1. Volume 2 — part 1

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EDITED FROM THE POSTHUMOUS PAPERS of;the late

EAST INDIA COMPANY’S BENGAL CIYIL SERVICE,

TRUBNER AND CO., 60, PATERNOSTER ROW. 1869.

In this volume the history of Muhammadan rule in India is commenced. The first volume was, from the nature of the materials, introductory in its character; this opens with the accounts of the earliest inroads of the Ghaznivide conquerors. The copious extracts which it brings together from the oldest and most approved of the native historians supply ample means for tracing the rise and progress of that power which was destined to bring the whole peninsula under its sway, and to stand for seven centuries a conspicuous and brilliant example of the strength and weakness, the crimes, vices, and occasional virtues of Musulman despotism.

The history is here carried down to the year 1260 a.d., embracing the consecutive annals of the Ghaznivides, the Ghorians, and the Slave Kings, as far as the end of the reign of Kasiru-d din. The lives of the other Slave Kings will be drawn from the Tar'ikh-i Firoz ShaM of Ziau-d dm Barm, which, as its name implies, is a work more particularly devoted to the reign of Firoz

Shah, and must, from the date of its composition, oc- cupy a place in the next volume.

The portion of history over which this volume ex- tends may be considered as nearly complete, though some scattered notices of the period embraced will be drawn occasionally from later writers, and Khondamir’s account of the Ghaznivides will appear hereafter as the principal extract from the Habibu-s Siyar.

Since the publication of the first volume of this edi- tion, some animadversions have appeared in print upon the absence of any recognition of the assistance rendered to Sir H. M. Elliot in the preparation of the materials for this work ; and one or two special claims have been made for acknowledgments of aid contributed and work done. The Editor is informed, by those best acquainted with the circumstances, that Sir H. M. Elliot was espe- cially anxious to acquit himself of all obligation for as- sistance so rendered to him ; but still, care has been and will be taken to acknowledge fully every contribu- tion deserving of notice. It so happened, however, that the whole of the matter in the first volume, with the exception of two anonymous translations, was the work of Sir H. M. Elliot himself, his munshis, or the pre- sent Editor.

Sir H. M. Elliot was assisted by many friends, both English and native, in his search for rare works, and

notably by Dr. Sprenger; but at this distance of time it is impossible to do more than make a general acknow- ledgment of the fact. The notices, bibliographical and biographical, all appear to have been written by Sir H. M. Elliot himself, with the exception of those of the geographers and a few distinguished by brackets, which are the work of the Editor. There remain the transla- tions, and it is in these that the greatest aid was re- ceived. Many of the contributed translations are by English officers, both civil and military; and many more by munshis. They differ greatly in merit ; some are valuable, others require the Editor’s incessant at- tention from beginning to end,1 and in two instances it has been found necessary to entirely reject the work done. Under these circumstances, the Editor has resolved to make no general acknowledgment, but to give the translator’s name whenever that name carries with it sufficient assurance, or when a translation proves to be accurate, and in want of little or no editorial revision. By this arrangement, the translator will bear the responsibility of his own work ; and the extent and value of the aid rendered will be fully understood and appreciated by the reader. In cases of translations which require to be

1 In pages 70 and 88 will be found two short passages showing the quality of one of these translations — a fair specimen of many others.

checked and amended throughout, no name has been or will be given. The original translator cannot lay- claim to the revised work, and there are few who would like their names to appear as the authors of translations obnoxious to correction.

To set this question entirely at rest, the Editor here gives a complete list of the translations which appear in the first and in the present volume, with the names of those who are responsible for them. From this it will be seen that no one has any real ground of complaint. The list is confined to the translations, because all else is the work of Sir H. M. Elliot or the Editor, except a few contributions specially and scrupulously recog- nized where they appear.

The bibliographical notices are by the Editor, excepting the notice of the Ashkalu-1 Bilad, No. V., which is chiefly by Sir H. M. Elliot.

I. — Salsilatu-t Tawarikh — Translated from Eeinaud’s French version by the Editor.

II. ELL — Ibn Khurdadba and Mas’udi — Translations printed in the old volume revised by Editor.

Y. — Ashkalu-1 Bilad — Partially revised by Editor.

VII. — Jami’u-t Tawarikh — The old translation revised after a col- lation of the various MSS. by the Editor.

VIII. — Idrisi — Translated from Jaubert’s French version by the Editor.

I. — Mujmalu-t Tawarikh — Sir H. M. E. and the Editor.

II. — Biladuri — Sir H. M. E. and the Editor.

III. — Chach-nama — A munshi, revised by the Editor. IY._Ma’sumi— Page 237 to 240 by Sir H. M. E., all the rest by Editor.

VIII. — Tukfatu-1 Kiram — Anonymous, but revised by the Editor

Appendix. — Sir H. M. E., excepting where brackets show the Editor’s work.

I' Tarikhu-1 Hind j gir H M E II.— ’Utbi )

III. — Baihaki — From page 61 to 129 by a munshi, and although

said to have been revised, it required very extensive cor- rection by the Editor ; page 129 to 154 by Sir H. M. E.

IV. — Jami’u-1 Hikayat — A munshi, whose style had been improved

by an Englishman, but the translation needed a thorough revision by the Editor.

VIII. — Tabakat-i Nasiri — Page 266 to 359, a munshi, revised and sundry long gaps filled up by the Editor ; page 360 to 383 2 by the Editor.

1 This translation bore no name, but the Editor has reason for believing it to be the work of Lt. Perkins. It was checked by the Editor and found to be very correct.

2 Translations of this and of sundry other portions of the Tabakat-i Nasiri had been made by an English officer ; but the Editor, with every desire to make use of them and save himself labour, was obliged to reject them. Prefixed to the translations were the following notes, the later one written after Sir H. M. Elliot’s death. These of them- selves will show that no harsh judgment has been exercised : —

“ This translation is imperfect. By allowing myself great latitude in guessing at the author’s meaning, supplying words, sometimes whole passages, I have succeeded in making it appear a somewhat connected narrative. Had I marked in the margin

The various Notes are the work of Sir H. M. Elliot, excepting where the brackets show the Editor’s additions, or special references are made to the sources of information, as in Notes B. and E.

Note C. — The translations of the extracts were made by munshis, and have been revised by the Editor.

Note F. — Majma’i Wasaya — A munshi, unrevised.

Note G. — Mir-at-iMas’udi — Translated by B. B. Chapman, Esq., B.C.S . Note H. — Extracts translated by Sir H. M. E.

all the passages which were doubtful, I find I should have to mark the whole trans- lation almost ; I have therefore only marked those which are more especially obscure, and when the meaning appeared to be of more than usual importance.

“ X. B. — This translation was done and the remarks in the margin made under the impression that it would he looked over by Sir H. M. Elliot.”

The Portrait prefixed to this volume has been copied from a sketch made by an amateur on the occasion ofi one ofi Lord Dalhousie's ofiicial receptions. As chance mould have it, this is the only likeness ofi Sir Henry Elliot extant, othermise, neither the fiormal costume nor the profile fiace mould have recommended themselves as best calculated to convey an effective representation ofi the author.

VI. Kamilu-t Tawdrlkh of Ibn A sir ------ 244

VIII. Tabakat-i Ndsiri of Minhaju-s Siraj 259

C. — The Historians of the Ghaznivides 429

E. — Coins of the Ghaznivides and Ghorians - 478

G. — Extracts from the Mir-dt-i Mas'ddi 513

Page 76, line 3 from the bottom, substitute “ Manjur&n” for “the wine- drinkers (mai-khuran).” — A subsequent passage shows the true reading.

Page 129. — For “July, 1033” read “July, 1034.”

“ 157. — For “(This last contains only) the first two kismsfi substitute “ — part of the first kism as far as Chapter 25, where it ends abruptly.”

„ 249. — To note add, “See Vol. I. p. 445.”

„ 276. — In note 2, for “words” read “word.”

Abu Rihan1 Muhammad bin Ahmad al Biruni al Khwar- izmi, was born2 about a.h. 360, a.d. 970-1. He was an

astronomer, geometrician, historian, and logician. He was so

1 R a ill an would be more correct, according to tbe Kamils. In Brigg’s Firishta (p. 113), the name is strangely perverted into “ Anvury Khan.”

2 The place of his birth is disputed. His earliest biographer is Shahrazuri, who, in his Tawarikh-i Hukamd , written shortly after Birum’s death, says that he was born at Birun, in Sind, “ a beautiful city full of excellent and marvellous things.” He has been followed by Haji Khalfa, by Ibn Abu Ussaibiah, and by Abu-1 Fida, on the authority of Ibn Sa’id. M. Beinaud also states that he was a Sindian. Yet, where is this city of Birun in Sind ? There is a Nirun, or Xiriin Kot, near the site of the present city of Haidarabad, corresponding in position with the Birun indicated by Abu-1 Fidh, which probably has had it first letter altered by a transposition of the vowel point. But M. Iteinaud (p. 195) is distinct in condemning Capt. McMurdo and other English writers who, following Idrisi, read Xirun for Birun. Abu-1 Fida’s reading cannot be disputed, for he not only gives, but describes the nature of, the diacritical point, and all that can be said against him is that he never was in India, and that he detived his information from others. (See Yol. I. Appx. p. 396.) In the Kitdbu-l Ansab by Sam’ani, a hook of very great authority, written a.h. 562, a.d. 1166, Biruni is derived from the Persian, and made to apply to any one born out of Khwarizm. Some authorities distinctly assert that he was horn at Birun, a town of Khwarizm, but I know not if the existence of such a town has been established. Biruni in his Indian Geography takes little notice of Sind, and says nothing of his birthplace. [The passage quoted from the “ Quarterly Review,” [infra p. 3) seems to decide the question, for Birfini is there said to be a native of Khwarizm, and the whole tenor of the article confirms the statement.]

studious that Shamsu-d din Muhammad Shahrazuri, his earliest biographer, tells us “ he never had a pen out of his hand, nor his eye ever off a book, and his thoughts were always directed to his studies, with the exception of two days in the year, namely Nauroz [New Year’s day at the vernal equinox], and Mihrjan [the autumnal equinox], when he was occupied, according to the com- mand of the Prophet, in procuring the necessaries of life on such a moderate scale as to afford him bare sustenance and clothing.” [As a logician he obtained the sobriquet of “ Muhafckilc’ or “ the exact,” on account of the rigorous precision of his deductions].1

[Abu-1 Fazl Baihaki who lived about half a century after A1 Birum, says, “ Bu Rihan was beyond comparison, superior to every man of his time in the art of composition, in scholarlike accomplishments, and in knowledge of geometry and philosophy. He had, moreover, a most rigid regard for truth and Rasliidu-d din, in referring to the oreat writer from whom he has borrowed so much, says “ The Master Abu Rihan al Biruni excelled all his cotemporaries in the sciences of philosophy, mathematics, and geometry. He entered the service of Mahmud bin Subuktigin, and in the course of his service he spent a long time in Hindus- tan and learned the language of the country. Several of the provinces of India were visited by him. He was on friendly terms with many of the great and noble of that country, and so acquired an intimate knowledge of their books of philosophy, religion, and belief. The best and most excellent of all their books upon the arts and sciences is one resembling the work of Shaikh Rais Abu ’Ali ibn Sina (Avicenna). It is called Batakal, or in Arabic Batajal; this book he translated into Arabic. From this work also he extracted a great deal which he made use of in his Kanun Mas’udi, a work upon mathematics and geome- try, named after the Sultan Mas’ud. All that the sages of India have said about numbers, ages, and eras ( taicarikh ), has been exactly given by Abu Rihan in his translation of the Batakal.”]

He was indebted to the Sultan of Khwarizm for the oppor- tunity of visiting India, for he was appointed by him to accompany the embassies which he sent to Mahmud of Ghazni. A1 Farabi and Abu-1 Khair joined one of these embassies, but the famous Avicenna, who was invited to accompany them, refused to go, being, as it is hinted, averse to enter into controversy with Abu Rihan, with whom he differed on many points of science, and whose logical powers he feared to encounter. [On the invitation of Mahmud, Abu Rihan entered into his service, an invitation which Avicenna declined. It was in the suite of Mahmud and of his son Mas’ud that] Abu Rihan travelled into India, and he is reported to have staid forty years there ; but if we may judge from some errors that he has committed in his geographical description of the country, such as placing Thanesar in the Doab, it would appear that he never travelled to the east of Lahore.1 Abu Rihan died in a.h. 430, a.D. 1038-9.

He wrote many works, and is said to have executed several translations from the Greek, and to have epitomised the Almagest of Ptolemy. His works are stated to have exceeded a camel-load, insomuch that it was supposed by devout Muhammadans that he received divine aid in his compositions. Those most spoken of are astronomical tables, a treatise on precious stones, one on Materia Medica, an introduction to astrology, a treatise on chronology, and the famous Kaminu-1 Mas’udf, an astronomical and geographical work frequently cited by Abu-1 Fida, especially in his tables of Lat. and Long. For this last work he received from the Emperor Mas’ud an elephant-load of silver, which, how- ever, he returned to the Royal Treasury, “ a proceeding contrary to human nature,” according to the testimony of Shahrazun.

[An accomplished writer in a late number of the “ Quarterly Review,” observes: “ Abu Rihan a native of the country (of Khwarizm) was the only early Arab writer who investigated the antiquities pf the East in a true spirit of historical criticism,” and he proceeds to give some examples of his knowledge of ancient 1 See note Yol. I. p. 353.

technical chronology which are of the highest importance in establishing the early civilization of the Arian race. According to this reviewer, Abu Rihan says, “ the solar calendar of Khwar- izm, was the most perfect scheme for measuring time with which he was acquainted, and it was maintained by the astronomers of that country, that both the solar and the lunar zodiacs had originated with them ; the divisions of the signs in their systems being far more regular than those adopted by the Greeks or Arabs. * * * Another statement of Abu Rihan’ s asserts

that the Khwarizmians dated originally from an epoch anterior by 980 years to the era of the Seleucid® (equal to B.C. 1304), a date which agrees pretty accurately with the period assigned by our best scholars to the invention of the Jyotisha or Indian calendar.”1 This most curious and interesting information, for which we are indebted to the writer in the “ Quarterly,” raises higher than ever the reputation of Abu Rihan, and must inten- sify the desire so long felt for a complete translation of his extant works.]

The names of his writings are given in full by Reiske in the Supplement to the Bibl. Or. on the authority of Abu Ussaibiah. The work by which he is best known, and which to the cultivator of Indian history is the most important, of all his works is the Tarikhu-1 Hind in Arabic. A manuscript of this work, or of a portion of it, is iu the Imperial Library, Paris ( Fonds Ducaurroy , No. 22), and from this MS. M. Reinaud extracted two chapters which he published in the Journal Asiatique, and separately in his “ Fragments Arabes et Persons inedits relatifs a V hide anterieure- ment au xi. siecle de here Chretienne [The work, according to M. Reinaud, was written in India in 1031 A.d., and he observes upon it — “ Cet ecrit est un tableau de l’etat litteraire et scienti- fique de la presqu’ile, au moment ou lcs armees musulmanes y penetrerent pour la premiere fois. On y voit successivement apparaitre les principaux travaux litteraires, philo^bphiques et astronomiques des Indiens, le tableau de leurs eres, la manibre 1 “ Quarterly Review,” No. 240, p. 490.

dont ils comptaient les jours, les mois, les armies et les cycles.”1 Sir H. Rawlinson possesses a MS. of a part of A1 Birum’s works,]2 and there is a manuscript of some portions thereof mentioned by M. Haonel as existing in the Library of the Arsenal at Paris. This MS. appears to be the one noticed by D’Herbelot in the article Atliar , [and to be the same as that “ which was formerly much referred to by M. Quatremere under the title ‘Atliar el Bakieh.’ ”3] The Tarikku-l Hind is not known at all in India, and M. Reinaud states that it is not mentioned in any of the bibliographical works in Arabic which have come under his observation. It will be seen hereafter that Abu-1 Fazl Baihaki attributes to him another work, “ A History of Khwar- izm,” which is noticed by M. Fraehn in his catalogue.4

The Tarikhu-l Hind treats of the literature and science of the Indians at the commencement of the eleventh century, It does not bear the name of the author, but we learn from it, that he accompanied Mahmud of Ghazni ; that he resided many years in India, chiefly, in all probability, in the Panjab, studied the Sanskrit language, translated into it some works from the Arabic, and translated from it two treatises into Arabic. This state- ment is confirmed by Abu-1 Faraj, in his “Catalogue of Ancient and Modern Authors.” Biruni says, towards the end of his preface, “ I have translated into Arabic two Indian works, one discusses the origin and quality of things which exist, and is entitled Sankhya, the other is known under the title of Patan- jali,5which treats of the deliverance of the soul from the trammels of the body. These two works contain the chief principles of the Indian creed.”6

Neither the original nor the translation of this work [presumed

2 [This fact, and the general character of the article in the “Review,” which probably no one else in Europe could have written, afford sufficient indication of the writer, Sir H. Rawlinson.]

3 [“ Quarterly Review,” No. 240, p. 490, note ; Mem. sur I'Inde, p. 30.]

5 [See Note, next page.] 6 Reinaud’s Fragments, p. xiii.

to be that] of Patanjali has descended to us ; hut as M. Reinaud. observes, the declaration quoted in the preceding paragraph serves to indicate the author of the Tar'ikhu-l Hind , which other circum- stances would have rendered extremely probable. Raslndu-d din, in his history, quotes as one of the works to which he is indebted for his information, an Arabic version of “the Batakal,” made by Al-Biruui.1 Binakiti also mentions this translation of the

1 [The Sanskrit work translated by Abu Rihfin has, upon this identification made by Reinaud, been unhesitatingly believed to have been the production of the sage Patanjali, a well-known philosopher and Vedie commentator and grammarian (Muller’s Sanskrit Lit. p. 235.) The description given of that work by Abu Rib an accords very well with the sage’s writings ; but the specimens which we have of the work in the published fragments of Al BirCtni, and in their reproduction by Rashidu-d din are of a very different character. The latter writer says it was a book upon the arts and sciences, containing all that the sages of India have written about numbers, ages, and eras, and accordingly we find the book cited upon questions of chronology and geography. In the Extract printed by M. Reinaud, the word is given distinctly as “BatanjaR,” but I have not found it so written in any of the MSS. of the Jami’u-t Taw&rikh or of Binakiti. The MS. of the E. I. Library says “the name of the book is J, ( . . 1 1 1 which in Arabic they write I g-1 h In the passage translated and printed in Vol. I. p. 44, it is written \ . . ' \j and in another ^Ls-'L The Lucknow MS. has and

The Arabic MS. is equally explicit and says —

“ The word Batajal is the Arabic form of what in the original is Batakal. ’’ (Judging from analogy there is but one letter between the alif and the jim, for the t is so found written in words about which there can be no doubt, as ^ o . V ) jjere

we have the remarkable fact that the Arabic form of the name (Batajal or Batanjal) is more like the presumed Sanskrit original (Patanjali) than the word Batakal or Batankal, which is given as the exact or nearest transcription of that original word. Mr. Morley found the word written Banatakal or Batanakal in two manuscripts of Binakiti (Jour. R. A. S. YI. 26). In the R. As. Soc.’s copy of Binakiti it is written uLCj Ij A Persian note prefixed to the MS. No. 16 of the R. As. Society, and translated by Dr. Duucan Forbes, says, “After Abu Rihan had made thorough proficiency in the sciences of the Indian philosophers, he translated from the Indian language into the Arabic tongue, the book of Patankal, or Patanjal which is a collection of all the sciences, and one of the most valuable works of the sages of Hind. * * * To this work he gave the name of Patanjal, [ 1 .gi 1 1 1 ]

a copy of which he carried away with him.” — (Forbes, Jour. R.A.S. YI. p. 38.) This note would seem to have been drawn from Rashidu-d din’s notice of Abu

Rihan above quoted — and the spelling of the name of the book is identically the

work, and says that Biruni included the translation in the Kanunu-1 Mas’udi,1 but a close examination of the Kanun does not confirm this, for there is nothing special about India in the work.

The two chapters of his work, edited by M. Remaud, relate to the eras and geography of India. Like the Chinese travels of Fa-hian and Hwen Tsang, they establish another fixed epoch to which we can refer for the determination of several points re- lating to the chronology of this country. We learn from them that the Harivansa Purana, which the most accomplished orientalists have hitherto ascribed to a period not anterior to the eleventh century, was already quoted in Birum’s time as a standard authority, and that the epoch of the composition of the five Siddhantas no longer admits of question, and thus the theories of Anquetil du Perron and Bentley are demolished for ever.2

The extract from the Tdrikhu-l Hind given below is of great historical interest. The succession of the last princes of Kabul

same as in the MS. of the E. I. Library. It thus appears very questionable whether the sage Patanjali is really the author referred to, but at any rate it is certain that no Sanskrit work bearing his name has yet been discovered which at all corresponds to the hook used by Abu Itihan. If a guess may be ventured on, the final syllable teal is possibly the Sanskrit kcila, “time.”J

1 M. Eeinaud (p. 97) says of this work that “ unfortunately it has not come down

to us.” It appears to have escaped him that nearly the entire first volume exists in the Bodleian Library, collated with the autograph of the author, and dated as far back as a.d. 1083. The contents of that volume are given in Drs. Nicoll's and Pusey’s Catalogue. In the notes to that article the learned Doctors have surelv taken very unnecessary trouble to write elaborate remarks upon Arm which

can be no other place than Ujain, in Malwa, which by Biladuri (Yol. I. p. 126), and

the early Arabic authors was written \ as being more in conformity with

Ptolemy, who calls it by the name of ’Ofrjioj. [There is a copy of the Eanunu-l Mas’udi among Sir H. Elliot’s MSS.]

2 Compare Beinaud’s Fragments, Mem. sur VInde, p. 29-239, and Abou-l Feda , I. xcv. ; Sprenger’s Mas’udi, p. 151; Casiri, Biblioth. Arabico- Hispana, Tom. i. p. 322; D’Herbelot, Bill. Or. Tom. i. pp. 45, 407, 496, and Tom. iv. pp. 697, 722. Greg. Abulfaragii Hist. Dynast, p. 229 ; Wiistenfeld, Abulfedce Tab. Geogr. p. 77 ; Biographie Univ. s. v. De Bossi, Dizionario Storico degli Autori Arabi, s. v. Nicoll and Pusey, Bodl. Cod. MSS. Or. Cat. Arab. pp. 263, 360-363, 552; Fliigel, De Interpretibus, No. 76. "Wiistenfeld, Arabische Aerzte, No. 129 ; As. Res. vi. 537, ix. 195 ; Rampoldi , v. 510, vi. 535 ; Gemdlde-saal, iv. 160 ; Mod. Univ. Hist. II, 457 •

given there, though not in accordance with the statements of Mirkhond and other Persian historians, yet, being dependent on the contemporary testimony of Biruni, is of course more trust- worthy than that of subsequent compilers, and is moreover con- firmed by the Jami’u-t Tavcarikh. With respect to this table of succession, the ingenuity of the French editor induced him to surmise that it probably represented a series of Brahman princes who succeeded in subverting a Buddhist dynasty of Turks, and to whom should be attributed certain coins of a peculiar type which numismatists had previously some difficulty in assigning to their true masters. M. A. Longperier has confirmed this opinion by certain arguments, which have been printed as an appendix to M. Reinaud’s work, and he has been ably followed by Mr. E. Thomas, B.O.S., who has published a paper in the “Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,”1 respecting the proper attribution of this series. The result is that we are able to trace Brahman kings of Kabul to the beginnning of the tenth century, about a.d. 920, and thus clear up the mist which enveloped a whole century of the Indian annals previous to Mahmud’s invasion.3

In the same paper Mr. Thomas observes that the word

Hamira, so long supposed to be a proper name, and so eagerly

sought for among the Hindu kings of India, proves to be an

abbreviation of the full title of the Khalif of Baghdad, — Am'iru-l

Muminin , — continued by the Muhammadans in this curtailed

form from the Arabic reverses of their own Ghazni money, when

they adopted the style of coin found current in the countries they

had subdued. “The abbreviation of the full titles of the Khalif m *

into Sri Hamira will be seen,” says Mr. Thomas, “ to be neces- sary, as the space occupied by the device did not admit of the introduction of many more Hindi letters of the size it was the custom to employ.” But this supposed abbreviation is disproved by examining the gold coins of Muhammad Ghori, on one of

1 Yol. is. p. 194; [see also his Prinsep, I. 331.]

• See note iii Appendix on “ The Hindu Kings of Khbul.”

which, in the possession of General Cunningham, Sri Hamlr is ascribed as the title of the king, not of the Ivhalif. The legend on one side only (not on two sides) is Sri Samir Muhammad Sami. On the copper coins Sri Hamir is on the reverse, but the purport of the expression is fully shown by the position it occu- pies on the gold coins. Amir is used by Baihaki as equivalent to Sultan, and that is no doubt the use of it in all these places. The legend of Sri Samant Deo on many of this series of coins, npon which so much stress is laid, as indicative of Samant’s power as one of the chief founders of the dynasty, does not seem to have reference to that prince, but to be an honorary title assumed by the reigning prince, meaning the “ fortunate warrior;” otherwise it certainly would not have been stamped on the coins of Prithi Raj, who lived 250 years later, and was not, like Samant, a Brahman, but a Chauhan Rajput, and proud of his lineage.1

Kabul was formerly governed by princes of the Turkish race. It is said that they were originally from Tibet. The first of them, who was named Barhtigin, dwelt, when he arrived at Kabul, in a cave, in which no one could enter except by crawling on all fours. The cave contained a spring, and lie provided him- self therein with food for some days. This cave is now well known by the name of Bakar, and is entered by those persons who wish to obtain the blessing which a visit to it is supposed to confer, and bring out some of the wrater, not without much diffi- culty. Groups of peasants used to labour near the entrance of the cave. Such a thing (as remaining in the cave without food)

1 [See Mr. Thomas’ reply to this, Prinsep I. 331, and “ Jour. E. A. S." xvii. 1"0 ; extracts from which will be found in the Appendix to this volume.

2 [Sir H. Elliot himself prepared this Extract for the press from M. Eeinaud’s French version, comparing that as he went on with the Arabic text. The Editor has made no alteration in the translation, except the substitution of “ Barhtigin” for “ Barkatziir,” as the name appeared in the first edition. In Sir H. Elliot's draft translation the word is written “Barhatgin,” but the copyist or printer read “ Barkatziir,” as an ignorant person might well do.]

could not be practised without the connivance of some one. The people who were in league with Barhtigin engaged the peasants to labour without ceasing, relieving each other night and day, by which it happened that the place was constantly surrounded. After some days, Barhtigin came all of a sudden out of the cave,1 and the men who were near the entrance saw him appear as one just born, clothed as a Turk, with a tunic, cap, boots, and armed from head to foot, He was looked upon as a wondrous person, and destined for empire. So he rendered himself master of the kingdom of Kabul, which continued in his family for sixty srenerations.

The Indians attach little importance to the sequence of events, and neglect to record the dates of the reijms of their kin^s. When they are embarrassed, they are silent. I will here men- tion what I have heard some people of the country say. It is true, according to what I have heard, that the succession of these reigns was written on a piece of silk, which was found in the fortress of Nagarkot. I vehemently desired to read this writing, but different circumstances prevented me.

Amono- the number of these kino-s was Kanak2 who founded

the Viliar at Peshawar, which bears his name. It is said that the Bai of Kanauj offered to this prince, among other presents, a piece of cloth of excellent texture, and of a new kind, of which Kanak wished to make a dress. But the tailor refused to make up the garment, saying, “I see- the figure of a human foot, and notwithstanding all my endeavours, still the foot will come be-

1 He seems to have imposed upon the credulous people by the same means which are even now practised in the west of India. Lieut. Boileau in his “ Personal Nar- rative of a Tour in Rajwarra," and Capt. Osborne in his “ Court and Camp of Runjeet Sing," gives an account of a man who allowed himself to he interred for a month. The former is circumstantial in his account, and seems to yield faith to the statement of his narrators. It is not improbable that the ancients alluded to this practice when they spoke of Indians who lived without food, and in caves. Aulus Gellius speaks of them as “ gentem, apud extrema Indue nullo cibatu vescentem.” Noct. Att. ix. 4. See also Philostratus, Tit. Apoll. iii. 45 ; Ctesioe, Indie. Excerpt, xxiii. ; Grote’s Greece , III. 113.

2 [See Beinaud, Mem. sur I'Inde, p. 73; Thomas’ Prinsep, Index, Kanishka; see Cunningham, “ Jour. Ben. As. Soc. Yol. xxiii.]

tween the shoulders.” This bears a relation to the story which I have elsewhere narrated in the legend of Bal.

Kanak understood that the Rai of Kanauj intended to insult him, and to evince the small estimation in which he held him, so Kanak departed quickly with his army towards Kanauj. At this news the Rai of Kanauj was greatly embarrassed, not find- ing himself in a position to contend with the king of Kabul. He consulted with his minister, who said, “ You have roused a man who was peaceably disposed, and an untoward act has been committed. Now cut off my nose and lips, and mutilate me, that I may search out a way of practising some artifice, since there are no means of open resistance.”

The Rai did as his minister advised, and allowed him to depart to the frontier. When the army of Kabul met the minister, he made himself known, and was conducted to the presence of Kanak, who demanded of him how he was reduced to that (pitiable) condition. He replied, “ I endeavoured to dis- suade the Rai from contending with you, and recommended him to make his submission, but, charging me with collusion, he mutilated me. If you march by the road which lies before you, you will find it long. You will more easily arrive at your desti- nation by encountering the difficulties of the desert between him and us, provided you can carry with you a supply of water for a few days.” Kanak said, “ This is easy.” So he took with him water, as recommended, and was guided on his way by the minister, who preceded him when he entered the boundless desert. When some days had elapsed, and the king knew not his way, he enquired of the minister, who replied, “ No rebuke can attach to me for seeking to secure the safety of my master, and the destruction of his enemy. The nearest way to escape from the desert is that by which you entered it. Do to me as you wish, but none of you can escape alive from this desert.” At these words Kanak mounted his horse, and ur<red it towards some low ground, in the midst of which he dug his spear, and water gushed out from it, which sufficed for the present and

future wants of the whole army. Then the minister said to the kin", “ I did not intend to practice deceit upon powerful angels, but only upon weak men ; and since things have so turned out, accept my intercession, and pardon my gracious master. Kanak replied, “ I now retrace my way, and grant your solicitation. Your master has already received the punishment due to him.’’ Upon this the king retui’ned to his country, and the minister to his master the Rai. But on his arrival he found that the Rai had been deprived of the use of his feet and hands on the self- same day that Kanak had planted his spear in the ground.1

The last of these kings was Laktuzaman, and his minister was Kalar, a Brahman. * * * Laktuzaman’s thoughts

and actions were evil, so that many complaints reached the minister, who loaded him with chains and imprisoned him for his correction. * * * So the minister established himself

on the throne, and was succeeded by the Brahman Sarnand, whose successor was Kamalava, whose successor was Blum, whose successor was Jaipal, whose successor was Anand Pal, whose successor was Nardajanpal,2 who ascended the throne a.h. 412. His son, Bliim Pal, succeeded him after the lapse of five years, and under him the sovereignty of India became extinct, and no descendant remained to light a fire on the hearth. These princes, notwithstanding the extent of their dominions, were endowed with excellent qualities, were faithful to their engagements, and gracious towards their inferiors. The letter which Anand Pal wrote to Amir Mahmud, at the time enmity existed between them, is much to be admired. “ I have heard that the Turks have invaded your dominions, and have spread over Khurasan : if you desire it, I will join you with 5,000 Cavalry, 10,000 Infantry, and 100 Elephants; but if you prefer it, I will send my son with twice the number. In making this proposal, 1

1 The story is told in the Jdmi’u-l Eikdyat , I. sii. 15, with some variations, [see post , the article on the Jami’u-1 Hikhyat]. Kanak’s name is not mentioned, but the hero is Shah-i Zabulistan, i.e. King of Zabul, Sistan, Ghazni, etc.

2 [Reinaud says the MS. will admit of this name being read Tardajanpal, Tar - vajanpal, or Narvajanpal.]

do not wish to ingratiate myself with you. Though I have vanquished you, I do not desire that any one else but myself should obtain the ascendancy.”1 This prince was a determined enemy of the Musulmans from the time that his son Nardajanpal was taken prisoner, but his son was, on the contrary, well dis- posed towards them.3

1 This is translated somewhat differently by M. Reinaud, but the version here given seems more in conformity with the original Arabic.

2 [Mr. Thomas has brought forward strong evidence against the accuracy of this passage. He quotes the counterpart passage in the Persian and Arabic versions of the Jami’u-t Tawarikh which says “ And Kank returned to his country and was the last of the Katurman kings.” So that the name of Laktuzaman would appear to he nothing more than an incorrect rendering of the designation of the tribe of Katur. — “ Jour. R. A. S.” ix. 177 ; Prinsep, Vol. I. p. 315. It may he added that Reinaud’s text gives the name as “ Laktdzaman” in the first, hut “ Lakturzaman” in the second instance.]

1 [The author of this celebrated work was named Abu IS’asr Muhammad ibn Muhammad al Jabbaru-1 ’Utbi. He was a mem- ber of the family of ’Utba, which held important offices under the Samams, and he himself was Secretary to Sultan Mahmud, so that he enjoyed excellent opportunities of becoming fully acquainted with the operations of that conqueror. His work comprises the whole of the reign of Nasiru-d din Subuktigin, and part of that of Mahmud, down to the year 410 Hijra (1020 a.d.) The author would appear to have lived a few years later than this, as he records an event as happening in 420 Hijra,1 2 but the interest of his work ceases with the year 410.]

[Though holding an appointment near the person of Mahmud, he does not seem to have accompanied him in his expeditions, for he evidently had no knowledge of the topography of India, and his statements in respect of localities are of little authority. He never mentions Lahore or Dehli, and with the exception of

1 [This article has been compiled, for the most part, from Sir H. Elliot’s rough

notes and memoranda.] 2 [Reynolds Translation, 474.]

the title Rdi , no Hindi word is found in his pages. In dates he is deficient, and far from precise.]

[There are several Persian translations of this work, which bear the title of Tarjuma-i Yamini. The most ancient of these is that of Abu-1 Sharaf Jarbadkani, or -Jarbazkani, which was made in 582 Hijri, or 1186 a.d. This version is very rarely met with in India, but it has been rendered into English by the Rev. J. Reynolds, and published under the auspices of the Oriental Translation Fund (London, 1858). Another version is the modern one made by Muhammad Karamat ’All of Delili. This is known as the Tar'ikh-i Amini or Tarjuma-i Yamini, and although it is not common, it can easily be procured. Karamat ’All’s translation is very literal, the order of the words even following that of the original Arabic, and it is in general very correct and free from errors. He interposes fdidas or notes con- taining explanations of meaning and surmises about identifica- tions of places, but these are common place, and of little value.] [A knowledge of the work of ’Utbi was at one time considered a great desideratum in Europe, but it is now found to contain but little which is not accessible through other channels. Firishta and other historians have, by means of the Persian versions, extracted from it all that is of value and interest. But for all this it must continue a work of authority and an object of curiosity, as the original source from which later writers have drawn much of their information respecting Mahmud’s campaigns.] [The style of the original has generally been considered diffi- cult and inflated, and Karamat ’All describes it as “very difficult, but at the same time Rood and eleRant.” Sir H. Elliot, who himself translated the extracts which follow from the orio-inal

Arabic, observes that he “ was alarmed at first at the declared difficulty of the text, but found it to vanish after a little exami- nation.” “ All passages relating to India have been extracted, and the translations are literal, except that some of the useless illustrations have been omitted.”]

[The Bibliotheque Imperiale possesses three copies of the

Arabic, and one of the Persian version. From the latter, Silvestre de Sacy published in “ Notices et Extraits, ” Tome iv. 1799, an almost complete translation into French.]1 Copies of the Tarikh Yamini are not uncommon in India. One of the best is in the Library of Nawwab Siraju-1 Mulk, of Haidarabad ; and Sir H. Rawlinson has a very good copy. The edition lithographed at Dehli in the year 1847, is a very clear one, and contains some useful marginal notes, explanatory of the difficulties of the text. It was edited by Maulavx Ashraf ’All and Dr. Sprenger : size, large 8vo. 423 (497) pages each containing 16 lines. Professor Fleischer has remarked on the errors of its pagination.2 Sil- vestre de Sacy notices a copy of one of the commentaries in a Library at Constantinople.3 I only know one copy from which I have made the Extracts given hereafter. This belongs to a pertinacious old lady at Belgram, who, without knowing what it is, scrupulously guards it from leaving her house, ever since my enquiries respecting the work have led her to look upon it as of exceeding value.

There are several commentaries upon ’Utbi’s history bearing this title. Their object is the explanation of the difficult pas- sages, and the settling the right orthography of names They are thus enumerated by Haji Khalfa:4 —

“ The commentators are Majda-d din Kirmani ; Kassam bin Husain Khwarizmi, who died a.h. 555; Taju-d din Tsa bin Mahmud; Haibatu-d din Abu ’Abdu-llah; Mahmud bin 'Umar Manjani Naishapuri, who has entitled his work “Gardens of the excellent and odoriferous herbs of the learned.” Another is Abu-1 Marin Aitania, who tells us that having consulted five

J Zeitschrift, D. M. Gesellschaft, Yol. III. p. 359.

3 Hist, prionim regum Pers. ex Mirkhond, Pers. et Lat. Vienna 1784, p. 168 ; Litteratura Turchesca dell ’Abbate Toderini, Tom. II.

4 Lexicon Bibliographicum, v. “Yemini;” and Yol. II. p. 50 ; Notices des Manu- scripts, Tom. iv. p. 326.

other commentaries, he extracted from them all that was useful, and made to them many important additions of his own. When it was complete, he presented his work to his master, the cele- brated Kutbu-d din Shirazi, who honoured it with his approval. In the end, Kutbu-d din desired him to join the text to the com- mentary, an arrangement of which the author did not approve ; but having extracted from the text the most important words in it, he joined to them the necessary explanation in such a manner that one could not distinguish the text from the commentary, which together form one well-combined whole. He completed his labours on the entire work of ’Utbi at Tabriz, in the year 721 h. (1321 a.d.)

It is difficult to conceive the nature of the work thus spoken of. A combination of text and commentary so as to represent an harmonious unity, seems an impossibility.

The only commentary I know in India is by ’All bin Muslihu-s Sama’ani-al Kirmani. The year of composition does not appear, but the copy which I have seen cannot be less than three hundred years old. It is not a commentary upon the complete text, but only the most difficult words are selected for explanation. The portion thus selected for exegetical notes amounts to about one- tenth of the text. The extravagances of which the author is guilty, in the following short extract (p. 51), where he endeavours to show the correct way of writing Indian names, proves that the work can be of no real value, and that it is an impudent attempt of ignorance to appear learned. Yet his notions of the value of what he was engaged upon are correct enough, though it must be confessed they are very original. He says : — “ Books of history operate as a warning to the wise, and their perusal inspires even the negligent with subjects of reflection, and especially those who have occasion to travel. Moderns derive benefit from the in- structions of the ancients, those who are present learn from those that are absent, and posterity becomes acquainted with the occu- pations of its ancestors.” It is for these solemn truisms that the author considered a commentary upon a work which treats

of such exalted subjects as history treats of, a most useful labour to undertake.

The ruler of Kusdar, which was near the territory of Ghazna, rebelled against Amir Subuktigin.1 His fort was itself strong, naturally as wrell as in its approaches, and he thought that the difficulties of the road, as well as the distance, would prevent the Amir from attacking him ; but he was afraid lest his territory might be plundered, while his city was invested by the Amir’s cavalry. Amir Subuktigin marched that long distance over lofty and difficult hills, with his troops in close columns, one after the other, and with such expedition, that his body knew no rest, nor his eyes sleep, and his army had but little repose.

So Subuktigin and his followers attacked the city of the ruler of Kusdar, and seized him suddenly, like as a sheep is seized, when its limbs are torn to be roasted and placed before a guest ; and the faces of the inhabitants were so changed through alarm, that the very dogs barked at them, and mothers in their fright de- serted their children. The Amir thought it expedient to show kindness to the ruler of Kusdar, and to restore to his possession all that he had taken from him. He made peace with him on condition that he should immediately pay a contribution in money and hereafter promise to send an annual tribute. The Khutba also was read in that territory in the name of Amir Subuktigin, and coiners and goers, and the far and near became acquainted with these circumstances.2

Amir Subuktigin’ s First Invasion of Hind.

After this victory he made frequent expeditions into Hind, in

1 This name was not uncommon about this period. The famous Aniiru-1 TJmnra, of Baghdad, the Turk Subuktigin died in a.h. 364. Hammer-Purgstall, on the authority of Sha’ uri, says the name is Sebuktig'm ; but Ibn Khallikan says it should be Subuktigin.

2 We find the ruler of Kusdar subsequently refusing to pay his tribute, in con- sequence of which the Sultan was again compelled to attack him. — Dchli edition ,

the prosecution of holy wars, and there he conquered forts upon lofty hills, in order to seize the treasures they contained, and expel their garrisons. He took all the property they contained into his own possession, and captured cities in Hind, which had up to that time been tenanted only by infidels, and not trodden by the camels and horses of Musulmans.

When Jaipal1 had ascertained the calamity which had befallen him from the reports of the people who travelled in his country, and how Subuktigin was taking different parts of the territory into his own possession, and injuring everybody who opposed him in his projects of ambition, the deepest grief seized him and made him restless, and his lauds became narrow under his feet, though their expanse was broad. Then he arose with his relations and the generals of his army, and his vassals, and hastened with his huge elephants to wreak his revenge upon Subuktigin, by treading the field of Islam under his feet, and doing dishonour to that which should be treated with respect. In this disposition lie. marched on until he passed Lamghan, and approached the territory of Subuktigin, trusting to his own resources and power, for Satan had laid an egg in Jaipal’s brain and hatched it ; so that he waxed proud, entertaining absurd thoughts, and anticipating an immediate accomplishment of his wishes, impracticable as they were.

When the Amir heard of Jaipal’s approach towards his territory, and of his great power, he girt up his loins to fio-ht, and collecting his vassals and the Muhammadan forces whose duty it was to oppose infidels, he advanced from Glhazna against Jaipal, who was encamped between that place and Lamghan, with soldiers as black as night, and as impetuous as a torrent. Yaminu-d daula Mahmud accom-

1 S. de Sacy reads “ Haibal,” and says some manuscripts have it “ Hainal” and “Djibal.” He observes also that Dow has “ Jerpal and “ Abistagi” for “ Alpte- ghin,” “ Subuktagi” for “ Sebekteghin,” “ Tight” for “ Togan,” and “ Bab Toor” for “ Ba'itour.” Firishta has “Jaipal, the son of Ishtpal in Briggs, “ Hutpal.’’ See Mem. sur VInde, p. 252.

panied Amir Subuktigin, like a lion of the forest or a destructive eagle, and they attempted no difficult undertaking which they did not easily accomplish.

The armies fought several days successively against each other, and cups filled to the brim with blood, drawn from wounds in- flicted by sword and spear, circulated amongst them till they were drunken. In the field of this battle there was a very lofty mountain near the infidels, which was very difficult to ascend, called the ’Ukba Gliuzak.1 In one of its ravines there was a clear fountain of water of the dimensions required by the Hanafi law for purification,2 in which there were no impurities, or even watermoss. If any filth were thrown into it, black clouds col- lected, whirlwinds arose, the summits of the mountains became black, rain fell, and the neighbourhood was filled with cold blasts, until red death supervened. The Amir ordered that some dirty substance should be thrown into it, and immediately upon doing so the horrors of the day of resurrection rose up before the wicked infidels, and fire fell from heaven on them, and hailstones accompanied by loud claps of thunder ; and a blast, calculated to shake trees from their roots, blew upon them, and thick black vapours formed around them, as that they could not see the road by which they could fly, and their food and water were filled with dust.3

In consequence of the great fear which fell upon Jaipal, who confessed he had seen death before the appointed time, he sent a deputation to the Amir soliciting peace, on the promise of his paying down a sum of money, and offering to obey any order he might receive respecting his elephants and his country. The Amir Subuktigin consented on account of the mercy he felt to- wards those who were his vassals, or for some other reason which

1 Ghuzak or Ghhrak is mentioned by A1 Birum as one of the mountains under which the Kabul river flows. — Yol I. p. 47.

3 This passage is omitted from S. de Sacy's translation. [Muhammad ’Uft gives this story in his Jami’u-1 Hikhyat at greater length and with some variations, though he professes to have taken it from this work, see^ost.]

seemed expedient to him. But the Sultan Yaminu-d daula Mahmud addressed the messengers in a harsh voice, and refused to abstain from battle, until he should obtain a complete victory suited to his zeal for the honour of Islam and of Musulmans, and one which he was confident God would grant to his arms. So they returned, and Jaipal being in great alarm, again sent most humble supplications that the battle might cease, observing, “ You have seen the impetuosity of the Hindus and their indif- ference to death, whenever any calamity befalls them, as at this moment. If, therefore, you refuse to grant peace in the hope of obtaining plunder, tribute, elephants and prisoners, then there is no alternative for us but to mount the horse of stern determination, destroy our property, take out the eyes of our elephants, cast our children into the fire, and rush on each other with sword and spear, so that all that will be left to you, is stones and dirt, dead bodies, and scattered bones.”

When the Amir heard these words and knew what Jaipal would do in his despair, he thought that religion and the views of the faithful would best be consulted by peace, and the acqui- sition of tribute. So the Amir Mahmud agreed with Subukti°'in

as to the propriety of withdrawing the hand of vengeance, on the condition of receiving at that time 1,000,000 dirhams of royal stamp, and fifty elephants, and some cities and forts in the middle of his country. Jaipal wras to deliver these forts to the officers nominated by the Amir, and was to send hostages from among his relatives and friends to remain with the Amir until these conditions of cession were fulfilled. The Amir sent two deputies with Jaipal to see that he did not swerve from his en- gagements, and they were accompanied by confidential officers who were to receive charge of the ceded places.

When Jaipal had marched to a great distance, and thought that the demand upon him had relaxed, and that the rope round his throat was loosened, his bad disposition suggested to him to break his engagements, and his folly made him beget enmity, insomuch that he imprisoned those who accompanied him on

the part of the Amir, in reprisal for those of his relations whom the Amir had taken as hostages.

Amir Subuktigin’s Second Invasion of Hind.

When this intelligence reached the Amir, he considered it false, as being opposed to the usual habits of Jaipal ; until repeated accounts to the same effect were brought, when the curtain which obscured the truth was withdrawn, and he knew that God had set his seal upon Jaipal’s heart, so that he might obtain the reward of his evil deeds, and had placed a veil between it and rectitude, so that he might obtain punishment for his wickedness and infidelity. The Sultan therefore sharpened the sword of intention in order to make an incursion upon his king- dom, and cleanse it from impurity and from his rejection of Islam. So lie departed with his valiant servants and allies, relying upon the one God, and trusting in the fulfilment of the promise of victory; and he went on till he arrived with his troops in the country of Hind, and he killed every one who, on the part of Jaipal, came out to oppose him.

The Amir marched out towards Lamghan, which is a city celebrated for its oreat strength and abounding in wealth. He conquered it and set fire to the places in its vicinity which were inhabited by infidels, and demolishing the idol-temples, he estab- lished Islam in them, He marched and captured other cities and killed the polluted wretches, destroying the idolatrous and gratifying the Musulmans. After wounding and killing beyond all measure, his hands and those of his friends became cold in counting the value of the plundered property. On the com- pletion of his conquest he returned and promulgated accounts of the victories obtained for Islam, and every one, great and small, concurred in rejoicing over this result and thanking God.

When Jaipal saw what had occurred to him on account of the infraction of his engagements, that his chiefs had become the food of vultures and hyenas, and that weakness had fallen on his

arm, lie became greatly agitated, and knew not whether to retire or advance. He at last determined to fight once more, and satisfy his revenge. He thought, resolved, gave orders, and collected troops to the number of more than one hundred thousand. When Amir Subuktigin heard this intelligence, he again advanced to fight him, and ascended a lofty hill from which he could see the whole army of the infidels, which resembled scattered ants and locusts, and he felt like a wolf about to attack a flock of sheep. He urged the Musulmans upon the uncircumcised infidels, and they willingly obeyed his orders. He made bodies of five hun- dred attack the enemy with their maces in hand, and relieve each other when one party became tired, so that fresh men and horses were constantly engaged, till the accursed enemy com- plained of the heat which arose from that iron oven. These detached parties then made one united charge, in order to exter- minate their numerous opponents. Men and officers mingled in close conflict, and all other arms were useless except the sword. The dust which arose prevented the eyres from seeing ; swords could not be distinguished from spears, men from elephants, the valiants from cowards. It was only when the dust was allayed that it was found that the impure infidels wrere defeated, and had fled, leaving behind them their property, utensils, arms, provisions, elephants, and horses. The jungles were filled with the carcases of the infidels, some wounded by the sword, and others fallen dead through fright. “It is the order of Hod re- specting those who have passed away, that infidels should be put to death ; and the order of God is not changed respecting your execution of the same precept.”

The Hindus turned their tails towards their heads like fright- ened dogs, and the Raja was contented to offer the best things in his most distant provinces to the conqueror, on condition that the hair on the crowns of their heads should not be shaven off. So the country in that neighbourhood was clear and open before Amir Subuktigin, and he seized all the wealth which was found in it. He levied tribute and obtained immense booty, besides

two hundred elephants of war. He increased his array, and the Afghans and Khiljis having submitted to him, he admitted thousands of them1 whenever he wished into the ranks of his army, and thereafter expended their lives in his service.

Receipt by Mahmud of a Khila’t from the Khalifa.

Kadir bi-llah Amiru-l-muminin, the Khalifa of Baghdad, sent a Khila’t, such as had never before been heard of, for the use of Sultan Saifu-d daula, and he entitled Mahmud in his imperial rescript, “ Yaminu-d daula Aminu-1 millat, the friend of the Amir-1 muminm,” which had not yet been bestowed upon any prince, either far or near, notwithstanding their intense desire to receive such an honour. The Sultan sat on his throne and robed himself in his new Khila’t, professing his allegiance to the successor of the prophet of God. The Amirs of Khurasan stood before him in order, with respectful demeanour, and did not take their seats till they were directed. He then bestowed upon the nobles, his slaves, his confidential servants, and his chief friends, valuable robes and choice presents, beyond all calculation, * * * and vowed that every year he would undertake a

Sultan Mahmud at first designed in his heart to go to Sijistan, but subsequently preferred engaging previously in a holy war against Hind, and he distributed arms prior to convening a council on the subject,1 in order to secure a blessing on his designs, of exalting the standard of religion, of widening the plain of right, of illuminating the words of truth, and of strength-

1 M. de Sacy says “ they agreed to furnish 100,000 men whenever he wished.”

1 Alluding to a passage in the Kurin, which it is unnecessary to explain here more particularly.

ening the power of justice. He departed towards the country of Hind, in full reliance on the aid of God, who guiding by his light and by his power, bestowed dignity upon him, and gave him victory in all his expeditions. On his reaching Purshaur (Peshawar), he pitched his tent outside the city. There he received intelligence of the bold resolve of Jaipal, the enemy of God, and the King ( malik ) of Hind, to offer opposition, and of his rapid advance towards meeting his fate in the field of battle. He then took a muster of his horses, and of all his warriors and their vassals from those in whose records it was entered, and then selected from among his troops 15,000 cavalry, men and officers, all bold, and strictly prohibited those who were rejected and not fit or disposed for war, from joining those who had been chosen, and who were like dragons of the desert and lions of the forest. With them he advanced against the wicked and accursed enemy, whose hearts were firm as hills, and were as twigs of patience on the boughs of affection. The villanous infidel came forward, proud in his numbers and strength of head and arm, with 12,000 horsemen, 30,000 foot soldiers, and (300 elephants, at the ponderous weight of which the lighter earth groaned, little reflecting that, under God’s dispensation, a small army can overturn a host, as the ignorant man would have learnt, could he have read the word of God, — “ Oftentimes a small army over- comes a large one by the order of God.”

That infidel remained where he was, avoiding the action for a long time, and awaiting craftily the arrival of reinforcements and other vagabond families and tribes which were on their way ; but the Sultan would not allow him to postpone the conflict, and the friends of God commenced the action, setting upon the enemy with sword, arrow, and spear, — plundering, seizing, and destroy- ing ; at all which the Hindus, being greatly alarmed, began to kindle the flame of fight. The Hindu set his cavalry in and beat his drums. The elephants moved on from their posts, and line advanced against line, shooting their arrows at one another like boys escaped from school, who, at eventime, shoot at a target

for a wager. Swords flashed like lightning amid the blackness of clouds, and fountains of blood flowed like the fall of setting stars. The friends of God defeated their obstinate opponents, and quickly put them to a complete rout. Noon had not arrived when the Musulmans had wreaked their vengeance on the infidel enemies of God, killing 15,000 of them, spreading them like a carpet over the ground, and making them food for beasts and birds of prey. Fifteen elephants fell on the field of battle, as their legs, being pierced with arrows, became as motion- less as if they had been in a quagmire, and their trunks were cut with the swords of the valiant heroes.

The enemy of God, J aipal, and his children and grandchildren, and nephews, and the chief men of his tribe, and his relatives, wei’e taken prisoners, and being strongly bound with ropes, were carried before the Sultan, like as evildoers, on whose faces the fumes of infidelity are evident, who are covered with the vapours of misfortune, will be bound and carried to Hell. Some had their arms forcibly tied behind their backs, some wrere seized by the cheek, some were driven by blows on the neck. The necklace was taken off the neck of Jaipal, — composed of large pearls and shining gems and rubies set in gold, of which the value was two hundred thousand dinai’S ; and twice that value was obtained from the necks of those of his relatives who were taken prisoners, or slain, and had become the food of the mouths of hyenas and vultures. God also bestowed upon his friends such an amount of booty as was beyond all bounds and all calculation, including five hundred thousand slaves, beautiful men and women. The Sultan returned with his followers to his camp, having plundered immensely, by God’s aid, having obtained the victory, and thank- ful to God, the lord of the universe. For the Almighty had given them victory over a province of the country of Hind, broader and longer and more fertile than Khurasan. This splendid and celebrated action took place on Thursday, the 8th of Muharram, 392 h. (27th November, 1001, a.d.)

After the victory, the Sultan directed that the polluted infidel,

Jaipal, should be paraded about, so that bis sons and chieftains might see him in that condition of shame, bonds, and disgrace ; and that the fear of Islam might fly abroad through the country of the infidels. He then entered into conditions of peace with him, after demanding fifty elephants, and took from him as hostages his son and grandson, till he should fulfil the conditions imposed upon him.

The infidel returned to his own country and remained there, and wrote to his son, Andpal, whose territory, on which he prided himself, was on the other side of the Sihun (Indus), explaining the dreadful calamity wdiicli had befallen him, and beseeching him with many entreaties to send the elephants which wTere ac- cording to agreement to be given to the Sultan. Upon this And- pal sent the elephants to Jaipal, after dismissing the courier who had brought the letter, and the elephants were sent on to the Sultan. The Sultan, therefore, ordered the release of the host- ages, and his myrmidons gave them a smack on the buttocks, telling them to return to their country.

Andpal reflected that his father, Jaipal, had put on the sheaf of old age, and had fallen under the influence of Lyra and other unlucky constellations, and it was time he should contemplate his death and devote himself to religious exercises. There is a custom among these men that if any one is taken prisoner by an enemy, as in this case Jaipal was by the Musulmans, it is not lawful for him to continue to reign. When Jaipal, therefore, saw that he was captive in the prison of old age and degradation, he thought death by cremation preferable to shame and dishonour. So he commenced with shaving his hair off, and then threw himself upon the fire till he was burnt.1

1 In the version, of Jarbdzkani it is said that, after the self sacrifice of Jaipal, the Sultan again sent forth his army into Hindustan, and that after having exterminated all those who had taken part in this rebellion, he returned in triumph to Ghazni. There is no authority for this in the original. The transactions at "Waihind are not noticed in Jarbdzkani. — Reynolds, 282 — Notices et Extraits, iv. 380.

When the Sultan had accomplished all his wishes and reduced all his enemies ; in his happiness, he resolved on another holy expedition. He ornamented the entrance to his tent as well as his standards, and marching towards Waihind, he encamped there in state, until he had established himself in that country, and had relieved himself from the toils of the campaign. News reached him of the Hindus taking refuge in the passes of the neighbouring hills, and concealing themselves in the forests and jungles, consulting amongst themselves about the means of attacking the Musulmans. He therefore despatched an army against them, to conquer their country, and disperse them. The army fell upon them, and committed such slaughter that their swords were covered with blood. Those who escaped death fled away like mountain goats, having seen the swords flashing as bright as stars at noonday, and dealing black and red death around them. Thus did the infidels meet with the punishment and loss due to their deserts. The standards of the Sultan then returned happy and victorious to Ghazni, the face of Islam was made resplendent by his exertions, the teeth of the true faith displayed themselves in their laughter, the breasts of religion expanded, and the back of idolatry was broken.

When Sultan Mahmud had settled the affairs of Sijistan, and the action of his beating pulse had subsided, and the clouds had dispersed, he determined upon invading Bhatia. So he collected armies with trustworthy guides and valiant standard bearers, and crossing the Indus in the neighbourhood1 of Multan, he marched towards the city of Bhatia, the walls of which the

1 Literally, “ behind,” or “beyond,” [and Ibn Asir uses the same expression,] but the position of Multan is such as to render the author’s meaning very doubtful.

wino-s ©f the easde could not surmount, and which wTas sur- rounded as by the ocean with a ditch of exceeding depth and breadth. The city was as wealthy as imagination can conceive in property, armies, and military weapons. There were elephants as headstrong as Satan. The ruler at that time was Biji Bai,1 and the pride which he felt in the state of his preparations, induced him to leave the walls of his fort and come forth to oppose the Musulmans, in order to frighten them with his warriors and elephants and great prowess.

The Sultan fought against him for three days and nights, and the lightnings of his swords and the meteors of his spears fell on the enemy. On the fourth morning a most furious onslaught wTas made with swords and arrows, which lasted till noon, when the Sultan ordered a general charge to be made upon the infidels. The friends of God advancing against the masters of lies and idolatry with cries of “ God is exceeding great !” broke their ranks, and rubbed their noses upon the ground of disgrace. The Sultan himself, like a stallion, wrent on dealing hard blows around him on the right hand and on the left, and cut those who were clothed in mail right in twain, making the thirsty infidels drink the cup of death. In this single charge he took several elephants, wdiich Biji Bai regarded as the chief support of his centre. At last God granted victory to the standards of Islam, and the infidels retreated behind the walls of their city for protection. The Musulmans obtained possession of the gates of the city, and employed themselves in filling up the ditch and destroying the scarp and counterscarp, widening the narrow roads, and opening the closed entrances.

When Biji Bai saw the desperate state to wdiich he was re- duced, he escaped by stealth and on foot into the forest with a few attendants, and sought refuge on the top of some hills. The Sultan despatched a select body of his troops in pursuit of them, and surrounded them as a collar does the neck; and when Biji

1 Dow says “ Bachera S. de Sacy “ Bokaira ; ” ‘Wilken “ Bahira Briggs “ Beejy Bay.” [Ibn Asir has “ Bahira.]

Rai saw that there was no chance of escape, he drew his. dagger, struck it into his breast, and went to the fire which God has lighted for infidels and those who deny a resurrection, for those who say no prayers, hold no fasts, and tell no beads. — Amen.

The army of the Sultan kept moving on, and committing slaughter and pillage. One hundred and twenty elephants1 fell to the share of the Sultan, besides the usual share of property and arms. He also obtained an accession of territory without any solicitation. He I'emained at Bhatia till he had cleansed it from pollution, and appointed a person there to teach those who had embraced Islam, and lead them in the right way. He then returned to Ghazna in triumph and glory, and his fortune was in the equator (ascendant) ; but as his return was during the rains, when the rivers were full and foaming, and as the moun- tains were lofty, and he had to fight with enemies, he lost the greater part of his baggage in the rivers, and many of his valiant warriors were dispersed. God, nevertheless, preserved his person from those calamities which beset his road, for God is the friend of the virtuous. * * *

Intelligence reached the Sultan of the acts committed by the ruler of Multan, Abi-1 futuh, namely, respecting the impurity of his religion, the seditious designs of his heart, and the evidence of his evil doings, and his endeavours to make proselytes of the inhabitants of his country. The Sultan zealous for the Muham- madan religion, thought it a shame to allow him to retain his oovernment while he practised such wickedness and disobedience, and he beseeched the assistance of a gracious God in bringing him to repentance, and attacking him with that design in view.

He then issued orders for the assembling of armies from among the Musulmans for the purpose of joining him in this

1 Firishta says 280, and Mirkhond 120, but does not notice that this was the per- sonal share of the Sultan.

holy expedition, — those on whom God had set his seal and selected for the performance of good deeds, and obtaining either victory or martyrdom. He departed with them towards Multan in the spring, when the rivers were swollen with the rain, and the Indus and other rivers prevented the passage of the cavalry, and offered difficulties to his companions. The Sultan desired of Andpal,1 the chief of Hind, that he would allow him to march through his territory, but Andpal would not consent, and offered opposition, which resulted in his discomfiture. The Sultan, consequently, thought it expedient to attack Rai Andpal first, notwithstanding his power, in his jungles, to bow down his broad neck, to cut down the trees of his jungles, to destroy every single thing he possessed, and thus to obtain the fruit of two paradises by this double conquest.

So he stretched out upon him the hand of slaughter, imprison- ment, pillage, depopulation, and fire, and hunted him from ambush to ambush, into which he was followed by his subjects, like “ merchants of Hazramaut, wrho are never vdthout their sheets.”2 The spears were tired of penetrating the rings of the coats of mail, the swords became blunt by the blows on the sides, and the Sultan pursued the Rai over hill and dale, over the soft and hard ground of his territory, and his followers either became a feast to the rapacious wild beasts of the passes and plains, or fled in distraction to the neighbourhood of Kashmir.

When Abi-1 futuh, the ruler of Multan, heard what had happened to the chief of Hind, notwithstanding all his power and the lofty walls of his fort, and his shining sword, and when he began to measure their relative strength, and considered how Andpal, a much greater potentate than himself, had beeu sub- dued, he looked upon himself, as compared with the Sultan, as a ravine in comparison with the top of a mountain. He, there- fore, determined with all expedition to load all his property on

1 No doubt Anand-pal, as in Firishta ; Mirkhond calls him Jaipal, as in the Tarikh-i Atfi.

2 This verse is quoted by the author from a poet named Jariru-l-Khadfi.

elephants, and carry it off to Sarandip, and he left Multan empty for the Sultan to do with it as he chose.

The Sultan marched towards Multan, beseeching God’s aid against those who had introduced their neologies into religion and had disparaged it. The inhabitants of the place were blind in their errors, and desirous of extinguishing the light of God with their breath, so the Sultan invested Multan, took it by assault, treated the people with severity, and levied from them twenty thousand thousand dirams with which to respite their sins. Then the reports of the Sultan’s conquests spread over distant countries, and over the salt sea as far even as Egypt ; Sind and her sister (Hind) trembled at his power and vengeance ; his celebrity exceeded that of Alexander the Great, and heresy ( ilhdd ), rebellion, and enmity, were suppressed.

When the Sultan heard of Tlak Khan crossin" the Jihun with

50,000 men or more, he went in haste from Tuklffristan to Balkh, and remained there in order to anticipate Tlak Khan, who wished to obtain supplies from that province. The Sultan ad- vanced ready for action with an army composed of Turks, Indians, Khiljis, Afghans, and Ghaznivides.1

After this victory over Ilak Khan, the Sultan resolved upon going to Hind for the purpose of making a sudden attack upon the person known as Nawasa Shah, one of the rulers of Hind, who had been established as governor over some of the territories in that country conquered by the Sultan, for the purpose of pro- tecting their borders. Satan had got the better of Nawasa Shah,

1 De Sacy reads Gkozz, perhaps more correctly.

for he was again apostatizing towards the pit of plural worship, had thrown off the slough of Islam, and held conversation with the chiefs of idolatry respecting the casting off the firm rope o f religion from his neck. So the Sultan went swifter than the wind in that direction, and made the sword reek with the blood of his enemies. He turned Nawasa Shah out of his government, took possession of all the treasures which he had accumulated, re-assumed the government, and then cut down the harvest of idolatry with the sickle of his sword and spear. After God had granted him this and the previous victory, which were tried witnesses as to his exalted state and proselytism, he returned without difficulty to Ghazna.

The Sultan, contrary to the disposition of man, which induces him to prefer a soft to a hard couch, and the splendour of the cheeks of pomegranate-bosomed girls to well-tempered sword blades, was so offended at the standard which Satan had raised in Hind, that he determined on another holy expedition to that land. On the last day of Rabi’u-l-akhir of the same year,2 the Sultan prayed God for the accomplishment of his washes. When he had reached as far as the river of Waihind, he was met by Brahmanpal, the son of Andpal, at the head of a valiant army, with white swords, blue spears, yellow coats of mail, and ash-coloured elephants. Fight opened its crooked teeth, attacks were frequent like flaming meteors, arrows fell like rain from bows, and the grinding-stone of slaughter revolved, crushing the bold and the powerful. The battle lasted from morning till evening, and the infidels were near gaining the victory, had not

1 This is left out by all the other chroniclers.

2 The year is not mentioned, but that the Sultan should have gained his victory near Balkh, expelled Nawasa Shah, that he should have returned to Ghazna and rested, and then have commenced another expedition, all within four months of the same year, is to suppose almost an impossibility, unless Nawasa Shah was on the Peshawar frontier.

God aided by sending the slaves of the household to attack the enemy in rear, and put them to flight. The victors obtained thirty large elephants, and slew the vanquished wherever they were found in jungles, passes, plains, and hills.

The Sultan himself joined in the pursuit, and went after them as far as the fort called Bhimnagar,1 which is very strong, situated on the promontory of a lofty hill, in the midst of im- passable waters. The kings of Hind, the chiefs of that country, and rich devotees, used to amass their treasures and precious jewels, and «end them time after time to be presented to the large idol that they might receive a reward for their good deeds and draw near to their God. So the Sultan advanced near to this crow’s fruit,2 and this accumulation of years, which had attained such an amount that the backs of camels would not carry it, nor vessels contain it, nor writers hands record it, nor the imagination of an arithmetician conceive it.

The Sultan brought his forces under the fort and surrounded it, and prepared to attack the garrison vigorously, boldly, and wisely. When the defenders saw the hills covered with the armies of plunderers, and the arrows ascending towards them like flaming sparks of fire, great fear came upon them, and, calling out for mercy, they opened the gates, and fell on the earth, like sparrows before a hawk, or rain before lightning. Thus did God grant an easy conquest of this fort to the Sultan, and bestowed on him as plunder the products of mines and seas, the ornaments of heads and breasts, to his heart’s content. The

1 Dow calls it “ Bime;” S. de Sacy “ Behim-bagra;” ’Utbi bas “ Bhim-nagbar;” and Rashidu-d din Bbinbagbra;” Wilken “ Bebira Bagsa;” Briggs “Bbeem;” D'Uerbelot and Rampoldi, “Bebesim;” Tdrilch-i Alfi, “Bhirn.” [There can be no question that the lithographed edition is right in declaring the name to be Bhim- nagar. Firishta uses the names of Nagarkot, or Fort of Bbim (Briggs I. 48.) It is the modern Kangra which is still called Nagarkot. ](

• I hat is, the best ; and probably there is an allusion in the expression to the blackness of the Hindus, the early Muhammadans being fond of designating them as ‘‘ crows,” as will be seen from the Tiiju-l Ma-dsir.

Sultan entered tlie fort with Abu Nasr Ahmad bin Muhammad Farfghuni, the ruler of Juzjan, and all his own private attend- ants, and appointed his two chief chamberlains, Altuntash and Asightigin,1 to take charge of the treasures of gold and silver and all the valuable property, while he himself took charge of the jewels. The treasures were laden on the backs of as many camels as they could procure, and the officers carried away the rest. The stamped coin amounted to seventy thousand thousand royal dirhams, and the gold and silver ingots amounted to seven hundred thousand four hundred mans in weight, besides wearing apparel and fine cloths of Sus, respecting which old men said they never remembered to have seen any so fine, soft, and embroidered. Among the booty was a house of white silver, like to the houses of rich men, the length of which was thirty yards and the breadth fifteen.2 It could be taken to pieces and put together again. And there was a canopy, made of the fine linen of Rum, forty yards long and twenty broad, supported on two golden and two silver poles, which had been cast in moulds.

The Sultan appointed one of his most confidential servants to the charge of the fort and the property in it. After this he returned to Ghazna in triumph ; and, on his arrival there, he ordered the court-yard of his palace to be covered with a carpet, on which he displayed jewels and unbored pearls and rubies, shining like sparks, or like wine congealed with ice, and emeralds like fresh sprigs of myrtle, and diamonds in size and weight like pomegranates. Then ambassadors from foreign countries, including the envoy from Taghan Khan, king of Turkistan, assembled to see the wealth which they had never yet even read of in books of the ancients, and which had never been accu- mulated by kings of Persia or of Rum, or even by Karun, who had only to express a wish and God granted it.

1 [Reynolds gives this name as “ Istargin.”]

2 [Jarbhdkani, according to Reynolds, makes the measurement “sixty cubits long and fifty wide.”]

The Sultan again resolved on an expedition to Hind, and marched towards INarain, urging his horses and moving over ground, hard and soft, until he came to the middle of Hind, where he reduced chiefs, who, up to that time obeyed no master, overturned their idols, put to the sword the vagabonds of that country, and with delay and circumspection proceeded to accom- plish his design. He fought a battle with the chiefs of the infidels, in which God bestowed upon him much booty in pro- perty, horses, and elephants, and the friends of God committed slaughter in every hill and valley. The Sultan returned to Ghazna with all the plunder he had obtained.

When the ruler ( malik ) of Hind had witnessed the calamities which had inflicted ruin on his country and his subjects, in con- sequence of his contests with the Sultan, and had seen their effects far and near, he became satisfied that he could not con- tend with him. So he sent some of his relatives and chiefs to the Sultan, supplicating him not to invade India again, and offering him money to abstain from that purpose, and their best wishes for his future prosperity. They were told to offer a tribute of fifty elephants, each equal to two ordinary ones in size and strength, laden with the products and rarities of his country. He pro- mised to send this tribute every year, accompanied by two thousand men, for service at the Court of the Sultan.

The Sultan accepted his proposal, as Islam was promoted by the humility of his submission and the payment of tribute. He sent an envoy to see that these conditions were carried into effect. The ruler of Hind strictly fulfilled them and despatched one of his vassals with the elephants to see that they were duly presented to the Sultan. So peace was established, and tribute was paid, and caravans travelled in full security between Khura- san and Hind.

1 [This is called “Nardin” in Reynolds’ translation, p. 360.]

After the Sultan had purified Hind from idolatry, and raised mosques therein, he determined to invade the capital of Hind, to punish those who kept idols and -would not acknowledge the unity of God. He collected his warriors and distributed money amongst them. He marched with a large army in the year 404 h. 1013 a.d. during a dark night, and at the close of autumn, on account of the purity of the southern breezes at that season. When the Sultan had arrrived near the frontier of Hind, snow fell, such as had never been seen before, insomuch that the passes of the hills were closed, and mountains and valleys became of one level. The feet of the horses and camels were affected by the cold, so it may be conceived what the faces, hands, and feet of men suffered. The well-known roads were concealed, and the right could not be distinguished from the left, or what was behind from that which was before, and they were unable to return until God should give the order. The Sultan employed himself, in the meantime, in collecting supplies, and sent for his generals from the different provinces. After having thus accu- mulated the means of warfare, and having been joined by his soldiers, who had come from different directions, in number equal to the drops of an autumnal rain, he left these winter quarters in the spring, and, had the earth been endowed with feeling, it would have groaned under the weight of the iron, the warriors, the horses, and the beasts of burden. The guides marched on in front over hill and dale, before the sun arose, and even before the light of the stars was extinguished. He urged on his horses2 for two months, among broad and deep rivers, and among jungles in which wild cattle even might lose their way.

When the Sultan arrived near the end of his destination, he set his cavalry in array, and formed them into different bodies,

1 [Reynolds, in his translation of Jarbadkani’s version, gives the name as “Naz'm,” and the date “400,” page 388.]

appointing liis brother, Amir Nasr, son of Nasiru-d din, to command the right wing, consisting of valiant heroes ; Arslanu-l Jazib to the left wing, consisting of powerful young men ; and Abu ’Abdu-lla Muhammad bin Ibrahimu-t Tai to the advance- guard, consisting of fiery Arab cavaliers. To the centre he appointed Altuntash, the chamberlain, with the Sultan’s personal slaves and attendants, as firm as mountains.

Nidar Bhim, the enemy of God and the chief of Hind, alarmed at this sudden invasion, summoned his vassals and generals, and took refuge within a pass, which was narrow, precipitous, and inaccessible. They entrenched themselves behind stones, and closed the entrance to the pass by their elephants, which looked like so many hills from their lofty stature. Here he remained in great security, being persuaded that the place was impervious to attack, but he did not know that God is the protector of the faithful, and the annihilator of infidels !

When the Sultan learnt the intention of Nidar Bhim, with respect to the protraction of the war, and his confidence in his security, he advanced against them with his Dailamite warriors, and Satanic Afghan spearmen, and they penetrated the pass like gimlets into wood, ascending the hills like mountain goats, and descending them like torrents of water. The action lasted for several days without intermission, till at last some of the Hindus were drawn out into the plain to fight, like oil sucked up into the wick of a candle, or like iron attracted by a magnet, and there they were assaulted and killed by the cavalry, just as the knight on the chess-board demolishes pawns.

When his vassals had joined Nidar Bhim with reinforcements, he consented to leave his entrenchments and come out himself into the plain, having the hills behind him, and elephants drawn up on each wing. The battle raged furiously, and when the elephants of the Hindus moved on, with the object of destroy- ing their opponents, they were assailed by showers of arrows upon their trunks and eyes. When .Abu ’Abdu-llu-t Tai had through his bravery advanced into the midst of the infidels, he was

wounded in his head and different parts of his body ; but the Sultan seeing the extreme danger to which his general was exposed, despatched part of his own guards to his assist- ance, who brought him out of the conflict to the Sultan, severely wounded in many places. The Sultan ordered him to be placed on an elephant, in order to relieve him from the pain of his wounds, and thus he was exalted like a king above all the leaders of the army.

The conflict continued as before until God blew the gale of victory on his friends, and the enemy were slain on the tops of the hills, and in the valleys, ravines, and beds of torrents. A large number of elephants, which the enemy had looked upon as strongholds to protect them, fell into the hands of the victors, as well as much other booty. So God granted the Sultan the victory of Nardin, such as added to the decoration of the mantle of Islam, which had not before that period extended to that place.

A stone was found there in the temple of the great Budda,1 on which an inscription was written purporting that the temple had been founded fifty thousand years ago. The Sultan was surprised at the ignorance of these people, because those who believe in the true faith represent that only seven thousand years have elapsed since the creation of the world, and the signs of resurrection are even now approaching. The Sultan asked his wise men the meaning of this inscription, and they all con- curred in saying that it was false, and that no faith was to be put in the evidence of a stone.

The Sultan returned, marching in the rear of this immense booty, and slaves were so plentiful that they became very cheap ; and men of respectability in their native land, were degraded by becoming slaves of common shopkeepers. But this is the good- ness of God, who bestows honours on his own relic-ion and degrades infidelity.

1 It is plainly so -written in the Arabic original, and cannot be meant for But, “ an idol,’’ as that word is Persian. [See Yol. I. p. 507.]

The Sultan learnt that in the country of Tanesar there were large elephants of the Sailaman (Ceylon) breed, celebrated for military purposes. The chief of Tanesar was on this account obstinate in his infidelity and denial of God. So the Sultan inarched against him with his valiant warriors, for the purpose of planting the standards of Islam and extirpating idolatry. He marched through a desert which no one had yet crossed, except birds and wild beasts, for the foot of man and the shoe of horse had not traversed it. There wras no water in it, much less any other kind of food. The Sultan was the first to whom God had granted a passage over this desert, in order that he might arrive at the accomplishment of his wishes.

Beneath it (Tanesar?) flowed a pure stream; the bottom was covered with large stones, and its banks were precipitous and sharp as the points of arrow's. The Sultan had reached this river where it takes its course through a hill-pass, behind which the infidels had posted themselves, in the rear of their elephants, with a large number of infantry and cavalry. The Sultan adopted the stratagem of ordering some of his troops to cross the river by two different fords, and to attack the enemy on both sides ; and when they wrere all engaged in close conflict, he ordered another body of men to go up the bank of the stream, which was flow ing through the pass with fearful impetuosity, and attack the enemy amongst the ravines, where they w'ere posted in the greatest number. The battle raged fiercely, and about evening, after a vigorous attack on the part of the Musulmans, the enemy fled, leaving their elephants, which were all driven into the camp of the Sultan, except one, which ran off and could not be found. The largest were reserved for the Sultan.

The blood of the infidels flowed so copiously, that the stream was discoloured, notwithstanding its purity, and people were unable to drink it. Had not night come on and concealed the traces of their flight, many more of the enemy would have been

slain. The victory was gained by God’s grace, who has established Islam for ever as the best of religions, notwithstanding that idol- aters revolt against it. The Sultan returned with plunder which it is impossible to recount. — Praise be to God, the protector of the world, for the honour he bestows upon Islam and Musulmans !

On the Sultan’s return to Ghazna from Khwarizm, he appointed spies to go to the frontier of Hind and communicate all par- ticulars respecting that country, and he resolved upon employing the close of the year in resting his horses and troopers, and in contemplating schemes of future religious conquests.

As no part of Hind remained unconquered, except Kashmir, he resolved on an expedition to that country. Between it and Ghazna there were forests resounding with the notes of birds and other animals, and the winds even lose their way in it. It happened that 20,000 men from Mawarau-n nahr and its neighbourhood, who were with the Sultan, were anxious to be employed on some holy expedition, in which they might obtain martyrdom. The Sultan determined to march with them towards Kanauj, which no other king but the all-powerful Gushtasp had been able to take, as has been related in the histories of the Magians.

Between Ghazna and Kanauj the journey occupies three months, even for camels and horses. So the Sultan bade farewell to sleep and ease, and praying God for success, he departed accompanied by his valiant warriors. He crossed in safety the Siliun (Indus), Jelam, Chandraha, TTbra (Bavi), Bah (Biyah), and Sataldur (Sutlej). These are all rivers, deep beyond descrip- tion; even elephants1 bodies are concealed in them, so it may easily be conceived what is the case with horses. They bear along with them large stones, so camels and horses are of course

in danger of being carried down the stream. Whatever countries the Sultan traversed, ambassadors were sent to him proffering submission, inasmuch that Sabli, son of Shall!,1 * son of Bamhi," who held the passes leading into Kashmir, looking upon the Sultan as one sent by God, also came forward, offering his allegiance, and his services as a guide. He led the way, crossing forest after forest. At midnight the drum sounded for the march, and the friends of God mounted their horses, ready to bear the inconvenience of the journey, and they marched on until the sun began to decline from the meridian. They placed behind their backs the river Jun (Janma), crossing it on the 20th of Rajab, 409 h., 2nd December, 1018 a.d.

The Sultan took all the lofty hill forts which he met on the road, so lofty indeed were they, that beholders sprained the back of their necks in looking up at them. At length he arrived at the fort of Barba (Baran3), in the country of Hardat,4 who was one of the Rais, that is “ kings,” in the Hindi language. When Hardat heard of this invasion by the protected warriors of God, who advanced like the waves of the sea, with the angels around them on all sides, he became greatly agitated, his steps trembled, and he feared for his life, which was forfeited under the law of God. So he reflected that his safety would best be secured by conform- ing to the religion of Islam, since God’s sword was drawn from

1 [“ Janki,” marginal note in Dehli Edn.]

3 S. de Sacy calls him “ Khabli-ben-Schami.” Firisbta says, “ When Mahmud reached the confines of Kashmir, the ruler sent presents, which were graciously accepted, and he accompanied the advance guard.” Briggs, without authority, adds that Mahmud had established this prince in Kashmir. [Reynolds gives the names Habali-'bn-Shasni.]

3 ’All bin Muslih says, in his commentary, that the name is Barbah, but that some copies read Barna. S. deSacy reads “ Barma," so does [Jarbadkani, Reynolds, 451] Karhmat ’All and Rashidu-d din. The original copies read “ Barba,” and “ Burdur.” I make it “ Baran,” the old name of Bulandshahr.

4 S. de Sacy gives “Haroun” and “Harout.” ’All bin Muslih says it is either “Hurdiz,” or “ Hurdit.” [JarbadMni, according to Reynolds, reads “ Harun,” p. 451].

the scabbard, and the whip of punishment was uplifted. He came forth, therefore, with ten thousand men, who all proclaimed their anxiety for conversion, and their rejection of idols. God confirmed the promises he had made, and rendered assistance to the Sultan.

After some delay, the Sultan marched against the fort of Knlchand, who was one of the leaders of the accursed Satans, who assumed superiority over other rulers, and was inflated with pride, and who employed his whole life in infidelity, and was confident in the strength of his dominions. Whoever fought with him sustained defeat and flight, and he possessed much power, great wealth, many brave soldiers, large elephants, and strong forts, which were secure from attack and capture. When he saw that the Sultan advanced against him in the endeavour to engage in a holy war, he drew up his army and elephants within a deep forest ready for action.

The Sultan sent his advance guard to attack Kulchand, which, penetrating through the forest like a comb through a head of hair, enabled the Sultan to discover the road which led to the fort.1 The Musulmans exclaim, “ God is exceeding great,” and those of the enemy, who were anxious for death, stood their ground. Swords and spears wrere used in close conflict. * * * The infidels, wdien they found all their attempts fail, deserted the foi’t, and tried to cross the foaming river which flowred on the other side of the fort, thinking that beyond it they would be in security ; but many of them wTere slain, taken, or drowned in the attempt, and went to the fire of hell. Nearly fifty 2 thousand men were killed and drowned, and became the prey of beasts and crocodiles. Kulchand, taking his dagger, slew his wife, and then drove it into his own body. The Sultan obtained by this victory one hundred and eighty-five powerful elephants, besides other booty.

1 The Tarikh-i Alfi calls the fort by the name of “ Mand.”

2 .Jarbadkani reduces the number to “five thousand,” according to Reynolds, p. 454.]

The Sultan then departed from the environs of the city,1 in which was a temple of the Hindus. The name of this place was Maharatu2-1 Hind. He saw there a building of exquisite struc- ture, which the inhabitants said had been built, not by men, but by Genii, and there he witnessed practices contrary to the nature of man, and which could not be believed but from evidence of actual sight. The wall of the city was constructed of hard stone, and two gates opened upon the river flowing under the city, which were erected upon strong and lofty foundations, to protect them against the floods of the river and rains. On both sides of the city there were a thousand houses, to which idol temples were attached, all strengthened from top to bottom by rivets of iron, and all made of masonry work ; and opposite to them were other buildings, supported on broad wooden pillars, to give them strength.

In the middle of the city there was a temple larger and firmer than the rest, which can neither be described nor painted. The Sultan thus wrote respecting it : — “ If any should wish to con- struct a building equal to this, he would not be able to do it without expending an hundred thousand thousand red dinars, and it would occupy two hundred years, even though the most experienced and able workmen were employed.” Among the idols there were five made of red gold, each five yards high, fixed in the air without support. In the eyes of one of these idols there were two rubies, of such value, that if any one were to sell

1 S. de Sacy has “ batie sur une eminence.” I see no authority for this in the original.

2 Authors who have succeeded ’Uthi call this Mathura, but there is no other

authority for it, hut that which is in the text. It is probable that it may be here called “ Maharat,” because in speaking below of the Great Temple, it is said to have been built by i.e., experienced men, the plural ofy^b. Its resemblance to