2. Volume 2 — part 2

Mathura may have induced the pun. ’All bin Muslih Sam’ani, in his Commentary, derives the word from “a dog’s whine,” because it resembles the canting

sound uttered by Hindus in worship. This is nonsense.

such as are like them, he would obtain fifty thousand dinars. On another, there was a sapphire purer than water, and more sparkling than crystal ; the weight was four hundred and fifty miskals. The two feet of another idol weighed four thousand four hundred miskals, and the entire quantity of gold yielded by the bodies of these idols, was ninety-eight thousand three hundred miskals. The idols of silver amounted to two hundred, but they could not be weighed without breaking them to pieces and putting them into scales. The Sultan gave orders that all the temples should be burnt with naphtha and fire, and levelled with the ground.

After this, the Sultan went on with the intention of proceeding to Kanauj, and he derived a favourable omen, when he opened the Kuran, from finding the resemblance of “Kanauj” to “vic- tories.”1 He left the greater part of his army behind, and took only a small body of troops with him aginst Eai Jaipal, who had also but a few men with him, and was preparing to fly for safety to some of his dependant vassals.

The Sultan levelled to the ground every fort which he had in this country, and the inhabitants of them either accepted Islam, or took up arms against him. He collected so much booty, prisoners and wealth, that the fingers of those who counted them would have been tired.

He arrived on the 8th of Sha’ban, at Kanauj, which was deserted by Jaipal2 on hearing of his approach, for he fled across the Ganges, which the Hindus regard as of exceeding sanctity, and consider that its source is in the paradise of heaven. When they burn their dead, they throw the ashes into this river, as

1 “ Kanauj ” and “ futuli” when spelt without diacritical points, assume the same form : a good illustration of the difficulty of reading accurately oriental names, — here two words of the same form, have not a letter in common.

2 De Sacy reads “Hebal,” Don calls the llaja “ Karrah.” Reinaud reads “Raja Pal,” and “Rajaipal” It may be presumed he is the same as the “Puru Jaipal,” subsequently mentioned. [Jarbadkam has “ llaipal,” Reynolds, 456.]

they consider that the waters purify them from sins. Devotees come to it from a distance, and drown themselves in its stream, in the hope of obtaining eternal salvation, but in the end it will only carry them to hell, so that it will neither kill them nor make them alive.

The Sultan advanced to the fortifications of Kanauj, which consisted of seven distinct forts, washed by the Ganges, which flowed under them like the ocean. In Kanauj there were nearly ten thousand temples, which the idolaters falsely and absurdly represented to have been founded by their ancestors two or three hundred thousand years ago. They worshipped and offered their vows and supplications to them, in consequence of their great antiquity. Many of the inhabitants of the place fled and were scattered abroad like so many wretched widows and orphans, from the fear which oppressed them, in consequence of witnessing the fate of their deaf and dumb idols. Many of them thus effected their escape, and those who did not fly were put to death. The Sultan took all seven forts in one day, and gave his soldiers leave to plunder them and take prisoners.

He then went to Munj,1 known as the fort of Brahmans, the inhabitants of which were independent as headstrong camels. They prepared to offer opposition, like evil demons and obstinate Satans, and when they found they could not withstand the Musulmans, and that their blood would be shed, they took to flight, throwing themselves down from the apertures and the lofty and broad battlements, but most of them were killed in this attempt.

After this, the Sultan advanced against the fort of Asi,2 the

1 [Jarbadkanl has “Manaj,” Reynolds, 457.] The Bavzaiu-s safd has “ Mih,” and “ Bhij Haidar Razi, “Mabaj.” Briggs says “the fort of Munj, full of Rajputs.” The Tdrikh-i Alfi says “Manj.” Firishta says it held out fifteen days.

2 S. de Sacy calls it “ Aster,” and “ Assir.” [Reynolds has “ Aster, held by Jandbal the violent.”]

ruler of which was Chandal Bhor, one of the chief men and generals of the Hindus. He was always engaged in a career of victory, and at one time he was at war with the Rai of Kanauj, when the campaign lasted a long time, but in the end the Rai was compelled to retreat, after having put to some trouble the friends of the ruler of Asi. Around his fort there was an im- penetrable and dense jungle, full of snakes which no enchanters could tame, and so dark that even the rays of the full moon could not be discerned in it. There were broad and deep ditches all around.

When Chandal heard of the advance of the Sultan, he lost his heart from excess of fright, and as he saw death with his mouth open towards him, there was no resource to him but flight. The Sultan ordered therefore that his five forts should be demolished from their foundations, the inhabitants buried in their ruins, and the demoniacal soldiers of the garrison plundered, slain, and imprisoned.

The Sultan, when he heard of the flight of Chandal, was sorely afflicted, and turned his horse’s head towards Chand Rai, one of the greatest men in Hind, who resided in the fort of Sharwa,1 and in his pride and self-sufficiency thought the following verse applicable to himself :

“ I sneeze with expanded nostrils, and hold the Pleiades in my hand even while sitting.”

Between him and Puru Jaipal,2 there had been constant fights, in which many men and warriors had fallen in the field, and at last they consented to peace, in order to save further bloodshed and invasion of their respective borders. Puru Jaipal sought his old enemy’s daughter, that he might give her in marriage to his son, Bhimpal, thus cementing the peace between them for ever,

1 [Sirsawa, to tlie east of the Jumna near Saharanpur. — Cunningham."]

2 S. de Sacy reads “ Perou Hebal,” and considers him the same as the Kaj a of Kanauj, previously called “ Hebal.” [See Thomas’ Prinsep, I. 292.]

and preserving their swords within their sheaths. He sent his son to obtain the bride from Chand Rai, who imprisoned the son and demanded retribution for the losses which had been inflicted by the father. Jaipal was thus compelled to I’efrain from pro- ceeding against Chand Rai’s fort and country, being unable to release his son ; but constant skirmishes occurred between them, until the arrival of Sultan Mahmud in those parts, who, through the kindness of God, had wish after wish gratified in a succession of conquests.

Puru Jaipal in order to save his life, entered into a friendly engagement with Bhoj Chand,1 who was proud in the strength of his forts and their difficulty of access, and there he considered himself secure against pursuit in his inaccessible retreat. But Chand Rai, on the contrary, tcok up arms, trusting in the strength of his fort ; but had he remained in it he would infallibly have had it de- stroyed, and had he trusted to his army, it would have been of no avail. Under these circumstances, Bhimpal8 wrote him a letter to this effect : — “Sultan Mahmud is not like the rulers of Hind, and is not the leader of black men. It is obviously ad- visable to seek safety from such a person, for armies flee away before the very name of him and his father. I regard his bridle as much stronger than yours, for he never contents himself with one blow of the sword, nor does his army content itself with one hill out of a whole range. If therefore you design to contend with him, you will suffer, but do as you like — you know best. If you wish for your own safety, you will remain in conceal- ment.”

Chand Rai considered that Bhimpal had given him sound advice, and that danger was to be incurred by acting contrary to his suggestions. So he departed secretly with his property, elephants, and treasure, to the hill country, which was exceed-

1 Apparently the same as Chandal Bhor, the governor of A'si. Some copies read Bhoj-deo, whom M. Reinaud supposes to he the same as Bhoj-deva, who is mentioned by A1 Biruni as the king of Jlalwa. — See Mem. sur I’Inde, p. 261.

2 S. de Sacy calls him “ Behimal,” and thinks he was probably the son of Perou- Hebal, whom Chand Rai retained as a prisoner.

ingly lofty, hiding himself in the jungles which the sun could not penetrate, and concealing even the direction of his flight, so that there was no knowing whither he was gone, or whether he had sped by night or day. The object of Bhimpal in recommending the flight of Chand Rai was, that the Rai should not fall into the net of the Sultan, and thus be made a Musulraan, as had happened to Bhimpal’s uncle and relations, when they demanded quarter in their distress.

The Sultan invested and captured the fort, notwithstanding its strength and height. Here he got plenty of supplies and booty, but he did not obtain the real object of his desire, which was to seize Chand Rai, and which he now determined to effect by proceeding in pursuit of him. Accordingly, after marching fifteen parasangs through the forest, which was so thorny that the faces of his men were scarified and bloody, and through stony tracts which battered and injured the horses’ shoes, he at last came up to his enemy, shortly before midnight on the 25th of Sha’ban (6th January, 1019 A.D). They had travelled over high and low ground without any marked road, not like mer- chants of Hazramaut travelling at ease with their mantles around them.

The Sultan summoned the most religiously disposed of his followers, and ordered them to attack the enemy immediately. Many infidels were consequently slain or taken prisoners in this sudden attack, and the Musulmans paid no regard to the booty till they had satiated themselves with the slaughter of the infidels and worshippers of the sun and fire. The friends of God searched the bodies of the slain for three whole days, in order to obtain booty. The elephants were carried off, some by force, some were driven, and some went without any compulsion towards Mahmud, upon whom God bestows, out of his great kindness, not only ordinary plunder, but drives elephants towards him. There- fore they were called “ God-brought, ”l in gratitude to the

1 This word is represented by the Persian “ Khuda-award,” in the middle of the Arabic text.

Almighty for sending elephants to the Sultan, which are only driven by iron goads, and are not usually captured without stratagem and deceit ; whereas, in this instance, they came of their own accord, leaving idols, preferring the service of the religion of Islam. * * *

The booty amounted in gold and silver, rubies and pearls, nearly to three thousand thousand dirhams, and the number of prisoners may be conceived from the fact, that each was sold for from two to ten dirhams.1 These were afterwards taken to Ghazna, and merchants came from distant cities to purchase them, so that the countries of M&warau-n nahr, ’Irak, and Khura- san were filled with them, and the fair and the dark, the rich and the poor, were commingled in one common slavery.

After the expedition against the Afghans, the Sultan turned again towards Hind with his bold warriors, whose greatest plea- sure was to be in the saddle, which they regarded as if it were a throne ; and hot winds they looked on as refreshing breezes, and the drinking of dirty water as so much pure wine, being- prepared to undergo every kind of privation and annoyance. When he arrived in that country, he granted quarter to all those who submitted, but slew those who opposed him. He obtained a large amount of booty before he reached the river, known by the name of Rahib.2 It was very deep, and its bottom was muddy like tar used for anointing scabby animals, and into it the feet of horses and camels sank deeply, so the men took off their coats of mail and made themselves naked before crossing it.

Puru Jaipal was encamped on the other side of the river, as a measure of security, in consequence of this sudden attack, with

1 The Tdrikh-iAlfi adds that the fifth share due to the Saiyids was 150,000 slaves.

2 M. Beinaud observes that ’Utbi does not name the river, but the place where the Baja had taken up his position was called “Bahib,” which means in Arabic “a monk.” I translate ’Uthi differently. — See Mem. sur I’Inde, p, 267.

his warriors dusky as night, and his elephants all caparisoned. He showed a determination to resist the passage of the Sultan, but at night he was making preparations to escape down the river. When the Sultan learnt this, from which the weakness of his enemy was apparent, he ordered inflated skins to be pre- pared, and directed some of his men to swim over on them. Jaipal seeing eight men swimming over to that distant bank, ordered a detachment of his army, accompanied by five elephants, to oppose their landing, but the eight men plied their arrows so vigorously, that the detachment was not able to effect that purpose. When the Sultan witnessed the full success of these men, he ordered all his soldiers who could swim to pass over at once, and promised them henceforward a life of repose after that day of trouble. First his own personal guards crossed this difficult stream, and they were followed by the whole army. Some swam over on skins, some were nearly drowned, but eventually all landed safely ; and praised be God ! not even a hair of their horses tails was hurt,1 nor was any of their property injured.

When they had all reached the opposite bank, the Sultan ordered his men to mount their horses, and charge in such a manner as to put the enemy to flight. Some of the infidels asked for mercy after being wounded, some were taken prisoners, some were killed, and the rest took to] flight, and two hundred and seventy gigantic elephants fell into the hands of the Musulmans.2

Extract from the Sharh-i Tarikhi Yamin'i.

Mathura: The proper way of pronouncing this word is “ Mah-

1 Literally, “ Praise be to God ! their horses tails were not distant.” S. de Sacy translates ‘‘Lcs autres en se tenant aux crines de leurs ’chevaux,” The Jami’ says, “ Some swam over near their horses.” I have adopted Karamat ’All’s as being more appropriate to the introduction of the pious ejaculation “ Praised be God!”

2 The Jdmiu-t TawariJch leaves out two hundred. That work and the Tatnini are the only two which mention the victory on the Rahib.

amah.” Some people say this is the fifth conjugation of “ harir,” 1 on account of the Hindus chanting their prayers in that city. In some copies it is written “ Mahrah,” and in others “ Mah- harah.”

Kanauj : The proper way of pronouncing this word is “ Kin- nauj,” with the last letter but slightly enunciated.

Sihun and Jelam : The last name is spelt “ Jailara,” it is a city in Hind.

Chindb : The proper way of spelling the word is “ Chan- duraha ” It is the name of a place in the country of Hind.

Ravi : The correct mode of writing this word is “ Airan,” but in some copies it is written “ I ray a.”

B'vjas : The correct mode of spelling this name is “ Yiyat.”

Sutlej : This should be written “ Shataludr.” It is the name of a province in Hind. But I have ascertained from well-in- formed people that it should be “ Sataludr,” not “ Shataludr.”

Janki: This should be written “ Chanki,” one of the names current in Hind.

Bamlri : This should be written “ Sammhi,” another name current in Hind.

Jamna : This should be written “ Jauu,” the name of a river in Hind.

Baran : The mode of writing this name is “ Barbah but in some copies it is “ Barnah.” It is a city among the cities of Hind.

Hardat : This is written “ Hurdiz but in some copies it is represented as “ Hurdib.”

1 The real meaning of “ harir," is a “ a dog’s whine.” The derivation of an Indian name from an Arabic root shows the absurd ignorance of the commentator.

[The author1 himself gives his name at full length as Khwaja Abu-1 Fazl bin al Hasan al Baihaki. According to his own account he was sixteen years of age in 402 Hijra (1011 a.d.) and he writes of a period as late as 451 h. (a.d. 1059), being then as he says an old man, or, as would appear, approaching 70 years of age. Khaki Shirazi states that he died in 470 (1077 A.D.)

The title of the work is sometimes read “ Tdrikh-i Al-i Subuktigin ,”3 and it is also known as the “ Tdrikh-i Baihaki.'1'' Its voluminous extent has also obtained for it the name of the “ Mujalladdt-i Baihaki; Volumes of Baihaki.” The work wmuld also seem to have been known under the name of the “ Tdrikh-i Nasiri,” for a passage in the Tdrikh-i Wassaf attri- butes a history of this name to Abu-1 Fazl Baihaki. It therefore seems to be a title of this work, or at least of some of its earlier volumes devoted to the history of Nasiru-d din Subuktigin, in the same way as the later volumes containing the reign of Mas’ud are entitled Tdrikh-i Mas’udi? The portion relating to Mah- mud’s history was called Tdju-l Futiih as is evident from Unsurfs Kasaid.

Haji Khalfa, in his Lexicon, describes this work as a com- prehensive history of the Ghazni vides in several volumes. Mirkhond quotes it among Persian histories, and in his preface to the JRauzatu-s sa/a, he says that it consists of thirty volumes.

1 [The first part of this article has been re-written by the Editor, partly from notes added by Sir H. Elliot to his original sketch, and partly from letters relating to the various extant MSS. addressed to Sir H. Elliot by Mr. Morley.]

2 [Morley’s edition of the text.] 3 [Mem. sur I'lnde, p. 27.]

Firishta evidently refers to this author, when he speaks of the Mujalladat of Abu-1 Fazl, at the beginning of Mahmud’s reign, but it may be doubted if he ever saw the work. He does not notice it in his list of works, and he certainly did not use it for Mas’ud’s reign, as he omits many important events recorded in it. The Mujalladat are also referred to for the same reign by the Tdrikh-i Guzula. The author is mentioned by Haidar Eazi, by Ziau-d din Barni, by Abu-1 Fazl in the Ay'm-i Akbari, and by Jahangir in his Memoirs.

Though the work was thus well-known to historians, a large portion of it seems to be irrecoverably lost, and the extant portions are of rare occurrence in India. After some research, Sir H. Elliot discovered a portion of the work in the possession of Ziau-d din Khan, of Loharu near Dehli, and he subsequently procured three other copies, one from Dr. Sprenger (Lucknow), another from Agra, and a third from Lahore. The Dehli MS. was forwarded to the late Mr. Morley, in England, who was pre- viously in possession of a copy.1 Another MS. was found in the Bodleian Library, and the libraries of Paris and St. Petersburg also possess one copy each. The last two were lent to Mr. Morley,2 who, after a collation of six MSS., produced a revised text, which some years after his death was printed in the Biblio- theca Indica under the supervision of Major N. Lees and his staff of munshis. This comprises part of vol. 6, the whole of vols. 7, 8, 9, and part of vol. 10 of the original work. There is some confusion in the numbering of the volumes ; for instance, the indices of the Dehli and Agra MSS. call that portion of the work, vol. o, which Mr. Morley calls vol. 6, but there is ample evidence among Sir H. Elliot’s papers, that Mr. Morley took great pains to ascertain the correct division of the work, and his decision must be accepted.

All, or at any rate, six of the MSS. contain exactly the same matter, beginning and ending with the same words, and they

1 [Purchased at a London book -stall for a few shillings.]

2 [A contrast to the retentive practices of our great libraries.]

further agree in showing a lacuna after the account of the raid to Benares (page 408 of Morley’s edition), where about a page and a half of matter seems to be missing. Mr. Morley remarks that one copy had a marginal note of Sic in orig.

Thus it is apparent that all these copies must have been taken immediately or intermediately from the same original. The dates of the various MSS. are not all known, but that of the Paris copy is 1019 Hijra (1610 a.d.) The inference to be drawn from these facts is, that the voluminous work of Baihaki was reduced to the remnant which we still possess by the end of the sixteenth century, and the chance of recovering the remainder though not impossible, is beyond hope.]

Baihaki has laid down the requisites for a good historian at the beginning of his tenth volume, and he has professed to con- form to the model he has there laid down. He says : — 1-4 Man can be read by the heart of man. The heart is strengthened or weak- ened by what it hears and sees, and until it hears or sees the bad and the good, it knows neither sorrow nor joy in this world. Be it therefore known that the eyes and ears are the watchmen and spies of the heart, which report to it what they see and hear, that it may take advantage of the same, and represent it to Wisdom, who is a just judge, and can separate the true from the false, and can avail itself of that which is useful, and reject that which is otherwise. It is for this reason that man wishes to learn that which is concealed, that which is neither known nor heard of ; that which has occurred in past times, and that which has not. But this historical knowledge can only be obtained with difficulty, either by travelling round the world and under- going trouble, or searching in trustwoi’thy books, and ascertain- ing the real occurrences from them. * * * There are two

kinds of past history, and no third is known ; either that which one hears from others, or that which one reads in books. It is a necessary condition that your informant should be trustworthy and true, and that wisdom should testify to the probability of the story, to give independent sanction to the statements, and

that the book should be such that the reader or hearer should not reject but readily adopt its assertions. Most people are so con- stituted that they love silly stories more than truth, such as those about fairies, hills, and the demons of the deserts and seas, which fools make so much fuss about : as where a narrator says that in a certain sea I saw an island, on which five hundred people landed, and we baked our bread and boiled our pots, and when the fire began to burn briskly, the heat descended into the earth, and it then moved away, when we saw that it was merely a fish. Also, I saw such and such things moving on a certain hill. Also, how an old woman turned a man into an ass by witchcraft, and how another old woman by the same means, after rubbing oil in his ear, turned him into a man again, and other fables like to these which bring sleep, when they are repeated at night-time to people who are ignorant, for so they are considered by those who search for truth that they may believe it. Of these the number is exceedingly small, who can accept the true and reject the false. I, who have undertaken the history, have endeavoured so to manage, that whatever I write may be from my own ob- servation, or from the accounts I have received from credible informants.”

The Tarikhu-s Subuktig'm wears more the appearance of a gossiping memoir than an elaborate history. The author per- petually alludes to himself, his own intimacies, his own proceed- ings, and his own experiences. He gives us a graphic account of most of the contemporary nobles ; the pursuits of the emperor Mas’ud bin Mahmud ; his dictations to his secretaries ; his ad- diction to wine ; and his repentance on the occasion of one of his visits to Hindustan, when he forswore liquor and threw the wine and drinking vessels into the river Jailam; which strongly reminds us of a later but identical freak of Babar’s. We have a vivid re- presentation of the court ; the mode of transacting business, the agents by whom it was transacted, and the nature of the sub- jects which came under discussion before the council at Ghazni. [All related with such detail and verbosity as to be open to the

charge of prolixity which the author apprehended. But although tedious, the work is eminently original, and it presents such a reflex of the doings and manners of the time that its minutiae and trifles frequently constitute its chief merit. The writer may not inaptly be described as an oriental Mr. Pepys.]

The book is very discursive, and by no means adheres to a chronological succession of events. At one time the author mentions his personal interviews with the famous Emperor Mah- mud; at another wTe are favoured with a view of the court of Ibrahim or Mas’ud, then we are suddenly transported back again to that of Mahmud. He states in one part that he has written the events of fifty years in several thousand pages, and that if any one complains of his prolixity, it must be remembered that he has written of several princes and illustrious persons, and that the matter, therefore, was too important to be compressed in a small space, especially wdien it concerned the great Emperors whose servant and subject he was.

The style of the work is a most singular kind of colloquial Persian, written down without any attempt at order and the due arrangement of the sentences ; the construction is consequently often very perplexed and the meaning obscure. Had I not heard men from the neighbourhood of Ghazni speak Persian very much in the style of our author, I should have conceived the work to be a literal translation from the Arabic, the sequence of words ac- cording to that language being very frequently observed. In speaking of his tenth volume, the author says he intends to devote it to an account of the Emperor Mas’ud’s last invasion of Hindustan, and to the history of Khwarizm. To enable him to accomplish the latter purpose, he confesses that he will be indebted to the history written by Bu Bihan, which he had seen some years before. This is, no doubt, the famous Abu Bihan al Birum, mentioned in a former article, who was a native of Khwarizm, and a member of the learned society which was in his time con- gregated at the capital under the auspices of the king.

Besides this voluminous work, he quotes, as one of the

histories written by him, “the MaJcamat-i MahmMi” though, perhaps, this may mean merely passages in which he has written of the affairs of Mahmud in some of the previous volumes. He also distinctly mentions that he is the author of “ Tarikh-i Yaminiy This cannot possibly allude to the famous work of "Utbi just noticed, who, under the name of ’Abdu-1 Jabbar, is frequently noticed in this fragment; Baihaki, therefore, by this expression probably means that part of his work in which he has written of Mahmud, entitled Yaminu-d daula.

The Extracts from this work are more than usually copious, as they are calculated to attract particular attention.

In one of the passages we find mention of the capture of Benares as early as a.h. 424 (a.d. 1033J, only three years after Mahmud’s death. In other authors we have mention of an ex- pedition to Kashmir during that year by Mas’ud himself, but no mention of Ahmad Nialtigin’s capture of Benares. All we have hitherto known of the Indian transactions of that year is that the king resolved on making an expedition into India. He took the route of Sarsuti, situated among the hills of Kashmir, the garrison of which fort being intimidated, sent messengers to the king, promising valuable presents, and an annual tribute, if he would desist from his enterprise. Mas’ud felt disposed to listen to the proposals, until he understood that some Muhammadan mer- chants, having been seen by the garrison, were then captives in the place. He accordingly broke up the conference and besieged the fort, ordering the ditch to be filled up with sugar canes from the adjacent plantations. This being done, he caused scaling- ladders to be applied to the walls ; and the fort, after a bloody contest, was taken. The garrison, without distinction, was put to the sword, except the women and children, who were carried off by the soldiers as slaves. The king, moreover, commanded that a part of the spoil should be given to the Muhammadans who had been prisoners in Sarsuti, and who had formerly lost their effects. This year is also recorded by Indian historians as remarkable for a great drought and famine in many parts of the

world, especially in Persia and India, in which entire provinces were depopulated. The famine was succeeded by a pestilence, which swept many thousands from the face of the earth ; for in less than one month forty thousand persons died in Ispahan alone.

The more celebrated Abu-1 Fazl, the minister of Akbar, mentions in his Ayin-i Akbari, that Sultan Mahmud twice visited Benares : once in a.h. 410, and again in a.h. 413. I have in another work,1 printed by direction of Government, pointed out the extreme improbability of these visits ; and here the doubts are confirmed by a contemporary, who distinctly says that the Muhammadans had not yet penetrated so far before the time of Ahmad Nialtigin. Unfortunately, in the original a lacuna occurs at the very place where the extract closes, or we might have gained more information about this remote and in- teresting expedition.

The old form of spelling Lahore is also worthy of observation. Lahur is very unusual. Ziau-din Barni always spells it Loliur, and the Farhang-i Jahangir! says it is spelt Lanhaur, Lohawur, and Lahawar, as well as Lohur. It is only of late years that the uniform practice has been observed of spelling it Lahore.2

In another passage we have an account of an expedition to India in a.h. 429. In Firishta and Mirkhond, we have no intelligence under that year, but as they mention that Hansi was taken in a.h. 427, and as the extract mentions that it was com- monly called a “virgin fort,” because it had never yet been taken, no doubt, though the details are different, the same event is referred to.

Another extract is pregnant with information respecting the early credit assigned to Hindu soldiers, by their victorious enemies. Had we not other instances of the consideration in which the military qualities of Hindus wTere held, we might have hesitated to yield our belief that such sentiments could have been entertained by a chief of Ghazni. But we learn from other 1 [The “ Glossary.”]

5 [See Vol. I., p. 46. On coins of this dynasty it is clearly engravedjy^y'J.

histories that even only fifty days after the death of Mahmud, his son dispatched Sewand Rai, a Hindu chief, with a numerous body of Hindu cavalry, in pursuit of the nobles who had espoused the cause of his brother. In a few days a conflict took place, in which Sewand Rai, and the greatest part of his troops were killed ; but not till after they had inflicted a heavy loss upon their opponents.1

Five years afterwards we read of Tilak, son of Jai Sen, com- mander of all the Indian troops in the service of the Ghaznivide monarch, being employed to attack the rebel chief, Ahmad Nialtigin. He pursued the enemy so closely that many thousands fell into his hands. Ahmad himself was slain while attempting to escape across a river, by a force of Hindu Jats, whom Tilak had raised against him. This is the same Tilak

whose name is written in the Tabakdt-i Akbari, as Malik bin Jai Sen, which, if correct, would convey the opinion of the author of that work, that this chief was a Hindu convert.

Five years after that event we find that Mas’ud, unable to withstand the power of the Seljuk Turkomans, retreated to India, and remained there for the purpose of raising a body of troops sufficient to make another effort to retrieve his affairs. It is reasonable therefore to presume that the greater pai’t of these troops consisted of Hindus.

In the reign of his successor, when Abu ’All, Kotwal of Ghazni, was deputed to command the army in India, and main- tain the Ghaznivide conquests in that country, we read of his sending a letter to 13iji Rai, a general of the Hindus, who had done much service even in the time of Mahmud, inviting him to return to Ghazni, whence he had fled on account of some political dissensions, and had taken up his abode in the mountains of Kashmir.

These few instances will confirm the impressions which the extract is calculated to convey.

Events of the Year 422 h. Investiture of Khwaja Ahmad Hasan}

The first of Muharram of this year fell on a Tuesday. Amir Mas’ud, may God be pleased with him ! went during the day to the garden-palace, with the intention of spending some time there. The public court rooms were arranged in it, and many other buildings were added. One year when I went there, the court-yard of the palace and the shops were all reconstructed in a different manner, under the orders of the king, wdio was a very clever architect, and not excelled by any mathematician. And this new sarai which is still to be seen in Gliaznin, is a sufficient proof of this. There was at Shadiakh, in Kaishapur, no palace or parade ground ; yet he designed both with his own hands, and built a sarai there, which now excites admiration, besides numerous”’smaller sarais and enclosures. At Bust he so increased the cantonments of the Amir, his father, that some of them exist to this day. This king was singularly excellent in every- thing. May the Almighty God, whose name should be respected, be merciful to him !

From Hirat an order was despatched through the agents of Khwaja Bu Suhal Zauzani, summoning Khwaja Ahmad Hasan to the court, for Jangi,2 the governor of the fort, had liberated him from prison, and he (the Khwaja) had said to Hajib Ariyaruk, com- mander of the army of Hindustan. “ Your reputation at present stands rather bad ; it is advisable that you should come with me and see his majesty, I will speak in your favour, and you shall return with a robe of honour and a good name. Affairs are now carefully settled, and such a generous and kind prince as Amir Mas’ud has mounted the throne.’’ Ariyaruk was moved by his soft words, and the spells of the venerable man took effect upon him ; so he accompanied the Khwaja on the wray, and served him exceedingly well ; for, indeed, amongst the civil officers of those days, no one possessed greater dignity and excellence than the Khwaja.

2 [So in MS., Morley’s edition has “ Japki,” or “ Chapki.”]

The great Khwaja ’Abdu-r Razzak, the eldest son of Khwaja Ahmad Hasan, who was detained in the fort of Nandna, was liberated, upon his own demand, by Sarugh, the cup-bearer, who brought him to his father. The son expressed his great obliga- tion to Sarugh, before the father. The Khwaja said, I am under greater obligation to him than you are. He ordered him (Sarugh) to go back to Nandna, because it was not such a place that it should be left empty, and told him that on his reaching the court he would report his case and possibly gain him promotion. Sarugh immediately went back. The great Khwaja was very happy to come to Balkh. He went to see the Amir, and to pay his respects and duty. The Amir questioned him very warmly, gave him advice, and conversed with him kindly. He made obeisance and returned. He lodged in a house which was prepared for him, and took three days rest, and then came again to court.

When this great man (says Abu-1 Fazl Baihaki) had rested himself, a message was sent to him regarding the post of Wazir. Of course he did not accept it. Bu Sulial Zauzani was connected with him (the Amir), and had the arrangement of all his affairs ; the amercing and approving of men, the buying and selling, was all done by him. The Amir was constantly closeted with him and ’Abdus. These two persons were his chosen councillors, but they were both inimical to each other. The people of his father Mahmud’s time had selected them that things might go peaceably. I never saw Bu Kasr, my instructor, more busy and perplexed at any time than he was now. When the messages were passing between the king and Khwaja Ahmad Hasan, the latter said to Bu Sahal, “ I am become old and can not do the duties. Bu Suhal Hamaduni is a qualified and experienced man, he might be appointed ’Ariz (general). The office of W azir should be conferred on you, I will look on from a dis- tance and assist you with any necessary advice.” Bu Suhal said, “ I did not expect this from my lord. What man am I ? I am a worthless and useless person.” The Khwaja said, “ Holy God ! since the time you came back from Damaghan

to the Amir, have you not performed all the duties, even when the affairs of the country were unsettled, and now that our lord has occupied the throne, and the whole business is reduced to a system, you can do the duty more easily and better.” Bu Suhal observed, for a long time there was no one to act under the king, but now that such an eminent personage as you are come, I and those like me have no courage and ability to do anything. How shall a mere atom prevail against the sun. We are all insignificant persons. The true master has appeared, and every hand is restrained. He said, very good, I wall consider over it. He went home, and in two or three days about fifty or sixty messages were sent to him upon this business ; but still he did not accept the offer. One day he came to see the Amir, and when the conversation began, the Amir directed him to sit down. He then dismissed the attendants and said, Khwaja, why don’t you undertake this duty, you know you are to me as a father. I have many important matters before me, and it is not proper that you should deprive me of your ability. The Khwaja replied, I am your obedient servant, and next to the Almighty, I owe my life to your majesty. But I am become old and unfit for work. Besides, I have vowed and have taken a solemn oath, that I will never more engage in business, for much trouble has come upon me. The Amir said, I will have thee absolved from thine oaths ; you must not refuse me. He said, if there is no help, and I must accept the appointment, I will, if your majesty sees fit, sit in the court room, and if there is anything to ask about, I will send a message to you by a confidential person, and act according to your reply. The Amir said very good, but whom will you make your confidant. He replied, Bu Suhal Zauzani is concerned in the business, and perhaps it would be better if Bu Nasr Mishkan were also made a medium between us, for he is a honest man, and in days gone by he has been my confidential mouthpiece. The Amir said it was very proper. The Khwaja departed, and went to the Diwan’s office, which they cleared out. I heard Bu Nasr Mishkan say that when he was about to leave, the Khwaja made

him sit down, and told him not to depart, for it was now his duty to carry messages to the king’s court. He said, the king will not leave me in retirement, although it is time for me to sue for forgiveness of the Almighty, and not to be acting as minister. Bu Nasr observed, may my lord live long ! the Amir thinks what he has proposed advisable, and it also seems good to his servants ; but you, my lord, will fall into trouble, for there are many important matters which nothing but great foresight and enlightened wdsdom can settle. The Kliwaja observed, what you say is true, but I see that there are many ministers here ; and I know that this is not concealed from you. Bu Nasr acknow- ledged that there were such persons, hut that they were only fit to obey orders, and he then asked of what use he was in the business? Bu Suhal was sufficient, and as he (Bu Nasr) had been much troubled by that person, he wished by some device to keep aloof from him. The Kliwaja told him not to be afraid, for he had confidence in him. Bii Nasr bowed his acknow- ledgments. Bu Suhal now came and brought a message from our lord the Sultan, saying, In the time of my father the Kliwaja endured great troubles and hardships, and he was treated with ignominy. It is very surprising that his life was spared, but he was left to adorn my reign. He must consent to serve me, because dignity like his is needed. He has numerous followers and friends like himself, who will all work according to his in- structions, so that business will be managed upon a regular system.

The Khwaja said, I have made a vow never to serve the Sultan; but as his Majesty commands me and says that he will absolve me from my oath, I yield to his wishes. But there are duties attached to this office which if I try to carry out and obey my lord’s orders, all the servants will rise with one accord against me and become my enemies. They wall play the same tricks now as they did in the last reign. I shall thus throw myself into great difficulty. But now I have no enemy and live in peace. If I do not discharge the duties, but act dishonestly, I shall be charged with weakness, and I shall find no excuse either

before the Almighty or my master. If there is no help for it, and I must perforce take the office, I must be fully informed of its duties, and I must be allowed and have authority to olfer such advice and counsel as may be necessary.

We two (Bu Nasr and Bu Suhal) went to say this to the Amir I asked Bu Suhal, as he was to be the intermedium, what work I should have to do ? He replied, the Khwaja has chosen you ; perhaps he has no confidence in me. He was much displeased with my intervention. When I went into the presence I observed a respectful silence, for I wished Bu Suhal to speak. When he opened the business, the Amir turned towards me and wanted me to speak. Bu Suhal discreetly moved away, and I delivered all the messages. The Amir said I will entrust him (the Khwaja) with all the duties, excepting such as respect convivi- ality, wine-drinking, fighting, the game of chaugan and cliank- kabak. All other duties he must discharge, and no objection shall be urged against his sentiments and views. I returned and brought the answer. Bu Suhal had quitted his place, although I left everything to him. But wdiat could I do, the Amir did not leave me alone, neither did the Khwaja. He (the Khwaja) said, I am obedient. I will think and write down some points which must be taken to-morrow to his Majesty. May the Almighty increase his dignity ! Answers to them must be ■written under the king’s own hand and attested by his seal. This business must be conducted in the same manner as in the time of the late Amir ; and you know how it was managed in those days. Well we went and spake (as we had been desired). The Amir said, Bu Nasr ! Welcome ! To morrow you must finish this business, that on the following day he may put on the robe (of office). We said we will tell him, and we were departing, when he called to me, Bu Nasr, and said — When the Khwaja returns do you come back for I have something to say to you. I said, I will do so ; and repaired to the Khwaja and related the whole to him. Bu Suhal went away and I and the Khwaja remained. I said, May my lord live long ! I said to Bu Suhal, as we were

coins; along — This is the first time that we have carried a mes- sage together, and since you have the management what am I to do ? He replied, The Khwaja has selected you because he, per- haps, has no confidence in me. The Khwaja said — I chose you because I wished to have a Musulman in the business, who would not tell a lie or pervert words, and who would, moreover, know what ought to be done. This sorry cuckold and others think that if I take this office, they will really perform the duties of minister. The first thing to do is to overload him so with business that all life and spirit shall be taken out of him, and that he withdraw from ministerial duties. The others will then do the same. I know he will not be content, and will withdraw reluctantly. The king has given many low fellows access to his throne, and has made them presumptuous. I will do what I think right in the way of counsel and kindness, and we shall see what will come to pass. He went back, and I repaired to the Amir, who asked me what the Khwaja wTould write, I replied, — the rule has been that when the post of Wazir is conferred on a person of distinction he wuites his terms1 and enquiries about the responsi- bilities of his position. The Sovereign then writes with his own hand an answer and attests it with his seal. After this, God is called to witness it. The Wazir then examines it, and it becomes a solemn compact with stringent provisions, which the minister must repeat with his tongue and attest with his signature, adding thereto witnesses to his promise of acting in conformity therewith. The Amir directed that a draft of the reply to his proposals should be drawn up, and that a copy of the oath also should be prepared so that the business might be concluded on the morrow, and the minister might assume his robe of office, for business was at a standstill. I said, I will do so and returned. The The papers were written out, and at the time of afternoon prayer, another private interview was granted. The Amir then apprized himself of their contents and approved them. Next day the Khwaja came (to the palace) and when the levee was

over lie came into the public court (taram), ordered it to be cleared, and then seated himself. Bu Sulial and Bii Nasr brought forward the conditions. The Amir called for ink and paper, wrote answers to each of them with his own hand, attested them with his seal and signature, and confirmed the whole by an oath written at the bottom. The paper was brought to the Khwaja, and when he had read the answers, he stood up, kissed the ground, went to the throne and kissed the hand of the Amir, and then returned to his place and sat down. Bii Nasr and Bu Suhal placed the solemn oath before him. The Khwaja pronounced the words of it with his tongue and then affixed his signature to the paper. Bu Nasr and Bu Suhal were the wit- nesses. On the oath being taken, the Amir praised the Khwaja and congratulated him heartily. The Khwaja kissed the ground. On this he was ordered to retire, and next day to assume the robe of office, because all business was in arrear and many important matters had to be settled. The Khwaja said, I am your obedient servant, kissed the ground, and retired to his house taking the articles of agreement with him. The oath was depo- sited in the secretary’s office ( dawdt-Jchdna ). I have inserted a copy of the oath and of the articles in another book which I have written, and called “ Makamat-i Mahmudi.” Not to be prolix, I have avoided to repeat them here. Every one knew that the post of Wazir was filled, and fear fell upon every heart, for it was no common person who had been appointed. Those from whom the Khwaja had received an injury were much alarmed Bu Suhal Zauzani began to boast in the most dreadful manner. He told the people that the office of Wazir had been offered to him, but he did not accept it, and that he had brought forward the Khwaja. Those who had any sense knew that it was not so. Sultan Mas’ud, May God approve him ! was too intelligent, wise, and well-informed, to bestow the post of Wazir on any other person, so long as Khwaja Ahmad was alive’, because he knew the rank and qualifications of every one, and what they were fit for. There is an evident proof of what I have said.

When Khwaja Ahmad had gone to Hirat, the Amir passing his various officers in review (in kaumrd mi-did ) remembered Khwaja Ahmad ’Abdu-1 Samad, and said, — There is none fitter than he for this office. When I arrive at the proper period in my history, I will give a full account of this incident. I have not said this because I received injuries from Bu Suhal, for he and all these people are dead, and it is clear also that I have but a little time to live. But I speak the truth. I know that wise and experienced men who now read this will find no fault with me for what I have written. What I have mentioned in this matter is correct, and I can answer for it. May God, whose name is glorious, keep me and all Muhammadans from fault and error, through his grace and wisdom, power and mercy.

The following day, which was Sunday, the 9tli of the month of Safar, the Khwaja entered the court. The great men and the elders, the generals and the other military officers, all waited upon him, and observed the ceremonials of respect. The Amir turned his face towards the Khwaja, and said, you must now put on the robe of office, because we have many important things to attend to. He then said, let it be known that the Khwaja is my repre- sentative (khalifa) in all matters requiring consideration. His orders and directions must be executed and observed in all things. Whatever he deems proper, no one must oppose. The Khwaja kissed the ground, and professed his allegiance.

The Amir made a signal to Hajib Bilkatigin, who was chief of the guards, to take the Khwaja to the state wardrobe. He came forward and took the Khwaja by the arm. The Khwaja stood up and went to the place, and remained there till about 12 o’clock, because the astrologer had fixed on that time as auspicious for his putting on the dress. All the chief men and military officers attended the court, some sitting and others standing. The Khwaja then invested himself with his official robes. I stood and saw what passed. What I say is from ocular observation, and according to the list I possess. There was a garment of scarlet cloth of Baghdad, embroidered with small

flowers ; a long turban of the finest muslin, with a delicate lace border; a large chain, and a girdle of one thousand miskals, studded with turquoises. Hajib Bilkatigin was sitting at the door of the wardrobe, and when the Khwaja came out, he stood up and offered his congratulations, and presented one dinar, one small turban, and two very large turquoises, set in a ring. He washed to walk before him (in procession), but the Khwaja said, upon the life and head of the Sultan, you must walk by my side ; tell the other guards to go before. Bilkatigin answered, 0 great Khwaja, say not so, because you know my friendship, and besides, you are now dressed in the robe of my lord the Sultan, to which we, his slaves, must show respect. So he walked before the Khwaja and two other men of the guards with him, beside many officers. A slave of the Khwaja was also appointed a guard, and a coloured vestment was given to him, because it was not cus- tomary in the army for the guards of Ivhwajas to go before them. When he reached the palace, other guards came to receive him, and they conducted him to the Amir, and there seated him. The Amir offered his congratulations to the Khwaja, who stood up, kissed the ground, approached the throne, and presented a hunch of pearls to the king, wdiick was said to be valued at ten thousand dinars. The Amir Mas’ud gave to the Khwaja a ring set with a turquoise, on which his majesty’s name wTas engraved, and said, this is the seal of state, and I give it to you that people may know that the Khwaja’s authority is next to mine. The Khwaja took the ring, kissed the Amir’s hand and the ground, and returned to his house. He was attended by such an escort as nobody recollected to have seen before, so that, except the musicians (who play at fixed times every day), nobody remained at the royal palace. He alighted at the gate of ’Abdu-1 ’Ala, and went into his house. The great men and ministers of the state be^an to pour in. So many slaves, presents, and clothes were brought, that the like of them no minister had ever received. Some brought them with pleasure, and others from fear. A list of all the things brought was kept, so that all might be taken to the king.

He did not keep back even a thread for himself. Such things were learnt from him, for he was the most honest and the greatest man of the age. He sat till the time of midday prayer, and only left his place for that duty. The whole day he spent busily among the people. On the following day he went to court, but had not the robe on him. He had cot a garment made after the old fashion, and a turban of Naishapur or Ivain, and in these people always saw this great man dressed. May God approve him ! 1 have heard from his companions, such as Bu Ibrahim Kami, that he had his reception dress and twenty or thirty other garments all made of the same colour, and these he used to wear for a year, so that people thought that he had only one dress, and used to express their surprise that the garment did not wear or fade. There were no bounds to his manliness, industry, and mag- nanimity. I shall make some mention of them hereafter in their appropriate place. When the year had passed, he had twenty or thirty more garments made, and put them in the wardrobe.

This day, when he came to see the king, the court broke up, and Sultan Mas’ud held a private conference with the minister, which lasted till the time of mid-day prayer. There were many who withered with fear, and a muttering arose as of a drum beaten under a blanket. Afterwards he (the Ivhwaja) came out and kept silence. Neither I nor any one else could know aught of what had passed in the council, still some of the effects became manifest. One party had offices and robes bestowed upon them, others were dismissed, and their robes were torn off ; these and other transactions were perceived by intelligent men to be the results of that private conference.1 When the drum was beat at

1 [The original translation of this passage, made by a munshi, and revised by an Englishman, ran as follows. It is by no means an unfair specimen of many of the translations, and it is inserted to show the quality of much of the assistance received by Sir H. Elliot. Another passage is given in page 88. “ Some of the councillors

quarrelled among themselves. There was a drum which was beat under a blanket, and a noise issued from it. The councillors and others like me became acquainted with what had happened in that council. But as some signs of the feud were becoming public, offices were conferred on one party, and robes of honour granted, while another party was expelled and degraded, and affairs became smooth. The wise men knew that all this was the result of one council.”]

the time of noon-day prayer, the Khwaja came out. His horse was sent for and lie returned home. All day long, until evening, those persons who had been alarmed, came and made presents to him.

Bu Muhammad Kami, who was his old private secretary, and in the days of his misfortune had, by the Amir Mahmud’s order, served under Khwaja Abu-1 Kasim and afterwards under Diwan Hasnak in the same capacity, and secretary Ibrahim Baihaki, who attended the minister’s office ; these two persons were called by the Khwaja who said to them — u Secretaries must needs be attentive to orders. I place my confidence in you. To morrow you must attend the office and engage in writing ; bring also with you scholars and assistants.” They said we are obedient. Bu Nasr, of Bust, a clerk, who is still alive, was an intelligent and good man and a fine caligrapher. He had rendered many services to the Khwaja in Hindustan, and had been warmly devoted to him when he was in need. When the Khwaja got over his troubles, he (Bu Nasr) came with him to Balkh, and the Khwaja now patronized him, and bestowed a high office on him. His distress vanished, and he obtained an ample competence. Bu Muham- mad and Ibrahim are departed. May God forgive them ! Bu Nasr is yet alive at Ghazni, and in honor in the service of this family. In the time when Khwaja ’Abdu-r Razzak was minister, he was controller (Jidjib) of the Secretary’s office. He patronized Bu ’Abdu-lla Pars!, who also served under the Khwaja. This Bu ’Abdu-lla, in the time of the ministry of the Khwaja, was chief of the royal messengers at Balkh, and lived in great splen- dour, but he had endured great hardships during the Khwaja’s adversity. At his removal from office, Amirak Baihaki hastened from Ghazni, as I have before mentioned, and they took immense riches from him.

The next day, which was Tuesday, the Khwaja attended the Court and visited the Amir, and then came to his office. A fine cloth of brocade set with turquoises had been spread near his seat for him to kneel on. He went through two forms of prayer, and

then sitting down, but not in his official seat, he asked for an inkstand. It was brought to him with a quire of paper, and a box of sand, such as are used by ministers. These he took and there sat and wrote a thanksgiving in Arabic.1

He then ordered the complainants and suitors to be called. Several were brought before him. He heard their statements, dispensed justice, and sent them away happy. He said, This is the minister’s Court ; its gates are open, there is no hindrance, whoever has business may come in. People heartily prayed for him and were inspired with hope. The military and civil officers came in with strict decorum and sat down, some on his right hand, some on His left. He turned, looked at them, and said, To-morrow come so prepared that you may be able to give a ready answer to whatsoever I may ask you, make no reservation. Up to this time business has been carried on very improperly. Every one has been occupied with his own concerns, and the king’s business has been neglected. Ahmad Hasan knows you well, and will not allow things to go on as heretofore. You must now put on a new appearance, every one must attend to his duty. No one dared to speak, all were alarmed, and cowered. The Khwaja arose and went home ; all that day also presents were brought till nightfall. At the time of afternoon prayer he asked for the lists and examined them. Those things which the treasurers of the Sultan and accountants of the Court had written down were all brought one by one before the Amir. There were numberless articles of gold, silver, entire pieces of cloth, Turkish slaves of high price, valuable horses and camels, and everything most suitable for royal pomp and splendour. The king was highly pleased. He said, the Khwaja is empty handed, why did he not take them ? So he ordered ten thousand dinars, five hundred thousand dirhams, ten Turkish slaves of great price, five horses from the royal stable, and ten ’Abdus camels to be taken to him. When the camels brought these presents before

the Khwaja, he rose up, kissed the ground, and gave many blessings. The camels then returned.

The next day, which was Wednesday, 7th of Safar, the Khwaja attended the Court. The Amir was very severe,1 and the day passed in great pomp and splendour. When the Court broke up, the Khwaja came to his office, engaged in business, and arranged matters to the best of his judgment. At breakfast time ( chasht-gah ) he called Bu Nasr Mishkan, and when he came he (the Khwaja) gave him a secret message to he delivered to the Amir that, as he had before stated, the business of reporting- matters was not properly conducted, adding that Bu Suhal Zauzani was an honourable and respectable man, and that if his Majesty thought proper, he might he summoned and the robe of the appointment conferred on him, in order that he might con- duct this most important of all duties. The Khwaja himself was rendering all the guidance and assistance possible, in order that discipline might be preserved in the army.

Bu Nasr went and delivered the message. The Amir made a signal to Bu Suhal, who was sitting in the court with other courtiers. He went forward, and his majesty spoke one or two words to him. Bu Suhal bowed and retired. He was conducted to the wardrobe by two guards, one of whom served outside, and the other inside the palace. A rich khil’at was bestowed on him, and a girdle, with seven hundred pieces of gold, which had all been prepared overnight. He came back and paid his respects to the Amfr, who offered him his congratu- lations, and ordered him to go to the Khwaja, under wdiose directions he was to act ; he also desired him to give special attention to the important matter of military administration. Bu Suhal expressed his obedience, kissed the ground, and retired. He came directly into the Kliwaja’s office. The Khwaja made him sit by his side, and spoke very kindly to him. He then went home. All the great men, elders, and servants, went to his house and paid him great respect, and presented him with

many valuables. He also ordered that a list should be made of all that they had brought, and he sent it to the treasury.

The day afterwards a very rich robe was conferred on Bu Suhal Hamadum, who had been removed from the post of Wazir, and appointed to the duty of controlling the financial affairs1 of the kingdom. The four persons who had before discharged this duty, with all the other accountants of the court, were to act as his assistants. He came before the Amir and paid his respects. The Amir said, You are an old servant, and a friend who has performed great deeds in favour of the State. You must now efficiently execute these (new) duties. He consented, and taking leave, he went into the office of the Khwaja, who made him sit on his left hand according to established custom, and spoke very kindly to him. Presents were also given to him, and what people brought he sent to the treasury. The whole business of administration was arranged, and the dignity of minister was such as nobody remembered to have seen before. The Amir had conferred great honour on the minister. The Khwaja began, even from the first, with vengeance and threats He related the story of Khwaja Bu-1 Kasim Kasir, who was removed from the office of paymaster (’ driz ) as well as of Abu Bakr Hasiri and Bu-1 Hasan ’Ukaili, who were courtiers, and who had formed a design which I have before mentioned in this history. Hasiri was a violent man, and in the time of the Amir Mahmud he quarrelled with tire king at a drinking party, and twice received blows. Bu-1 Kasim Kasir, had himself been minister, and Abu-1 Hasan was his purchased slave. I will mention, hereafter, what happened to each of them.

On Sunday, the 11th of Safar, a very magnificent and costly robe was prepared for the great chamberlain ( hajib ), besides fine drums and flags, and flag-staffs, slaves, purses of dirhams, uncut pieces of cloth, according to the list of things which had been given to Hajib ’Ali Karib, at the gate of Gurgan.

When the court broke up the Amir ordered Hajib Bilkatigin

to be conducted to the wardrobe, and a robe was put on him. The kettle-drums were placed on camels, and banners were raised at the palace-gate. The flags, purses of silver, and pieces of cloth were placed in the garden. He came forward dressed in a black garment, with a two horned cap and a golden girdle. Advancing he paid homage. The Amir spoke kindly to him, and he returned and came into the Khwaja’s office. The Khwaja spoke very affably to him. He went home, and the grandees and chief men all paid him due respect. Thus he obtained distinction and honour. A man more liberal, open, and brave, was seldom seen. But levity was predominant in him, and his frivolity was very disagreeable. However, no man is without blemish. Per- fection belongs only to God the great and glorious.

An extraordinary occurrence happened in these days to the lawyer Bu Bakr Hasiri, A fault was committed by him in a state of in- toxication, through which the Khwaja got the upper hand of him, and reveno-ed himself to his heart’s content. Although the Amir, like a just sovereign, inquired about the case, the man had disgraced himself. I must perforce give an account of this matter for the in- formation of my readers. The destiny of God, great and glorious, is unavoidable. It so happened that Hasiri, with his son Bu-1 Kasim, had gone to the garden of Khwaja ’Ali Mikail, which was near, and had drunk to excess. They passed the night there and the next morning they again drank, and it is bad to drink in the morning. Wise men seldom do this. They drank till half the interval between the times of the first and second prayers, and then mounting, and still continually drinking, they passed through the lane of ’Ubbad. As they approached the ’Ashikan Bazar, the father, who was riding a camel and had a cavalcade of thirty horse and an escort of thirty slaves, by chance met with a servant of the Khwaja, who was also riding. The road was narrow, and there was a crowd of people. Hasiri, as drunkards will, got a whim into his head, because the servant did not dis- mount and pay his respects. He grossly abused the man, who said, 0 king ! why do you abuse me l I have a master who is

greater than you, and the like of you. That lord is the great Khwaja. Hasiri began to abuse the Khwaja, and said, Seize this dog. Who is there so bold as to listen to his complaint ? He then used stronger language against the Khwaja. The slaves of Hasiri flew upon the man, beat him severely on the back, and tore his garment. Bu-1 Ivasim, his (Hasiri’s) son, called out loud to the slaves, because he was discreet, far-seeing, and intelligent. (He has passed through life so happily that he has performed the pilgrimage to Mecca, and has retired from ser- vice, devoting himself in seclusion to worship and virtuous acts. May this great man and worthy friend long survive !) He (Bu-1 Kasim) made many apologies to the man, and besought him not to tell the occurrence to his master, lest next day he should demand an apology. For the garment that had been torn three should be given in return. (After this) they all went away. The man arose, but did not find himself capable of forbearance, because menial servants are accustomed to carry such matters too far, and do not consider the result.

This event took place on Thursday, the 15th of Safar. He went running to Khwaja Ahmad and repeated the matter, making it ten or fifteen times worse to him. He displayed his bruised head and face, aud showed the garment which was torn. The Khwaja had eagerly washed for such a chance, and was seeking for a pretext against Hasiri, by which he might crush him, so he deemed this a fitting opportunity. For the Amir was in every way inclined towards him, and as he had given the minister’s robe to him yesterday, he would not to-day give it to Hasiri. He had found dirt and he knew how to wallow in it.1

Next day the Amir wras about to go out hunting in the direction of the wine drinkers ;2 and the tents, cooking utensils, wines, and other necessaries, were all taken out. Next day the Khwraja sat down and wrote a petition under his own hand and

seal, and sent it to Bilkatigin with a message directing him, if the king asked him why Ahmad did not come, to hand the petition to him ; or even if he did not enquire, the letter was still to be delivered to him, for it was important and ought not to be delayed. Bilkatigin promised to obey, as there was great friend- ship between them. The Amir did not hold a court, for he wished to £0 out riding, and the insignia and the umbrella had been brought out, and many slaves were ready mounted. The call was raised for the female elephant with the canopy, and the Amir mounted and sat in the howda. The Amir’s elephant was driven on and all the servants were standing to pay their respects. But when his Majesty came to the court gate, and did not see Khwaja Ahmad, he said, The Khwaja is not come. Bu Nasr Mishkan replied, This is Friday, and he knows that your majesty intends to go hunting, for this reason probably he has not come. Bilkatigin then presented the paper, saying that it had been sent the previous night, with an intimation that whether his Majesty asked for him or not this was to be submitted. The elephant was stopped and the Amir took the paper and read it. It was thus written — “ May my lord’s life be prolonged ! Your slave protested that he was not fit to be minister, and begged to be excused. Every one has got some vain thoughts in his mind ; and in his old age, your slave has not vigour enough to contend against hardship and struggle with mankind, making the world his enemy. But as your Majesty by your royal words inspired him with great hopes and agreed to conditions worthy of a prince, he, next to the grace of Almighty God, received a new life from your Majesty and felt compelled to submit himself to the Imperial orders. Ten days have not yet passed, but Hasiri has disgraced your faithful servant. Hasiri was coming in a litter from the garden, after draining the cup to the dregs, and in the Sa’idi Bazar, not in a solitary place, but in the presence of many men, he ordered his slaves to beat one of my trustworthy servants. They sorely beat him and tore his garment to pieces. When the man said he was my servant, Hasiri uttered a hundred

thousand opprobrious names against me before the crowd. Your servant can on no account come to court and conduct the minis- terial duties, because it is hard to endure the insults of such people. If jour Majesty sees fit to be merciful to him, then let him abide in some building or fort which your high wisdom may point out. But if he is not excused, then let him receive due chastisement, so that he may suffer both in property and person. He now aspires too high. His immense riches raise him and his son above themselves. Your servant will pay for the father and the son three hundred thousand dinars into the treasury, and this letter, in the handwriting of your slave, shall stand as a bond. Peace be to you ! ”

When the Amir had read the letter, he wrote on it, and giving it to one of his personal attendants who carried the inkstand, he ordered him to take care of it. The elephant then moved on. Every one said, Let us see what will happen. In the open country he ordered the Commander-in-Chief of the army, and Ariyaruk general of Hindustan, and all the soldiers to return, for they wrere not allow'ed to accompany the royal hunt. He was followed only by some of his personal attendants. Then he called the High Chamberlain, Bilkatigin, and spoke a few words to him in the Turkish language. The Chamberlain retired and the Amir called for Bu Nasr Mishkan. A messenger hastened to him in the ministers1 office, and told him that his Majesty was calling for him. He mounted and hastened to the Amir. He w7ent on a little way with the Amir, and a few words passed ; the Amir then sent him back. He did not return to the office, but went to the house of the great Khwaja Ahmad, and sent Bu Mansur, the keeper of the minister’s offices, with orders for the secretaries to return. We did so. I followed the steps of my tutor ( ustad ) to the house of the Khwaja, where I saw such a mob of spectators that no estimate of them could be made. I asked one person what the matter was ? He replied, the Khalifa (governor) in armour and boots,1 has brought Hasiri and his son to the Ivhwaja’s house,

and has set them up there and chastised them. Nobody knows what is the matter. And a large force is come on duty, and horsemen are posted, for this is Friday, and nobody is allowed to enter except Khwaja Bu Nasr Mishkan, who came and went in. I, Bu-1 Fazl was confounded when I heard this, because I had been much benefited by that nobleman and his son. I dismounted and went into the court-yard, where I remained till near breakfast time ( chasht-gah ). Now, an inkstand and some paper were brought, and I heard ’Abdu-llah Pars! loudly pro- claim that the great Khwaja says, “though the Sultan had sentenced you and your son to receive one thousand blows each, yet I compassionate you and remit the strokes, but you must pay five hundred thousand dinars and purchase the stick, other- wise the sentence will be enforced. Beware, lest you receive the blows and have to pay the money also.” The father and the son said, we are ready to obey whatever order is given, but we beg that some reduction be made, because it is known that we cannot afford to pay even the tenth part of it. Abu ’Abdu-llah went and returned several times, until three hundred thousand dinars were agreed to be paid, and a bond for that amount was given. An order was then issued that they were to be kept in custody. The Khalifa (governor) of the town put them both under guard and detained them. The people then retired. Bu Nasr, my ustdd, remained there to take wine, and I returned to my home. After an hour Sankui Waldl came to me and said that Khwaja Bu Nasr had sent him with a message that I, Bu-1 Fazl, was to go to the Sultan and report that he (Bu Nasr) had according to the royal orders gone to the Khwaja, and agreeablv to his instructions had poured water upon fire, so that Hasiri and his son had not been flogged. A bond for three hundred thou- sand dinars had been taken from them, and they were kept in custody. The great Khwaja was greatly delighted at the order which your Majesty gave, and with the new favour bestowed upon him, and he had therefore detained him (Bu Nasr) to drink wine. It would have been churlish to refuse the favour, and this

was the cause why he had not come himself. He had sent Abu-1 Fazl in order that he might not be charged with disrespect and conceit.

I (Abu-1 Fazl) instantly went, and found the Amir at the out- skirts of the city, in a garden, engaged in conviviality and drink- ing. His companions were sitting round, and the musicians were playing. I said to myself, if I cannot gain access to speak to him, I must send him the message in writing, that it may come to his notice. I wrote down an explicit statement and went forward. The Amir asked loudly what it was ? I replied, your slave Bii Nasr has sent a message, and I showed him the petition. He ordered his ink-bearer to take it, which he did and gave it to the Amir, who having read it, called me before the throne and returning the letter to me, and speaking aside, said, “ Go back to Bu Nasr and tell him that all has gone on well, and that I am much pleased with what he has done. To-morrow I will take such further steps as may be necessary — tell him also it is good that he has not come himself, and that he stayed to be entertained by the Khwaja.”

I returned and reached the city at the time of the afternoon prayer. I called Sankui, and wrote the message on a paper, thus completing my commission. Sankui took it and gave it to my ustad. He read it and became acquainted with its contents. He remained with the Khwaja till the time of the night prayer, and returned home very drunk. The next evening he called me and I went. He was sitting alone, and he asked me what I had done. I related all that had passed, and he said it was all well, and added, the Khwaja is about his work. He will exact a fine revenge, and will devour up these people. But the king is a kind protector and a lover of justice. Yesterday, as he read the letter of the minister, he was obliged to control himself by saying that it was not right to give him that post, and then within a week to overlook such contemptuous treatment of him. So the king determined to inflict punishment, and ordered the chief chamberlain (hujib) to go to the palace and direct the governor to

take Hasiri and his son to the Khwaja’s house. “Let him also,” said he, “ take the executioner and whips, and let one thousand stripes be inflicted on each of these persons, so that henceforth nobody may dare to mention the Khwaja’s name except with re- spect.” Although he gave such an order, and Hasiri had committed a very great fault, yet he did not wish that he should all at once lose his character and station. A man soon came to me (Bu Nasr) and called me. When I went to the Sultan he said to me openly, “You did not want to come with me to the feast.” I answered, “It is the good fortune of your slave to be always before his master. But your majesty had ordered me to write some important letters to Re and other places in that direction, and told me not to come, but to send a secretary at once to him.” He smiled, and was very gracious in all respects. He said, “ I remember, but I only joked.” There are some other points,” continued he, “which must be inserted in those letters, and I did not wish to send them to you as a message, but to tell them myself to you.” He then ordered the elephant to be stopped. The driver and his assistant descended from the neck of the animal. The personal attendant of the Sultan left the liowda, and all people kept aloof; I stood before him. First he told me the subject of the Khwaja’s letter, and then said “ the chamberlain was good to pacify the mind of the Khwaja. I have ordered suitable punishment for the fault which Hasiri committed, with the view of o-ivino- satis- faction to the Khwaja. But of all the courtiers of my father, Hasiri has the greatest claims upon me, and in his attachment to me he has suffered much hardship. At all events I will not give such power to the Khwaja as that he may crush such servants for his own revenge. I have told you my views, and you must keep secret what I have said. Observe these words, and either by using my order or by your own contrivance, provide that neither he nor his son be hurt. I have directed the chamberlain, in the Turkish language, to frighten them, but to procrastinate. You must step in and extinguish the fire.” I said “I quite understand that you have done what was proper in the matter,” and I quickly

returned. What was the case you have seen. I told the cham- berlain to defer executing the royal order till I could see the great Khwaja. I said to Hasiri, “ Shame on you ; you are an old man, and yet for a single thing you have brought this dis- grace upon yourself, and have troubled the hearts of your friends.” He answered, “ This is no time for reproach ; destiny has done its work ; you should rather think of some remedy.” I wras called back, and immediately admitted into the court. On the road I saw Abu-1 Fatli of Bust dressed in an old garment, and having a small water bottle hanging from his neck. He stopped me on the road, and said “it is about twenty days since I have been set to carry water to the stable — please to exert your interest for me. I know the great Khwaja is much pleased (with you) and nothing can be done without your recommendation.” I told him I was going on some very important business, and when it was finished I would exert myself for him, and hoped that he would be successful. Upon reaching the Khwaja I found him in great indignation and wrath. I paid my respects, and he eagerly spoke to me and said he was told that I had been with the Amir, and asked why I had returned. I answered that “he sent me back to attend to the Re business, which was no secret to him (the Khwaja). But these letters must be written to-morrow, because at present nothing can be done. I have come to take a little wine with you on the occasion of this new favour which has been shown to you by the Sultan in the matter of Hasiri.” He said, “You have done quite right, and I am much obliged. But nevertheless I do not want you to intercede for him and be disappointed, because I will not relent on any account. These rascals1 have entirely forgotten Ahmad Hasan, and have had the field empty for a while ; they have made the great hand of the minister powerless, and have degraded him ; but let them now look to the breadth of their blanket and awake from slumber.” He then turned towards ’Abdu-llah Parsi, and asked if the stripes had been

1 [ ,1'il^A^ “willing cuckolds,” apparently a favourite term of abuse of the Khwaja’s.]

inflicted. I said, “ They will inflict them and execute the great lord’s command, but I requested the chief chamberlain ( hajib ) to stop a little, till I had seen you.” He said, “ You have seen me, but I will not listen to your intercession — they must inevitably be beaten that their eyes may be opened. Go ’Abdu- llah, and give orders to beat them both (Hasiri and his son).” 1 said, “ If there is no alternative let me speak a few words to you in private, and meanwhile let their punishment be delayed — after that let your commands be executed.” He called ’Abdu-llah back, and then had the room cleared, so that we were alone together. I said, “May my lord’s life be prolonged; it is wrong to push matters to extremes in any thing. Great men have said, ‘ Mercy attends His power,’ and mercy is considered most worthy, even when we have power to take revenge. The Almighty God has shown you His might and also His mercy. He has delivered you from suffering and imprisonment. It is, therefore, right to do good to them who have done ill to us, so that shame and remorse may come upon them. The story of Mamun and Ibrahim is well known to you. It is foolish for me to speak of such a thing to you. It is like carrying dates to Basra. The king has bestowed on you this distinction, and is mindful of your feelings and position ; he has sent this old man here, and has sentenced him to such punishment ; but you must know how much it must have afflicted him, because he esteems the man his friend in consequence of the hardships suffered on his account at the hands of the late king, his father. He firmly believes that the Khwaja also will act like nobles and great men, and not torture him. It seems much preferable to your humble servant that you should consider the feelings of the Sultan, and direct these men to be detained and not to be beaten. You can take from him and his son an agreement for paying (money) into the public treasury, and then inform the Sultan of it, and see what he directs. I think most probably he will for- give him. And if the Khwaja recommend the measure it will be still better, because the obligation will be all from his part.

The Lord knows I have no interest in these matters. I only desire that peace may be preserved on both sides. I have spoken to the best of my judgment. It is for you to order, for you know best what is the result of such matters.”

When the Khwaja heard these words from me, he hung his head down and remained thoughtful for a while. He knew that there was reason in what I had said, for he was not a man of that kind from whom such things could be concealed. He said, “ I remit the beating for your sake ; but whatever wealth the father and son possess they must give to the Sultan.” I bowed, and he sent ’Abdu-llah Pars! to settle the matter. A bond of three hundred thousand dinars was taken under the hand of Hasiri, and father and son were taken to the guard.

After this the Khwaja called for bread and wine and singers, and we began our banquet. When I had drunk some cups of wine, I exclaimed, “ May the Khwaja live long ! This day is propitious, I have another request to make.” He said, “ Tell me, and you shall find a ready compliance.” I said, “ I saw Abu-1 Fath carrying a leather water-bag, but he is a shocking bad stable-man ; although he deserves punishment, still he has many and strong claims for services rendered. The Sultan knows him, and acts upon the principles of Amir Mahmud. If he sees him he will pardon him also.” He said, “Very good ; do so, let him be called.” So he wras brought, and he came forward dressed in the same threadbare garment. He kissed the ground and arose. The Khwaja asked him, “ Do you repent speaking indecently ?” He replied, “0 lord ! the water-bag and the stable have forced me to repent.” The Khwaja laughed and ordered him to be con- ducted to the Warm bath and newly clad. When he came back he kissed the ground again ; he was told to sit down, and dinner was ordered to be brought for him, of which he partook. After this, he was asked to take some wine, and was comforted and sent home. This being done, we drank deeply, and I then re- turned. “ O Bu-1 Fazl ! (continued Bu Nasr) this Ahmad is a great noble, but he is fond of revenge ; and I am in great distress

about the course he lias taken, for it is impossible that it should be approved. The Sultan will not allow him to swallow up his servants. I do not know what will be the end of these proceed- ings. Keep these words secret : go back and do your work, for you have to go to the Amir.”

I came back and prepared to go. Then l went to him again and he o-ave me a sealed letter, which I took and set out for the hunting-place. I reached there about the time of evening prayer. I found that the Sultan had been drinking all day, and had now gone to his private tent. I took the letter to Aghachi, the king’s attendant, and having given it to him, I went and stood by the curtain at the entrance of the tent. In the morning a Farrasli having come to call me, I went, and Aghachi took me before the Amir, who was sitting in a sedan in his royal tent. I saluted him. He said, “tell Bu Nasr that what he has done in behalf of Hasiri was quite right. But I am coming to the city directly and I will do what is necessary.” He threw the letter to me, and I took it up and returned. The Amir said the morn- ing prayer and set out towards the city. I arrived sooner, and I saw near the city, my ustacl and the great Khwaja standing with all the officers and ministers of the court to receive the Sultan. Bu Nasr saw me, but said nothing ; I kept in my place. The insignia and the umbrella of the Sultan advanced. The Amir was on horseback ; the people went forward. My ustacl came to me and made a signal, so I approached him. He covertly asked me what I had done and what had passed. I told him all, and he said, “ I understand.” The Amir then arrived, and all mounted and marched on. The Khwaja was on the right of the Amir and Bu Nasr just before his majesty ; the other officers and grandees were in front, so that there should be no crowding. The Amir kept conversing with the Khwaja till they approached the garden. The Amir asked what was to be done in respect of that reckless man. The Khwaja said, “ Let his Majesty deign to alight and then what has passed and what is proper to be done his humble servant will report through Bu

Nasr.” He said, “ Yery good,” and moved on. The AmirVent to the Khizra,1 and the Khwaja sat down on the ministerial bench ; he called my ustad and gave him this message, “ My lord, in his magnanimous pleasure, has secured what he considered due to me in this case of Hasiri, and I shall be under obligation to him for this favour as long as I live. Although Hasiri is a vain, boast- ing fellow, yet he is an old man, and has claims for his long service. He has always been a dutiful and faithful friend, and because of his loyalty he has, like myself, endured many hard- ships. His son is wiser and more prudent than himself, and is fit for any duty. Two proper men like these will not soon be found again, and now my lord stands in need of many able servants. How then can I allow two such devoted followers to be overthrown. My object was only this, that all men, great and small, might know how far his majesty was favourably dis- posed towards me. I have succeeded in that object, and all men have learned that they must keep within their respective bounds. I was fully aware that they ought not to be beaten. But I sent them to be confined so that they may awake a little. They have given a bond of their own free will, promising to pay three hundred thousand dinars into the royal treasury, but they cannot pay this without being reduced to beggai’y, and a servant should not be destitute. If his majesty pleases, my recommen- dation in their behalf should not be rejected. Let them be excused from paying the money, and send them both home honourably.”

Bu Nasr went and delivered this noble message. The Amir was highly pleased, and answered, “ I accept the Khwaja’s plea for them. The matter is entirely in his hands. If he thinks proper let him dismiss them, and give back the bond.” Bu Nasr returned and informed the Khwaja of this. The Amir left the public hall and went into his palace. The Khwaja also returned to his house. He ordered twro of his own horses to be taken to the gate of the prison. The father and the son were both

mounted on them, and conducted respectfully to the Khwaja. When they came before him they kissed the ground and sat down. The Khwaja for a little while admonished Hasiri in firm but kind words, till he made his apologies. It was a good thing that he was old. The Khwaja treated him kindly, took him in his arms, and made apologies and comforted him. He also kissed his face, and told him to go in the same dress to his house. He said, I do not like to change your clothes, for to- morrow the Sultan will grant you khil’ats. Hasirl kissed the Khwaja’s hand and the ground. His son did the same. They then returned home riding on the Khwaja’s horses. In their passage both father and son were greeted by the people with loud acclamations and congratulations. I, Bu-1 Fazl, was their neigh- bour. I hastened to go to them sooner than the other visitors. Hasiri privately told me that as long as he lived he should not be able to make a return of Khwaja Bu Nasr’s kindness, but that he would thank him and pray for him. I, however, did not speak a word to him about what had passed, lest he should be ashamed, but I gave him my blessing and retired. I told my ustad what had happened, and he mounted to go and congratu- late him. I also accompanied him. Hasiri with his son came forward to receive him. They sat down, and both expressed their thanks. Bu Nasr said, “ My efforts in the matter are well known to you, but you must thank the Sultan and the Khwaja.” He said this and took his leave.

One or two weeks after I heard Bu Nasr say that the Amir, while drinking wine in a private party, spoke to Hasiri about what had passed. That day Hasiri was dressed in a yellow coat, and his son in a Panddri coat, very magnificent and highly ornamented. Next day they were again brought before the Sultan, and he showed them attention. The Khwaja requested that they might be taken to the wardrobe, when, according to the king’s order, a dress was bestowed on each. They came from thence to the Khwaja, and then with great honour they were both conducted from the Khwaja’s presence to their house. The citizens showed them due honour.

They are all now gone except his (Hasiri’s) son Abu-1 Kasim, who still survives. May the mercy of God he upon them all. Every one who reads this passage must examine it with intel- ligence, and draw lessons from it, and not consider it a mere story. They will thus learn what great men there were in days gone by.

I have read in the chronicles of the Khalifs, of the reign of Mu’tasim, a story very similar to this which I have just related, only much more terrible. I deemed it the more necessary to record this, that my book of the notabilities of the day might with such matters be made more acceptable. Words blossom into words, that the pleasures of readers may be enhanced, and that reading may increase.

Execution 1 of Amir Hasiutk, the Minister ?

I intend to write a chapter on this subject, and it thus begins : I begin to write this narrative to-day, in the month of Zi-1 Hijja, a.h. 450 (January, 1059, a.d.), in the prosperous reign of the great Sultan, Abu-1 Shuja’ Farrukh-zad bin Nasir-i din: May the Almighty God ever preserve him. Of the people ( [kaum ) of whom I am now about to speak, only one or two individuals survive in obscure circumstances. It is some years since Khwaja Bu Suhal Zauzani passed away, and was placed in prison for the answer which he gave.3 But we have nothin" to do with that business, although I was ill-treated by him in every way. I have now arrived at the age of sixty-five, and I must act as becomes my years. In the history which I am writing I will allow no partiality or prejudice to mingle, so that the readers of my work should say, Shame on this old man ; but I will speak so that they may agree with me on the subject, and censure me not.4

1 [Barddr-kardan, “ lifting: up” by hanging:, impalement or crucifixion.]

4 [Original translation (see note, page 70). — “ I have arrived at the age of sixty-

This Bu Suhal was the son of an Imam, and a powerful, clever, and accomplished man ; but malignity (sJiararat) and ill-temper were predominant in his nature. “And there is no changing what God has made.'” On account of his malignity he had no friend. He was always on the alert, and if the great and glorious king was angry with a servant, and directed him to be beaten or bastinadoed, this man would jump up from a corner, seize the opportunity, add to the beating, and aggravate the pain of the unhappy man. Then he would boast that he had paid out such a one. When he did (anything of this sort) he looked on and enjoyed it.1 Wise men knew that lie was not what he pro- fessed to be ; they shook their heads and secretly laughed, and said he was not such a man. But he could not humble my ustacL notwithstanding: all the arts he used against him. He was never successful against him, because the destiny of God did not accord with his schemes. Besides, Bu Nasr had been a man of great discretion during' the reign of Amir Mahmud, and he had never acted dishonestly towards his master, but he was careful to please the Sultan Mas’ud in all things, because he knew that he would succeed his father on the throne. It was just the reverse with Hasnak, who was wholly devoted to Mahmud, and always obliged and pleased him, but often offended the prince ; and did and said things which his equals would not endure ; how then could a king? The same was the case with Ja’far Barmaid, whose family held the post of Wazir in the time of Harunu-r Rashid, and the result of their conduct was the same as befel this minister. Servants and officers should keep control over their tongues when speaking to their masters, because it is impossible for foxes to face lions.

Bu Suhal, in rank, wealth, and manliness, was like a mere

five, and I should act as behoves me now. In the narration which I am now going to give, I shall mention a topic on which I may be prejudiced, and the readers of this compilation will say,. Shame on this old man, nay, I fear they may censure and reproach me for it.]

drop by the side of Amir Hasnak, and in point of ability he held a very different rank. He was guilty of many tyrannical actions as I have before mentioned in this history, and the following is an instance. He said to ’Abdus, “ Tell your lord that all that I do is in obedience to my master’s order ; if hereafter the throne devolves upon him he must cause Hasnak to be executed.”

When the Sultan became king, Hasnak mounted the scaffold. But who was Bu Suhal, and the like of Bu Suhal that Hasnak should at last feel the effects of his malevolence and injustice. A king should never shut his eyes against three things, viz., dis- turbances in the country, divulging of secrets, and opposition. God save us from wickedness !

When Hasnak was brought from Bust to Hirat, Bu Suhal Zauzani placed him in charge of his servant, ’Ali Raiz. Hasnak suffered all kinds of indignities, which could not be avenged, and for which no satisfaction could be made. On this account all people uttered reproaches against Bu Suhal, saying, A man does not strike one who is beaten and fallen ; the man is is he who acts according to the words — “ Mercy accompanies power.” The Almighty, whose name is glorious, says, “ Those who restrain their anger, and who are merciful towards men ; and God will reward the beneficent.”

When Amir Mas’ud marched from Hirat towards Balkh, ’All Raiz carried Hasnak there as a prisoner, and treated him with great rigour and indignity ; yet I privately heard from ’All’s own lips that it would have been much worse for Hasnak if he (’Ali) had carried out a tenth part of what Bu Suhal had ordered, but much had been omitted. He (Bu Suhal) stopped in Balkh, and insti- gated the Amir to put Hasnak to death. The Amir was very gentle and generous, and he told this to his trusty ’Abdus, — One day after the death of Hasnak I heard from my ustad that the Amir told Bu Suhal he must have some reason and justification for destroying this man. Bu Suhal said, “ What greater reason can there be than this, — that he is a Karmatian, and that he received

a khil’at from the Egyptians, which displeased Kadir I3i-llah, the commander of the faithful, and induced him to reject the letter of Amir Mahmud. He still speaks continually about this. Your Majesty must remember that at Naishapur an ambassador came from the Khalif and brought a flag and a khil’at. But what was the mandate about this matter? The injunctions of the Khalif in this behalf must be observed.” The Amir said, “I will not hesitate in this case.” After this, ’Abdus who was much against Bu Suhal, told my tutor that when Bu Suhal importuned him much in the matter, the Amir one day desired Khwaja Ahmad Hasan, as he was departing from the palace, to remain alone in his court because he had a message to send him through ’Abdus. The Khwaja obeyed, and the Amir called ’Abdus and said — “Tell Khwaja Ahmad that he knows the history of Hasnak, how in the time of the late king, my father, he (Hasnak) had given me several causes of offence, and when the Sultan departed this life, what great efforts he made in behalf of my brother. Still he did not go to him. As the Almighty has given me the throne and country with such ease, it is right that I should accept the excuses of the guilty and not trouble myself with the past. But with respect to this man they say that he received a robe from the Egyptians to the annoyance of the Khalif, the commander of the faithful, who was displeased and tore the letter of my father. It is also said that the ambassador who came to Naishapur bringing a letter, a flag and robe, was charged with the message that Hasnak was a Karmatian, and should be put to death. I heard this in Naishapur, but do not remember well. What does the Khwaja think and say about this matter.” When this message was delivered the Khwaja reflected for a long time and then asked, “ What has been done to Bu Suhal Zauzani by Hasnak, that he makes such efforts to shed his blood.” I (’Abdus) replied, “ I do not know well, but I have heard this much— that one day he went on foot wearing a coarse garment to the house of Hasnak while the latter was minister. A porter insulted him and threw him down.” The Khwaja said, “ 0 holy God ! why

should he cherish such hatred in his mind.” He then directed me to speak thus to his Majesty — “ At the time I was detained in the fort of Kalinjar an attempt was made to destroy my life, but the Almighty preserved me. I then vowed and swore never to speak a word, right or wrong, in the matter of shedding any one’s blood. At the time Hasnak came to Balkh, after his pilgrim- age to Mecca, we marched towards Mawarau-n Nalir, and visited it with Kadar Khan. After our return I was left in Ghazni. I do (not) know what happened to Hasnak, nor what the late king- said to the Klialif. Bu Nasr Mislikan knowrs the facts, and he should be asked. The Amir our lord is sovereign, and it is for him to order. If it be proved that Hasnak is a Karmatian, I will not say a word as to his death, although he has had his own designs in this troublesome matter which now engages me. I have told you my thoughts, that he may not have any- thing to speak against me. I am averse to shedding the blood of any man ; but still I must not withhold my counsel from the king, for I should act’ dishonestly (in advising) that neither his nor any one else’s blood should be shed, although the spilling of blood is assuredly no child’s play.” When I took this reply, the king remained thinking for a long while ; and then said, “ Tell the Khwaja to issue such orders as may be proper.” The Khwaja rose up and went towards the office. On the way he said to me, “’Abdus, do what you can to induce his Majesty not to shed Hasnak1 s blood, because it will bring infamy on him.” I said, “ Very good,” and returned and communicated the same to the Sultan. But fate was on the watch and accomplished its object.

After this (the Sultan) consulted with my ustad, who told me what passed in the conference. The Amir asked about Hasnak and then about the matter of the Klialif, and wanted to know what was his opinion about the religion and belief of this man, and of his receiving a robe from the Egyptians. Bu Nasr stood up and related before him the whole account of Hasnak, his going on pilgrimage to Mecca, his returning via Medina and Wadia-1

Kara on the way to Syria, his receiving the khil’at from the Egyptians and the necessity of the act ; his changing his route to Musal and not going back to Baghdad ; and the Khalifs thinking that perhaps he had been ordered to do so by the Amir Mahmud. All this was stated in full detail. The Amir asked how Hasnak was in fault in the matter. Had he come through the desert he would have caused the death of many people. Bu Nasr replied, “ It would have been so. But such representations were made to the Khalif as made him very angry and disturbed, so that he called Hasnak a Karmatian. Much correspondence passed about the matter, and the late king being greatly annoyed and vexed, said, one day, ‘ Write to this doting old Khalif, that out of regard to the ’Abbasides I have meddled with all the world. I am hunting for the Karmatians, and whenever one is found who is proved to be so, he is impaled. If it were estab- lished that Hasnak is a Karmatian, the commander of the faith- ful would soon learn what had happened to him. But I have brought him up and he stands on an equality with my sons and my brothers. If he is a Karmatian, so am I also.’ (He said this though) it was not becoming in a king. I (Bu Nasr) came into the minister’s office and wrote a letter in the style in which servants address their masters. After much consideration it was determined that the robe which Hasnak had received, and the presents which the Egyptians had sent to Amir Mahmud, should be sent with a messenger to Baghdad to be burnt there. When the messenger returned, the Amir asked in what place the robe and the presents were consumed, because he was sorry that Hasnak had been called a Karmatian by the Khalif. Notwithstanding this, the suspicion and bigotry of the Khalif increased more and more, but secretly not openly, until at length Amir Mahmud re- ceived the Farm an. I have related the wdiole of what had passed” (said my ustad). The Amir answered, “Yes, I understand it.” Even after this Bu Sahal did not desist from his object.

On Tuesday, the 7th of Safar, when the Court broke up, the king ordered the Khwaja to sit in his Court ( taram ) because

Hasnak was to be brought there, with the judges and assessors,1 that a bond in favour of the Amir might be taken from him for all things he had purchased and brought with him. The Khwaja obeyed and went into the Court. All the Khw&jas, the principal men, and ministers of the State, Khwaja Bu-1 Kasim Kasir (though he had been dismissed), Bu Suhal Zauzani, and Bu Suhal Hamaduni came there. The wise Amir also sent there the commander-in-chief of the army, and Nasr Khalaf, the Kazis of Balkh, nobles, learned men, lawyers, just men, religious men, and all who were renowned and famous were present, and took notes. When this assembly was convened, I Bu-1 Fazl and other people sat out of the court-hall, in shops, expecting to see Hasnak ; and after a while he appeared unshackled. He wore a coat of some blackish colour, a vest, an upper garment, an exceedingly white shirt, a Naishapur turban, and a new pair of Mikaili boots on his feet, and his hair was smoothed down and hidden under the turban, except a few locks which w'ere visible. The governor of the prison was with him, and ’All Baiz and many soldiers from every band ( dasti ), and they took him into the Court. He was there till near the time of mid-day prayer; and then he was brought out and taken again to the prison. He was followed by the Kazis, and the lawyers. I heard two persons con- versing and asking each other what could have brought Khwaja Bu Suhal to this act, for it would bring disgrace upon himself. Afterwards, Khwaja Ahmad came out with the chief men, and went to his house. Nasr Khalaf was my friend ; I asked him what passed there. He said : When Hasnak came in, the Khwaja rose up, and when he showed him this respect, all the others, whether they liked it or not, did the same. Bu Suhal Zauzani could not control his anger, albeit he stood up, though not quite straight, and kept muttering to himself in his rage. Khwaja Ahmad said, “In all things there is imperfection ; he is greatly

fallen”1 (?) Although Khwaja Amir Hasnak desired to sit before the Khwaja, yet he did not allow him. He made me and Khwaja Bu-1 Kasim Kasir and Bu Nasr Mishkan sit on his right hand ; for although Bu-1 Kasim Kasir had been dismissed from his office yet his reputation was very great. Bu Suhal sat on the left of the Khwaja, and this offended him still more deeply. The o-reat Khwaja turned his face towards Hasnak and asked him how he was, and how he passed his time? He replied, “I have reason to be thankful.” The Khwaja said, “Do not be broken-hearted. Such accidents often befall mankind ; you must submit to whatever his Majesty commands, for while life re- mains in the body, there are a hundred thousand hopes of hap- piness and comfort.”

Bu Suhal now recovered himself, and exclaimed, “ Who shall reconcile our lord to this dog of a Karmatian, who must he gibbeted as ordered by the commander of the faithful.” The Khwaja looked angrily at Bu Suhal, and Hasnak exclaimed, “Who this do" is I do not know ; hut all the world knows to what family I belong, and wffiat state, grandeur, and luxury have been mine. I have enjoyed this world, I have directed its affairs, but the end of man is death ; and if the destroying angel has now approached me, no one can withstand him — whether the gibbet or any other be the appointed means. I am not greater than Imam Husain ’Ali. The Khwaja who tells me this, and has called me a dog3 once stood at my door. The charge of being a Karmatian is more applicable to him than to me — for it is well known that I do not understand such things.” Bu Suhal's bile was stirred ; he called out and was about to abuse him, but the Khwaja restrained him, and said, “ Is no respect due to this assembly of the Sultan in which we are sitting? We are called to settle the question, and shall soon finish it. This man has been five or six months in your hands; do what you like.” Bu Suhal was silent, and spoke not a word till the assembly broke up.

Two bonds were written out on behalf of the king, which contained an inventory of all the chattels and estates of Hasnak. The name of each estate was read out to him, and he agreed to sell them of his own pleasure and free will at the prices set upon them, and accept the money. All the people affixed their signar- tures as witnesses. The Chief Judge affixed his seal to them, and so did the other Kazis one after the other in their turns. When this was done, Hasnak was told to retire. He looked at the Khwaja, and exclaimed, “ May the life of the great Khwaja be prolonged ! In the time of Sultan Mahmud and by his instruc- tions I ridiculed the Khwaja ; it was a fault, but I had no help but to obey. The post of Wazir was given to me, though it was no place for me. Still I formed no design against the Khwaja, and I always favoured his people. I committed a fault, con- tinued he, and deserve whatever punishment my Lord may order. But the all-merciful master will not reject me. I am weary of life. Some care ought to be taken of my family and children, and the Khwaja must forgive me.” He burst into tears, and all those who were present pitied him. The Khwaja’s eyes filled with tears, and he said, “ You are forgiven, but you must not be so dejected, for happiness is still possible. I have con- sidered and I accept it of the Almighty, that if he is doomed I I will take care of his family.”

After this Hasnak rose up, and the Khwaja and the other people also rose. When all had gone away, the Khwaja greatly censured Bu Suhal, who earnestly begged to be excused, saying that he could not suppress his anger. An account of this assem- bly was given to the Amir by the governor of the city and the lawyers. The Amir sent for Bu Suhal and reprimanded him sharply, saying, “ Granting that you thirst for this man’s blood, still respect and honour is due to the assembly of my minister.” Bu Suhal said, “ I remembered the impudence which he exhibited to my Lord at Hirat, in the reign of Amir Mahmud, and so I could not restrain myself and deal tenderly with him.”

And I learnt from ’Amid ’Abdu-r Razzak that on the night

preceding the day on which Hasnak was executed, Bu Suhal went to ’Abdu-r Razzak’s father at the time of the night prayer, and when he was asked why he had come, he replied, I will not leave you until you go to sleep, lest you should write to the Sultan interceding for Hasnak. He was told that a letter had already been written, but that he had effected Hasnak’s ruin, and had acted very badly.

That day and night preparations were made for Hasnak’s public executiou. Two men were dressed up as messengers coming from Baghdad, bearing a letter from the Khalif to the effect that Hasnak, the Karmatian, should be executed and stoned, so that no one else in contempt of the Khalif might dare to wear the khil’at of the Egyptian and lead pilgrims to Egypt. When everything was ready, the next morning, on Wednesday, two days before the last day of Safar, Amir Mas’ud mounted his horse, intending to go out hunting for three days, with his courtiers, attendants, and singers. He ordered the governor of the town to put up a scaffold by the side of the mosque of Balkh, below the city. People repaired to the place. Bu Suhal Zauzani rode to the gibbet and there stood overlooking it. Horse- men and foot soldiers were sent to bring Hasnak. When he was carried through the ’Ashikan Bazar and had reached the centre of the city, Mikail, who was riding, pushed his horse in front of him, called him names and abused him. Plasnak did not look at him, nor give him any reply. But all people cursed him for this disgraceful act, and for the abuse he had uttered. The respectable people could not, however, say what ought to be done to this Mikail. But after Hasnak’s death he took the sister of Ayaz for his wife, and he suffered great mis- fortunes and -endured many hardships. He still lives, engaged in devotion and in reading the Kuran. When a friend mis- behaves what is the good of dilating about it?

Hasnak was brought to the foot of the scaffold. May God save us from a disgraceful death ! The two messengers who were declared to have come from Baghdad were stationed there,

and they whose business it was were reading the Kuran. Hasnak was ordered to put off his clothes. He fastened the string of his trowsers and tied up his drawers. He took off his coat and shirt and threw them away, and there he stood naked with only his turban and trousers on, and his hands clasped together. His body was as white as silver, and his face like hundreds of thou- sands of pictures. All men were crying with grief. An iron helmet and visor was brought, which had been purposely made small, so that it did not cover his face and head. Men cried aloud for his head and face to be covered, that they might not be battered by the stones, because his head was to be sent to the Khalif at Baghdad. Hasnak was held in this state, and his lips kept moving, repeating something, until a larger helmet was brought. At this juncture, Ahmad, the keeper of the wardrobe, came riding and, looking at Hasnak, delivered this message, His Majesty says, “ This is your own wish, for you desired me to bring you to the scaffold whenever I became king. I wished to have mercy on you, but the Commander of the Faithful has written, that you have become a Karmatian, and by his order you are led to the scaffold.’'1 Hasnak made no reply whatever. After this his head and face „were covered with the large helmet that was just brought. They then spoke to him, but he gave no reply, and did not heed them. Every one exclaimed, Are jmu not ashamed to slay such a man upon the scaffold ? A great uproar was just about to commence, when the horsemen moved hastily towards the populace, and repressed the noise. Hasnak was then taken to the gibbet and led to the spot, and placed on that steed on which he had never sat before. The executioner fastened him tight, and the robes hung down. It was proclaimed that he was to be stoned, but nobody touched a stone. All were bitterly crying, particularly the Naishapurians. At last a parcel of vagabonds were hired with money to throw stones ; but the man was already dead, for the executioner had cast the rope round his neck and had suffocated him. This was the end of Hasnak, his life and story. May God be merciful to him ! He used to say, Let

the prayers of the Naishapurians be made for me, but they were not made.1 If he did take the land and water of the Muham- madans by violence, neither land nor water remained with him, and all the slaves, the estates, and goods, and silver and gold, and valuables were of no use to him. He departed, and those people who laid this plot have also pursued the same path. May God’s mercy be upon them all ! This story affords a striking warning, that the causes of disputes and quarrels on account of the vanities of this world should be set aside. Foolish is the man who sets his heart on this world, for it bestoweth a gift and taketli it away again harshly.

When all was done, Bu Suhal and the others retired from the scaffold, and Hasnak was left alone as he came alone from the womb of his mother. Afterwards I heard from Bu-1 Hasan Jazili, who was a friend of mine, and one of the associates of Bu Suhal, that he was in Bu Suhal’s society one day when he was drinking wine. It was a goodly assembly, and many servants were waiting, and melodious singers were present. By his order the head of Hasnak was brought in unknown to the guests, placed in a dish with a cover over it. He then said, Some fresh wine has been brought in ; let us partake of it. All cried, Let us have some. He ordered it to be brought forward, and at a little distance the cover was removed from the vessel. All were shocked when they saw the head of Hasnak. The narrator of the story fainted, but Bu Suhal Zauzanf laughed, and threw away some wine which he happened to have in his hand. The head was then removed. Another day, my informant continued, when there was nobody else present, I reproached him seriously ; but he said, 0 Abu-1 Hasan ! you are a chicken-hearted fellow— this is the right way of dealing with the heads of our enemies. These facts became generally known, and all men condemned and cursed him.

The day on which Hasnak was led to the scaffold, my ustdcl

Bu Nasr did not break his fast, and was exceedingly sorrowful and pensive ; I had never seen him before in such a state. He exclaifned, What hope is left ? The same was the case with Khwaja Ahmad, who did not go to his office that day. Hasnak remained seven years on the gibbet. His feet dropped off and his corpse entirely dried up, so that not a remnant of him was left to betaken down and buried in the usual way — no one knew where his head was or where his body. His mother was a woman of great courage. I w’as told that his death was con- cealed from her for two or three months, and when she did hear of it she did not weep as women usually do ; but she cried aloud with such anguish that those who were present shed tears of blood. She then exclaimed, What a fortune was my son’s ! a king like Mahmud gave him this wrorld, and one like Mas’ud the next ! She made great mourning for her son, and every wise man who heard of it approved, and it was all proper.

One of the poets of Kaisliapur composed an elegy upon his death, which I call to memory : —

“ They cut off the head of him who was the head of heads,

The ornament of his country, the crown of the age.

Whether he was Karmatian, Jew, or infidel,

’Twas hard to pass from the throne to the scaffold.”

Capture of’Ali Ariyaruk, the Hdjib and Commander-in- Chief of the Army of India, and the circumstances which befel him from this time till his Execution at Ghor. May God be merciful to him !l

I have already given an account of Ariyaruk, commander of the army of Hindustan, how presumptuous he grew, even in the time of Amir Mahmud, and how, when he was arraigned2 in the reign of Muhammad, he did not submit. In these days the great Khwaja, Ahmad Hasan, with great cleverness allured him

1 [Page 261 to 286 of the Test.] 2 Qj J czij

from Hindustan, and when he saw him he told the Amir that if he valued Hindustan, Ariyaruk ought not to be there. The coming of Ariyaruk every day into the court with so many retainers and arrogant followers along with Ghazi, the commander-in-chief of the army, was offensive to the Amir. The officers of his father Mahmud’s time looked with disgust upon their arrogance and superciliousness. And as this was the case with every one, there wyas no person to give one word of advice to these two grandees, Ariyaruk and Ghazi.1 It Avas observed that these two generals had two clever, wise, and experienced men to conduct their house- hold affairs, and it was clear that little could be done by Sa’id, a mere money changer, and others like him — mere servants of little worth, and no position. These Turks did just as these men prescribed, without considering the result or the possibility of evil befalling them. They had no experience, and although personally they were daring and ready, and their goods and effects ample, yet they had no knowledge of household management, and made no distinction between to-day and to-morrow. What defence had they against mishaps ?

When the Mahmudians perceived this, and found an opening by which they might assail them, they conspired together to ruin the generals, and to involve them in trouble and danger. This was one of their plans. ’Abdus, by direction of the Amir, inveigled the stewards of the two generals to come secretly to the Amir’s council. The Amir was very gracious to them, held out prospects of promotion, and directed them to reckon the very breaths of their masters, and to tell every thing that passed to ’Abdus, who was to report it to him. These two despicable base persons were gained over by the favour shown to them, the like of which they had never dreamed of. They did not know that when their masters should be cast down they would be

1 [The whole of this passage is confused and ambiguous, and there are omissions in Moriey's edition of the text, which make it more so. In Sir H. Elliot’s MS. the words “ He said to his wazir in private,” have been crossed out ; but these words, or others equivalent, are necessary, as the passage is clearly conversational, not narrative.]

“viler ‘than the dust — lower than the ground.” How were they to know this ? they were not scholars, and had never read books. They set about their business ; and whatever passed, right or wrong, they observed and reported to ’Abdus. From what the Amir heard, his heart and mind became disgusted with Ariy&ruk ; Ghazi also was somewhat depreciated in his eyes. The Mah- mudiaus became bolder in their statements ; and as the king listened and attended to all they had to say on the matter, they persevered in their conspiracy, and determined first to effect the downfall of Ariyaruk, for when he had fallen, and Ghazi remained alone, it would be possible to overthrow him also. The Mahmudians once got information that these two servants, while in their cups, had boasted that they were servants of the king, and that they had been corrupted. So they began to flatter them and to make them presents, and they held out to them the prospect of being employed in some important duties by the Sultan, if their masters were disgraced. Another difficulty was that Ghazi, the general of the army, was a very cunning fellow,1 so that Iblis himself (may the curse of God be upon him !) could not weave his toils over him. He had never drunk wine, but when all his work was finished and his object gained he took to drinking. When the Amir was told of this, he gave wine to both the generals. Wine is a great evil, and when drinking is carried to excess, one can do as one pleases with the wine- bibber and excessive drinker. Ghazi being commander of the army also began to lavish favours upon the soldiers, and kept every day one division of it at his house, to which he gave wine and presents. Ariyaruk and Ghazi were frequently the guests of each other. In their parties, when wine had taken effect, the chief men used to praise them in the Turkish language, and used to call the great Hajib Bilkatigin an eunuch ; ’All Daya an old woman ; Bagtaghdi, the commander of the guards ( glmlam ) of the palace, blind and lame ; and similarly they derided and re- viled everybody.

I heard from ’Abdu-llah, who after the downfall of the two generals, was manager of the affairs of Bagtaghdi, that one day the king did not hold his court, but drank wine. Ghazi returned home with Ariyaruk and they took many persons with them, and all sat down to drink. The commander, Bagtaghdi, secretly sent me to Bilk&tigin and ’All, with this message, “ These two con- ceited persons exceed all bounds ; if you deem it expedient, ride out with twenty guardsmen on pretence of going a hunting.” This was done, that he, with Abu ’Abdu-llah and some guards, might meet him and consult about the plans to be adopted. He (Bilkatigin) approved and said he would go on towards Manjuran until the commander should arrive. They all mounted and rode on. Bao-taghdi also mounted and took me with him. He also took hawks, panthers, and every requisite with him. When we had gone two parasangs, these three persons stood on a rising ground with their three stewards, viz., myself, Bu Ahmad Takalld, who was steward to the great Hajib, and Amirak, deputy of ’AH ; and they sent away the guards with the falconers hunting, and we six persons remained there. The chiefs conversed with each other, and for a while expressed their disappointment at the Amir, on account of the ascendancy of these two generals. Bag- taghdi observed, “ It is very surprising, for in the palace of Mahmud there was no one of less repute than these two per- sons, thousands of times they have kissed the ground before me; still they have both turned out hardy and brave. Ghazi is the most artful of the artful ( Kurbuze az kurbuzan), but Ariyaruk is an ass of asses. Amir Mahmud promoted them and placed them in a high position, so that they are become nobles. Ghazi rendered a very meritorious service to our Sultan in Naishapur, and thus he obtained this high rank. Although the Sultan dislikes Ariyaruk and likes Ghazi, yet when they drink wine and carouse familiarly we may divert his mind from the latter also. But it will be no use to attempt anything against Ghazi until Ariyaruk falls. They are held together by a single tie, and both will fall together: we shall then be delivered from their annoyance.”

The great Hajib and ’All said, “ Some drink must be concocted, or some one must be sent openly to kill Ariyaruk.” General Bagtaglidi said, “ Both these plans are worthless, and will not succeed. We shall be disgraced and they will acquire greater stability. The best plan is for us to abstain from such schemes, and to make a show of friendship to them ; we may then employ certain persons to tell tales of them, and to exaggerate what the Turks and these tw'o generals say, and to spread it abroad. We shall then see how far matters will go.” They so determined. The guards and falconers returned, bringing much game, and as the day was far advanced, the hunting-boxes wrere opened and they partook of food — servants, guards, inferiors and all. They then returned, and, in accordance with their resolu- tion, they busied themselves about those two persons.

Some days passed. The king was incensed with Ariyaruk, and secretly designed to arrest him. He complained of him to the minister, saying, that matters had reached such a pitch that Ghazi wras getting spoilt by him. No king could endure such things. It was not right for generals of the army to be disobedient, and for children to exhibit such boldness. It was indispensably necessary to arrest him, because Ghazi would then come to a right understanding. What had the Khwaja to say to this ?

The Khwaja considered awhile, and then said, “ May my lord’s life be prolonged. I have taken an oath not to fail of my duty in any case concerning the prosperity of the country. The duty of commanding an army is very difficult and delicate, and it is entrusted to the king. May it please His Majesty to excuse his slave from pronouncing an opinion in this particular matter, and to do what may seem to him right, for if I should say anything about this affair, it might seem inappropriate to his Majesty, and cause him to be displeased with me.”

The Amir answered, “ Khwaja, you are my khalifa, and the most trusted of all my servants. I must of necessity consult you in such affairs, and you must give me your advice according

to your knowledge. I will listen to it, and after pondering over it to myself, whatever seems to be reasonable, I will direct to be done.” The Khwaja replied, “Now I cannot say anything. What I expressed with respect to Ariyaruk on a former occasion was advice applicable to Hindustan. This man bad there acted tyrannically and rashly. He had acquired a great name in that country, but spoiled it. The late king summoned him, but he was tardy and remiss in obeying, and made frivolous excuses. Neither did he attend when Amir Muhammad called him, for he answered that Amir Mas’ud was heir-apparent of his father, but that if Mas’ud would acquiesce in the succession of his brother and not march from ’Irak to Ghazni, then he would come to pay his allegiance. When he heard your name and I told him what I had to say, he came with me hither. Up to this time I have never heard that he has been guilty of any presumption or disobedience worthy of notice. It is a very simple matter to make a great dis- play with boundless means, and to drink wine without permission with Ghazi and the Turks. In one interview I will set him right, so that you need not speak one word about the matter. Your Majesty’s dominions have been extended, and useful men are required. It will be long before you find one like Ariyaruk. I have said what occurs to me, but it is for you to command.”

The Amir said, “ I understand. It is just as you say. But you must keep this matter secret, and we will consider it more carefully.” The Khwaja expressed his obedience and retired.

The Mahmudians did not desist from their representations, but went so far as to insinuate to the Amir that Ariyaruk had grown suspicious, — he had proposed to Ghazi that they should raise a disturbance, and if they did not meet with support to take their departure. More than this the greater part of the army was willing to obey Ariyaruk.

The Amir one day held a Court, and all men assembled. When the Court broke up, he said, “ Do not go away, but stay and we will take some wine.” The great Khwaja, the ’Ariz, and the Diwdn also sat down, and the dishes were brought in :

one was placed before the Amir on his throne, one before Amir Ghazi and Ariyaruk, one before the ’Ariz Bu Suhal Zauzani and Bu Nasr Mishkan, and one before the officers of these two persons (Ariyaruk and Ghazi). Abu-1 Kasim Kasir was sitting there like the courtiers. Various dishes were ordered and were brought in. When these great men had dined, they arose and came back into the court-hall ( tdram ), and there sat and washed their hands. The great Khwaja praised both the generals and spoke very graciously. They said “ Our lord is always kind and gracious, and we are ready to sacrifice our lives in his service; but people have produced anxiety in our minds, and we do not know what to do.” The Khwaja observed, “ This is absurd, and is a vain fancy which you must banish from your minds. Wait a little till I am at leisure ; I will then call for you.” So he went in alone, and seeking a private interview with the king, he brought up this matter, and begged that they might again receive the royal regard, but it was for his Majesty to decide. The Amir answered, “I understand:” and then he called all the party back again, The minstrels came and began to play. Pleasure was at its height, and everything went on merrily. When the time of the first prayer arrived, the Amir made a sign to the singers and they kept silence. He then turned towards the minister and said, “ I have hitherto observed, as I ought, the obligations I owe to these two generals. As to Ghazi, he rendered me a service at Naishapur which no man of the army I had with me did, and he came from Ghaznin. And when Ariyaruk heard that I had reached Balkh, he hastened thither with the Khwaja and tendered his services. I hear that some people are jealous of them, and speak ill of them and make their minds perplexed. They must not be alarmed, but must place full reliance in my words, for I will not listen to what anyone may say against them.” The Khwaja observed, “Nothing now remains to be said, for what greater favour can there be than that which has been expressed by His Majesty’s words.” Both the generals kissed the ground and the throne also, and returning to

their places sat down very happy. The Amir ordered two fine garments to be brought, both wrought with gold, with two sword- belts set with jewels, said to be of the value of fifty thousand dinars each. He again called them both forward, and ordered them to put on the garments and fasten them. The A mil* placed the sword-belt round their necks with his own hands. They then kissed his hand, the throne, and the ground, and having returned to their places they sat down, and afterwards departed. All the dignitaries of the Court went away with them to their own abodes. To-day, it was my, Bu Fazl’s, turn of service, and all this I witnessed and noted down in the calendar of the year.

After they had gone away the Amir ordered two golden cups with bottles of wine, plates of sweetmeats, and vases of flowers to be prepared. He directed one of his courtiers, Bu-1 Hasan Karkhi, to go to Ghazi, saying that these things should be carried after him, and that three singers should accompany him. He also instructed him to tell Ghazi that he had left the Court too early, and that he must now drink wine with his companions and listen to the minstrels. Three singers accordingly went with Bu-1 Hasan, and the porters carried the things. Muzaffar, a courtier, was ordered to go with the three singers, and with the same kind of presents to Ariyaruk. The Klvwaja made many remarks, and said what he deemed right on the subject. About the time of afternoon prayer he returned home, the others also took their leave. The Amir was there till about evening, and then he rose up and went into the palace.

The Mahmudians were much grieved by what had just passed. Neither they nor any one else knew what the future would bring forth. Time- spake with an eloquent tongue, but no one regarded.

The two courtiers went to the generals with those things and the singers. The generals expressed their obligations, and when the message of the Sultan was delivered to them they drank the wine with pleasure and rejoiced greatly. When they became elated with wine, they gave to (each of) the royal messengers a horse, a saddle inlaid with gold, a robe, some silver, and a Turkish

slave, and sent them away delighted. In the same manner they rewarded the singers with garments and silver, and sent them away. Gliazi then went to sleep, but Ariyaruk had the habit that when he once sat down to drink he would continue boozing for three or four entire days. This time he drank for two days, rejoicing over the favour which had been shown to them. The king held his Court again the next morning, and the commander of the army, Gliazi, came with a different air and great display. When he sat down the Amir asked him why Ariyaruk had not also come. Gliazi replied, “ It is his habit to drink successively for three or four days, and he will especially do so now in his delight and gratification.” The king smiled and said, We must also drink to-day, so we will send some one for Ariyaruk. Gliazi kissed the ground and wished to retire, but he bade him remain, and they began to drink. The Amir commanded the attendance of Amirak Sipah-dar Khummarchi, who also used to drink, and for whom Ariyaruk had great friendship. Amir Mahmud had sent this man to Ariyaruk in Hind with a message for him to come to Court, and he returned in the month in which (Mahmud) died as I have before stated. Amirak came before the Amir, who said to him “ Take fifty flagons of wine to Hajib Ariya- ruk and stay with him, as he is a great friend of yours, until he gets drunk and goes to sleep ; tell him also that I excuse his attendance at Court, and that he is to drink according to his wont.” Amirak went and found that Ariyaruk had become like a ball.1 He wras rambling about in the garden and drinking wine and the singers were singing. The message was delivered to him, on which he kissed the ground and wept much. He gave much wealth to Amirak and the porters. The latter returned, but Amirak remained with him. The General Ghazi remained in the same place with the king till the next morning, when he

i [ v \ * Goi-shudan, according to the dictionaries, signifies “to

place the head on the knees, to watch narrowly,” the text would rather seem to mean “ Restless as a hall that is tossed about.”]

returned home taking several military officers and Hajibs, and there sat down to drink. That day he gave away immense riches in dinars and dirams in cash, horses, clothes, and slaves. Ariyaruk, as he was wont, continued dozing and rousing up, sipping soup1 and again drinking wine, without knowing in the least what he was doing. That day and night, and the day after it, he never ceased. The kins did not hold his Court next morn- ing, but was prepared to arrest Ariyaruk. He came out and sat on a green ( khazra ) close to the minister’s office. We were in the office. Somebody secretly went and brought accounts of Ariyaruk. When noon arrived, ’Abdus came and whispered some- thing in the ear of Bu Nasr Mishkan, who rose up and ordered the writers to leave, because the garden was to be cleared. With the exception of myself all rose up and went away. Me he privately told to send his horse back to his house and to seat myself at the portico of the office, for there was something important to be done. I was to carefully ascertain all that passed, and then come to him. I undertook to do so, and he went away. The minister, the ’Ariz, and all the other people also left. Baktagin Hajib, son-in-law of ’All Daya came into the portico and went to the king. He was there only for a minute ( sd’at ) and returned. The king called Muhtaj, chief of the guards, and said something to him privately. He went away, and returned with five hundred soldiers completely armed from every division, and sent them into the garden where they were to sit concealed. The Hindu officers also came, bringing with them three hundred soldiers, and they also were posted in the garden. One of the chamberlains and a general went to Ariyaruk and told him that the Sultan was enjoying- his wine, and invited him to join him. Some people had also been sent to invite General Ghazi. He (Ariyaruk) was in such a state of drunkenness that he could not use his hands and feet. He said, “ How can I go in this condition, and what shall I be able to do?” Amirak, sipah-ddr , whom the king

had trusted said, “ May the general’s life be prolonged, the king’s order must be obeyed, and you must attend the Court. When he sees you in this state, he will excuse you and send you back. But it will be very bad for you if you don’t go ; and remarks will be made upon you.” He also made Ariyaruk’s hajib, Altuti- gin1 second him, and say that the general must of course go. So Ariyaruk called for garment, stockings, and cap, put them on, and summoned a large number of guards (gliuldm) and two hundred soldiers. Amirak said to his hajib , “ This is bad; he is going to drink wine. Ten guards (ghulam) with shields and a hundred soldiers are sufficient.” So he sent the other soldiers back, and Ariyaruk himself knew nothing of what was passing in the world. When he reached the court, Hajib Baktigin advanced, and the captain of the guards made him alight, and they walked before him to the court-house, where

they made him sit down. Ariyaruk, after a moment, stood

up and said, “ I am drunk, and can do nothing, I must go back.” Baktagin told him it was improper to go away without permission, and that they were going to inform the king. So he sat down in the portico, and I, Bu-1 Fazl, was looking at him. He called Haji, water carrier, 'who came

and put a pitcher of water before him. He put his hand

in, took out the ice and ate it. Baktagin said, “ Brother, this is wrong. You are a general, and yet you are eating ice here in the portico ; go into the court and do there what you like.” So he went in. If he had not been drunk, and they had wanted to take him, they would have found it a difficult matter. While he was seated in the inner apartment, fifty brave soldiers, on hearing the signal, suddenly rushed in. Baktagin also entered and took Ariyaruk in his arms. The soldiers came up on both sides and held him so that he could not move in the least. He cried out to Baktagin, “ O brother, you coward ! W as it for this purpose that you brought me here?” Other slaves came and pulled off the boots from his feet. In each boot there were ! [Variously written “ Altarniyatigin ” and “ Altubatigin.”]

two daggers.1 Muhtaj also came, and heavy chains were brought which were put round his legs. His coat was also taken off, and in it some poison was found, and also some charms. They were all taken away, and he was carried out. Fifty soldiers sur- rounded him, and other men rushed and seized his horse and trap- pings and his guards. The head of his escort with three guards escaped. The other guards seized their arms and got upon a roof, and a great tumult arose. The Amir was engaged with Baktagin in securing Ariyaruk, and people had run to Bagtaghdi, the chief Hajib Bilkatigin, and the officers of the army, to tell them what was going on, and to summon them. They were all mounted ready. The guards and attendants of Ariyaruk, seeing him thus bound, made a great outcry, and, collecting together, went towards his house. Numerous other horsemen of all classes also joined them, and a great and obstinate strife arose. Amir ’Abdus was sent to Ariyaruk’s party to say, “Ariyaruk was a self-con- ceited man and a hard master. To-day it has been deemed expedient to suppress him. We are your masters, do not act like children ; give up the strife, for it is clear you are too few to resist. You will all be slain in an instant, and Ariyaruk will gain nothing by it. If you restrain yourselves you shall be suitably rewarded.” To the commander of these people a friendly and comforting message was sent. When 'Abdus delivered the message, it acted like water thrown on fire — the leader and the guards kissed the ground and the tumult instantly subsided. The house was attached and seals were affixed to the doors ; night fell, and no one would have said he had ever been there. I returned and related to my preceptor all that I had seen. Then I said my night prayers. Ariyaruk was taken from the Court to Khunduz, and after ten days he was sent to Ghazni, and given into the charge of Bu ’All Kotwal, who according to orders kept him some time in the fort, so secretly that nobody knew that he had been dismissed. Afterwards he was sent to Bu-1 Hasan Khalaf in Ghor, who kept him in some place there. Here ends his story.

I will now relate according to my own information what was his end and how he was slain. He was captured in Balkh, on Wednesday, the 19th of Rabi’u-l Awwal a.b . 422 (March 1031). On the day after his arrest, the Amir sent to his house, Piroz Waziri Khadim, Bu Sa’id Mushrif, who still survives and lives at the Kandi inn, who had not then obtained the rank of a Mushrif, but was one of the grandees of the Court, and was known by the name of Kazi Kliusru Hasan ; Bu-1 Hasan ’Abdu-1 Jalil, and Bu Nasr Mustaufi (commander of a detachment). They also brought with them the Mustaufi and steward of Ariyaruk (whom they had caught), and opened the doors. They appro- priated immense wealth, and reported that there was much pro- perty in Hindustan. Three days were occupied in the work of completing an inventory of all that belonged to Ariyaruk, and it was taken to the court. His best slaves were made captives, those of the second order were given to Ghazi, the commander, and the king’s attendants. Bu-1 Hasan ’Abdu-1 Jalil, and Bu Sa’id Mushrif were ordered to go to Hindustan to fetch the property of Ariyaruk. They proceeded with great speed, but before Ariyaruk was captured, officers had been hastily de- spatched thither with letters directing that Ariyaruk’s party should be carefully watched.

Gliazi came to the Court the day after the seizure of Ariyaruk, greatly troubled and alarmed. He was admitted, and when the court broke up, the Amir privately observed to the minister and Ghazi that “the conduct of this man (Ariyaruk) was very dif- ferent from that of my other servants. He had grown dis- obedient and had become so arrogant in the time of my father, that he shed much innocent blood. The reporters of the news dared not expose his conduct, they were afraid of their lives, because he had taken possession of the roads and nobody could pass without his permission. He did not come from Hindustan when he was summoned by my father, and would never come. If coercive measures were taken against him he used to create a great disturbance. The Kliwaja showed great adroitness in

contriving to brine: him here. Such a servant is of no use. I have spoken thus that the commander-in-chief may not entertain any fear in his mind from what has just passed. His case is quite different. Different also was the service he rendered me at the time I was in Ispahan when I started from thence to Khurasan.” He kissed the ground and said, “ I am your slave, and I should even consider it an honour if the king were to make me keeper of his stable. The power of command is his and he well knows every one’s worth.” The Khwaja also spoke a few appropriate words to the same effect about Ariyaruk, and for the comfort of Ghazi. He said what he thought suitable, and then they retired. Both the Khwajas1 sat with him in the court-room, and he called my preceptor, Bu Nasr, who told them all the acts of hardship and injustice which were committed by Ariyaruk as they had been reported by his enemies. Ghazi was surprised and said, “ Of course it is on no account proper to set him free.” Bu Nasr went in and reported this to the king and brought satisfactory answers from him. Both these nobles spoke pleasant things to each other; so Ghazi was much gratified and retired. I heard Bu Nasr state that Khwaja Ahmad said “ This Turk is very suspicious, for he is very cunning and sly (kurbuz o dahi ), and these things will be all stored up in his memory. But alas ! for a man like Ariyaruk who might conquer another region besides Hindustan, and for whom I would be surety. The king has heard enough about him and will not release him. He (the king) will ruin everything. Ghazi also will fall ; Mark my words.” He then arose and went into his office, very disturbed in mind. And this old wolf said,2 There is a conspiracy of the men of Mahmud’s and Mas’ud’s time, and they are prosecuting their designs. God grant it may end well.

Account of an Inundation at Ghazni. — Mahmud Warrdk and

On Saturday, the 9th of Rajab, between the morning and afternoon prayers, there were some slight showers which sufficed to wet the ground. Some herdsmen were encamped in the dry bed of the Ghazni river with their droves of cattle. Although they were told to decamp, as in the event of a flood they would be in danger, they would not listen, till at last, when the rain fell heavier, they began to take their departure, but slowly, and removed toward the wall near the suburb of the ironmongers, where they sought shelter and rest, but were again at fault. In another direction, where the stream flows by Afghanshala, there were several of the Royal mules stabled. Trees extended from the stream as far as the walls, and the stable keepers raised mounds of dung and other refuse to protect themselves against the flood, hut without any effect, for they were direct in the path of the flood. Our prophet Muhammad says, (God’s mercy be on him !) “ Defend us from the two dumb and the two deaf,”

The bridge which stood at that time was a massive structure, supported by strong buttresses. The top was securely covered, and on each side of the roadway, there was a row of shops, just as there is now. When, in consequence of the flood, the bridge was so destroyed that no one could pass over it, that holy per- sonage (Amir Mas’ud) God’s mercy on him ! constructed the present bridge, of one arch, of such excellence and beauty, that may he be long remembered for his goodness and humanity !

At the time of afternoon prayers the bridge was in such a state as no one ever remembered, and when about one watch of the night had passed, such a flood came, that the oldest inhabitants agreed that they had never seen the like. Many trees, torn up by the roots, came rushing down towards the bridge. The cattle and the mules endeavoured to save their lives, but the flood

1 [This extract was translated by Sir H. Elliot. Pages 315 to 318 of the Text.]

carried many of them down ; and as the waterway of the bridge was narrow, it was impossible that trees and animals together could pass through it at the same time. They filled up the arches, so that even the water could not escape through them. Then the water rose over the roadway, and carried away every- thing, like a dispersed army, and entering the Bazars reached as far as the Bankers’ quarters, and did a great deal of injury.

What showed the great force of the water more than anything else was, that it carried away the bridge from its foundations, with all its shops. It carried away many caravanserais in its way, destroyed the bazars, and came rushing in a flood against the old fort, which stood then as it stood before the time of Ya’kub Lais, whose brother, ’Umru, built this city and fort of Ghaznln.

All these matters the learned Mahmud Warrak has de- scribed most excellently in the history which he wrote in the year 450 h. He composed a history of several thousand years? ending with 409 h. As he ended there, I determined to con- tinue his history from that period. This Mahmud Warrak is a true and faithful historian. I have seen ten or fifteen of his excellent compositions on every subject, and I intended to write something in his praise, but when his sons heard of it, they exclaimed and said, “ are not we, his sons, able to write an ac- count of him, that you should undertake it, as you have declared your intention of doing? Let it alone.” Being helpless, I abandoned my intention.

This inundation did so much injury that there is no computing it. The next day, men stood on each side of the river looking on. About twelve o’clock the flood began to abate. But for several days there was no bridge, and men found it difficult to pass from this side to that and from that side to this, until the bridge was again mended. I have heard from several Zawalf1 narrators that, after the subsidence of the flood, many wretched sufferers found gold, silver, and garments that the water had swept away, and 1 Of Zabulistan, or the country about Ghazni.

God Almighty knows what the destitute did not meet with from his goodness.

The Amir returned from his hunting ground to the Sadhazar1

garden, on Saturday the 16th of Rajab, and remained there seven days, pleasuring and drinking.

Alimad Nidltigin appointed Governor of Hindustan?

The Amir, addressing the Khwaja, said, “ Hindustan must not be left without a governor, but who is to be sent there ?” He answered, “ You, my lord, know all the servants and you must have thought about the person to be appointed. The office is very important and honourable. When Ariyaruk was there he kept up great state, and now a man ought to be sent of the same dignity. Although under the authority of your Majesty matters may go on w7ell, still a trained and experienced general is required.” The Amir said, “ I have fixed my heart upon Ahmad Nialtigin, though he has not been trained under generals ; he was treasurer to my father, and accompanied him in all his journeys. He studied and knew the ways and habits of the late king.” The Khwaja remained thinking for a while.3 He had an ill feeling towards this man, because he had formed many designs when he, the Khwaja, was discharging the fine imposed upon him.4 Ah- mad had also purchased his goods at the very lowest prices. But the Khwaja had been restrained, and had never taken revenge, until the present time when he had directed that a reckoning should be held with him. His excesses wrere searched out and close calculations were made so that money might be exacted from him. But the king had now selected him, and so the Khwaja wished to cure the wound of his heart. The Khwaja

1 Literally 100,000 — from its containing as many shrubs or flowers.

3 [The whole of the following passage is very obscure and doubtful.]

4 [Morley’s edition says ^ but Elliot’s MS. has the

also was very inimical to Kazi Shiraz Bu-1 Hasan ’All, because Amir Mahmud had often said in his usual way, “ How long shall I bear with the airs of this Ahmad, he is not so indis- pensable, for there are other persons fit for the office of Wazir. For example, there is one, Kazi Shiraz.” Now this Kazi Shiraz did not possess even one-tenth part of the abilities of that great man (the Khwaja). But kings say what they like, and no one can argue with them. At all events in this counsel the Khwaja deemed it allowable to set a great man like Ahmad Nialtigin against Kazi Shiraz, as the latter might thus be dis- graced. He replied, “ May my lord’s life be prolonged, it is a very good selection, and there is no one so fit as Ahmad. But promises must be taken from him on oath, and his son must be left here with other sureties.” The Amir coincided, and directed the Khwaja to send for Ahmad to tell him all that was proper and to do what was needful. The Khwaja came into the minis- ter’s office and called for Ahmad, who was terribly afraid he might have to suffer another punishment. However, he came. The Khwaja made him sit down and said to him, “ Don’t you know that you have to render several years’ account, and that I am bound by oath to do my utmost in the king’s business. Your demeanour must not be such as to aggrieve me, and I must not take such proceedings as to irritate you. When a king has determined upon a matter, nothing remains for his servants but to give counsel and show kindness (to each other).” Ahmad kissed the ground and said, “ I can in nowise consider this as difficult, for I have not seen the king to-day, nor have I seen him for years. We servants must agree with what the king orders, and with what you, the great Khwaja, considers best.” The minister observed, “The Sultan consulted with me in private to-day on different topics, of which the most important was that of Hindustan. He said, ‘ There is a man there like Kazi Shiraz, who wears a soldier’s garment, but who is no com- mander. A general is needed there, one of renown and dignity to lead the forces and to exact tribute. It is the Kazi’s

business to carry on civil affairs and collect the revenue, but the general at his convenience makes war, takes tribute, seizes upon elephants, and chastises the refractory Hindus.’11 The Khwaja continued — “When I said to him ‘Your Majesty knows the merits of all your servants, whom do you choose for the duty?1 he replied, ‘ I have fixed my mind upon Ahmad Nialtigin,1 and I saw he had a very high opinion of you. I also spoke what I knew regarding your bravery and experience. He directed me to send for you to acquaint you with his majesty’s will and to arrange matters. What have you to say about it ?” Ahmad kissed the ground, rose up and said, “I have no words to express my thanks for this favour, nor do I think myself deserving of it ; but I will perform the duty which may be assigned to me to the best of my power.1’ So all was settled, and neither kindness nor counsel was wanting. The Khwaja gladdened him and praised him, and sent him away. He then called Muzaffar, chief of the royal attendants, told him all that had passed, and directed him to request the Amir to order a khil’at to be prepared, more magnificent than that which was granted to Ariyaruk, the late governor of Hindustan, and that Bu Nasr Mishkan should write out the royal diploma for him, and get it impressed with the I’oyal signet, so that at the time of granting the robe all the necessary orders might be given to him to enable him to assume his command at once, and enter on his expedition in time. Muzaffar went and delivered the message. The king gave the order, and a robe of honour was prepared for Ahmad, together with kettle-drums, flags, and all things usually given to generals of the army.

On Sunday, the second of Sha’ban, of this year, the Amir ordered Ahmad Nialtigin to be taken to the wardrobe and he was invested with the khil’at. It was very splendid : first came the golden girdle, which was of the value of one thousand kanis, and with it was also given a cap with two points, which was also prepared at the expense of the same sum. He observed the ceremonials of respect, and the Amir received him graciously ;

he then returned home with great honour. People offered him presents according to custom. The next day he again came to the Court. The Amir held a private consultation with the great Khwaja and Khwaja Bu Nasr, Secretary of State; Ahmad was also called, and he received orders from the king’s own tongue. From thence they came into the court-liall, and all three sat there alone. The Royal diploma and the articles and agree- ment1 were written out, and both the papers were duly sealed. They were taken to Ahmad, and the writings and a solemn oath were put before him. He took the oath according to custom, and put his signature to it. Then the papers were shown to the king, and given into the charge of the record keeper.

The Khwaja said to Ahmad, “that self-sufficient fellow of Shiraz wishes the generals to be under his command, and when he had to deal with such a weak man as ’Abdu-llah Karatigin, he governed all. On hearing the name of Ariyaruk he knew that a man who had teeth was coming ; he wished to have a revenue- collector and and an accountant-general sent there, so Abu-1 Fath and Damaghani were sent with Abu-1 Faraj Ivirmani, but they could not cope with Ariyaruk. However, what happened to Ariyaruk happened in consequence of his conducting matters for his own benefit; but you who are a general, must act according to the articles and your agreement. You must not say anything to any person respecting the political or revenue matters, so that no one’s word may be heard against you, but you must perform all the duties of a comtnander, so that that fellow may not be able to put his hand upon your sinews and drag you down. Bu-1 Kasim Bu-1 Hakam, the superintendent of the news carriers, a most confidential officer, reports in due time all that occurs, and the imperial and ministerial orders are regularly sent to him. You two persons must not give trouble to the Court. What you have to write to me you must state in full detail, that a distinct reply may be sent. His majesty deems it advisable to send

with you some of the Dailami chiefs, such as Bu Nasr Taifur and others, in order that they may be at a distance from the Court, because they are strangers ; he also sends some others of whom apprehensions are entertained, such as Bu Kasr Bamianf, brother of the Prince of Balkh and nephew of the chief of Sarkhas ; also some refractory slaves who have committed many disloyal actions, which have been proved against them. They are to be set at liberty and some assistance is to be given to them, so that it may appear that they belong to your army. You must take them all with you and treat them very kindly and well. But, of course, none of them must be allowed to go beyond the river Chandraha,1 without the king’s order, or without your knowledge and per- mission. Whenever you march on an expedition you must take these people with you, and you must be careful not to let them mingle with the army of Lahore and not allow them to drink wine or play at chaugan. You must keep spies and observers to watch them, and this is a duty which must iu no case be neglected. Injunctions also will be sent to Bu-1 Kasim Bu-1 Hakam to give you a helping hand, and to do everything that may be necessary in this matter. In other affairs he is to act under the orders of the Court, and in accordance with the royal mandate and the conditions of his appointment. What you have just heard are the secret orders of the king, and you must not divulge them. When you reach the station you must report all circumstances which occur, also what reliance is to be placed on each individual, and whether he acts upon the royal orders which he has received.”

Ahmad Kialtigin said, “ I will do all this, so that no harm may be done/’ Then he retired. Close at his heels the Khwaja sent him a message by Hasan, his Hajib, to say that his Majesty had directed that his (Kialtigin’s) son was to remain behind, though he would no doubt take with him his wife and children who lived in privacy. The son was to be left at home under the care of a tutor, a friend and a confidential person, in order that 1 [The ChinS.b, see Yol. I. p. S3.]

the father might feel himself more at liberty. This was an arrangement made by his Majesty out of regard to Ahmad, for he did not wish to see his son associating with the body guards. The Khwaja added, “ I was ashamed to tell you this, for it is not right to require a pledge from you ; but although the Sultan has not given a distinct order about it, yet the conditions and the cus- toms must not be departed from. I have no option, but to look after all the affairs of the country, great and small, and to protect the interest of you and the like of you.” Ahmad answered, “ I am obedient and think it best both now and henceforth to do that which the great Khwaja approves and directs.” He gave a handsome present to the Hajib and dismissed him. He also made proper arrangements for his son. His equipment as a general, retinue, arms, guards, and everything else he carefully prepared in the manner which he had seen and had learnt to be tiie rule in such cases. When all was done he sot leave to set out.

On Saturday, five days before the end of Sha’ban, the king rode and came to the desert of Shabahar with many attendants and riding under a canopy on an elephant. He stopped there, and Ahmad Nialtigin came before him, dressed in a red garment, and paid his respects. A very fine calvacade, many armed men, military officers, the Dailamis, and others, who were placed under his command, passed by. They were followed by one hundred and thirty royal slaves whom the Amir had set free, who carried their letters of freedom, and delivered them to him. These were under three of the king’s own officers, and had with them three flags, bearing the device of a lion and spears, according to the fashion of royal slaves. After them came kettle drums, and the banners of Ahmad of red cloth and with gilded balls on their tops, accompanied by seventy-five slaves, richly caparisoned camels and dromedaries. The king said, “ Ahmad, rejoice, and be happy ; be careful to understand the value of this favour- Keep my image ever before your eyes and do good service, so that you may attain to greater honour.” He promised to do all

that could be required of a servant, and saluted. The horse of the commander of the army of Hindustan was called for ; and he mounted and rode away.

In the end, this Ahmad Nialtigin was ruined ; he turned away from the the path of rectitude, and took a crooked course, as I shall have to relate in the proper place.

In this summer [424 h., 1033 a.d.] another event took place in which Ahmad Nialtigin, the commander of Hindustan, was concerned. A certain man was driven to rebellion by tyranny, and this was the cause of the rise of disturbances in Khurasan, and of the Turkomans and Saljukians becoming powerful, accord- ing to the decree of God, whose name is glorious. There is a cause for everything. The great Khwaja, Ahmad Hasan, was badly disposed towards this Ahmad, for the reason we have before stated, that is, he had formed designs against the Khwaja1 s goods and effects, at the time when he was involved in law troubles. The Khwaja was also at variance with Kazi Shiraz, because Amir Mahmud had often declared him to be fit for the office of Wazir. Ahmad Hasan, at the time of dispatching Ahmad Nialtigin on the command to Hindustan, had instructed him to be watchful against Kazi Shiraz, saying, you are by the Sultan’s order appointed generalissimo in Hindustan, and the Kazi has no control over you. Let him not cast his spell over you and bring you under his control. Ahmad Nialtigin went boldly and proudly ; he did not heed the Kazi in the least in his duties of commander. This Ahmad was a bold man. He was called the alter ego*1 of Amir Mahmud, and well knew the distinction be- tween right and wrong. People used to tell stories about his mother, his birth, and Amir Mahmud. There was certainly a friendly relation between that king and his mother, — but God knows the truth. This man thoroughly understood the affairs

2 ['Atsat, lit. “ the sneeze,” or as we have it in the vulgar tongue, “ the spit.”]

and habits of Amir Mahmud, by association and converse with him. When he reached Hindustan, he kept several sturdy slaves, and had a fine equipage and retinue. A difference took place between him and Kazi Shiraz with respect to the command of the army. The Kazi said, “ The command ought to be given to ’Abdu-llah Karatigin, as was expressed in his far man.” Ah- mad protested he wrould not agree to anything of the kind, saying, “ The Sultan conferred this office on me, and I am in all respects better and greater than ’Abdu-llah : he and others must march under my banners.” The matter went very far. The army of Lahore and the warriors sided with Ahmad ; and he with his followers irritated the Kazi, and formed a plan of going to some distant place. The Kazi sent messengers complaining of him, who reached Bust just as we were about to go toward Hirat and Naishapur. Amir Mas’ud asked the great Khwaja, Ahmad Hasan, what he thought most advisable, and he replied, “ Ahmad Nialtigin is a fitter person to be general than anyone else. An answer must be written to the Kazi that his business is to manage the revenue, and that he has nothing to do with the command or with the army. Ahmad must himself do what he ought to do, and take the revenue and the tribute from the Thakurs, go on expeditions and bring large sums into the treasury. There is a proverb — ‘ There must be no contention between the door and the house.’ ”

The Amir approved of this, and an answer was written to the above effect. Ahmad Nialtigin was much encouraged, because the Khwaja wrote to inform him of what Kazi Shiraz had written, and what reply had been sent. He marched out with his warriors and the army of Lahore, and exacted ample tribute from the Thakurs. He crossed the river Ganges and went down the left bank. LTnexpectedly ( na-gah ) he arrived at a city which is called Banaras, and which belonged to the territory of Gang. Never had a Muhammadan army reached this place. The city was two parasangs square, and contained plenty of water. The army could only remain there from morning to mid-day prayer,

because of the peril. The markets of the drapers, perfumers, and jewellers, were plundered, but it was impossible to do more. The people of the army became rich, for they all carried off gold, silver, perfumes, and jewels, and got back in safety.

The Kazi, on the achievement of this great success, was likely to go mad. He speedily sent messengers, who reached us in Naishapur and represented that Ahmad Nialtigin had taken im- mense riches from the Thalcurs and tributaries. Enormous wealth had been obtained, but Ahmad had concealed the greater portion of it, and had sent only a little to the Court. The Kazi went on to say that “ his confidential agents had secretly accom- panied Ahmad, who knew not of their presence. Some accountants and the chief of the couriers were also there, and these had kept an account of all that he had exacted. This account he had now sent for the information of his Majesty, without the knowledge of that base dishonest man. Ahmad had also clandestinely sent men to Turkistan via Banjhir (Panjshir ?) to procure Turkish slaves for him. That up to this time about seventy slaves ( haftad o and) had been brought and others were expected. That he had made all the Turkomans who were there his friends, and they were disaffected ; what his intentions are nobody knows, but he calls himself son of Mahmud. Your slaves have duti- fully given the information. Your Majesty’s will is supreme.”

These letters took effect on the Amir’s heart, and produced a deep impression. He ordered my instructor, Bu Nasr, to keep the matter secret, and let no one be informed of it. Bearers of good tidings also soon arrived, and brought letters from Ahmad Nialtigin, Governor of Hindustan and general of the army, reporting the news of the conquest of Benares, which was a very great achievement, and by which the army had become rich. Immense wealth had been obtained, and tribute had been exacted from the Thakurs. Several elephants had also been taken. His Majesty’s servants wrote these letters from Indar-dar-bandi,1

1 [This is the reading of Morley’s edition. Sir II. Elliot’s MSS. have Indar-bedi.]