties. There is perhaps the same sort of connexion between the Hindi ban, “ a rocket,” and bdtis, “a bamboo.” The word “ cannon” is derived from canna. — Trench, Stud^j of Words, p. 191 ; Marsden’s Marco Folo, p. 413; Humboldt differs, see Cosmos (Sabine), vol. ii. note 143.

2 Fu feu Gregeois, p. 192. In the review of this work in BlacJcwood’s Magazine,

June, 1846, there is a ludicrous mis-translation of this passage, where it is said, “the nest of grains was projected with a noise, like to that of a peacock butthej^ao here mentioned is a warlike machine. Father Gaubil says, “ Par le moyen de plusieurs pao, ou catapultes;” “Les Mangous se servirent alors de pao (ou canons) a feu;” “ On avait dans la ville des pao a feu;” and in a note he adds, “Je n’ai pas ose traduire par canon, les caracteres pao, et ho-pao ; un de ces caracteres a a cote le caractere che,pierre, et c’etait une machine a lancer des pierres. L'autre caractere est joint au caractere ho, feu, et je ne sais pas Men si c’etait un canon corame les notres. De meme, je n’oserais assurer que les boulets dont il est parle se jetaient comme on fait aujourd’hui.” — Histoire de Gentchiscan, p. 69 ; D’Ohsson, vol. ii. p. 461 ; L’TInivers. Fitt. vol. i. p. 357 ; Vniv. Hist. vol. iii, p. 315, vol. iv. pp. 191, 232-3, 258; Rampoldi, vol. viii. p. 562, vol. x. p, 496 ; Chesney’s pp.

ON THE EARLY USE OF GUNPOWDER IN INDIA. 461

tion on a subject which has occupied so many able and discriminat- ing pens. I will confine myself to a few remarks having special reference to India, and to some illustrations, most of which have not been noticed by authors who have entered upon this interesting inquiry.^

When the Muhammadan connexion with India first commenced, we find, according to the ancient and authentic historians, that the powerful engine called manjanih was brought into use as a pro- pelling machine. It was a favourite implement with the Arabs, and was used by them in a.h. 9, when Muhammad besieged Taif ; ^ but it was known to them much earlier : for Ibn Kotaibah says that it was first used by Jazymah, the second King of Hyrah, who flourished about A.D. 200. The Arabs ascribe its invention to the Devil, and say that he suggested it to Nimrod, when he persecuted Abraham.’ Whether the word be derived from macliina, or manganum, the sub- stitution of the soft j for the harsher consonant, and the circum- stance that this warlike engine was first used in Hyrah, render it probable that the Arabs received the manjanih from the Persians, and not directly from the Greeks.

Biladuri gives us the following account of Muhammad Kasim’s

1 Those who wish to ascertain what has been said upon this subject may consult the following works and articles, which for the most part treat the question with copious reference to other authorities : M. L. Dutens, (Euvres, tom. i. pp. 194-199 ; Histoire des Mongols, tom. i. pp. 132-137, 284-292; Asiatic Journal,

265-7 ; Journal des Savants, Feb. 1847, pp. 87-93, March, 1847, pp. 140-150, April, 1847, pp. 209-223; Wilkinson’s Engines of War, pp. 44-70, 132-150; Beckmann, History of Inventions, fourth edition, pp. 482-512, 533-539; M. Eusebe Salverte, Philosophy of Magic, translated by A. T. Thomson, M.D., vol. ii. pp. 197-242; Ducange, Glossar. Med. et Inf. Latinitatis, vv. Bombarda, Canones, Ignis Grsecus, Muschetta, and the Encyclopcedias, vv. Artillery, Bow, Cannon, Gunpowder, Greek- fire; Hallam, Middle Ages, vol. i. pp. 509-511 ; Gibbon, Beeline and Fall,yo. x. pp. 14-18, vol. xii. pp. 62-64; D’Herbelot, Bihl. Or., vv. Asious, Barud, Bondok ; Rampoldi, Ann. Mas., vol. iii. p. 354 ; Chesney’s Fire-arms, pp. 17-72 ; Meyrick’s Ancient Armour, passim-, Grose’s Military Antiq., vol. i. pp. 387-401; Tacitus, Hist., lib. iii ; ShajratuH Atrak, pp. 160, 166, 242 ; D’Ohsson, i. 267, 276, 289, etc. ; Thomas’s Pathdn Sultans, p. 202; Calcutta Review, no. xxiii. p. 515; Edwardes’s Panjab, vol. i. p. 405 ; Grote’s Greece, vol. v. p. 156 ; Thucydides, iv. 100 ; “ Biblical Antiq.” in Encyc. Metr.-, Hist, of Assassins, p. 167 ; Journ. des Sav., Jan., 1851 ; Maurice’s Antiq., vol. ii. p. 443 ; Crawfurd’s Researches, vol. ii. p. 149. Tabakdt-i Ndsiri, Text, pp. 343, 346, 350-1-6.

2 Haji Khalfa, vol. i. p. 394 ; Jannabi, apud Gagnier, v. Gibbon, chap. l. note 143, and chap. li. note 60.

3 Journ. Roy. Geog. Soc.y vol. ix. p. 81.

proceedings at the port of Daibal, in a.h. 93 (a.d. 711-12), in which the manjanik plays an important part :

“ [As soon as Muhammad Kasim] arrived at Daihal, he dug an entrenchment, and defended it with spearmen, and unfurled his standard ; each hand of warriors was arranged under its own standard, and he fixed the manjanik, which was called ‘ The Bride,’ ^ and required the power of 500 men to work it. There was at Daihal a lofty temple, surmounted hy a long pole, and on the pole was fixed a red cloth, which, when the hreeze blew, was unfurled over the city.” ^

“A letter came from Hajjaj to Muhammad to the following effect, ‘Fix the manjanik and shorten its feet (foot),® and place it on the east ; you will then call the manjanik-msister, and tell him to aim at the flagstafi-, of which you have given a description.’ So he brought down the flagstaff, and it was broken ; at which the Infidels were sore afflicted.”

On the capture of the town, Biladuri continues to say, the carnage endured for three days, and the priests of the temple were massacred. Other authors say that Muhammad Kasim caused every Brahmin, from the age of seventeen and upwards, to be put to death ; and that the young women and the children of both sexes were retained in bondage.

Later writers, in speaking of this period, tell us distinctly that fiery projectiles were used in the capture of Alor, which fell shortly after Daibal.^ Mir Ma’sum Bhakkarf, in his History of Sind, and Haidar Kazi, in his General History, both in the same terms mention fire-playing machines (dtisli-hazi), “ which the Arabs had seen in use with the Greeks and Persians;” and again, when Eaja Dahir was mounted on an elephant, the Arabs took vessels filled with fire- works (hiikkahd-e dtisJi hdzi), and threw them upon the seat, which was fixed on the back of the elephant ; upon which the affrighted

' TTrus." I doubt if this means “bride” here. It is evident from many passages that ’urus was also a generic term. The word has more connexion with “ funis.” See Khusru’s Ghurratu-l Kamdl.

2 See pedes of a ship in Ramsay’s Antiquities.