3. Volume 2 — part 3

and were returning towards Lahore very happy : what had passed they had reported.1 2

One day the Anhr went to the garden of Sadhazara with the intention of staying there a week, and all necessary furniture was taken. In this interval letters were constantly arriving with the information of Ahmad Nialtioln having reached Lahore with the Turkomans, and that numerous turbulent fellows of Lahore, from all classes of people, had flocked around him, and that if his pro- ceedings were not soon taken notice of, the affair would reach an awkward length, for his power and dignity were increasing every day. The Amir, in the garden of Sadhazara, convened a private council of the commander-in-chief and the generals and officers of the army,3 and asked their opinions as to what ought to be done in order to extinguish the fire of this rebellious general so that their hearts might be relieved of all concern on his ac- count. The commander-in-chief said, “When one runs away from Ahmad there cannot be much honour left, but whatever general is sent against him, he will have enough to do, for there is a strong force at Lahore. If my lord orders me to go, I can set out in a week, although the weather is very hot.” The Amir observed, “ It is wrong and impossible for you to go on such an insignificant duty, because there are disturbances in Khurasan, and insurrections have also broken out in Khatlan and Tukha- ristan. Our minister has gone there and he is sufficient, yet as the autumn has passed, it is expedient for me to march to Bust or Balkh, and you must accompany my standard. We will send a general, to Sind it may be.” The commander-in-chief said, “ It is for my lord to order, the generals and officers are present here in your council, and others are at the court ; whom do you order to go.” Tilak Hindu said, “ May my lord’s life

1 [Here occurs the lacuna mentioned in the Bibliographical notice at page 54.]

3 [Khwaja Ahmad, the wazir, was absent on a journey.]

be prolonged ! Be pleased to let me go and perform this service that I may make some return for favours received and obligations incurred. Besides, I am a native of Hindustan, the weather is hot, and I can travel in that county with greater ease. If your high wisdom deems me fit for this service, I will not fail.” The Amir admired him for the readiness he thus showed ; and asked those who were present for their opinions. They replied, he was a famous man and was fit for any duty, for he had a sword, equip- ments, and men, and as he had received the royal favour he might accomplish the object. The Amir told his councillors to retire and leave him to consider about it. So they left. The Amir said to his private councillors, “None of these officers have their hearts in the business, and in fact they have not exhibited their wonted devotion. So Tilak, perhaps, felt ashamed and stepped forward.” The Amir sent a Persian secretary to Tilak, secretly, with many kind messages, saying, “ I am fully alive to what you have said and have promised to perform, but the people around me did not at all like it. You have shamed them all, and your words shall be proved true, for to-morrow you shall be named for the service. I will do whatever is possible in this matter, and I will give you much money, a strong force, and everything necessary, so that the work may be accomplished by your hands, and the insurrection may be put down without any thanks or obligations to these people. You shall be raised to higher rank ; for these people do not at all like that I should exalt a man, but wish me to remain always dependent on them, though they do nothing. They have been greatly annoyed at your exaltation, Now you must be resolute in doing what you have said. The fault has been committed : it was manifest in their talk and observations ; and what is passed cannot be re- called.” Tilak kissed the ground, and said, “ If this undertaking were beyond the powers of your slave, he would not have ventured to speak with such boldness before your majesty and the assembly ; what I have sought for in this matter I will accomplish. I will draw up a plan for the approval of his

Majesty ; and I will soon set forth and overthrow that rebel.” The Persian came back and related all this. The Amir highly approved it, and ordered the writing to be sent in. The secre- tary devoted himself with all his heart to the execution of this mission, and laid before his Majesty the detailed statement which Tilak had drawn up of his designs. The Amir then gave power to Tilak to do whatever he deemed proper, after passing Baz- gdiurak1 for securing; the allegiance of the Hindus. He also sent a message by the Persian to the Secretary of State, directing him to draw up a farman and letters in behalf of Tilak. It was customary with Bu Nasr to write in very hyperbolical language2 on all matters that he was directed to pen by the Amir himself, because he was afraid that the responsibility might fall upon him. What was to be written was drafted. The ministers of the Court considered it a foolish proceeding — or as the Arab proverb says “A shot without a shooter.”

This man (Tilak) was the cause of the death of Ahmad Nialti- gin, as I will mention in its proper place. But first I must recount the history of this Tilak, showing what his origin was and how he attained to this rank. Many advantages attend the writing; of such matters.

This Tilak was the son of a barber, but he was handsome in face and appearance, and had an eloquent tongue. He wrote an excellent hand, both in Hindi and Persian. He had lived a long time in Kashmir, where he studied and acquired some proficiency in dissimulation, amours, and witchcraft. From thence he came to Kazi Shiraz Bu-1 Hasan, who was captivated by him, for every great man who saw him was enamoured of him. * * * * The Kazi restrained him from going any-

where else; but Tilak contrived by stratagem to have his

case, and the iniquity of which the Kazi was capable, reported to the great Khwaja Ahmad Hasan (May God be pleased with him). There was ill-feeling between the Khwaja and the Kazi. The Khwaja sent royal orders with three peons, and to the great disgust of the Kazi they brought Tilak to the court. Khwaja Ahmad Hasan heard what he had to say, saw the way clear before him, and took measures to have the matter brought to the notice of Amir Mahmud in such a manner that he did not know the Khwaja had contrived the means. The Amir ordered the Khwaja to bear Tilak’s complaint, and the Kazi fell into great difficulty.

After this event Tilak became one of the great confidants of the Khwaja. He was made his secretary and interpreter be- tween him and the Hindus.1 Thus he acquired great influence in the minister’s court, where I, says Bu-1 Fazl, used to see him standing before the Khwaja, doing the duties of a secretary and interpreter, and carrying and bringing messages, and manag- ing difficult affairs. When that trouble fell on the Khwaja, which I have before mentioned, Amir Mahmud called together his servants and secretaries, in order that he might appoint the most clever to offices in his court. Tilak met with his approval, and was associated as interpreter with Bahrfim. He was a young man and a clever speaker. Amir Mahmud wanted such persons. His fortune thus improved. Secretly he rendered valuable services to Sultan Mas’ud, that is, he brought all the Hindu Kators and many outsiders under his rule,2 and he ob- tained honour from such a great king as Mahmud.

When Shah Mas’ud arrived iu Balkli from Hirat and the affairs of the country were settled, Sundar, the general of the Hindus, w'as not in his place. He therefore promoted Tilak,

1 [The text has the words liamchunan birbdV badhcan-i md, “ like Birhal in our Court.” These words, unless they will hear some other interpretation, would seem to apply to Akbar’s officer Birhal, and if so they must he an interpolation of a later date.]

and granted him a gold embroidered robe, hung a jewelled neck- lace of gold round his neck, and placed an army under him. Thus he obtained the name of man. A tent and an umbrella were also given to him. Kettle drums were beaten at his quarters, according to the custom of the Hindu chiefs, and banners with gilded tops were granted. Fortune befriended him ; he was elevated to such a degree as to sit among the nobles in the privy councils, and, as I have said, he was employed in impor- tant duties, until at length he undertook the command against Ahmad Nialtigin. His luck and fortune aided him, and carried him through. The Arabs say, “ There is a cause for every- thing, and men must seek it.” Wise men do not wonder at such facts, because nobody is born great — men become such. But it is important that they should leave a good name behind. This Tilak soon became a man, and had excellent qualities. All the time he lived he sustained no injury on account of being the son of a barber. But if with such a character, wisdom, and spirit, he had been of good extraction, he would have been better, for nobility and talents are both very agreeable. But nobility is good for nothing, if learning, propriety and spirit

The rebellion of Ahmad Nialtigin in Hindustan }

In the middle of this month (Ramazan H. 425 ; July, 1033) letters were received from Lahore (Lahur), stating that Ahmad Nialtigin had arrived there with several men ; that Kazi Shiraz, with all his counsellors, had entered the fort of Mandkakur;8 that there was perpetual fighting, and that the whole neighbourhood was in a state of turmoil and agitation. The Amir became ex- ceedingly thoughtful, because his mind was troubled from three

1 [Pages 523, 524. This and all the following Extracts from Baihaki were trans- lated by Sir H. Elliot himself.]

2 Two copies concur in this reading; a third omits the first syllable. [See Yol. i. pp. 62 and 530.]

different sources, viz. the Turkomans of ’Irak, Khwarizm, and Lahore, as I have already described. * * * On Tuesday,

the Thl was celebrated, when the Amir (God be satisfied with him !) directed that great preparations should be made, and ordered trays of food to be set down, with wine, in order that the officers and men might regale themselves, which they did, and departed drunk.

The Amir also sat down to drink wine with his companions, when, in the middle of his happiness, while he was fully occupied with every kind of pleasure, a very important despatch was re- ceived from Lahore, stating that Ahmad Nialtigin had taken the fort ; but it was reported that Tilak Hindu had collected a powerful army from every detachment and quarter, and was advancing in that direction ; that the heart of that vile rebel was quaking within him, and that there was a space of only two kos between the two armies. The Amir read this despatch even while he was drinking, and ordered a letter to be written to Tilak Hindu, and placed in its case. He directed Tilak to proceed against Ahmad with all speed. The Amir sealed the letter, and added a postscript with his own hand, written with all the force which characterized his style, imperious, and at the same time appropriate to the person addressed. This was con- cealed from his confidential Diwan, and sent off with all haste.

On Thursday, the 18th of Shawwal, a despatch arrived from Gurdez,1 stating that General Ghazi, who was stationed in that quarter, had died.

The Cowardice of the Hindus at Kirmdn, and their Disgrace.2

Ahmad ’Ali Noshtigin made every kind of exertion, but the Hindus would not advance, and turned their backs in flight. The panic spread to the rest of the troops, and Ahmad was obliged to fly from the field. He, with his own troops and the royal army, returned, by way of Kafn, to Naishapur. Part of 1 [A town fifty miles east of Ghazni.] 2 [Page 533.]

the army fell back to Makran. The Hindus fled to Sfstan, and thence to Ghaznin.1

I, who am Abu-1 Fazl, had gone on duty to the Amir, at the Sad-hazara Garden, and I saw the officers of the Hindus who had come there. The Amir ordered that they should be kept in the large house, which is used as the despatch office. Bu Said, the accountant, brought several severe orders to them from the Amir, and matters went so far, that a message came to tell them they were dismissed. Six of their officers committed suicide with their daggers, so that blood was flowing in the office. I, Bu Sa’id, and others, left the place, and came and told the Amir what had happened. He said they should have used these daggers at Kirman. He treated them severely, but in the end forgave them.2 After this, all went wrong, and it was not pos- sible to send any one else to Kirman. Ahmad ’Ali Koshtigin also came to Ghaznin, and as he was ashamed and deeply grieved, no long time elapsed before he died.

The Death of the Rebel Ahmad Nidltigin and the Sultan’’ s

Amir Mas’ud wrote orders to Tilak to expedite matters against Ahmad Nialtigin, who should be driven from Lahore, and the Kazi and his army should leave the fort. The Kazi also was ordered to exert himself to the utmost in order that the Amir’s mind might be at once relieved from anxiety on account of this rebellion. * * * * The Amir arrived at

1 This was at the battle of Kirman, where they formed one-half of the cavalry force, there being 2000 Hindus, 1000 Turks, and 1000 Kurds and Arabs.

2 The Hindus, about 100 pages after this, are represented as incurring similar

disgrace near Merv, when they fled before the Turkomans ; but there they were not a bit more culpable than the rest of the army, and the reason assigned was sufficient. “ The Amir also summoned the Hindus and reprimanded them, when their leaders said — We are ashamed to speak before our Lord, but the fact is our men are hungry, and our horses weak, for it is now four months since any of us have eaten barley-bread. Notwithstanding what has happened, as long as we live we shall not be found deficient.” 3 [Page 535 to 538.]

Takinabad1 on the 7th of Zi-1 ka’da [a.h. 425, Sept. 1034 a.d.], and remained there seven days, on one of which he drank wine, for he was troubled on many accounts. After that, he went to Bust for three days, and on Thursday, the 17th of this month, he arrived at the palace of Dasht-langan, where he laid out much money in gardens, buildings, and sarals.

On Wednesday, the last day of this month, he left Bust, and while on the road messengers arrived from Tilak, bringing intel- ligence of his having slain the proud rebel Ahmad Nidltigin, of having taken his son prisoner, and of his having subdued the Turkomans who wrere with Ahmad. The Amir was exceedingly rejoiced at this news, for it relieved the anxiety of his heart. He ordered the drums to be beaten, and the clarions to be sounded ; he invested the messengers with robes of honour upon their introduction, gave them plenty of money, and directed that they should be paraded through the camp.

The letters of Tilak, Kazi Shiraz, and the intelligencers were to this effect : — When Tilak arrived at Lahore, he took several Musulmans prisoners, who were the friends of Ahmad, and ordered their right hands to be cut off ; that the men who were with Ahmad were so terrified at this punishment and display of power, that they sued for mercy and deserted him ; that the proper arrangements were then made for the conduct of affairs of Revenue and Police ; that Tilak, in full confidence and power, pursued Ahmad with a large body of men, chiefly Hindus ; that in the pursuit several skirmishes and actions took place ; that Ahmad, the forsaken of God, kept flying before him ; that Tilak had persuaded Ahmad’s men to desert ; that a severe engagement ensued, when Ahmad, not able to stand his ground, was defeated and took to flight ; that the Turkomans left him in a body, and asked for quarter, which wras given to them ; that Ahmad escaped with his personal attendants, and others, amounting to three hundred horsemen in all ; that Tilak did not abate his 1 [The largest town in GarmsLr. See Tabakdt-i Nasiri, post.]

pursuit, and had written letters to the Hindu Jat rebels to desert the cause of that godless man, and to remember that whoever should bring him or his head should receive a reward of 500,000 dirhams. On this account the span of Ahmad’s life was nar- rowed, his men deserted, and at last matters reached so far, that the Jats and every kind of infidel joined in the pursuit of him.

One day, the despatches continued, he arrived at a river on his elephant, and wished to cross it, when two or three thousand mounted Jats were close upon him, whereas he had less than two hundred horsemen with him. He plunged into the water, while the Jats were attacking him on two or three sides, chiefly for the purpose of seizing his property and money. When they reached him, he attempted to kill his son with his own hand, but the Jats prevented him, and carried off" the son, who was on an elephant, and then fell upon Ahmad himself, with arrow, spear, and sword. He defended himself most gallantly, but they at last killed him and cut off his head. They killed or took captive all who were with him, and immense wealth fell into the hands of those Jats. Their Chief sent some messengers from the spot to Tilak, who was not far off, to convey intelligence of what had happened. Tilak was greatly delighted, and des- patched some men to demand the son and the head of Ahmad ; but the Jats asked for the reward of 500,000 dirhams. Tilak replied, that the immense wealth which belonged to Ahmad had fallen into their hands, and they ought to forego their demand. Twice messengers went backwards and forwards upon this errand, and at last it was agreed that they should receive 100,000 dirhams. When this sum was sent to them they brought the head and the son of Ahmad to Tilak, who having obtained his object returned to Lahore to complete his arrangements for the manage- ment of the country, and then to hasten to Court with all expe- dition, God willing.

The Amir ordered congratulatory answers to be written, ex- pressed his obligations to Tilak and the others, and praised them

for their conduct. He sent the couriers back, and ordered Tilak to come to Court with the head and the son of Ahmad Nialtigin.

Such is the end of the perfidious and disobedient ! From the time of Adam (peace be with him!) to this day, it has so happened that no servant has rebelled against his master who has not lost his head ; and since it is written in books, there is no occasion to make a long story about it.

The Amir wrote letters on this subject to his nobles and officers, and despatched messengers to different parts of the country to proclaim this very great victory.1

The Amir arrived at Hirat on Thursday, the middle of Zi-1 hijja.

Prince Hajdiid appointed Governor of Hindustan.2

On Saturday, the 6th of Zi-1 ka’da, the Prince Amir Majdud, who was appointed Governor (Amir) of Hindustan, received a khil’at before his departure for Lahore. It was such a one as befitted a governor, especially one who was son of such a king. Three chamberlains were appointed, with their attendants ; Mansur, son of Bu-1 Kasam ’Ali Noki of our office, was appointed to be his secretary, Sa’d Salman to be accountant and treasurer, and Sarhang Muhammad to be paymaster of the troops. A drum, a standard, and a kettle-drum, an elephant and seat were bestowed on the Prince, and the next day he went by appoint- ment to visit his father in the Firozi garden. The Sultan em- braced him, and gave him a dress upon taking his leave. So he went on his way, and took with him Rashid, the son of Khwarizm Shah, that he might be kept under surveillance in the city of Lahore.

1 A few pages after this we find the minister Khwaja-buzurg Ahmad ’Abdu-s Samad stating at a council, that, notwithstanding the death of Ahmad Nialtigin, Hindustan was still in so disaffected a state that he considered it imprudent that the Sultan should enter upon an expedition against the Turkomans.

Prince Maudud appointed Governor of Balkh.1

Trays of food were put down in abundance, and they drank wine. On the next day, a khil’at was given to Amir Maudud, such as he had not received before, for it comprised a kettle-drum, standards, a tymbal, and a tabor, and the Sultan made over to him the country of Balkh, and issued a patent to that effect ; so the Prince returned with all these honours to his residence, which was the sarai of Arslan Jazib, and the Sultan ordered all the nobles and officers to pay him their visits there, and they accordingly showed him such honour as had never been shown before.

The Sultan determines to take the Fort of Hans'i — His Consulta- tion icitli the Nobles?

On another day of the ’Td, the public audience being dissolved, the minister, the Commander-in-Chief, the k^riz, my preceptor, and the chamberlains Bagtaghdi and Bu-1 Nasr, were told to remain, and the conversation turned upon the direction in which the Sultan ouMit to march. These counsellors observed, “ Let our lord explain to his servants what his own reflections are, for his opinion is probably the soundest ; then will we speak what we know on the subject.”

The Amir replied, “ At the time that I was attacked by my illness at Bust, I made a vow that, if Almighty God would restore me to health, I would go to Hindustan, and take the fort of Hansi ; for, from the time that I returned from that place without accomplishing my object, my heart has been filled with vexation, and so it still remains. The distance is not very great, and I have determined to go there, for I have sent my son Maudud to Balkh, and the Khwaja, and the Commander-in- Chief will accompany him with large armies. The Chamberlain Sabashi is at Merv with a powerful array, so that the Turkomans dare not make inroads upon the inhabited tracts. Surf also is at

Naishapur with an army. Tus, Kohistan, Hir&t, Ghurjistan, and other places are well garrisoned, so that there can be no disturb- ance, rebellion, or other obstacle from Khurasan ; and if there should, you all of you, one with the other, are at hand, and can arrive at the spot immediately. The sons of ’Ali Tigin and the Kotwal are quiet in their several places ; ’Abdu-s Salam is near them and has bound them by strong engagements, as Bu Suhal Hamaduni has written. The son of Kaku is possessed of no power, and his men can do nothing, and the Turkomans place no reliance in his promises, so that on that side also there can be no obstacle. I will at once relieve my neck of the burden of this vow, for until I have taken the fort of Hansi, I can undertake no other expedition. I can come back in time to be at Ghaznin by New Year’s Day. I have thought well over the business, and I must of necessity carry my plans into eftect. Now do you tell me without fear what you think on the matter.”

The minister looked round the assembly and asked what they had to say on the subject on which their master had addressed them. The Commander-in-chief replied, “ I and those who are like me wield the sword and obey the orders of the Sultan. We are ready to go to whei’ever we are ordered, and lay down our lives for his sake. The evil and the good of these matters the great Khwaja knows, for they are included amongst the diffi- cult questions of Government, and we cannot tell what he wishes, hears, knows, and sees. This is the business of the minister, not ours.” Then he turned his face towards the chamberlains and said, “ You are doubtless of my opinion,” to which they replied, “We are.”

The minister then said to the ’Afriz and Bu Nasr. “ The Commander-in-chief and the Chamberlains have laid the responsi- bility on my neck and freed themselves from it. What say you.” The ’Ariz, who was a man of few words, said, “ I am not able to say anything better than what has been advanced. My own business is difficult enough to occupy all my time.” Bu Nasr Mishkan said, “ It appears that this matter is devolved

upon the responsibility of the great Khwaja. It is necessary to speak with great deliberation, for our lord calls upon us to do so.” The minister said, “ He has been graciously pleased to tell us to speak out without hypocrisy. Therefore I give it as my opinion, that he should on no account go to Hindustan. It is not expedient that he should stay even at Balkli, but proceed to Merv, and after the Sultan has subdued^ Re, Khurasan, and the Jabbed (hills), he should then fulfil his vow. If his intention is to conquer Hansi, the chief of the Ghazis, the army of Lahore, and a chamberlain deputed by the Court might undertake the busi- ness, and thus the intention might be fulfilled, and Khurasan be secured at the same time. If my lord should not go to Khurasan, if the Turkomans should conquer a province, or if they should conquer even a village, and do that which they are acustomed to do, namely, mutilate, slaughter, and burn, then ten holy wars at Hansi would not compensate. These evils have actually oc- curred, for they are already at Amul,1 and still it is considered more expedient to go to Hindustan ! I have now said what seemed to me best, and have relieved myself from all responsi- bility. The Sultan can do as he pleases.”

My preceptor said, “ I agree entirely, and may add this to aid the argument. If my lord sees proper, let him send some per- sons secretly about the camp amongst the people and amongst the nobles, and let them ascertain the general opinion, let them mention the present perturbed state of Khurasan, Khwarizm, Re, and the Jabbal, and let them say that the Sultan is going to Hansi, and then let them ask whether this is proper or not pro- per. Your slave feels confident that they will all say it is not proper. The people will give their opinions freely, when they are told that it is the desire of the Sultan that they should do so without reserve.”

The Amir replied, “Your friendship and good advice are un- questionable. The vow is upon my neck, and accomplish it I will, in my own person. If any great disturbance should

1 [A town on the Oxus. The river is also known by the name of Amul or Amu.]

arise in Khurasan, I rely upon Almighty God to set it all to rights.” The minister replied, “As it is so we must do what- ever men can do. I only trust that during this absence no diffi- culty may arise.”

He then went away, and the rest also went away after making their obeisances. "When they had gone out, they went aside to a private spot, and exclaimed, “ This lord of ours is very obsti- nate, beyond all bounds and degrees. Yo one could have spoken more openly than we have done, and one could not have done more so without being disrespectful ; and as for what he said about Almighty God ! we shall see j” and then they separated.

On Thursday, the middle of Zi-1 hijja, the Commander-in- chief, ’All, was invested with a very superb robe of honour, for which he came forward and paid his respects. The Amir praised and flattered him, and said, “ The confidence of my son, my minister, and my army, reposes upon you. The Khwaja will remain with you as my vicegerent. To give good advice and find pay for the army, is his business ; discipline and fighting is yours. You must attend to his orders, and all of you should have but one hand, one heart, one opinion ; so that no interrup- tion to business may arise during my absence.” The Com- mander of the forces kissed the earth and said, “Your slave will obey your orders implicitly,” and departed.

On Saturday, the 17th of this month, a very handsome khil’at was bestowed upon the minister, according to the usual value, and even much more than that, because the Sultan was anxious in every respect to maintain a good understanding with him, seeing that he was to conduct the affairs of State during his absence. When he came forward the Amir said, “ May this robe be auspicious, as also this confidence which I repose in you during my expedition to Hindustan. May the grace of God rest with the Khw&ja. I have made a vow, and that vow I must needs fulfil. To him I have made over, first, my son, then, the commander, and the whole army which remains here, and all should be obedient to his orders.” The minister replied, “ Your

slave is ready to discharge all obligations of his service.” He then retired, after having been treated with very great distinction.

The Sultan leaves Ghazni — Falls ill, and Forsicears Drinking.1

On Monday, the 19th of Zi-1 hijja, the Amir rose early, and went to the Firozi garden, that he might see the different de- tachments of his army pass by in review ; and afterwards, about mid-day prayers, those three precious individuals, his son, the minister, and the commander, came on foot, and paid him their respects and then wTent away. He appointed Khwaja Bu Nasr Noki, my preceptor, to be in attendance on him, and an order went to the minister to this effect.

At last, on Thursday, when eight days of Zi-1 hijja remained, the Amir, (God he satisfied with him !) departed from Ghazni on his way to Hindustan, by the road of Kabul, to prosecute his holy war against Hansi. He remained ten days at Kabul. The first day of Muharram, a.h. 429 (14 Oct., 1037), fell on a Saturday.

On Thursday, the 6th of Muharram, he left Kabul, and on Saturday the 8th despatches arrived from Khurasan and Re, all of them important ; but the Amir cared nothing for them, and told my preceptor to write a letter to the minister and en- close these despatches in the same case, for that the minister knew all about the matter, and would do all that was necessary in eveiy respect ; adding, “ I myself am not well acquainted with the subject.”

On Tuesday, when five days of Muharram remained, the Amir arrived at the Jailam, and encamped on the hanks of that river near Dinarkotah. Here he fell ill, and remained sick for four- teen days, and got no better. So in a fit of repentance he for- swore wine, and ordered his servants to throw all his supply of it, which they had in store, into the Jailam, and to destroy all his other instruments of frivolity. No one dared to drink wine openly, for the officers and censors who were appointed to super- intend this matter carried their orders strictly into effect.

Bu Sa’id Muslirif was sent on an expedition against Cliakki1 Hindu, to a fort about which no one knew anything. We were still on the Jailam, when news arrived of the great Rai and the state of the roads to Kashmir, and we were still there when intelligence reached us of the death of the Rai of Kashmir,

On Saturday, the 14th of Safar, the Amir had recovered, and held a darbar, and on Tuesday, the 17th, he left the Jailam, and arrived at the fort of Hansi on Wednesday the 9th of Rabfu-1 awwal, and pitched his camp under the fort, which he invested. Fights were constantly taking place in a manner that could not be exceeded for their severity. The garrison made desperate attempts at defence, and relaxed no effort. In the victorious army the slaves of the household behaved very gallantly, and such a virgin fort was worthy of their valour. At last, mines were sprung in five places, and the wall was brought down, and the fort was stormed by the sword on Monday, ten days before the close of Rabfu-1 awwal. The Brahmans and other higher men were slain, and their women and children were carried away captive, and all the treasure which was found was divided amongst the army. The fort was known in Hindustan as “ The Virgin,” as no one yet had been able to take it.

On Saturday, when five days remained of this month, he left Hansi, and returned to Ghaznin on Sunday, the 3rd of Jumada-1 awwal. He came through the pass of Sakawand, where so much snow had fallen, that it was beyond all calcula- lation. Letters had been sent to to Bu ’Ali, the Kotwal, to send out some men to clear the road, and if they had not done so, it would have been impossible to pass it. It is all one ravine, like a street, from the caravanserai of Muhammad Salman to the city.

1 In allusion to one of the Chak tribe apparently once so powerful in Kashmir.

For the three last days before entering the city, snow fell uninter- ruptedly. Amir Sa’id, the Kotwal, the principal inhabitants, and others, came out two or three stages to meet him. The Amir alighted at the old palace of Mahmud and stayed there one week, until the carpets were laid down in the new palace, and the decorations for his reception 1 were prepared, when he went and remained there. The commanders and officers of the garrison of the five forts returned also to Ghaznin. Ever since I have served this great family, I have never seen such a winter as there was this year at Ghaznin. I am now worn out, for it is twenty years that I have been here, but please God ! through the munificence of the exalted Sultan Ibrahim, Defender of the Faith, (may his dominion last for ever!) I shall again be restored to what I was then.

On Tuesday, the 3rd of Jumada-1 awwal, the Amir celebrated the festival of New Year’s Day, when the lower classes presented their offerings, and were received kindly by the Amir. A drink- ing bout was also held, in which he repaid himself for his past abstinence, for, from the time of his repentance on the Jailam to this day, he had drunk nothing.

On Tuesday, the 3rd of Jumada-1 akhir, very important despatches arrived from Khurasan and He, stating that during his absence the Turkomans, at the beginning of the winter, had come down and plundered Talikan and Fariyab,3 and misfortunes had fallen on other places which it was impossible for the victo- rious armies to reach at such a season. All this had befallen on account of the Sultan’s expedition to Hansi. It was beyond endurance. Re itself was in a state of siege. The Amir was

1 The word, used is j | , signifying “ a temporary arch or structure, on which boughs and flowers are arranged, to celebrate the entry of a Prince into a city.

3 [According to Ibn Haukal, who is followed by Abu-1 Fida and the Marasidu-1 Ittila’, Thlikan is between Merv and Balkh at three days’ journey from Merv. — Fariyab is a city west of the Oxus in Juzjan six days’ journey from Balkh. There is a Talikhan in the maps east of Kunduz, but this is not the place intended.]

ashamed of his having gone to Hindustan, from which he had derived no advantage, for no one can oppose the desires of God. He ordered answers to be written, telling his officers to keep up their courage, for as soon as ever the weather was fair, the royal standards would advance.

On Saturday, the middle of this month, Amir Maudud and ’All the Commander of the forces, came to Gliaznin from Balkh, where the minister remained according to order, for he had many important matters there to occupy his attention.

’Abdu-r Razzak appointed Governor of Peshawar }

On Wednesday, the 23rd of Rajab, ’Abdu-r Razzak was in- vested with a robe of honour on his appointment to the govern- ment of Pershaur2 and received his orders, and ten military3 slaves of the household were appointed as his chamberlains. The office of preceptor and a khil’at was bestowed on Suhal ’Abdu-1 Malik, a man admirably adapted for the situation ; he was born in the household of Ahmad Mikail, and was a long time in the service also of Bu Suhal Hamaduni. The governor departed for Pershaur, on Tuesday the 9th of this month, in great state, and took with him two hundred slaves.

The Amir celebrated the festival of the new year, on Wednesday, the 8th of Jumada-1 akliir (430 H., March 1039 a.d.) On Friday, the 10th of this month, news arrived thatD&ud had reached Talikan with a powerful and well equipped army. On Thursday the 16th of this month, further news was received, that he had reached Fariyab, and from that had been summoned in haste to Saburkan,5 and that plunder and massacre had attended him wherever he went. On Saturday, the 18th of this month, ten Turkoman horsemen came during the night near the garden of the Sultan for the purpose of plunder, and killed four Hindu foot soldiers,

[Page 666.] 2 Peshawar. 3 One copy says “ black.’’ [Page 708.]

6 [“ Shibbergan” of Thornton’s Map, west of Balkh. Ibn Haukal’s reading seems to be “ Shabdrkan.” — Jour. As. Soc. Bengal , xxii. p. 186.]

and retreated to the neighbourhood of Kunduz, where the elephants were stabled, and after looking about them intently, they found a boy asleep on the neck of an elephant. The Turko- mans came up and began to drive the elephant away, the boy sleeping all the while, When they had gone as far as a parasang beyond the city, they awoke the boy, and threatened to kill him if he would not drive the elephant quickly, which he agreed to do. The horsemen rode behind the elephant, brandished their spears, and goaded the animal on. By the morning, they had travelled a good distance, and reached Saburkan, where Daud rewarded the horsemen, and told them to take the animal to Naishapur. Great discredit was incurred by this affair, for it was said — “ Is there so much neglect amongst these men that they allow an elephant to be driven off?” Next day, it was reported to the Amir, who was exceedingly vexed, and severely rebuked the drivers, and ordered one hundred thousand dirams, the price of the animal, to be recovered from them. Some of the Hindu1 elephant-riders were chastised.

On Monday, the 20th of this month, i^lti Salman, the cham- berlain of Daud, arrived with two thousand horsemen at the gates of Balkh, encamping at the place, which is called “ the Infidels’ embankment,” and plundered two villages, at which the Amir was greatly annoyed.

Just now, in the year 451 h. (1059 a.d.) I am residing in my own house by command of my exalted master, the most puissant Sultan Abu-1 Muzaffar Ibrahim, (may God lengthen his life and protect his friends !) waiting for the period when I may again be called before the throne. It is said that a service subject to the fluctuations of rising and falling will probably be permanent,

1 A curious change has occurred in this respect. There are no Hindu elephant- riders in the Muhammadan parts of India. They are now almost invariably Saiyids, or if not Saiyids, are addressed as “ Mir Sahib,” for their position is one of honour, being seated in front, with their hacks to potentates and grandees. 2 [Page 823.]

but that which smoothly jogs on is liable on a sudden to incur the whims or rancour of one’s master. God preserve us from fickle- ness and vicissitude !

Prince Maudud proceeds to his Government.1

The Amir (God’s satisfaction rest on him !) held an audience,

and when the minister and nobles had taken their places, Khwaja

Mas’ud was introduced, and after paying his respects, stood

before the Amir, who said, — “ I have appointed you tutor to my

son Maudud. Be on the alert and obey the orders which the

Khwaja gives you.” Mas’ud replied, — “ Your slave obeys.”

He then kissed the ground and departed, after being received

with distinguished honour. He lost not a moment in going to © © ©

Amir Maudud, to whom he was introduced by the same parties who presented him at Court. Amir Maudud treated him with great kindness, and then Mas’ud went to the house of the minis- ter, who received his son-in-law very graciously.

On Sunday, the tenth of Muliarram [432 h. Sept. 1040 a.d.], Amir Maudud, the minister, the chamberlains Badar and Irtigin, received each a very valuable khil’at, such as were never re- membered to have been given before at any time. They came forward, and retired after paying their respects, Amir Maudud received two elephants, male and female, a drum and tymbal, and other things suited to his rank, and very much more, and the others in like manner, and thus their business was brought to a close.

On Tuesday, the 12th of the month, the Amir went to the Firozi Garden, and sat in the green pavilion, on the Golden Plain. That edifice was not then as it is now. A sumptuous feast was ordered to be prepared, and messes of pottage were placed round. The Amir Maudud and the minister came and sat down, and the army passed in review before them. First passed the star of Amir Maudud, the canopy, flaunting* stan- dards, and two hundred slaves of the household, with jackets of

mail and spears, and many led horses and camels, and infantry with their banners displayed, and a hundred and seventy slaves fully armed and equipped, with all their stars borne before them. After them came Irtigin the chamberlain, and his slaves, amount- ing to eighty. After them followed the military slaves of the household, amounting to fifty, preceded by twenty officers beau- tifully accoutred, with many led horses and camels. After them came some other officers gaily decorated, until all had passed.

It was now near mid-day prayer, when the Amir ordered his son, the minister, the chief chamberlain Irtigin, and the officers to sit down to the feast. He himself sat down, and ate bread, and then they all took their leave, and departed. “ It was the last time they looked on that king (God’s mercy on him !)”

After their departure, the Amir said to ’Abdu-r Razzak : — “ What say you, shall we drink a little wine?” He replied : — “ When can we better drink than on such a day as this, when my lord is happy, and my lord’s son has attained his wish, and departed with the minister and officers : especially after eating such a dinner as this ?” The Amir said, — “ Let us commence without ceremony, for we have come into the country, and we will drink in the Firozi Garden.” Accordingly much wine was brought immediately from the Pavilion into the garden, and fifty goblets and flagons were placed in the middle of a small tent. The goblets were sent round and the Amir said : — “ Let us keep fair measure, and fill the cups evenly, in order that there may be no unfairness.” Each goblet contained half a man. They began to get jolly, and the minstrels sang. Bu-1 Hasan drank five goblets, his head was affected at the sixth, he lost his senses at the seventh, and began to vomit at the eighth, when the ser- vants carried him off. Bu-1 ’Ala, the physician, dropped his head at the fifth cup, and he also was carried off. Khalil Daud drank ten ; Siyabiruz nine ; and both were borne away to the

Hill of Dailaman. Bu. Na’im drank twelve, and ran off. Daud Mainland! fell down drunk, and the singers and buffoons all rolled off tipsy, when the Sultan and Khwaja ’Abdu-r Razzak alone remained. When the Khwaja had drunk eighteen cups, he made his obeisance and prepared to go, saying to the Amir, — “ If you give your slave any more, he will lose his respect for your majesty, as well as his own wits.” The Amir laughed and gave him leave to go ; when he got up and departed in a most respectful manner. After this, the Amir kept on drinking and enjoying himself. He drank twenty-seven full goblets of half a man each. He then arose, called for a basin of water and his praying carpet, washed his face, and read the mid-day prayers as well as the afternoon ones, and so acquitted himself, that you wrould have said he had not drunk a single cup. He then got on an elephant and returned to the palace. I witnessed the whole of this scene with mine own eyes — I, Abu-1 Fazl.

On the 19th, Bu ’All Kotwal left Ghaznin with a strong army on an expedition against the Khilj, who had been very turbulent during the Amir’s absence, and he was ordered to bring them to terms, or attack them.

After the departure of the minister, all State business was referred to Bu Suhal Hamaduni, who had an exceeding aversion to the work, and avoided giving his own opinion by referring everything to the minister. He called on me at every private audience and consultation, to testify what the objections of the minister were, for I was present at all of them, He carried his dislike to the administrative business so far, and he was so hesi- tating in his opinion, that one day, at a private audience, when I was present standing, the Amir said, — “ The country of Balkh and Tukharistan should be given to Portigin, that he may go there with the army of Mawarau-n Nahr and fight against the Turkomans.” Bu Suhal replied : — “ It would be proper to 1 [Page 826.]

address the minister on this subject.” The Amir said: “You throw off everything upon him, and his sentiments are well known on the subject.” He then directed me on the spot to write the orders and letters, and sealed them, saying : “ You must give them to a horseman to deliver.” I said, “ I obey.” Bu Suhal then said : “ It certainly would be right to send the horseman to the minister first, and to hold back the order so that he may send it off.” I agreed, and went away. It was then written to the great Khwaja, that the Sultan had given such and such foolish commands, and that the Khwaja knew best what orders to issue. Bu Suhal told me that his intention was to relieve himself of responsibility, as he could not participate in such injudicious counsels and sentiments. I wrote in cypher to the minister, and told him all that had happened, and the horse- man was despatched. When he reached the Khwaja, the Khwaja detained him as well as the order, since he considered it injudicious, and he sent me a sealed answer by the hands of the Sikkadar, or seal-bearer.

Reception of Prince Muhammad and his Sons.1

On Monday, the 1st of Safar, Prince Yazdyar came from Naghar2 to Ghaznin, had an interview with the Amir, and re- turned. During the night Amir Muhammad was brought from the fort of Naghar, accompanied by this prince, and was carried to the fort of Ghaznin, and Sankoi, the chief jailer, was ap- pointed to guard him. The four sons of Muhammad, who also were brought away with him, namely, Ahmad, ’Abdu-r Rahman, ’Umar, and ’Usman, were placed in the Green Pavilion in the Firozi garden.

Next day, the Amir drank wine from early morning, and about breakfast time sent for me and said : “ Go quietlv to the

2 [Sir H. Elliot read the name “Naghz” and the Mardsiclu-l Ittild’ gives this as the name of a city in Sind; hut the printed text has “ Naghar,” which probably means the fort of Nagarkot.]

sons of Muhammad, and engage them by strong oaths to re- main faithful to me, and to offer no opposition. Take great care in this business, and after you have accomplished this, affect their hearts warmly in my favour, and order robes of honour to be put on them. Do you then return to me, when I will send the son of Sankoi to bring them to the apartments prepared for them in the Sharistan.”1

I went to the Green Pavilion in the Firozi Garden, where they were. Each of them had on a coarse old cotton garment, and was in low spirits. When I delivered my message, they fell on the ground and were extravagantly delighted. I wrote out the oaths binding them to allegiance, which they read out aloud, and after subscribing their names, they delivered the document to me. The robes were then brought, consisting of valuable frocks of Saklatun2 of various colours, and turbans of fine linen, which they put on within their apartment, and then they came out with red boots on, and sat down. Valuable horses were also brought forward with golden caparisons.

I returned to the Amir, and told him what had transpired. He said : “ Write a letter to my brother, and tell him I have done such and such things respecting his sons. I have enlisted them in my service, and mean to keep them near me, that they may come into my views, and that I may marry them to my children who have their heads covered (daughters), in order that our reconciliation may be evident.” He addressed him as “ the Amir, my illustrious Brother.” When the letter was written, he put his seal to it, and gave it to Sankoi, saying : “Send it to your son,” which he promised to do.

Next day, the nephews of the Sultan came with their turbans on, and paid their respects, when the Amir sent them to the wardrobe chamber, that they might be clothed with golden frocks, caps with four feathers, and golden waistbands. Valuable horses, one thousand dinars, and twenty pieces of cloth, were presented

2 Usually translated as “scarlet clotb,” being the origin of our word “scarlet;” but this cannot be correct bere, as the Saklatun is described as of various colours.

to each, and they returned to their apartments. An agent was appointed to attend them, and pensions were assigned to them. They came twice every day, and once at night, to pay their respects. Hurra-i Gauhar was at once betrothed to Amir Ahmad, preparatory to the betrothal of the others ; but the nuptials were not then celebrated.

The Sultan determines to go to Hindustan. — His Perverseness. — The Consultation of the Nobles. — The Author’s Concern in these transactions.1

Orders were despatched with the utmost secrecy to the con- fidential servants of the Amir, to pack up everything he had at Ghaznin — gold, and dirhams, and robes, and jewels, and other property, and the wrork was commenced on. He sent a message to his mother, sisters, daughters, aunts, and freed slaves, to pre- pare themselves for a journey to Hindustan, and to leave nothing behind at Ghaznin on which they might set their hearts. They had to set all in order for that purpose, whether they wTould or no. They asked Hurra Khutali, the mother of the Sultan, to interpose in the matter, but she replied, that any one who wished to fall into the hands of the enemy might remain behind at Ghaznin ; so no one dared to say a word. The Amir began to distribute the camels, and passed the greater part of the day in private audience with Mansur Mustaufi on the subject of pro- viding camels for his great treasures, his officers, and his army. They asked me privately — “What is all this about?” but no one dared say a word.

One day, Bu Suhal Hamaduni and Bu-1 Kasim Kasir said, — “ The minister should be consulted on this matter, and some One should be deputed to call him back but no one would take the initiative in writing to him, so long as he was absent from the Amir. It so happened, that, next day, the Amir ordered a letter to be despatched to the minister, telling him “ I have deter-

mined to go to Hindustan, and pass the winter in Waihind, and Marminara, and Barshur (Peshawar) and Kiri, and to take up my quarters in those parts away from the capital. It is proper that you should remain where you are, till I arrive at Barshur and a letter reaches you, when you must go to Tukharistan, and remain there during the winter, or even go to Balkh if you can, to over- throw my enemies.” This letter was written and despatched. I wrote at the same time, in cypher, a full explanation how my master was alarmed at the mere anticipation of danger, and would not draw rein till he reached Lahore, for that letters had privately been despatched there to prepare everything for his reception, and that it appeared to me that he would not rest even at Lahore ; that none of the ladies of the household were left at Ghaznin, nor any of the treasure, and that the officers and army which were left had neither hand nor foot to use, and were in great alarm ; that the hopes of all rested on him, the great Khwaja ; that he should take every care to oppose this dangerous resolution, and that he should write distinctly, as he could act with very much greater effect than we could to prevent the mis- chief. To the officers also I wrote in cypher such and such things, and I said — “ We are all here of the very same opinion. Please God ! that sage old adviser, the minister, will write a reply at length, and rouse our king from his lethargy.”

I received an answer to this letter, and, praised be God ! it was written in terms awfully plain,1 and the minister discharged every arrow from his quiver. He said distinctly, — “ If my lord departs from the capital, the enemy will fight at the very gates of Balkh, and your majesty will not be able to enter the city, for the people are already so ill-disposed, that they are leaving the city and fighting against us. If your majesty gives orders, your slave will go and drive the enemy from those parts. Why should my lord go towards Hindustan? He should remain this winter at Ghaznin, for, God be praised ! there is no cause for

1 [“ Sukhanhde haul” — a curious anticipation of the English school-boy’s use of the word “ awful.”]

alarm, as your slave has despatched Portigin against this people, and he will arrive shortly. Know of a surety, that if my lord goes to Hindustan with the ladies of the household and treasure, when the news gets abroad amongst friends and enemies, calamity will befal him, for every one is desirous of increasing his c$vn power. Besides, I have no such confidence in the Hindus, as to trust my lord’s ladies and treasures to their land. I have no very high opinion of the fidelity of the Hindus, and what confidence has my lord in his other servants, that he should show his treasure to them in the desert ? My lord has already seen the result of his excessive obstinacy, and this opinion of his obstinate disposition is entertained by all. But if, which God forbid ! he should depart, the hearts of his subjects will be broken. His slave has given this advice, and discharged the obligations of gratitude and relieved himself of further responsi- bility. My lord can do as he sees best.”

When the Amir had read this address, he immediately said to me, — “ This man has become a dotard, and does not know what he says. Write an answer and say, ‘that is right which I have determined on. I am ready to acknowledge that you have written according to the dictates of affection for me, but you must wait for further orders, which will explain my resolution ; for that which I see you cannot see.’ ”

The answer was written, and when all knew it, they sorrowed without hope, and began to prepare for their departure. Bu ’Ali Kotwal returned from the Khilj 1 expedition, having adjusted matters. On Monday, the 1st of Rabi’u-1 Awwal he had an interview with the Amir, was kindly received, and returned.

Next day, he had a private audience with the Amir; they read mid-day prayers, and it was soon learnt that the Amir had made over to him the city, fort, and environs of Ghaznin. He said : “ 1 will return by the spring. Take great care that no evil

1 The original says “ Balkh,” but “ Khilj ” must he meant, as it was before repre- sented that the Kotwal was sent against that people. The Amir as well as the minister have already spoken about sending Portigin to Balkh.

befals the city, for my son Maudud, the minister, and a large army, will be away. Whatever may happen during the winter, in the spring I will settle the matter in another fashion. The astrologers have declared that my star is not propitious during this winter.” The Kotwal replied, “ To secure the ladies and treasure in strong forts is preferable to carrying them ii^o the plains of Hindustan.” The Amir rejoined, — “ I have deter- mined that they shall remain with me, and may Almighty God grant us all peace, welfare, and success during this journey!” He then went away.

At the time of afternoon prayers, the officers of the army went and sat with the Kotwal, and held a long conversation, but it was of no avail. God only knew the secret of what was to happen. They said, — “ To-morrow we will throw the stone again, and see what will come of it.” The Kotwal observed, “ Although there is no use in it, and it is very vexatious to the Amir, yet it will be proper to make another attempt.”

Next day, the Amir held a private audience after the Darbar with Mansur Mustaufi, and said he still wanted several camels to enable him to go, but they were not procurable, and he was much vexed at it. The chiefs came to the Darbar, and ’Abdu-1 J alii the son of Ivhwaja ’Abdu-r Razzak sat amongst them and said, — “ I cannot stay to hear any ridiculous suggestions,” and went away.

They then came down to the Iron Gate and sat in the room with four projecting windows, and sent to me to say, they had a message for the Sultan, which I was to deliver quickly. I went and found the Amir sitting in his winter apartment, alone with Mansur Mustaufi, and i^ghaji at the door. I sent in to an- nounce my arrival, and the Amir said, “ I know he has brought a formidable remonstrance ; let him come in and tell me.” I came back to them, and said, “ A holy man tells no lies to his lord, yet, though he never heard my message, he said you have brought a handful of nonsense.” They said, “We must at any rate cast this responsibility from our own shoulders.” So they

stood and dictated a long message to me, to the same effect as the minister had written, and even plainer. I said, “ I have not ability sufficient to remember every particular in the order in which you dictate ; it is better that you should write, for when it is written, he must necessarily read the whole.” They said, “ You have spoken well.” So I took a pen, and wrote most fully, while they stood by suggesting improvements. They then wrote their signatures at the bottom, attesting that this was their message.

I took it to the Amir and stood while he read it over twice, deliberately. He then said, — “ Should the enemy make their appearance here, let Bu-1 Kasim Kasir give up to them the wealth he has, and he may obtain from them the appointment of ’Ariz. Let Bu Suhal Hamaduni, who also has wealth, do likewise, and he may be appointed minister. Tahir Bu-1 Hasan, in like man- ner. I am doing what is right in my own estimation. You may return and deliver this short reply.”

So I came, and repeated all that I heard, when all were thrown into despair and distraction. The Kotwal said : — “ What did he say about me?” I replied, “ I declare to God that he said nothing about you.” So they arose, saying: “We have done all that we were bound to do, we have nothing further to ad- vance,” and departed. Four days subsequent, the Amir com- menced his march.

Now this volume has been brought to a conclusion. Up to this I have written the history of the king’s going towards Hindustan, and there I have stopped, in order that I might commence the tenth volume with an account of Khwarizm and the Jabbal, com- plete up to this date, and in the mode in which history requires. After I have completed that, I will return to the account of the king’s journey to Hindustan down to the end of his life: please God!

At the end of the ninth volume I brought the history of 1 [Page 832.]

Amir Mas’ud down to that period when he had completed his arrangements for proceeding to Hindustan four days after the interview, and there I ended the volume. I beffin the tenth with an account of Khwarizm, Re and the J abbal, and Bu Suhal Hamaduni, and the period of his family’s residence here, and their departure, and of my being appointed to the Government of Khwarizm, and of my losing it and going to Re, and of Altun- tash. All this I will mention, to make my history complete. After I have performed this task, I will revert to the history of this king, giving an account of those four days down to the end of his life, of which but little then remained.

I will now commence these two chapters replete with wonders and marvels. Let wise men reflect upon this, and be well as- sured that man by mere labour and exertion, notwithstanding that he has property, armies, and military stores, can succeed in nothing without the aid of Almighty God. In what was Amir Mas’ud deficient in all the appurtenances of a king? — Pomp, servants, officers of State, lords of the sword and pen, countless armies, elephants and camels in abundance, an overflowing trea- sury, were all his, but destiny decided that he should live a reign of pain and vexation, and that Khurasan, Khwarizm, Re, and the Jabbal should depart from his hands. What could he do but be patient and resigned to the decree, that “man has no power to strive against fate.” This prince made every exertion and col- lected large armies. Notwithstanding that he was exceedingly independent of the opinion of others, and passed sleepless nights in contemplating his schemes, yet his affairs were ruined, because the Mighty God had decreed from all eternity that Khurasan should be inevitably lost to him, as I have already described, and Khwarizm, Re and the Jabbal in like manner, as I shall shortly relate, in order that this truth may be fully established. God knows what is best !

[The full title of this work is Jawami’u-1 Hikayat wa Lawa- mi’u-1 Riwayat, “ Collections of Stories and Illustrations of His- tories,” but it is commonly known by the shorter title prefixed to this article. The author was Maulana Nuru-d din Muhammad ’Ufi, who lived during the reign of Shamsu-d din Altamsh, to whose minister, Nizamu-1 Mulk Muhammad, son of Abu Said Junaidi, the book is dedicated. In one of his stories he states that his tutor was Ruknu-d din Imam, and that he attended the Madrasa in Bukhara, from which it may be inferred that he was born in or near that city. It would appear also that he was a traveller, for he speaks in different places of the time when he was in Cambay, and of when he was in Khwarizm.

In the Preface of the work he relates in very inflated language the defeat of Nasiru-d din Kubacha by Nizamu-1 Mulk Junaidi and his subsequent suicide. It does not exactly appear what part the author took in this transaction, but he distinctly says that he was besieged in the fort of Bhakkar with Nasiru-d din, and he was evidently well acquainted with all the details. A short abstract of this account will be given at the end of the historical extracts.

The work may shortly be described as a Romance of History. It bears much the same relation to the history of India and Central Asia as the “ Memorabilia of Valerius Maximus” bear to the History of Rome. Gen. Briggs (Firishta I. 23 and 212)

describes it as “ a collection of historical stories and anecdotes illustrative of the virtues, vices, and calamities of mankind, but more useful in commemorating the prevailing opinions of con- temporaries than as a source of authenticity.” This estimate of the work is somewhat tempered by the remarks of Mr. Thomas (Prinsep I. 37,) who says, “ the compiler of a succession of tales does not ordinarily carry the -weight that belongs to the writer of history ; and favourite oriental legends, as is well known, are suited from time to time with many and various heroes, but the author of the Jami’u-1 Hikayat is something better than a mere story-teller and his residence at Dehli under Altamsh (a.h. 607, a.d. 1211) gave him advantages in sifting Indian legends of no mean order.” Many of the stories which are here recorded of historical persons have no doubt a foundation of fact, but some of them have certainly been amplified and embellished to make them more agreeable reading. Thus the story about the miraculous spring of water which is said to be quoted from ’Utbi enters into details which are not to be found in the original relation ( supra

The work is divided into four Kisms or parts, each con- taining twenty-five chapters, but the first part is the longest and comprises about half the work. The first five chapters are de- voted respectively to (1) Attributes of the Creator, (2) Miracles of the Prophets, (3) Marvellous Stories of the Saints, (4) Anec- dotes of the Kings of Persia, and (5) Anecdotes of the Khalifas. The next chapter is upon Justice, and all the rest are similarly devoted to the illustration of some moral or intellectual quality. This arrangement, however well adapted to accomplish the object of the author, is particularly perplexing to those who are seeking for historical or biographical notices, and a long and laborious search is necessary to find any anecdote which has not been care- fully noted down. The extracts which follow have therefore been arranged in something like chronological sequence, but the chapters from -which they are taken are always specified so as to make easy a reference to the original.

A great number of different books are mentioned as the sources from which the stories have been derived. Among them are the Tarikh Yamini, Tarikh-i Kasiri, Tarikh-i Muluk-i ’Ajam, Tarikhu-1 ’Abbas, Majma’u-l Amsal, ’Ainu-1 Akhbar, Sharfii-n Nabi, Faraj b’ada-1 Shiddat, Khalku-1 Insan, Fawaid-i Kutb-i Hikayati, Miftahu-1 Hajj,Sarru-l Dari, Shajratu-1 ’ Akl, Akhbar-i Baramika, etc.

The work has been a popular one, and has served as a mine from which many subsequent writers have drawn largely. Haji Khalfa notices three different Turkish versions, and one of these has been described by Hammer- Purgstall.

Besides the Jami’u-1 Hikayat the author produced a Persian Tazkira, bearing the title “ Lubabu-1 Albab,” which is, however, more of an Anthology than a Biography.

Copies of the Jami’u-1 Hikayat are not uncommon. Sir H. Elliot used in India two large folio MSS., one containing 850, and the other 1000 pages. There is a fine copy in the East India Library. The Editor has had three large MSS. for use and reference. One fine perfect copy in Naskh characters be- longing to Mr. H. T. Prinsep, size, 16 x 11 inches ; another in folio belonging to the late Raja Ratan Sing, of Bareilly, in which the third Kism is deficient, and lastly, a MS. which for- merly belonged to Ranjit Singh and is now the property of Mr. Thomas. This last contains only the first two Kisms, but as far as it goes it is fuller and more accurate than the others. The different copies vary considerably in the number of stories.1

Stratagem of the Minister of King Fur of Hind.

It is related in the books of the people of Hind that when Fur the Hindu succeeded to the throne of Hindustan, he brought the country under his rule, and the Rais made submission to him.

1 See Haji Khalfa II 510; Bampoldi YI. 485, 514, XI. 185; Gemaldesaal II, 244 et passim ; Assassins, 221, Goldene Horde XXYII ; Firishta I. 23, 212, IV. 420 ; Jahrbiicher, No. 70.

He liad a minister exceedingly clever and intelligent, unequalled iu ability and unsurpassed in ingenuity. This minister main- tained a firm government and made himself most valuable to his master. Under him the power of the Brahmans was curtailed and their mummeries unheeded ; hence they hated him, and con- spired to overthrow him. They at length resolved to write a letter to F ur in the name of the deceased Rai to this effect : — “ I am very happy where I am, and the affairs of my State are well administered, still I am distressed for the want of my minister, for I have no one like him to confer with, — you must send him to me.” They sealed this with the royal signet, and gave it to one of the king’s personal attendants, with directions to place it on his pillow while he was asleep. When the king awoke, he saw the letter, and having read it he sent for his minister and showed it to him, telling him that he must prepare for a journey to the next world. The minister evinced no re- pugnance, but expressed his willingness to go. He knew full well that the dead cannot write, and that they have no power to send letters and messengers, so he felt assured that this was a plot of the Brahmans. He said to the King, “ Grant me one month that I may make preparation for my departure — to satisfy my enemies, redress some injuries, and bestow a few gifts and offer- ings on the meritorious, so that I may depart in peace.” The King granted the respite. The minister then had a large hole dug in the open ground, and all around it he had quantities of firewood placed. He then had a tunnel dug from his house to this hole, and made its outlet immediately under the firewood. When all things were ready, the minister took leave of his master, who gave him a letter addressed to his father saying, “ Accord- ing to your command, I have sent my minister, and I am now awaiting further directions from you, for I will do whatever you desire.” The King proceeded to the appointed place, the minister placed himself under the firewood, and the Brahmans set fire to it. The minister then went through the tunnel to his home, and remained closely concealed there for four months. At

the end of that time, he one night sent information to the King that his minister had returned from the other world. The King was amazed, hut the minister waited upon him, and kissing the ground, presented a letter written in the language of the King’s father, which said, “You sent me the minister in compliance with my direction, and I am greatly obliged ; still I know that your kingdom is going to ruin without him, and that all the affairs of State are in confusion, so I send him back to you, and make this request, that you will despatch the Brahmans to me, so that I may be at peace and your throne may receive no injury from them.” When the King had read this, he called the Brah- mans before him. and made known to them the communication he had received. They were greatly alarmed, and saw that it was all a trick of the minister’s, but as they were unable to ex- pose it, they were all burnt.

When Bahram resumed the government, and again exercised a beneficial influence over his subjects, he desired to examine the country of Hindustan, and bring it under subjection. So he placed his army and country in charge of his brother Zasi, and clothing himself in the garb of a merchant he went to Hindustan. At that time the Rai of Hind was named Shankal, who in dignity and prosperity, in territories, treasures, and armies, ex- celled all the other Rais.

Bahram arrived in his territory, and made himself acquainted with all its affairs. It happened that at this time a huge elephant made its appearance in the forest without the city, and so dis- tressed the people that all traffic on the road was put a stop to. The King’s men were unable to prevent this, but Bahram went out against it, and, single-handed, killed it. This exploit beino- reported to the Rai, he called Bahram before him, and asked him who he was, whence he had come, and for what reason he had hitherto kept aloof from him. These questions Bahram

answered by saying that he was a native of Iran, that he had fled thence to save his life, which had been attempted by the king of that country, who for some reason had become inimical to him. On hearing this, Shankal treated him with great kind- ness and received him into his especial favour. Bahram re- mained in attendance upon Shankal, until shortly after a power- ful enemy rose up against and threatened the Rai, who, deeming himself not sufficiently strong to hold his own, wished to sub- mit to, and become a tributary of his invader. This, however, Bahram would not hear of, but, ■ putting himself at the head of an army, expelled the enemy. This feat made his courage famous throughout Hindustan, and Rai Shankal, having wit- nessed his valour, and how by his aid the enemy had been over- thrown, loaded him with honours. One day, Bahram was drinking wine in the company of the Rai, and having become intoxicated, blurted out the following Persian verses : —

“I am that ferocious lion ; I am that huge elephant ;

My name is Bahram Gur, and my patronymic Bujabala.” 1

Shankal heard this, and becoming aware that his friend was Bahram, he rose up, and leading him into the presence chamber, and kissing the ground before him, excused himself for his apparent neglect, saying, “ though greatness is depicted in your countenance, yet I, through my blind folly, have hitherto been wanting in the respect due to so exalted a character. I stand before you stupified, and shall ever bless my fate, if you will but condescend to take up your abode at my residence, and grace my poor house with your august presence. I am altogether and devotedly at your service. Your orders shall be my law, even should you command me to leave my kingdom and become an exile.”

Bahram answered, “ You have nothing to reproach yourself for ; you have invariably treated me with the greatest kindness and hospitality, and have done all, nay, more than all, that could

1 The Haddiku-l Baldghat and the Magma’ u-s [Sandy a say that this was the first verse composed in the Persian language.

be expected. One request I would make of you. You have in your harem a daughter, whose beauty outshines the sun, and whose figure shames the cypress. Give her to me, by so doing our friendship will be more strongly cemented, and you will have laid me under the deepest obligation to you.”

Shankal promptly complied, and gave him his daughter in marriage, and many gifts and presents. He also made such mag- nificent preparations for the ceremony, that they became the topic of conversation amongst all people. Bahram, protected by the prestige of his name, returned to Ih’an. His army and subjects came forth to meet him, and celebrated the joyous occasion by sacrificial offerings, almsgiving, and every sort of festivity. Bahram, gratified by the delight his subjects showed on his return, gave orders that the taxes of seven years should be refunded to them, and that for the ensuing seven years, all busi- ness should be set aside, and the people should give themselves up to complete ease and pleasure.

Accordingly, all devoted themselves to the pursuit of pleasure, and neglected their professions, and trade, and farming ; in con- sequence of which, an utter stagnation of all commerce ensued. No grain was grown — a dearth followed, and the condition of the people was altogether changed. On seeing this, Bahram directed that the people should divide the day into two portions, — the first half was to be spent in work and business, and the other half in ease and enjoyment. This arrangement being carried out, the time flew by with lightning speed.

Bahram Gur, while out hunting, observed a party of shop- keepers diverting themselves in the evening with drinking in a boat without musicians. He asked them why they had no min- strels, and they replied that his Majesty’s reign was a happy one for musicians, who were in great demand, and could not be obtained even for a high price. They themselves had offered

100 dirhams, but could not get one. Bahrain said he would con- sider the matter and provide for their pleasure, so when he got home he wrote off" to Shankal requesting him to send a supply of them. Shankal accordingly sent 1000 sweet-voiced minstrels to Persia, there to dwell and multiply. The present Solis are descended from the colony which came over upon this invitation.1

It is related that when Kisra (Nausliirwan) became king and inherited vast possessions, he sent an officer to Hindustan,3 en- trusting him with the government of that country, and told him that he should rule with equity over the subjects and not distress them by tyranny and injustice, for until the people were made happy, the country could not be populated and his fame would never spread itself over the world. The first object in becoming a king is to obtain a good name. The officer promised to observe these precepts, and accordingly marched towards Hindustan. He had no sooner reached its borders, than he taxed the subjects and demanded one year’s revenue from them. He exacted from them one-tenth of their property, and the people finding it too heavy for them to pay, objected, saying that the former kings had exempted them from such a payment, and they could not submit to such a rule. They therefore consulted with each other, and addressed a petition to Kisra, containing a full representation of the case. Kisra consequently ordered that it was but proper for them to follow the customs and rules of their forefathers, and any others ought not to be introduced.

Muhammad ’I/fi, the compiler of this work, observes that he never heard a story to be compared with this. He had once been

1 The same assertion is made in the Tabakat-i Ndsiri.

2 [I have not found this story in either of the MSS. that I have used. — Ed.]

in Kambayat (Cambay), a city situated on the sea-shore, in which, a number of Sunnis, who were religious, faithful, and charitable, resided. In this city, which belonged to the chiefs of Guzerat and Nahrwala, was a body of Fire-worshippers as well as the congregation of Musulmans. In the reign of a king named Jai Singh, there was a mosque, and a minaret from which the summons to prayer was cried. The Fire-worshippers instigated the infidels to attack the Musulmans, and the minaret was destroyed, the mosque burnt, and eighty Musulmans were killed.

A certain Muhammadan, a khatib, or reader of the kliutba, by name Khatib ’All, escaped, and fled to Nahrwala. None of the courtiers of the Rai paid any attention to him, or rendered him any assistance, each one being desirous to screen those of his own persuasion. At last, having learnt that the Rai was going out to hunt, Khatib ’All sat down behind a tree in the forest and awaited the Rai’s coming. When the Rai had reached the spot, Khatib ’Ali stood up, and implored him to stop the elephant and listen to his complaint. He then placed in his hand a kasida, which he had composed in Hindi verse, stating the whole case. The Rai having heard the complaint, placed Khatib ’Ali under charge of a servant, ordering him to take the greatest care of him, and to produce him in Court when required to do so. The Rai then returned, and having called his minister, made over tem- porary charge of the Government to him, stating that he intended to seclude himself for three days from public business in his harem, during which seclusion he desired to be left un- molested. That night Rai Jai Sing, having mounted a drome- dary, started from Nahrwala for Kambayat, and accomplished the distance, forty parasangs, in one night and one day. Having disguised himself by putting on a tradesman’s dress, he entered the city, and stayed a short time in different places in the market place, making enquiries as to the truth of Khatib ’Ali’s complaint. He then learnt that the Muhammadans were oppressed and slain without any grounds for such tyranny. Having thus learnt the truth of the case, he filled a vessel with

sea water, and returned to Nahrwala, which he entered on the third night from his departure. The next day he held a court, and summoning all complainants he directed the Khatib to relate his grievance. When he had stated his case, a body of the infidels wished to intimidate him and falsify his statement. On this the Rat ordered his water carrier to give the water pot to them that they might drink from it. Each one on tasting found that the vessel contained sea water, and could not drink it. The Rdi then told them that he had felt unable to put implicit confidence in any one, because a difference of religion was in- volved in the case ; he had himself therefore gone to Kambayat, and having made personal enquiries as to the truth, had learnt that the Muhammadans were the victims of tyranny and oppres- sion. He said that it was his duty to see that all his subjects were afforded such protection as would enable them to live in peace. He then gave orders that two leading men from each class of Infidels, Brahmans, Fire-Worshippers,1 and others, should be punished. He gave a lac of Balotras2 to enable them to rebuild the mosque and minarets. He also granted to Khatib four articles of dress.3 These are preserved to this day, but are only exposed to view on high festival days. The mosque and minaret were standing until a few years ago. But when the army of Bald4 invaded Nahrwala, they were destroyed. Sa’id Sliaraf Tamm rebuilt them at his own expense, and having erected four towers, made golden cupolas for them. He left this monument of The Faith in the land of Infidels, and it remains to this day.

In the city of Nahrwala there was a Bat who was called Jai Sing. He was one of the greatest and wisest princes of the time.

1 [ Tarsd . This name is used for Christians and for Fire-worshippers. It would also sometimes seem to he applied to Buddhists.]

2 'I'hese Balotras appears to derive their name from the Balas.

• [One MS. writes this name “ Balwa,” another “Malu.” — Malwa ?]

Before his time there was no Rai in Guzerat and Nahrwala. He was the first man who possessed dominion and claimed sove- reignty there. He ruled over the country with great gentle- ness, and controlled the other chiefs. When his fame had reached all quarters of the world, the Rai of Daur,1 who was the head of all the Rais of Hindustan, heard of him and sent ambassadors to ascertain upon what grounds he had assumed royalty ; for in former times there was no Rai in Nahrwala, which had only been a den of thieves, and threatening that if he did not relinquish his pretensions he would lead an army against him, and hurl the very earth of Guzerat into the air with the hoofs of his horses. When the ambassadors arrived and delivered the message, the Rai showed them the greatest civility and hospitality. One night the Rai changed his clothes, putting on such as were worn by soldiers, and having buckled a sword round his waist, he went out and proceeded to the house of a courtezan, and having bargained with her, he stayed in her house that night, but kept himself under control, When the woman was fast asleep, the Rai took away all the clothes and property he could find, and buried them in a certain place. He then turned homewards, but as he was going along he saw a weaver, who was engaged in weaving cotton. He called him and said, “ If to-morrow you are brought before the Rai, and are charged with having committed a theft in the night preceding, you first deny it, but afterwards confess and say that you buried the property in such and such a place. Rest assured that you shall receive no harm, but shall be made happy by my reward.” Next morning, the Rai mounted an elephant, and the ambassa- dors of the Rai of Hind rode out with him, intending to go to the forest. When they had gone a little way, the Rai saw the courtezan worrying the chief police officer of the city, and saying, “ Last night my clothes were stolen ; find out who the thieves

1 Perhaps meant for Dravida, or the country of Coramandel ; on which name see M. Reinaud, Memoire sur I’lnde, p. 284, and Fragments Arabes, pp. 104 and 121. Mr. Thomas’s MS. reads “ Kaur.”]

were, or make good the loss.” The Rai asked what the woman was saying, and what she was complaining about. He replied that she complained of a man who came to her house in the previous night, and consorted with her, and when she was asleep stole her clothes. I want time to find the thief or the clothes, but she will not hear of any delay. The Rai said, “ She is right. She had only those clothes, and it is your duty to be vigilant, and as you have been negligent you must pay the penalty.” The police officer replied, “ It is as the king says ; still if a man goes at night to the house of a prostitute and carries off her clothes, how am I to blame ? I promise, however, that if I do not find the thief within a week I will pay the value of the things.” The Rai replied, “ You must find the thief instantly, or I will punish you as a warning to others.” The police officer said it wTas not in his power to produce him. The Rai asked him, “Would you like me to find him?” and the poor man replied, “ Yes.” There was an idol of stone in Nahr- wala resembling; a negro. The Rai told the ambassadors that this idol was obedient to him. He then made a signal to it, and waited a moment, then turning his face towards the ambassadors he said, “Do you see this negro?” They said, “We see nothing.” The Rai then addressed it, saying : “ A theft was committed last night, and the clothes of a prostitute were stolen ; tell me where they are.” After a short time he exclaimed, “ They are buried in such and such a place.” People proceeded to the spot, and there found the things which had been stolen. The police officer said, “ If the Rai would be pleased to give the necessary directions the thief also might be caught and punished.” The Rai answered : “ The idol says you have recovered the stolen goods, what more do you want?” The police officer still pressed the point, and the king replied, “ The idol says he will direct you to the thief if you will promise to pardon him.” The officer gave the required promise, and the king then said, “ The idol says that a weaver who dwells in such and such a place was the thief.” The weaver was brought forward. At first he denied

the theft, but at length confessed, and told them where he had buried the clothes. The ambassadors were surprised at this. Some days after, Jai Sing Deo said to the ambassadors, “ Go and tell your master that I have a slave who, if' I give him the order would bring your master’s head to me in a moment ; but as he is a great king, and his territory is a long distance off, I will not molest him. If, however, he again shows hostility, he shall get the punishment he deserves.” The ambassadors re- turned and related all the circumstances to their master. The Rai of Daur was much alarmed, and sent him great presents. By this artifice the Rai of Nahrwala gained his purpose, without shedding the blood of a single man.

In the city of Nahrwala there lived a Hindu merchant who having deposited nine lacs of Balotras in the hands of a certain person, after some time died. The trustee then sent for the merchant’s son and said, — Your father left with me niue lacs of Balotras. The son replied that he knew nothing about it, but that there would probably be mention made of the transaction in his father’s accounts. These he sent for but could find nothing about nine lacs ! on this he observed : “ Had my father entrusted anybody with so large a sum, surely mention would have been made of it in his account book ; this not being the case, I cannot feel myself justified in taking possession of the money.” The trustee urged the youth to take the money, but he still refused, and the contention grew hot between them. At last thev agreed to refer the matter to the arbitration of Rai Jai Sins Deo, who gave it as his opinion, that since the two could not agree as to the disposal of the money, it was advisable that it should be ex- pended on some work of lasting utility, so that the real owner would reap the reward of virtue and charity. Accordingly, the ‘ nine-lac reservoir,” the finest in the world, hitherto unsur-

passed by all that the cleverest and wisest have executed or imagined, was built ; and remains to be seen to this day.

A certain Rai of Hind conferred on his brother the chieftain- ship of Nahrwala. This brother was of an exceeding cruel and wicked disposition. He made counterfeit dirhams and circu- lated them in different parts of the country. After the lapse of some time, a certain person became acquainted with this dis- honest act, and reported it to the Rai, who, on hearing it, sent a powerful force which captured and sent this brother to him.

It happened curiously enough, that this brother had given one of his servants some poison with instructions to go and seek employment in the Rai’s kitchen, and, when opportunity offered, to administer some of the poison to the Rai, in order to procure his death, so that he himself might succeed to the vacant throne. On his employer’s capture and imprison- ment, it occurred to this servant that, as things had so fallen out, it was advisable that he should inform the Rai of the circumstance. So he went to the king and having showed him the poison, told him of the plot his brother had laid against his life. On hearing this, the Rai returned thanks to Almighty God for his great escape, and punished his brother for his in- tended crime. Thus by this act of royal justice was he saved from assassination, and the fame of his goodness spread abroad through all nations.

The following is one of the most interesting stories relating to the people of India. There was a Rai of Nahrwala named Gurpal,1 who surpassed all the other rulers in Hindustan in good

1 [This name is so given in the draft translation made in India, and it is written “ Gurhal” in Raja Ratan Singh’s MS ; but in the other MSS. that I have used it is Alurbhr,” and “ Alddbal.”]

qualities and amiable disposition. Before he had been raised to the throne he had passed many of his years in beggary, during which period he had experienced all the vicissitudes of fortune, having shared both its smiles and frowns, and endured all the miseries of travel. When he obtained power he exercised it with a right appreciation of the duties of a ruler, remembering his own days of adversity he afforded full protection and justice to his subjects, ruling with impartiality and equity.

It is said that one day having left the city, he rode into the surrounding country on an elephant. While looking about him, his eye suddenly fell on the wife of a washerman who was going to the jungle to wash clothes. She was dressed in red, and of surpassing beauty ; all who beheld her became passionately in love with her and lost all control over themselves.

The Rai overcome by the feelings her beauty excited in his heart, turned his elephant towards her and was tempted to let his passion get the mastery over his better feelings. Suddenly he came to himself, and, restraining his wrongful desires, said, “ 0 passions you are doing wrong, beware. Good never comes to him who does ill.” He then turned back filled with remorse, and assembling all the Brahmans, he ordered them to prepare fuel, declaring his intention of burning himself alive. The Brahmans asked him what sin he had committed. He then told them of the wicked desires he had entertained in his heart. The Brah- mans having heard his relation, said that they undoubtedly must burn him, and that even then the expiation would be incomplete. For he was king, and his power supreme; if he could not restrain his passions, then in a short time all the female inhabitants of the city would become degraded and all the offspring illegitimate. It was right, therefore, that he should immolate himself, and by so doing, obtain forgiveness for his sins, and enter into eternal life. Wood was then brought, and a funeral pile having been made, it was lighted. When it was thoroughly on fire and the flames mounted high, then the Rai made preparations to throw himself into the midst, but the Brahmans prevented him, saying :

“ The work of expiation is complete, inasmuch as the fault was of the mind and not of the body. The innocent should not be punished for the guilty, had your body been a participator in the crime, then indeed it had been necessary to have burnt it also. Your mind has already been punished and purified by fire.” They then removed the Rai from the pyre, and he in celebration of this sacrifice, gave as a thank-offering one lac of Balotras, and bestowed large sums in charity.

“ If a king be just, although he he an infidel,

His country -null he secure from all injury and loss.”

March of the King of Zabulistan upon Kanauj.1

In the early part of their career there was friendship between the King of Zabulistan1 and the Rai of Kanauj, but it ended in animosity and war. The King of Zabulistan marched against Kanauj with a large army. The Rai called together his advisers and asked their opinions, when each one spoke to the best of his ability. One of them said that he had a decided opinion on the matter, hut he could only speak it in private. The Rai ordered the council chamber to be cleared, when the minister said : “ War is attended with great dangers, and the result is doubtful ; the best thing the Rai can do is to inflict punishment upon me and to drive me forth in disgrace to the highway, so that when the enemy shall approach, I may be taken to act as his guide. I will then lead them into the desert so that all may perish with thirst, and you will thus be relieved from all apprehension. The Rai praised him for the proposition he had made, and a few days after he put it in execution, giving orders for him to be expelled the country. The Hindu then went and placed himself in the way of the King of Zabulistan, and when the king drew near with his army, the Hindu made his case known. The king said “ How can a minister who has been thus treated have any kind

1 [This is another version of the story told hy AbCi R'lhan at page 11, supra-, and a similar one is given with Mahmud for the hero, at page 191, infra.']

feeling towards his persecutor?” The Hindu said, “All this was done on the absurd suspicion of my being friendly to you.” He then added, “ From this place where you now are to that where the Rai is, the distance is eleven days’ journey by the desert, but no one besides me knows the road, and the Rai feels secure that your army cannot make the passage ; if, however, you will assure my life and will hold out promises and hopes of reward, I will lead you by that way and enable you to take the Rai by sur- prise.” The king gave orders for his army to provide eleven days’ provision of grain and water, and plunged into the desert. After marching twelve days their water was exhausted, and they nowhere found a trace of any. The king called for the Hindu, and asked how it was that they had not come to any water. He replied: “I have accomplished my object in bringing you here, and have discharged my duty to my master. You are now in the middle of the desert, and no water is to be found within eleven days march — my work is done, do with me as you please.” A cry arose from the bystanders, and a commotion broke out in the army. The king in the extremity of his despair mounted his horse and galloped in all directions. He perceived a hillock crowned with verdure, and joyfully directed his men to dig a well there. When they had sunk about ten yards they came upon some excellent water, at the sight of which the king and all his army gave thanks to God. Each man dug a well in front of his tent, and gained new life. The king then called together his elders, and asked what ought to be done to the man who had misled them. They all declared that he ought to be put to death with the most cruel tortures, and each one specified some particular mode of torture. But the king said, “My judg- ment is that you should give him a little water and let him go. What he has done has been out of pure devotion to his lord and master ; to save him he has risked his own life. He has done what he intended, but our good fortune has rendered his scheme abortive.” So they gave him water and permission to depart. The story of this incident spread, and through it the

whole country of Kanauj was secured to him, and the people bowed their heads in obedience.

Rat Kamlu and the Governor of Zabulistan.1

It is related that ’Amru Lais conferred the governorship of Zabulist an on Fardaghan and sent him there at the head of four thousand horse. There was a large Hindu place of worship in that country, which was called Sakawand,2 and people used to come on pilgrimage from the most remote parts of Hindustan to the idols of that place. When Fardaghan arrived in Zabulistan he led his army against it, took the temple, broke the idols in pieces, and overthrew the idolators. Some of the plunder he distributed among the troops, the rest he sent to ’Amru Lais, informing him of the conquest, and asking for reinforcements.

When the news of the fall of Sakawand reached Kamlu,3 who was Rai of Hindustan, he collected an innumerable army and marched towards Zabulistan. Upon hearing of this march Fardaghan secured several Hindus and sent them to Hindustan. These men entered the camp of Kamlu and reported to him that when Fardaghan had conquered Sakawand, he immediately despatched people to different quarters of the country, calling for additional forces, knowing that the Hindu would certainly endeavour to take revenge. The result was that an army of Muhammadans had been collected around him, such as would coerce the very ends of the earth. Behind him also the army of ’Amru Lais was advancing, with the design of leading their antagonists into the defiles and there slaughtering them all. When Rai Kamlu heard this intelligence, he halted where he was, and was very cautious in his movements. In the mean- time, Fardaghan received reinforcements from Khurasan, such that the enemy had not the power to cope with. By this in- genious device he succeeded in his object.

1 [The text of this story is printed in Thomas’ Prinsep, Yol. I. 317.]

2 “ Bah&ivand ” in another place. [See supra p. 140.]

There is a stoi’y to be found in some Hindu works, that a man having bought a house from another, began to make alterations in it. While prosecuting these he happened to light upon a concealed treasure. He took the money to the former owner, and said, “ I have discovered this treasure under the wall of the house I purchased from you.” The man replied — “ I sold the house just as I bought it, and know nothing about the money. I cannot take it, as I do not believe myself to be entitled to it.” On this they both agreed to go to the king and deliver the trea- sure up to him, that he might expend it on some work of public utility. Accordingly they went, and having represented the whole case, made the money over to the king. On this the king exclaimed — “ You are people of the middle class, and meddle with what does not become you. I am entrusted with the re- sponsible duty of managing and adjusting the affairs of my sub- jects, and to me God has entrusted the reins of government. How can I take this charitable money?” The men replied, “ You are the king, and we come before you in this difficult case, in order that it might be settled by your justice and equity.” The king then told them to make some marriage arrangement between their families. It happened that the seller of the house had a daughter, and the purchaser a son, so the daughter of the former, with the money in question as dowry, was given in marriage to the son of the latter. The king from an innate sense of justice, would not suffer the skirt of his robes of equity and righteousness to be soiled by the dirt of oppression and dishonesty.

I have read in a book that certain chiefs of Turkistan sent am- bassadors with letters to the kings of India on the following mis- sion, viz. : that they, the chiefs, had been informed that in India drugs were procurable which possessed the property of prolonging

human life, by the use of which the kings of India attained to a very great age. The Rais were careful in the preservation of their health, and the chiefs of Turkistan begged that some of this medicine might be sent to them, and also information as to the method by which the Rais preserved their health so long.1 The ambassadors having reached Hindustan, delivered the letters entrusted to them. The Rai of Hind having read them, ordered the ambassadors be taken to the top of an excessively lofty mountain, and then he told them that, when the hill on which they then were should be rent asunder and thrown down, then he would give them their answers, and permission to return to their own country. The ambassadors on hearing this became greatly alarmed, and despaired of living to revisit their home, relations, and friends. They pitched their tents in the valleys, and fervently prayed to Almighty God for deliverance from their troubles. They spent their whole time in offering up prayers to heaven. In this manner a long time passed. At last having one day offered up their prayers to God most earnestly, they observed the mountain shaking. The sorrow of their hearts had moved the heart of the mountain. It began to totter, and presently its lofty summit toppled over and fell to the ground. Having lifted up their voices in praise and thanksgiving to God, they informed the Rai of what had occurred. The Rai said “this is my reply to your mission. Though you are few in number, having given up your minds to prayer, by the force of your devotions you have caused the mountain to fall down. Your kings rule tyrannically, so that the people pray earnestly for their destruction, and by means of their prayers they at last blast the prosperity and annihilate the power of their oppres- sors. It is the paramount duty of all those in whose hands authority and power are placed, to walk in the path of justice and benevolence, in order that those who are weak should be

1 This was a favourite persuasion of the Orientals. In the fourth Book and fifteenth chapter of this work, the third story relates to a chief of Jalandhar, who had attained the age of 250 years.

strengthened and protected by the law, and that those who are wealthy should enjoy their riches in peace and security. Wealth is but a faithless friend, and life but an uncertain companion ; neither one nor the other is enduring and permanent.”

A certain Indian prince had in his employ a minister remark- able for his learning and wisdom. The prince had also some slave girls, who were most elegant and beautiful, and possessed of every imaginable charm. One day the minister went before the king while these slaves happened to be in attendance, for the transaction of certain business. The minister cast an eye of love on one of them, and then perceived that the prince was observing him. He therefore still kept his eye fixed in the same direction. For twenty years he continued in the prince’s service, and every time he went into the presence he kept his eye fixed in that direction. By this means he allayed the royal jealousy, as the prince thought that the glance he had observed was not inten- tional, but merely the effect of a natural squint.

At the commencement of the career of Ya’kub Lais, a body of his friends bound themselves to raise him to the dignity of chief. When Salih Nasr had taken Sistan, and become powerful, they ob- served to Ya’kub that Salih had grown strong, and that if he did not take heed at once, he would not be able to do much afterwards. Ya’kub consulted with an old and wise man in this matter, who said, “ It is as your friends have told you, something must be done instantly.” Ya’kub then asked him what steps he should take, and the old man replied that there were two divisions of Salih’s army — one the Sanjaris, the other the Bustis, and the best thing he could do was to irritate the Sanjaris by telling them that though battles were won by their hard fighting, the

plunder obtained by the conquests was carried off by the Bustis. “ By your persuading them of this,” said the old man, “hostility will be created between them. They will separate from each other ; and in all probability the Sanjaris will come over to you, because they are fully aware of your skill and address, and of the courage you have shown in battle; they are also conscious of your having saved them from the Kharijis.” Ya’kub acted upon this advice, and so worked upon the Sanjaris, that enmity sprung up between them and the Bustis, and Salih Nasr found himself in a very precarious situation. The Sanjari troops went over to Ya’kub, and when Salih Nasr saw that affairs were come to extremities, he proceeded with his army of Bustis towards the enemy. Ya’kub, Ibrahim and Hafz came forward and encamped at the pass of Ghanjara. Ya’kub resolved to make a night attack, and Salih being apprized of it, fled in alarm towards Bust. Thus did Ya’kub, by a clever stratagem, obtain the victory over his enemy.

Almighty God endowed Ya’kub Lais with a very lofty mind so that he rose from the most abject position to the highest pitch of glory and prosperity. He encountered many dangers and passed through great difficulties, till at length he aspired to the acquisition of dominion. When Salih Nasr1 fled from before him, he went and joined Rusal,2 and excited him to collect his troops and march against Ya’kub Lais. Rusal assembled his armies, and placed Salih Nasr at the head of the foremost divi- sion. Ya’kub Lais on receiving the intelligence, called together some old and experienced men and asked their advice as to the

1 In one of the stories of the next chapter Ya’ktib is said to have been the dartvan, or doorkeeper of Salih Nasr.

2 In most of the passages where the name recurs in this story it is spelt as “ Rusal,” but in one as “ Ratbal,” and in another as “ Ratbil.” [Mr. Prinsep’s MS. has “ Rasal” and “ Eutsal,” but Mr. Thomas’ “Zambil.” See Yol. I. pp. 167, 168.]

means of repelling the invasion of Rusal. They advised him to oppose the enemy, and represented that although he had a small force, yet he ought to trust in the help of God, and resort to every wile and stratagem to harass his opponent, but not to engage in a pitched battle. When Ya’kub reviewed his army, it was found not to consist of more than three thousand horse. However, he proceeded to oppose Rusal, and when he reached Bust, people derided him, saying, “ How can he fight against Rusal with this small number of horse.” Ya’kub Lais now had recourse to stratagem and deception. He sent one of his confiden- tial servants to Rusal with a message to say that, he wished to come and meet him, and render him homage ; he knew he was not able to cope with such a potentate, but that if he should tell his people that he was going to meet Rusal, they would not obey him, and might possibly kill both him and his dependants. He had consequently told them he was proceeding to give battle to his enemy, in order to induce them to accompany him ; but that when he should join Rusal and make his submission, they must perforce follow his example. When the ambassadors of Ya’kub came to Rusal and delivered the message to him, it was very agreeable to him, because he wras greatly harassed by Ya’kub, who continually made incursions into his country, and attacked it in different directions. He made the ambassadors welcome, and sent messages to Ya’kub, giving him many kind promises and holding out hopes of preferment. Ya’kub despatched his messengers one after the other, and to prevent his followers from being disheartened he told them that he had sent the messengers to reconnoitre the enemy’s army.

When both the armies came in front of each other, Rusal called Salih Nasr and told him that as the enemy had come to proffer his submission, there must be no fighting. A day was fixed for a parley between the parties. It was not the habit of Rusal to ride a horse, but he used to sit on a throne which a party of his servants carried on their shoulders. When both the armies were drawn up in array, Rusal seated himself upon his throne

and ordered his troops to stand in line on each side of it. Ya’kub with his three thousand brave horsemen advanced between these two lines, and bis men carried their lances concealed behind their horses and wearing coats of mail under their garments. The Almighty made the army of Rusal blind, so that they did not see the lances. When Ya’kub drew near Rusal, he bowed his head as if to do homage, but he raised the lance and thrust it into the back of Rusal, so that he died on the spot. His people also fell like lightning upon the enemy, cutting them down with their swords, and staining the earth with the blood of the enemies of religion. The infidels, when they saw the head of Rusal upon the point of a spear, took to flight, and great bloodshed ensued. The bride of victory drew aside her veil and Ya’kub returned victorious. Next day six thousand horsemen of the infidels were sent prisoners to Sistan. He also placed sixty of their officers on asses, and having hung the ears of the slain upon the necks of these officers, he sent them in this manner to Bust. In this conquest he obtained such immense treasure and property that conjecture cannot make an estimate of them.

Salih Nasr fled from the field and went to the king of Zabu- listan. His troops deserted him and joined Ya’kub, who, after he had secured peace to the country, sent a messenger to the ruler of Zabulistau requesting him to surrender Salih Nasr. His request was complied with ; and when Salih came, Ya’kub put him in prison, where he died. The hostility which the people of Bust had shewn to Ya’kub, he now retaliated upon them. He fixed the same poll-tax upon them as was levied from the Jews, and this was collected with severity, This victory which he achieved was the result of treachery and deception, such as no one had ever committed.

When Alptigin, the master of Subuktigin, deserted the Sama- uians and went to Ghaznin, they were by his departure reduced

to jrreat destitution, and serious disturbances broke out in the country. We will make mention in the proper place of this occurrence, as well as of his reasons for separating himself from them. On his reaching Ghaznin, the garrison shut themselves up in the fort and refused to surrender to him. He, therefore, pitched his camp without, and speedily possessed himself of the suburbs and surrounding country.

There he exercised his power with such impartiality and re- gard for justice, that the people around were in the enjoyment of perfect peace. One day he was going along the road when he perceived a party of his servants coming from a village, with poultry slung from their saddle-straps. Having stopped them, he enquired how the fowls came into their possession. They pretended that they had purchased them in a neighbouring- village. On this Alptigin sent a horseman to the village with instructions to bring the head man of it into his presence. When he was brought, Alptigin asked him whether the men had bought the fowls or seized them by force. The man appeared desirous of hiding the truth, so Alptigin told him to tell the truth on pain of punishment. The man then said, “ When a Turk comes into a village he does not buy fowls but always takes them by force.” On hearing this, Alptigin gave orders that the culprits should be punished with death. Those around implored mercy, and entreated that some lesser punishment than death might be inflicted on the thieves. He complied with this request, and ordered the offender’s ears to be bored and the birds to be suspended from them by a string tied to their legs. This having been done, the birds, in struggling to escape, so flapped and beat with their wings the men’s heads and faces that blood flowed copiously from the wounds inflicted. In this condition they were paraded through the army. The news of this act of justice having reached the ears of the people, they all assembled together, and agreed that a man so upright and just -was worthy to be their ruler. That very evening they went to him and agreed upon the terms of capitulation. The following day the

city was surrendered. So, by this one act of judicious impar- tiality he became possessed of the city of Ghaznin, which rose to be the shrine of prosperity and abode of wealth.

When Bilkatigin1 went towards Ghaznin, the Samanians were informed that the Turks were coming from Khurasan. He (the king) sent his minister, Abu Is’liak, with a large body of men, and another force also to stop the advance of the enemy. When information of this design reached Bilkatigin, he despatched Subuktigin with his followers to frustrate it. Subukti- gin observed that the passes were narrow and difficult, and that his enemies were acquainted with them, while he was a stranger. He therefore considered it advisable to employ stratagem in re- sisting them. So he proceeded to the head of one of the passes and there formed three ambuscades, in which he placed some of his men, while he with another party advanced into the pass. When the enemy saw the smallness of his force they came out and attacked him. Subuktigin pretending to fly from before them, induced them to leave the passes in which they were posted, and they were thus drawn out into the open plain. Amir Subuktigin then made such an attack on them that the earth shook, and the enemy fled with precipitation to seek safety among the passes.

Subuktigin then let loose his three ambuscades, and these falling on the foe ere they reached the defiles, not one of them escaped. Subuktigin then cleared the passes of the enemy’s men, and he (Bilkatigin) having witnessed the dauntless courage of Subuktigin, spoke of him in terms of admiration. He went through the passes in safety, so that not a single camel was missing; and this was solely attributable to the judgment of Subuktigin.

1 [See a coin of this chief and some observations on the time of his reign by Mr. Thomas in Jour. E. A. S. Vol. xvii. p. 140. See also Tabakdt-i Nasiri, infra.']

When Bilkatio-m1 came from Khurasan to Ghaznm and took ©

possession of the country, the chief of it, Abu ’All Kubak,2 abandoned it.3 Bilkatigin soon gave himself up to debauchery, and entrusted Subuktigin with the management of the city. In this high post, Subuktigin discharged the duties with great efficiency and courage, and with all vigilance and care. One day, Amir Bilkatigin took wine, and held a great carouse, and from early dawn to midnight was engaged in drinking. He also endeavoured to persuade Subuktigin to drink, but with- out success. When the curtain of darkness was drawn over the face of the sun, Amir Bilkatigin fell into a sound sleep, but Subuktigin was very watchful and his eyes were open like the stars. Suddenly he heard a noise which proceeded from some corner, and immediately after it was followed by an uproar. With lamps and torches he went in that direction, and then he saw a body of armed men standing in the street, ready to raise a tumult. He demanded, in a loud voice, who they were ? They gave an incoherent reply. Subuktigin threatened to attack them, when they were constrained to confess that a body of malcon- tents had conspired to make a rising that very night, and, as a sign of their success, to light a fire upon the roof of the fort. At this signal, Abu ’All was to bring up his force, capture Bilkatigin and his adherents, and drive all his troops out of the country. Subuktigin, on hearing these words, killed four men upon the spot and rushed out of the fort. He found a large

1 [The munshi’s translation had the name “ Alptigfn,” on which Sir H. Elliot made a note that another copy (Ratan Singh’s) read “ Badkatig'm.” The name is Bilkatigin in Mr. Prinsep’s MS., and consequently I have substituted that name in the translation.]

2 [Mr. Prinsep’s MS. has “ Amir Ali Kuhad , and, when the name next occurs, Kubak. Sir H. Elliot read the name as “ Uvek.” The Tabakat-i Nasiri (post) reads the name Amir Anuk. See Journal R. A. S., xvii. p. 141.]

3 M. Reinaud observes that Ibn Haukal, wbo, in consequence of his personal acquaintance with Abb Is’hhk Ibrahim, might be supposed to be well acquainted with the affairs of the Ghaznivides, does not mention to whom Ghazni belonged when it was taken by AJptigin. — Memoire sur I'Inde , p. 244.

number of men assembled in arms, who -were waiting for Abu ’Ali Kubak. He put them all to the sword, and then advanced against Abu ’AH. He took his brother prisoner, and then re- turned to the city. When morning dawned, Amir Subuktigin brought some of the insurgents, with the heads of some of those he had killed, to Bilkatigin, and related the whole story of the transactions of that night. The Amir expressed admiration of his conduct, and considered him worthy of great favours ; and because he was very cautious and never negligent of his enemy, he appointed him his deputy and elevated his rank above that of all his equals. He also rewarded his companions with five hundred thousand dirhams. All this was the fruit of watchful- ness. Wise men know that vigilance is necessaiy in all cir- cumstances.

It is related by Abu-n Nasr ’Utbi in his work called Tar'ikh Yaminl 1 that the King of Kabul made war upon the Muhamma- dans at the beginning of the career of Nasiru-d daula Subuktigin. When intelligence of this war was brought to the Amir Nasiru-d din, he called out his forces from Khurasan to oppose him. Sultan Mahmud was then about fourteen years of age. Amir Nasiru-d din summoned his officers and consulted with them upon the plan to be pursued. Amir Mahmud gave it as his opinion that the best course was to go in advance of the army and seek a strong place in the mountains, where they might make themselves secure, and from whence they might make nocturnal and unexpected assaults upon the enemy. They would thus prevent the foe from advancing against them, and distress him with incessant raids. The counsel was approved by all, and Amir Nasiru-d din advanced and occupied a position near Bagliru.3 The King of Kabul marched thither with a countless army, and for some time the opposing forces encamped there.

1 [Mr. Frinsep’s MS. reads “ Tarikh-i Daulat-i Yarning]

One day a woman of the neighbourhood came to Amir Nasiru-d din and told him that there was a spring not far oft’ in the moun- tains which had this property, that if tilth was cast into it the sky became overcast, snow and storms followed, and the weather became so cold that no one in these parts could endure it. This cold and foul weather would last as lon<? as the filth remained in

the fountain. He sent and had some dirt thrown into the spring. Cold and stormy weather followed. The army of Hind was reduced to extremities, and the Musulmans were completely victorious.1

It is said that Sultan Yaminu-d daula Mahmud Subuktigin had been long enamoured of the sister of Ayaz — he was sincerely attached to her, and anxious to espouse her. But it occurred to him that he might by this act incur the reproaches of the neigh- bouring kings and princes, and forfeit the respect and esteem of his own servants. This apprehension he entertained for a long time.

Abu ISTasr Mishkani says — “ I was one night in attendance on the king, and when all the assembly was gone, he stretched out his legs and ordered me to “shampoo” them. I knew that he certainly intended to tell me some secret. At last he said, “ It is a maxim with wise men that there are three people from whom a secret should not be concealed, viz. : a skilful physician, a kind preceptor, and a wise servant. I have been long greatly per- plexed, but I will this night unburden my mind and learn your opinion on the matter.” I observed, “ I am not worthy of the high honour done me by the king, but as he, in his high wisdom has determined it, I will to the best of my ability represent what may appear to me as good or evil in the matter.” The king said, “ It has long been a secret within me, that I am desirous of espousing the sister of Ayaz. But will not the neighbouring 1 [See page 20, supra.]

kings call me a fool and low-minded, and will not you also, my servants and slaves, speak ill of me in respectable society. I ask your advice in this matter; have you ever heard or read, in any history, of kings wedding the children of their slaves ?” I made obeisance and said — “ Many cases similar to this have occurred. Several kings of the Samanian dynasty married their own slave girls. This act will not seem to the world as derogatory to the king’s honour and rectitude. Perhaps your Majesty is unaware that Kubad, at the time he went to Turkistan, took as his wife the daughter of a villager, from whom was born Naushirwan. In Persian history, I have also read that Bahrain Gur married a washerman’s daughter. The Sultan asked me the particulars of the story, so I said, “ I have heard that one day Bahrain Gur went out hunting, and having started a stag, fol- lowed it so far that he became separated from his train. He felt thirsty and went towards a village. He there saw a washerman sitting on the edge of a pond washing clothes ; his wife and daughter wrere sitting by him with a heap of clothes ready to be washed. Bahrain approached them, and said, ‘ 0 washerman, give me some water to drink.’ The washerman stood up, and having paid him the usual marks of respect, ordered his wTife to fetch some water for the king. She took the cup, and having washed it several times in clean water, said to her daughter, ‘ I am not a virgin, man’s hand has touched me, but you, who are an unbored pearl, should give the water to the king.’ The girl took the cup and brought it to the king, who, looking at her, per- ceived that she was incomparably beautiful and charming, and possessed of excellent disposition and manners. He then asked the washerman if he would admit him as a guest for that day, who replied, that if the king could be contented with dry bread he would spare nothing in his power; saying this, he spread a clean cloth on the bank, and Bahrain sat down. The 'washerman then took his horse and fastened it to a tree, and gave his daugh- ter a fine cloth with which she fanned the king, and protected him from flies. He himself hastened to the village and procured

food, wine, meat, in short, everything on which he could lay his hand, he brought. He gave his daughter the wine and cup, and ordered her to act as cup-bearer to the king. On which she cleansed the cup, and having filled it with wfine, brought it to the king, who took her hand within his — she kissed them. Bahram said, ‘ 0 girl, the lips are the place to kiss and not the hand.’ The girl paid her respects, and said that the time had not yet come for that. The king was sui-prisec^ at the elegance of her appearance and the eloquence of her speech. They were thus engaged when the train of Bahram appeared in sight. He told the girl to conceal her face, on which she pulled her veil over it. He then on that spot having performed the nuptial ceremony, placed her on an elephant under a canopy, and made her father ride away with them ; her mother also accompanied them.”

When the Emperor heard this story, he was much pleased, and bestowed presents upon me : saying, “ Y ou have relieved me of this care.” After two days he espoused the sister of Ayaz.

When Khwaja Ahmad acted as minister to Sultan Mahmud (may God be merciful to him !) all the principal officers of State were inimical to him and traduced him to the Emperor, who thus contracted' a great dislike to him, and was desirous of removing him from office. On this subject Abu Nasr Mishkan says that Arslan wrote him a letter, saying that “ The king is displeased writh Khwaja Ahmad, and wre, his Majesty’s servants, must beware of resisting his will. But in common charity we are bound to declare wffiat we know or have heard. Khwaja Ahmad is undoubtedly the most able minister of the time, and has been very useful to our sovereign. He has long beeh. in government employ and has experienced great changes of fortune. It is now some time since Le was appointed Minister of State, and now all men of influence, rank, and dignity are his enemies. The cause of their hatred to him is his devotion to his master, and his dis-

regard of their wishes and pleasure. His associates in office are also inimical to him for the same reason. You would do right to communicate this letter to his Majesty, although I know that his mind has been so perverted by them that my counsel will be useless. Still the time may come when his Majesty may feel some regret, when he will not check but excuse our represen- tations.”

Abu Nasr Mishkan continues : I read the letter and for a

long time I was watching for an opportunity to lay it before the king. I also received constant messages from the minister imploring my support and assistance. I replied that it would not do to be precipitate, but that I must wait till a suitable occasion offered itself.

The Sultan Mahmud also knew that I was watching my op- portunity, but he kept strict silence on this matter, till at length it happened one day that the Sultan went out on a hunting excursion, and though it was not customary with me to attend him, yet on this occasion I did so. The Sultan asked me why I, who never went out hunting, had now come with him. I re- plied that it was always the duty of a servant to attend on his master. The Sultan then said, “ I know that you have come in order that you might speak to me about Ahmad, but matters like these ought not to be forced upon me.” I replied, “ May your Majesty’s judgment he always right.” He then became silent and spoke not another word. That day and that night passed by. On the next night the Sultan was drinking wine and enjoying himself, when he made me sit down with him, and he talked upon all sorts of topics. At length he asked me if I had ever heard or had ever read in any book that ministers were their king’s enemies. I said, “ No ; but I have read that the man is foolish £fhd stupid who seeks to be a minister.” He asked wherefore, and I replied, “ Kings cannot endure that any one should share their authority, nor will they allow any one but themselves to give orders. If the office of minister is given to one who is looked upon as the dearest of friends, before a week

has passed he is deemed an enemy and is despised.” Nothing farther passed at this meeting. After his return to Ghaznin, he was sitting one nisrht alone, and callino- for me, bade me be seated, and said, “ Hitherto I have kept silence with you regarding Ahmad. Now be mindful that you tell me the truth without equivocation or reservation.” I replied that I would obey his Majesty. He observed that Ahmad was an experienced and well qualified minister, who had been in the sendee from his youth, and had conferred lustre on his office, but he held his master in slight esteem, and he was at the same time covetous of the wealth of the Musulmans, which he extorted from them, and opposed the king’s orders. He said that he had been informed of many oppressive acts towards the slaves ( ghulam ) and such people. That he had resolved on his dismissal, and that all with whom he had consulted on this business had concurred with him. He then asked me what I had to say on the subject. I replied, that “What your Majesty in your wisdom deems most advisable is certainly best, — who can gainsay it ?” The king then insisted on my expressing an opinion, — I said, “Arslan Jazib1 had sent me a letter,” and having it with me, I shewed it to him, and begged his permission to give him my views on the case to the best of my ability. The king consenting, ordered me to speak. I then said, — “If the charges of oppression and opposition which have been brought against the Khwaja are proved to your Ma- jesty's satisfaction, they must not be passed over, but punish- ment must be meted out to the minister, so that no injury may come to the country. But if, on the other hand, merely suspi- cions have been excited in the king’s mind, then search and enquiry must be patiently made throughout the country for a man competent to fill Ahmad’s place. On such a man being- found, then his Majesty may follow his own will and pleasure. If one cannot be found, the greatest precautions must be taken.” Having finished, the king said he would consider of it, and gave

1 [One MS. calls him “Jhzib,” another “Khariz.” Baihaki uses the former name, p. 135, supra .]

me permission to depart. At last, the Khwaja was deprived of his situation and imprisoned, but the king soon regretted it, for the affairs of the State and country fell into great confusion.

When Yaminu-d daula Mahmud came to the throne, and the effects of his greatness spread through all countries, and his rule swept away the idol temples and scattered the worshippers, some sharp men of India formed a plan (for enriching them- selves). They brought out a dirham of great purity and placed a suitable price upon it. Time passed on and the coin obtained currency. Merchants coniine: from Muhammadan countries used to purchase these dirhams and carry them to Khurasan. When the people had grown accustomed to the value of the coin, the Indians began by degrees to debase the standard. The mer- chants were unaware of this depreciation, and finding a profit upon silver, they brought that metal and gold from all parts of the world, and sold it for (debased coins of) copper and brass, so that by this trick the wealth of the Muhammadans was drawn to Hindustan.

When ’Alau-d daula1 ascended the throne, this grievance had become intolerable, and he determined to remedy it, and con- sulted with the merchants as to the measures most proper to be taken to effect this purpose. They advised that the debased coinage should be exchanged for good from the royal treasury. Accordingly ’Alau-d daula gave the necessary orders, and 100,000,000 dirhams were issued from the treasury to the mint, and thence distributed to the servants of the Almighty as redress and compensation. The fame of this act spread the lustre of Alau-d daula’s glory throughout the world.2

1 “ ’Alau-d daula” is not the title of the Mas’ud who succeeded Mahmud, but of Mas’ fid III.

2 [A translation of this story is given by Mr. Thomas in Jour. Ii. A. S., Yol. xvii. p. 181.]

In the reirn of Sultan Yaminu-d daula Mahmud, and in the days when Khwaja Hasan Mainland! was his minister, there was a man called Abu Ahmad Suhal Barar. He was a great spend- thrift, a peculator and a wine-bibber. At one time twenty thou- sand mans of indigo, which belonged to the Sultan, fell into the hands of the son of Ahmad.1 Some of this he sold and spent the proceeds. One day, Abu Suhal Barar came to the minister to pay his respects. The minister said, “ I have heard that your son has embezzled government property, when you saw him doing so why did you connive at it ? Do you think that I will pass it over? Should he who possesses such a name as Ahmad (‘most laudable1) be such a fool and commit such follies 2” In short, he expressed himself in unmeasured terms. Abu Suhal exclaimed, “ May your life, my lord, be increased ! pardon my son ; his name is Ahmad, and he should be forgiven.” The Khwaja was extremely annoyed, but laughed at his ignorance and folly. He said to Abu Suhal, “ You are worse than your son. Curses be upon you, thoughtless fool.” Abu Suhal, on hearing this abuse, did not even then perceive that what he had said (was improper), nor did he consider that his name was Ahmad, and that it did not become him to utter such words. He commenced to retort in disrespectful language, and said, “Perhaps somebody has excited you against me, and consequently you are thus angry with me.” The Khwaja replied, “Ko, I have heard it from your own tongue.” He then dismissed him ignominiously from his service.

It is proper for those who have access to kings and great men, that they should take heed to their actions and speech, and neither do or say anything boldly and rashly, to bring shame

1 It appears from a statement of Ibn Haukal, that the Sultans used to reserve a large portion of indigo to themselves as a sort of royalty. — See M. Iteinaud, Memoire sur VInde, p. 245.

and destruction upon themselves. They should behave respect- fully towards their master, so that they may reap tlie benefit of their services.