4. Volume 2 — part 4

One night Sultan Mahmud was drinking wine, while his sons, Muhammad and Mas’ud, were present. Abu Nasr Mishkin says that, when some time had passed in this manner, the con- versation happened to turn upon Amir Subuktigin, when the Sultan offered up prayers for his father, and his eyes were filled with tears. He said, “ My father (may God’s mercy be on him !) had established very good rules for the management of the country, and took great pains in enforcing them. I thought that when he should be no more, I should enjoy the exercise of my power in peace and security, and eat and enjoy myself. I also considered that after his demise I should become a great king. But the truth was revealed to me when he died and his shadow was removed from my head, for since his departure I have not had one day’s happiness. You think I drink this wine for pleasure, but this is a great mistake. I take it merely as a device to gain a few days’ peace, and relieve the people from all annoyance from me. These my sons entertain similar ideas to those which I did in my youth ; but when the kingdom devolves upon them, they will find out the truth.”

His sons made their obeisances and said, “May such thoughts never enter our minds. We both desire to sacrifice our lives at your Majesty’s feet.” The king commended them and bade them to sit down, which they did, but they soon afterwards departed. He then (says Abu Nasr) called me to him, and making me sit down, he stretched his legs towards my lap, and I shampooed them for a short time. He asked me what I thought of his sons, I kissed the ground and answered, “ What can I say, how can tonoue describe the excellencies of those two suns of grandeur, and those two moons of the heaven of prosperity ! Thank God,

they possess such qualities as are beyond all expression.” He said, “The excellence you ascribe to them does not, mean much.”1 (I said) “Fathers know best the character of their sons.” He then enquired whether I had a son. I replied, “ Yes, I have one, his Majesty’s slave.” He said, “ Tell me by my soul and head, is he like you, aud as worthy as you 2” I anwered, “ My lord, you know all, but my son is young, and not old enough to have shown what his real disposition is.” On this the king- observed, “ Let him grow up and then you will see that he will not be worth your finger ; if he is he will be one of the marvels and wonders of the time. Mas’ud,” he continued, “is a proud fellow and thinks there is nobody better than himself. Muham- mad is stout of heart, generous, and fearless, and if Mas’ud in- dulges iu pleasure, wine, and the like, Muhammad outdoes him. He has no control over himself, has no apprehension of Mas’ud, and is heedless of the important concerns of life. I fear I find but little satisfaction in the thought of Muhammad succeeding me ; for woe to him at the hands of Mas’ud, who will devour him, and woe also to the generals of my army, for Mas’ud is a very covetous man and has great love of money. If he should hear of any officer possessing a little property, he will be sure to destroy him in a few days, and appoint some worthless fellow in his place. It will thus come to pass that in this great kingdom every one will strive to benefit himself, and you may imagine the pass to which matters will come.” I replied, “ My lord, may you ever enjoy sovereignty ! dominion in this kingdom will for ever remain in this family !” The conversation was continued for some time in this strain, and when the Sultan went to sleep, I returned. Eventually what the king had said came to pass in every particular. The history of Muhammad and Mas’ud is well known, and will be related in this book in its proper place.

[The MSS. differ slightly here, but the sense appears to he as translated.]

A stratagem similar to that narrated in the last story1 was employed when Sultan Yaminu-d daula was returning from Somnat. Two Hindus came to him and offered themselves as guides. They led the way for three days and conducted him into a desert where there was neither water nor grass. The Sultan asked them what kind of road they called that by which they had come, and whether there were any habitations iii the neighbourhood ? They replied that they had been commissioned by the Raf, their chief, and had fearlessly devoted themselves to the work of bringing him thither. “ Now you have,” continued they, “ the sea ( darya ’ azim ) before you, and the army of Hind behind. We have done our business, now do you do with us what you like, for not one single man of your army will escape.” In the midst of this conversation, a water-fowl was suddenly seen flying in the air. The Sultau said, where there are water-fowl there must be sweet water, and proceeded after it. At length he reached the banks of a great river, the water of which was very brackish and quite unfit to drink. He was in this plight when he perceived another water-fowl, he followed it up and came to a village in which they discovered sweet water. He then ordered a suitable punishment to be inflicted on the two guides. Upon searching the village they found an ’Alawf (descendant of ’All) who was dwelling there with his family. They asked him if he knew the road, but he declared his ignorance, adding that there was an old man in another village who knew all the intri- cacies of the roads.

The Sultan then had the ’Alawf and his sons mounted on camels, and went with them to the village mentioned. He called the old man before him and inquired where the ford was. The old man said he had never seen any one cross the river excepting on one occasion when it was crossed by a body of men, but the place where they passed he could not tell. Had he 1 [See p. 170, supra."]

strength to walk, perhaps he might find it out. On this the Sultan ordered him to be placed on horseback, and the old man led them to a certain spot on the bank of the river, when he said, I think this was the place where the passage was made. The Sultan sent some men- into the river, but nowhere did they find it fordable. The Sultan, casting himself upon the protection of Providence, regardless of himself and fearless of the consequences, with the name of God upon his tongue, urged his horse into the stream. His whole army and all his attendants followed his example, and, with the assistance of God, crossed the water in safety. This was one of the many marvellous deeds of the Sultan, in which also the treachery of the infidels became evident to all men.

When Sultan Mahmud sent costly presents to the ruler of Ivirman, the ambassador who took them proceeded via Tabbas. In the desert of Khabis1 there was a body of Kafaj2 and Buluchis who robbed on the highway. They were eighty in number, and had built a stronghold upon an eminence, and had sunk a well. They had committed many robberies, but their conduct had never yet reached the ears of the Sultan. When the ambassador came to this place these people came out and carried off all the presents and rarities in his possession. Some of the men at- tached to the embassy were slain, but others who escaped re- turned to Tabbas, and there reported the circumstance to the Sultan, who was proceeding from Ghaznxn to Khwarizm by way of Bust. When he arrived at Bust, Sultan Mas’ud came from Hirat and met him. On his arrival, the Sultan would not look at him or give him his hand, but appeared evidently dis- pleased with him. Mas’ud was greatly alarmed, and kissing the

1 [Khabis in Kirman. Variously written in the MSS. as Habas, Hasar, Hasir, Habis, and Khabis.]

2 [So in Mr. Thomas’ MS. The word representing Kafaj is illegible in Mr Prinsep’s MS., and is- omitted in Ratan Singh’s.]

ground, lie asked wliat fault he had committed ? The Sultan replied, “ How can I be pleased with you, and why should I look at you. You are my son, and yet robberies are committed under your nose without your knowing anything about them?” He replied, “ Oh king, I was staying in Hirat, and if robberies are committed in the desert of Khabis, what fault is it of mine?” The king replied, “ I care not what you say, but I will not look at you unless you bring all the thieves to me, either alive or dead.” Sultan Mas’ud, after his interview with the Sultan, returned to Hirat, and there having chosen a party of two hundred men he started in search of the robbers, making continual enquiries about them. On approaching their fort, it occurred to him that they would probably have spies about, and that on hearing of the approach of so large a body of horse, they would take to flight. He therefore ordered fifty horsemen to fasten on their turbans, give their horses their heads, hide their arms under their saddles, so that no one could see them, and to ride forward and keep the enemy engaged until he should come up. He himself slowly followed with 150 horse. The robbers fought strenuously, seeing only a few horsemen before them, but sud- denly the Sultan Mas’ud came up in the rear and captured them all. Not one of them escaped, forty were slain, and forty were sent prisoners to the Sultan. Large booty also was taken. The Sultan ordered them to be punished, and they were executed in a most ignominious way. The fame of his vigilance and justice thus spread far and wide.

A band of robbers had collected in the desert of Kirman, and whenever the king sent a force against them they saved them- selves by flight. Sultan Mas’ud was informed of this when he was king in ’Irak, and after some consideration he hit upon a plan for getting rid of them. Some poison was taken out of the store-house, and a quantity of apples were brought from Isfahan.

He then directed a trusty servant to make holes in the apples with a bodkin and to introduce the poison. When the apples were all poisoned, they were given in charge of a caravan that was passing through the desert. A party of the king’s men was also sent with the caravan, and directed to lag behind when they approached the haunt of the robbers. The caravan would no doubt be attacked and taken, and the robbers would eat up the apples and all of them would die. The king’s men were then to advance and liberate the caravan. This scheme was effectually carried out. The thieves, delighted with their prize, devoured the apples, and no one that ate thereof ever rose again. Sultan Mas’ud’s men then came up, released the merchants, and restored them their goods without any loss. By this ingenious scheme 1 the robbers were destroyed without giving any trouble to the soldiers. The wise may thus learn that stratagem will accom- plish that which a thousand horsemen cannot effect.

An injured man came to Sultan Mas’ud and complained that as he was proceeding to Ghor, the chief of the country seized and foi’cibly took from him all his property. A letter was conse- quently written to the chief directing the restoration of the man’s property. The man got the letter and took it to the chief of Ghor. The chief was vexed, and ordered him to be punished. The man returned to Ghazuin and complained once more against the Gliorians. The Sultan directed that another letter should he written in threatening terms, that if the chief did not in every ■way satisfy the man, he would march against him and humble his pride. The man said, “ 0 king, direct that the letter be written in as small a compass a3 possible, because I shall be forced to swallow it, and if there is but a small quantity of paper it will be the easier to get down.” Sultan Mas’ud was extremely incensed at this, and on the same day pitched his

1 [“ Uilah-i latif,” a clever or pleasant trick.].

tents, and marched against Glior. He took possession of the country, and chastised the chief, returning to the poor man more than had been taken from him. The Amir of Glior was thus punished for his tyranny.

It is related in the Tarlkh-i Nasirl that during the time Amir ’Abdu-r Rashid reigned at Ghaznln, he had a young slave named Tuman, a man of bad disposition, base and low minded, ’Abdu-r Rashid was, however, favourably disposed towards him, and conferred on him a high rank. The slave began to interfere in the affairs of government, and being a mean and worthless fellow he did all in his power to ruin and extirpate the nobles and great men. He showed favour to Abu Suhail Razihl, and they both joined cause and conspired against the great Khwaja, the minister of the throne, ’Abdu-r Razzak. He quarrelled with Ahmad Maimani and had him suspended and called to account. He elevated his own brother, called Mubarak Marde, to high rank, and at last entrusted him with several offices at Parshawar. He encouraged tale-bearers and back-biters, and these people obtained great influence at c<5urt. They gave false reports, representing that the assignments were in excess of the autho- rised amount, and this brought destruction upon the kingdom, for the government servants and the orphans were subjected to reductions in a manner which had not been resorted to by any one before.

Amongst the other slaves who were notorious for their wicked- ness and bad character, was one whose name was Khatlb Lut. This man was exalted by him and made accountant of the state, an office which had been held by Khwaja Abu Tahir Husain with great credit and to the satisfaction of the government. When three months had elapsed after the Khwaja’s appoint-

1 [I have not found this story in the MSS. that I have used. — Ed.]

ment, he was ordered to go to Hindustan, and after collecting the revenues of that country, to return to the capital.

Khwaja Abu Tahir proceeded to Hindustan, and in every place that he visited he found an agent of Tuman oppressing the people and exercising authority ; and thus great embarass- ment had arisen in the affairs of the state. The Khwaja reported all the circumstances to the Secretary of State, which office was then held by Abu-1 Fazl Baihaki. When numer- ous reports had been received from Husain, Sultan ’Abdu-r Rashid threatened Tuman with condign punishment. Tuman now became an enemy of Abu-1 Fazl, and secretly circulated false reports against him. The Sultan, without investigation, ordered Tuman to seize and imprison Abu-1 Fazl, and plunder his house and property.

When Abu-1 Fazl was removed, Tuman had an unbounded field for the exercise of his power. He confei'red a khil’at of in- vestiture on Khatib Lut, and sent him to Parshawar. This officer lighted the fire of oppression, and exalted the standard of blood- shed. He made all kinds of demands upon the people. When Khwaja Husain reached Parshawar to examine and report upon the affairs of that province, people complained to him against the Khatib. The Khwaja admonished him, but it was all in vain. The Khatib gave him disrespectful replies and uttered abusive words against him to his very face. Husain could not restrain his indignation, and ordered him to be taken away from his presence. The matter was reported to Tuman, who told ’Abdu-r Rashid that as Khatib Lut was aware that Husain had unlaw- fully exacted money from the people, the latter had thrown the Khatib into prison with the view that he might retain in safety the money which Husain had extorted.

When Tiiman had made these representations, Amir ’Abdu-r Rashid ordered him to go and bring Husain a prisoner to the court. Tuman marched the samenioht to Parshawar with three

hundred thousand1 horse, and when he arrived there he showed

1 “Thousand” is omitted in the Zinatu-l majdlis, which gives us the same anecdote.

the royal mandate to the governor of the place. He seized Khwaja Husain, and took Kliatib out of prison. He dishonoured and disgraced many good Musulmans, and then returned to the court.

Khwaja Husain was put in heavy chains, and when they had reached the pass at Budri some horsemen came and reported that Amir ’Abdu-r Rashid had himself been murdered, and that the ingrate Tughril had usurped the government. On re- ceiving this intelligence, the soldiers, horse and foot, all came forward to Khwaja Husain and said unto him, “ circumstances have now taken altogether a different turn : he who had triumphed has been vanquished, and now we are all ready to obey your command. What orders may you be pleased to address to us?” The Khwaja replied, “Your first duty is to remove the chains from oft’ my feet, and put them on those of Turn an.” Upon this the soldiers seized Tuman, pulled him down with great ignominy, and put the chains on his feet. They placed the Khwaja on a horse, and Tuman, Ivhatib Lut, and his other slaves were seated on camels, and in this manner they took them to Ghaznin. God the most glorious and powerful thus punished Tuman for his wickedness. The moral of this story is to show the consequences of tale-bearing, and to teach that great and wealthy men should not encourage base characters, or take wicked men into their favour, and thus bring disgrace and shame upon themselves.

One day when Sultan Razi Ibrahim (God’s mercy on him !) was in Ghaznin, he saw a labourer carrying a heavy stone on his head to some building which was then in course of erection, and that he staggered under the load. The Sultan, observing his suffering, ordered him to put down the stone. The labourer obeyed his orders, and after that time the stone remained on that identical spot. One day, some of the royal attendants represented to the

king that the stone was still lying in the plain, that it frightened the horses and prevented them passing on quietly, and that it would be well if the king gave the order to have it removed. The king said, I have once ordered it to be placed where it is, and there would be an incongruity in my now ordering it to be removed. So the stone remained lying in the plain of Ghaznin, and in order to maintain the words of the Sultan, his sons also would not, any of them, suffer it to be taken away.1

It is narrated that after the demise of Sultan Mas’ud bin Ibrahim, Malik Arslan, his son, mounted the throne, and deter- mined to overthrow Sultan Bahrain Shah. This prince fled from his brother, accompanied by only one of his attendants, and they took the precaution of having their horses shod backwards. He proceeded first to Sistan, from thence to Kirman, and at last he threw himself on the protection of Sultan Sanjar, who, espous- ing his cause, marched to Ghaznfn against Malik Arslan, and defeated him there, on Wednesday, the fourteenth of Shawwal, a.h. 511 (Feb. 1118, a.d.). Sultan Sanjar appointed Sultan Bahram Shah his deputy in Ghaznin and Hindustan, and having seated him on the throne, he himself went to Balkh. When Sultan Sanjar had returned, Malik Arslan again advanced to recover his kingdom, and Bahram Shall retired towards Balkh, from whence Sultan Sanjar sent out a force to meet him. He thereupon returned to Ghaznin. Malik Arslan fled before him, and being pursued, was captured in the Shakran2 hills, and despatched to the next world. The army then returned to Balkh.

1 [This story is told in the AkJdak-i Muhsini, but is there attributed to Mahmud.]

2 These are the hills spoken of in the account of Sultkn Jalalu-d din’s retreat to Hindustan. [The name is written “ Safian” in Mr. Prinsep’s MS.]

Muhammad Sam’s Victory over Kola _Pithaura] d

It is related that when the martyr Mu’izzu-d dunya wau-d din Muhammad Sain (May God illumine his tomb,) was about to fight the second time against Kola, between Hanjar3 and Tabar- hindh, 3 it became known to him that (the enemy) kept their elephants drawn up in a separate array when preparing for action. The horses were afraid of them, and this was an element of disaster. When the opposing forces approached each other and the camp fires were visible on either side, the Sultan gave directions that every man should collect plenty of wood before his tent. At night he directed a party of soldiers to remain in the camp, and to keep fires burning all the night, so that the enemy might suppose it to be ’their camping ground. The Sultan then marched off in another direction with the main body of his army. The infidels saw the fires and felt assured of their ad- versaries being there encamped. The Sultan marched all night and got in the rear of Kola. At dawn he made his onslaught upon the camp followers4 and killed many men. When the rear pressed back on the main army Kola sought to retreat, but he could not get his forces in order, nor the elephants under con- trol. The battle became general, the enemy was signally de- feated, and Kola was taken prisoner. The Musulmans obtained a complete victory and the Sultan returned triumphant.

When the heroic Sultan Muhammad Sam, the honour of the world and of religion, who by his sword had darkened the pros-

[The Triju-l Ma-dsir and Tabulcat-i Ndsiri [infra.) use the same term “ Kola.” The word signifies “ bastard” in Persian, and Firishta so explains it. — Briggs. Ferishta I. 179.]

2 [The orthography is doubtful. In two MS. it is Mr. Thomas’ MS. has

3 [Mr. Thomas’ MS. gives the name so distinctly. The other two MSS. are de-

fective, and simply give bSUZij) See note on the name in the Tabakdt-i Ndsiri, infra.) 4 [Buna, baggage.]

perity of the infidels, marched upon Nahrwala, he sustained a defeat, and returned without having effected his object. He then made preparations to retrieve his disasters and avenge his loss of fame and treasure. One of his well-wishers re- presented to him that in Nahrwala there resided a certain person, by name Wasa Abhir,1 who was one of the head men of the city. This man always sent consignments of his merchandize to his agents for sale, and at that time there was property belonging to him in Ghaznin, to the amount of ten lacs of rupees. It wTas suggested to the king, that were he to con- fiscate this money to his own use, he might by means of it be enabled to raise an army and replenish the exhausted treasury. The king wrote his answer on the back of the petition, to the effect that, if Nahrwala falls into my hands, then the appropria- tion of Wasa Abhis’ wealth would be lawful, but to seize his pro- perty in Ghaznin would be contrary to the dictates of justice. So he did not touch the money ; and his virtue met its reward, for it happened that, two years afterwards, the most generous king, the staff* of the world and supporter of religion (may the Almighty be merciful to him and pardon him !), marched at the head of his army from Dehli, and conquered the territory, and punished the people for their previous misconduct. So the whole world received proofs that the injury which the cause had once received was but as a black spot on the face of The Faith to guard it from the effects of an evil eye.

In the beginning of Rabi’u-1 awwal, 625 h. (Jan. 1228), the king of kings, Shamsu-d dunya wau-d din sent an army to repress the inroads of Nasiru-d din Kubacha. Unable to oppose this force, Nasiru-d din sent his forces in boats to the fort of Bhakkar. The royal forces reached Bhakkar on the 10th, and under the directions of Nizamu-1 Mulk, made preparations for assaulting the fort. The attack was made on the 1st Jumada-1 awwal, and 1 [“Rush Ainu” in one MS., “ Ashd Abhir,” in another.]

was so successful that Nasiru-d din was driven from the fortifi- cations ( hisar ) and compelled to take refuge in the inner fort (JdV ah) without the assailants losing a single man. A proclama- of amnesty to all Musulmans was then issued, which was joyfully accepted. Nasiru-d din, with his few remaining adherents offered to capitulate, on condition of being allowed to send away his sons and his treasure, but was told that he must hasten to make an unconditional surrender. He had no faith in his conqueror, and preferred death to submission ; so on the night of Thursday, the 19th Jumada-1 Akhir he went to the bank of the river and cast himself into the water. The good fortune of Nizamu-1 Mulk thus gained a complete victory.

Abu Eihan1 mentions in his writings that within the bounda- ries of Hindustan, to the east of the Ganges, in the forests of Oudli, there exists an animal called Sliaru. It is larger than a rhinoceros,2 and has two long horns and a small trunk. On the back it has four protuberances resembling four feet. It is so powerful that it will attack an elephant and tear him asunder. No animal has strength enough to contend against it, nor does man venture to hunt it, in fact nothing has power over it except death. Besides natural death, one cause of its destruction is that it often takes up an animal on its horns and tosses it in the air. The flesh adhering to the horns creates worms, which falling on its back, eat into the flesh till it becomes very sore ; they then attack its stomach and destroy it. Or, if there be a

1 [Sir H. Elliot omitted this passage from the version given by Rashidu-d di'n (Yol. i. p. 61). Reinaud’s translation says the animal is to he found in the Konkan ( Fragments , p. 109), and Rashldu-d din confirms this (Lucknow MS.). The page is introduced in speaking of the Konkan, so that there can be little doubt of the Konkan being there intended. In the passage before us, the locality is distinctly given as “east of the Ganges,” and the name of it is no doubt Oudh, though Mr. Prinsep’s MS. gives only “ Ou.” Konkan and Ganges (Gang) present only a difference of one letter in the original characters.]

2 [The word in the text may be read karg, “ rhinoceros,” or garg, “ wolf.”]

high mountain near, when it thunders, it will rush as if to attack (some unseen foe) and falling from the mountain destroy itself. People go out to pick up its horns. Its specific peculiarities (khassiyat) are not known.

This animal resembles a camel. It has two protuberances on the back and it generally has teeth, the limbs and organs of the body are venomous, and no other animal can escape it'. Its spittle, dung, etc., are all deadly poison. Whatever meets its eye becomes its prey, for it runs as swift as the wind, and over- takes all creatures. It kills every animal that it may encounter. If anyone takes refuge from it in the top of a high tree which it cannot get up, it stands at the foot, and curling its tail into a sort of ladle, it tosses its water up — this in a very few moments brings its victim down. If any one to avoid it gets into a well, it will stand at the brink and cast its duno- and urine down, and if one drop of this falls upon a man he will die.

This celebrated work is devoted chiefly to the history of Kutbu-d din Aibak, but it also contains portions of the history of his predecessor Muhammad Ghazi, and his successor, Shamsu-d din Altamsh, hut without any notice of Aram, the son and im- mediate successor of Kutbu-d din. The name of Taju-1 Ma-asir is nowhere given to the work by the author himself, but it has never been known by any other name from the earliest period. It means “ The Crown of Exploits.” Titles similar to this are common in Asiatic literature, the most celebx-ated being the Tdju-t Tawarikh of the Turkish historian Sa’du-d din Mu- hammad, better known as Kliwaja Effendi, “the Prince of Otto- man Historians.”1 Considering that the historical portion of this work is devoted exclusively to India, it enjoys a wide repu- tation throughout the Eastern Muhammadan world ; which is ascribabie less to the subject of the history than to the peculiar mode of its treatment. This has already been brought to the knowledge of European scholars by a very good account which has been given of the work by Hammer, in his life of Kutbu-d din Aibak, contained in the Gemaldesaal der Lebensieschreibungen grosser Moslemischer Herr seller, (Yol. iv. pp. 172-182). He re-

1 A. L. David’s Grammar of the Turkish Language, p. 1, where there is a long' extract given from the work. More may he found respecting the author and the work in the Biographie TJniv. Yol. xxxix. p. 399 ; the Penny Cyclopaedia, Vol. xx. p. 292, and the Geschichte d. Ottom. Other works with the title of “ Taj ” are noticed, but with some omissions, by Haji Ixhalfa ; Lexicon Biblio, Yol. ii. pp. 91-4.

marks tliat Kutbu-d dm would probably have been enrolled among other conquerors of whom history is silent, liad not Hasan Nizami of Lahore, the ■writer of the Tdju-l Ma-asir , entered into competition with Sabi the historian of Kabas, and ’Utbi the historian of Subuktigin and Mahmud. This is paying too great a compliment to the historical value of the work, for the simple style of the Tabcikat-i JSfdsiri, a work nearly contemporaneous, was much better adapted to rescue from oblivion the exploits ot Kutbu-d din, who receives his due share of notice in that history.

The Taju-l Ma-dsir is in fact exceedingly poor in historical details, though the period of which it treats is one of the most interesting in the history of Asia, — that of the first permanent establishment of the Muhammadan power in India. In contains, according to Hammer’s enumeration, twelve thousand lines, of which no less than seven thousand consist of verse, both Arabic and Persian. It is swelled out to this unnecessary magnitude by the introduction of tedious and meaningless descriptions and digressions, which amount to not less than an hundred in the first half of the work. M. Hammer considers that there are fewer in the second, as the descriptive faculty seems to have been exhausted ; but this apparent barrenness is occasioned more by the omission of the marginal notes indicating their recurrence, than by any exhaustion of the author’s power, which flows on to the end in an even strain of eloquence, which is perfectly mar- vellous for its abundance, continuity, and fantasticness. It is produced apparently with but little effort, leaving us to regret that the author should have admitted into an historical work so much rhapsodical and tropological stuff, which is of little use except to show his powers of fancy and invention. It is, however, this which constitutes its value in the estimation of oriental writers, who to this day are fond of attempting imita- tions, without any of the richly exuberant vein of Hasan Nizami.

Towards the close, indeed, there is a new variety of illustra- tion, which makes it appear that the descriptions are fewer. But though fewer, they are much longer, for here the author occa-

sionally introduces a subordinate series of descriptions, or si/ats, within one leading subject. For instance, in the second half we have images derived from mirrors, pens, and chess, each running on for many pages, but all containing several minor descriptions referrible, as it were, to those chief subjects. Here also we are introduced to new conceits, where whole sentences and pages are made to consist of nothing but sibilants and labials. Even the death of Muhammad Ghazi is not sufficient to repress the gaiety of his imagination, for we are told that, “ one or two men out of the three or four conspirators, inflicted five or six wounds upon the lord of the seven climes, and his spirit flew above the eight paradises and the nine heavens, and joined those of the ten Evan- gelists.”

Some of the passages where these descriptions are introduced are noticed in the following abstract, showing that they are derived from anything in heaven or earth, as the prolific fancy of the author may suggest. The Gemalclesaal has given the follow- ing classified distribution of them : — Of nature, its elements and phenomena, — fire, water, heat, cold, lightning, thunder, rain, snow, the sea, the desert, fields, woods, meadows, and gardens. Of seasons, — day, morning, evening, night, spring, summer, autumn, and winter. Of flowers, — the rose, the tulip, the basi- licon, the jasmin, the lily, the narcissus, the violet, the lotus, the hyacinth, the anemone. Of fruits, — the pomegranate, the apple, the orange, the citron. Of beasts, — the lion, the serpent, the elephant, the horse, the camel, the lynx, the falcon, the peacock, the dog. Of war and its appurtenances, — the contend- ing armies, arrows, bows, clubs, lances, spears, daggers, and spoils. Of musical instruments, — kettle-drums, viols, tymbals, and bar- bytons. Of beautiful women, — cheeks, hair, curls, eyes, and moles. Of festivals and their appurtenances, — cup-bearers, singers, bowls, wines, and fire-pans ; and lastly, pens, physicians, and learned men. Most of these have been given in the follow- ing abstract in the order in which they occur, and they by no means include the whole series introduced by the author.

The reader may satisfy himself of the nature of these descrip- tions by reading the commencement of one devoted to the sword, which he will find in the abstract under “ The Conquest of Gwaliar.” If he should be desirous of seeing the conclusion of it, he will find it in the Gemaldesaal , pp. 178, 179.

There is but little related of the author by biographers, and all we know of him is to be ascertained only from his own ac- count in the preface of the Tdju-l Ma-asir. He gives his own name as Hasan Nizami simply. Mirkhond in his preface, and Haji Khalfa (No. 2051), call him Sadru-d din Muhammad bin Hasan Nizami, and so he is styled by Abu-1 Fazl, in an un- translated chapter of the Ay'in-i Akbar'i. Hammer calls him Hasan Nizami of Lahore, but that was neither his birthplace nor chief residence.

Hasan Nizami was born at Naishapur, and he tells us that he never dreamt of travelling abroad, until the troubles of his native country of Khurasan induced him to seek a residence elsewhere. Another cause was that no regard was paid to learning, in consequence of these distractions, and that ignorant and envious men were seeking to injure him, for it is a matter of common observation that “the wise are rarely regarded in their own country.”1

He for a long time entertained the thought of leaving his country before he could put it into execution, and at last, when the disorders of which he complains had reached their climax, and he himself was reduced to the greatest distress, “ in the very prime of manhood, and before his hair began to turn gray,” he left his native city, notwithstanding the continued remonstrances of his friends, to which he had yielded for some time. He set out for Ghazni, at the suggestion of Shaikh Muhammad Kafi, and on his arrival at that capital, after being delayed by a severe

1 This resembles the Hindi proverb, Apne gdmv fed jog!, an game fed sidh. “ The jogi of ,his own village is a deity in another,” and our Saviour when he says, “ A prophet is not without honour save in his own country, and in his own house,” is merely repeating a common Asiatic proverb.

attack of fever on the road, lie made several agreeable acquaint- ances amongst the learned, and after a short time departed in company with some of his new friends for Delili, “the country of mercy and the altar of wealth. — The reins of choice were given to his horse, the traverser of deserts and the passer of hills. — The heat of the fiery blast opened the very gates of hell, and the wild beasts of the mountain and deserts sought for the shade of trees. — The boughs of the jungle were so closely interlaced, that the wind in the midst of them was confined like a bird in a cage. — A tiger was seen in every forest. — In every ravine and plain poisonous serpents were met with. — It came into his thoughts, will the boat of his life ever reach the shore of safety? — The crow-like Hindus had intercepted the roads, and in the rapidity of their movements exceeded the wild ass and the deer, you might say they were demons in human form, and covered with blackness.”

Having escaped from all these dangers, he arrived at Delili, and paid his respects to the Chief Judge, Sharfu-1 Mulk, and was received with great kindness. After he had resided for some time in this city, his friends recommended him to write something in the shape of contemporary history, “for the pur- pose of ascertaining the powers of his style;” and as the king had about that time issued orders that an account of his victories should be recorded, Hasan Nizami determined to engage himself upon that particular subject.

With regard to the dedication of his work, Hammer informs us ( Gemald. , iv. 174), that “ this history of Kutbu-d din Aibak, was composed by Nizami, his contemporary, as early as twelve vears after his death, for Muhammad bin Sam bin Husain, the ruler of Lahore, who stjded himself ‘Nasir-i Amiru-1 Muminin, helper of the prince of the believers.’ Nizami of Lahore, a slave of Muhammad bin Sam, wrote this history for his master, who being an admirer of the great achievements of Aibak, took them for the model and rule of his rei"n.”

There is evidently a great misapprehension here respecting

Muhammad bin Sam, who is no other than the famous Muham- mad Ghori, the master of Kutbu-d din Aibak. Muhammad Ghori died before Kutbu-d din reigned, and he could not therefore have taken his own slave for his great exemplar. What the author really says regarding this potentate is this : After dwelling on the advantage and necessity of holy wars, without which the fold of Muhammad’s flock could never be filled, he says that such a hero as these obligations of religion require has been found, “ during the reign of the lord of the world Mu’izzu-d dunva wau-d din, the Sultan of Sultans, Abu-1 Muzaffar Muhammad bin Sam bin Husain, in the person of the puissant Sultan, the lord of the fortunate conjunction of the planets, the pole of the world and religion, the pillar of Islam and Musulmans, the asylum of princes and sultans, the destroyer of infidels and plural- worshippers, etc., the Khusru of Hindustan, Abu-1 haris Aibak the Sultan,” and that “ Almighty God had selected him from amongst the kings and emperors of the time,” for he had em- ployed himself in extirpating the enemies of religion and the state, and had deluged the land of Hind with the blood of their hearts, so that to the very day of resurrection travellers would have to pass over pools of gore in boats, — had taken every fort and stronghold which he attacked, and ground its foundations and pillars to powder under the feet of fierce and gigantic elephants, — had made the heads of crowned Rais crown the top of impaling posts, — had sent the whole world of idolatry to the fire of hell, by the well-watered blade of his Hindi sword, — had founded mosques and colleges in the places of images and idols, — and had made the names of Naushirwan, Rustam, and Hatim Tai to be forgotten.” Such was the hero to the record of whose achieve- ments the work was principally dedicated.

The Taju-l Ma-dsir was commenced in the year 602 h. (1205 A.D.), in the eighth month of which (Sha’ban) Muhammad Ghori died, and it is evident that it was begun before his death, because the preface, which, however unusual, was really composed at the beginning, and not the conclusion of the work, contains a prayer

for the prolongation of his life and the prosperity of his kingdom.

The history opens with the transactions of the year 587 H. (1191 a.d.), when Muhammad Ghori undertook his expedition to India to retrieve the dreadful disaster he had a short time before experienced on the field of Narain, near Thanesar, to which, however the courtly historian makes no allusion. The copies ordinarily to be met with carry the history down to the year 614 h. (1217 A.D.), or seven years after the death of Kutbu-d din, and at the close of that portion the author indulges in a pane- gyric on his own work, in which he invites the reigning monarch Shamsu-d din, the second Alexander, to compare his work with those of other celebrated historians, and he will see that it is “ superior to anything written by ancients or moderns,” and he concludes by saying, that if his life is spared, he will continue the work in the same manner. That he did so continue it is evident from a very valuable copy in the possession of Nawwab Ziau-d din of Dehli, written as early as the ear 779 h. (1377-8 a.d.) in the Naskh character styled Hijjazi. In this, though itself imperfect at the end, we have the history carried down even twelve years later, or to 626 h. (1228-9 a.d.), and it is not im- probable that it might have been prolonged to the close of Shamsu-d din’s reign, or seven years later than this period. From the general meagreness of historical details, it cannot be said that this deficient portion is worth much enquiry.

Beyond the praise which the author bestows upon his heroes, there is nothing to indicate that he was contemporary with the events which he describes, and the absence of all particulars, as well as a certain confusion and indistinctness about some of the dates, show that he was no active participator in any of his patrons’ campaigns. It is singularly strange that he says nothing of the transactions of Kutbu-d din’s actual reign, for the same short chapter records his accession and his death.

The following abstract contains all that is of the remotest historical interest in the work, no name or event being omitted.

The passages between inverted commas imply that the words of the original have been translated, but even in these many inter- mediate words, such as synonyms and reduplications of the same expression, have been omitted, and it has been considered suf- ficient to group together words and phrases, which, though actually to be found in the Tdju-l Ma-dsir do not in the transla- tion preserve the exact order of the original. The passages in the first chapter, which are printed in italics indicate that they are written in Arabic, and nearly the same proportion of Arabic occurs throughout the work, showing that, without a knowledge of that language, it would be impossible to understand thoroughly the Tdju-l Ma-dsir.

The Tdju-l Ma-dsir is rare in Europe. Hammer1 says that the only copy to be found is in the royal library of Vienna, but there is one also in the British Museum. In India it is by no means uncommon, much less so than the difficulty of under- standing the work would lead one to suppose. The copy in the library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal is a very clean one, but abounds with errors, and many chapters are recopied towards the close. There is a beautiful copy in the Dehli College, and there is one of surpassing excellence belonging to Maulavi Sadru-d din, the Sadru-s sudur of Dehli, written in the Naskh character, apparently about three hundred years ago, by Mu- hammad bin Muhammad, who professes to have copied it from the author’s autograph. The transcriber imitates successfully the style of the work in a chapter at the end, devoted to its praise.

There are also two good copies of the Tdju-l Ma-dsir in the library of Nawwab Siraju-1 mulk, but so little known and appreciated as to be lettered, one the Tdrikh-i Mahmud Ghaznivi, the other Jahdn-kushd ; but all must yield the palm to Nawwab Ziau-d din’s copy noticed above, on account of its containing the additional matter, but it must be confessed that the character

1 Gemiildesaal der Lebensbeschreibungen, vol. iv. p. 173.

is not easy to read, and the manuscript is unfortunately damaged by water and worms.

The copy noticed above, which shows the verses in separate lines detached from the prose, contains 570 pages of twenty lines each ; the additional matter being comprised in thirty pages.

[The following Abstract was prepared entirely by Sir H. Elliot himself.]

“In the year 587 h. (1191 a.d.), the Lord of the World, the Sultan of Sultans, Mu’izzu-d dunya wau-d din (Muhammad Grhori) in a happy moment, and under a fortunate star, departed from Ghazna, may God protect it from calamities !

Had he not imparted movement to his hands and reins ,

The feet of his stirrups would have stopped the air in its course.

If his horse be so wearied that it cannot carry him,

His courage would urge him against his enemies.

Having equipped and set in order the army of Islam, and unfurled the standards of victory and the flags of poiccr, trusting in the aid of the Almighty, he proceeded towards Hindustan.

Indeed, they are almost prepared to write the booh of victory,

His ensigns and black umbrella are full of adornment,

How beautiful on the face of time are the curls and freckles of the state !

When the tent of eternal prosperity, encompasscdby splendour , arrived near Lohur, and when the air of that country became perfumed and crescented by the dust of the armies and the shoes of the horses, the great Sadr Kiwamu-l mulh Huhu-d din Hamza, who was among the chiefs of the country and the renowned of the state, and had obtained distinction by the customs of embassage and the pro- prieties of missions, and his position in the service of the sublime Court [may God surround it with increased glory) ! had met with approval, and in the beauty of his moral character and the excellence of his endowments, the above mentioned person, in whose

merits all concurred, and from the flame of whose ivisdom and the light of whose penetration abundant delight and perfect good fortune arose.

Indeed all hinds of excellences united in his person,

And he teas singularly endowed in the practice of all virtues,

He was such a Sadr that the substance of greatness found in him a soul,

He was a sea in which the eyes of meaning found vision.

Such was the man who was sent on an embassy to Ajmir, in order that the lvai (Pithaura) of that country might see the right way without the intervention of the sword, and that he might incline from the track of opposition into the path of pro- priety, leaving his airy follies for the institute of the knowledge of God, and acknowledging the expediency of uttering the words of martyrdom and repeating the precepts of the late, and might abstain from infidelity and darkness , which entails the loss of this world and that to come, and might place in his ear the ring of slavery to the sublime Court, (may God exalt it /) which is the centre of justice and mercy, and the pivot of the Sultans of the world, and by these means and modes might cleanse the fords of a good life from the sins of impurity.

When the ambassador arrived in the country of Ajmir, and in accordance icith his orders brought forward the conditions of his mission, and in uttering his speech presented the usual inducements of fixing the mind, and adorned the selection of his words with the excellence of their significations, and strung well the pearls of ex- hortations and admonitions upon the thread of style.

They were such words that if the world tcere to hear them,

On account of their beauty the people wotild incline to become ears.

Your words are right and your meaning correct,

Your opinion is the soul and your greatness the body.

Y our words are the product of the bough of rhetoric ,

And your clemency is the fruit of the seed of eloquence.

In no respect did the ivords of threats, or promises become

established in the heart of that man of dark understanding , nor did advantages or menaces addressed to the heart ( and indeed he who menaces offers the alternative of advantages ) have place in the hearing of that obstinate, for from his large army and grandeur the desire of something like the conquest of the world had raised a phantom in his imagination ; and he remained neglectful of the subtle principle that armies do not profit when the time has passed, and he had placed on the shelf of forgetful- ness the good maxim that “ when fate comes the field of oppor- tunity is narrowed and had not read the divine order that “ it is a duty imposed on me to give aid to the faithful and in the sight of his idolatry the commands of the law were the dreams of oppression, and the light of instruction showed the darkness of his perdition, and since in the sublime understanding of the sovereign which derived aid and support from the world of holiness , and the light of his wisdom exceedls and surmounts that splendour of the sun and moon.

If his light were to contend with the dawn ,

Even his night would exceed the brilliancy of the day.

Gold would not be produced from earth by the power of the sun,

Unless his wisdom had power over the sun.

When these circumstances were represented, and the intelli- gence of the declarations of that Godforsaken reached the blessed hearing, which was filled with gladness, the signs of dis- turbance overspread his auspicious countenance.

He accordingly prepared for an expedition against the Rai, and mounted his steed, of which there is a poetical description. “ The victorious army on the right and on the left departed towards Ajmir.” “ When the Kola (natural son) of the Rai of Ajmir, the vaunts of whose courage had reached the ears of far and near, heard of the approach of the auspicious standards and the victorious armies, he advanced for the purpose of fight-

ing, and having adjusted the rohe of slaughter and the arms of battle, marched on over hills and deserts with a well-equipped army, the number which cannot be conceived in the picture- gallery of the imagination.”

“When the crow-faced Hindus began to sound their white shells1 * * * on the backs of the elephants, you would have said that a river of pitch was flowing impetuously down the face of a mountain of blue.”

Description and attributes of elephants, spears, and arrows. — The army of Islam was completely victorious, and “ an hundred thousand grovelling Hindus swiftly departed to the fire of hell.” The Rai of Ajmir was taken prisoner during the action, but his life was spared. After this great victory, the army of Islam marched forward to Ajmir, where it arrived at a fortunate mo- ment and under an auspicious bird, and obtained so much booty and wealth, that you might have said that the secret depositories of the seas and hills had been revealed.”

Poetical description of fountains, gardens, birds, and flowers. — While the Sultan remained at Ajmir, “he destroyed the pillars and foundations of the idol temples, and built in their stead mosques and colleges, and the precepts of Islam, and the customs of the law were divulged and established.” The Pai of Ajmir, who had managed to obtain his release, or at least, immunity from punishment, and whose “ ancient hatred against the Musul- mans was deeply rooted and concealed in the bottom of his heart,” appears to have been detected in some intrigue, which is only very obscurely indicated, so that orders were issued for his death, and “ the diamond-like sword severed the head of that abandoned wretch from his body.”

1 XjY* ^-‘r***5 *n the original, to which, as no meaning is attached in the diction-

aries, 1 have thought myself warranted in translating thus ; but a few pages after

this (the fourth instance of their being used), these words cannot hear this meaning, because the instruments in that case were sounded by the Muhammadans, to whom

shells are an abomination. In that passage I have called this instrument a kettle-

The Government of Ajmir conferred on the von of Red Pithaura.1

“ The son of Rai Pithaura, in whose qualities and habits the proof of courage and the indexes of wisdom were apparent, and who, both abroad and at home, exhibited familiarity with recti- tude, and prognostications of goodness, was aj>pointed to the government of Ajmir.

After settling the affairs of Ajmir, the conqueror marched “ towards Dehli (may God preserve its prosperity and perpetuate its splendour !•) which is among the chief (mother) cities of Hind.” When he arrived at Dehli, he saw “ a fortress which in height and strength had not its equal nor second throughout the length and breadth of the seven climes.” The army encamped around the fort. “A torrent of blood flowed on the field of battle, and it became evident to the chiefs that if they did not seek for safety from the sword of the king of the earth, and if they should deliver into the hands of Satan the time of option and the reins of good counsel, the condition of Dehli would be like that of Ajmir; so from the dread of kingly punishment, the Rai and mukaddams of that country placed their heads upon the line of slavery, and their feet within the circle of obedience, and made firm the conditions of tribute ( mdlguzari ) and the usages of service.”

The Sultan then returned “ towards the capital of Ghazna (may God preserve it in prosperity!)” but “the army remained encamped within the boundary of Dehli, at the mauza of Indarpat (Indraprastha).”

The Government of the fort of Koliram and of Sarnana were made over by the Sultan to “ Kutbu-d din, on whose fortunate

1 This is the heading in the original, but in the preceding chapter the name of the Rai is not given. In this it is spelt Pitaura. There is mention of the son ( ... i ^ not natural son as in the preceding chapter.

forehead the light of world- conquest shone conspicuous,” “and who by his lofty courage and pure faith without doubt was worthy of the kingdom and suitable for the throne of sovereignty ; and by the aid of his sword of Yemen and dagger of India be- came established in independent power over the countries of Hind and Sind,” “ He purged by his sword the land of Hind from the filth of infidelity and vice, and freed the whole of that country from the thorn of God-plurality, and the impurity of idol-worship, and by his royal vigour and intrepidity, left not one temple standing.” “ He extinguished the flame of discord by the splendour of the light of justice, and the smoke of the darkness of oppx-ession vanished from the face of the earth.”

The chiefs of the country around Kohram came to pay their respects and acknowledge fealty, and he was so just and generous “ that the name of Naushirwan and the tale of Hatim Tai were in course of oblivion.”

An assembly is commenced, a feast is held, and the sumptuous preparations described. — The merits of cup-bearers, wine, goblets, companions, flowers, hunting, horses, falcons, panthers, dogs, and huntsmen are poetically eulogized.

The flight of Jatwan and his 1 Death in Battle.

“ When the honoured month of Ramazan, 588 H., the season of mercy and pardon, arrived, fresh intelligence was received at the auspicious Court, that the accursed Jatwan, having admitted the pride of Satan into his brain, and placed the cup of chieftainship and obstinacy upon his head, had raised his hand in fight against Nusratu-d din, the Commander, under the fort of Hansi, with an army animated by one spirit.”

Digressions upon spears, the heat of the season, night, the new moon, morning, and the sun. — Ivutbu-d din mounted his horse, and “ marched during one night twelve parasangs.” “The accursed Jatwan, when he heard the news of the arrival of the

1 The singular prevails throughout. He was probably a mere leader of the Jat tribe, which still maintains its position in the neighbourhood of this scene of action.

victorious armies, felt himself compelled to depart from under the fort,” and fled. “ The soldiers of Islam came up to the army of Hind on the borders of Bagar ; and although Jatwan saw there was no chance of successful opposition in battle, yet as he saw destruction impending on him from the throat of the dragon, and the road for flight was blocked up, and the standards of the State and royal victory were unfurled, yielding to the necessity of the case, and not at his own option,” he pre- pared for fight, and “ the noise of the hautbois and shells con- founded the world, the thunder of the drums ascended to heaven, and the blast of the brazen clarions resembled the sounding trump (of resurrection.)”

The armies attacked each other “ like two hills of steel, and the field of battle became tulip-dyed with the blood of the war- riors.”— Poetical digression on swords, daggers, spears, and maces. — The Hindus were completely defeated, and their leader slain. “Jatwan, who was the essence of vice and turbulence, and the rod of infidelity and perverseness, the friend of grief, and the con- panion of shame, had his standards of God-plurality and ensigns of perdition lowered by the hand of power ; ” “ and the dust of the field of battle was commingled with the blood of that God- abandoned wretch, and the whole country was washed from the filth of his idolatry.” — Praise ofKutbu-d din’s justice, encourage- ment of the learned, and his civil administration. Mention of the booty taken by the Musulmans. — He marched to Hansi, “ and encamped there a few days, in order to repair the fort, and after that returned towards Kohram, which acquired fresh beauty from his blessed feet.”

“ The intelligence of this happy victory and these important incidents was divulged over the face of the world, and the noise of it spread to the countries of Hind and Sind, far and near, and proclamations announcing the victory of the chiefs of the State, and the defeat of the enemies of the kingdom were written and despatched to the capital of Ghazna, (may the Almighty preserve it in wealth and prosperity !)” and in them was added “ that the

foundation of all this success was the lofty courage and pure faith of his Majesty.”

“ When the chief luminary threw its shade in the sign of Libra, and temperate breezes began to blow, after putting to flight the army of heat,” Kutbu-d din marched from Kohram, “ and when he arrived at Mirat — which is one of the celebrated forts of the country of Hind, for the strength of its foundations and superstructure, and its ditch, which was as broad as the ocean and fathomless — an army joined him, sent by the dependent chiefs of the country.” The fort was captured, and a Kotwal appointed to take up his station in the fort, and all the idol temples were converted into mosques.

He then marched and encamped under the fort of Delili, which was also captured, “ and the standards of the State were also carried into the neighbouring tracts. The conqueror entered the city of Dehli, which is the source of wealth and the foundation of blessedness.” The city and its vicinity was freed from idols and idol-worship, and in the sanctuaries of the images of the Gods, mosques were raised by the worshippers of one God.”

The Rehellion of Hiraj, Brother of the Rai of Ajmir.

After Kutbu-d din had settled affairs in this quarter, the chief Sadr, Kiwam-u-1 mulk Ruhu-d-din Hamza, sent him in- telligence from Rantanbor, that Hiraj,1 the brother of the Rai of Ajmir, had gone into rebellion, and “had turned his face towards the siege of the fort of Rantanbor,” and that the sou of Pitaura, who had been advanced under the protection of the sublime Court, was in a state of extreme danger. On receiving this intelligence, Kutbu-d din appointed the Amir Sabiku-1

1 Firishta calls him Hemr&j, which is a common Indian name. “ Hiraj ” is not; but it is plainly so written in all the copies. It is probably an abbreviation of the Sanskrit “ Dhiraj,” a potentate, which is still used on the seals of Hindu Rajas.

mulk Nasru-d din” to take charge of the affairs of State during his absence, “ a man who in knowledge of the rules and customs of government was superior to his contemporaries, and in resolu- tion and courage was celebrated throughout Hind, far and near,” and himself departed for Rantanbor, “passing over hill and desert like a wild ass or an antelope.”

“ When Hiraj heard of the arrival of the auspicious standards, knowing he could not contend with the army of Islam, and im- pelled by necessity, he placed the hands of weakness in the skirts of flight, and for fear of the blade of the scimetar fled like the wind with his resurrectionless army.” The conqueror then en- gaged himself in administering “the ways of justice, and received both high and low under the shadow of his benignity,” and the people were happy. “ At this time the son of Rai Pitaura was favoured with a robe of honour and other kindnesses ; and in return for this friendship, he sent abundant treasure for the service of the State, together with three golden melons, which with extreme ingenuity had been cast in moulds like the full moon.”

“ About this time they wrote to the heavenly throne, that the Rai who had fled from Dehli had raised an army of idolatrous, turbulent, and rebellious tribes, the vapour of pride and conquest havingentered his thoughtless brain.” Kutbu-d din pursued him, “ and when the wretch was taken, his head was severed from his body and sent to Dehli, which had been his residence and capital.” Kutbu-d din then himself returned to Dehli, and sent “ written accounts of his capture of forts and strongholds, and his victories and holy wars” to Ghazna, to which capital he was invited to receive thanks in person from Mu’izzu-d din Sam Gliori. The invitation arrived when the sun was in Cancer, and the heat was so great as to prevent travelling, but he set out on his journey at the commencement of the rainy season.

“ When the fortunate stirrups reached the capital of Ghazna

(may God slied splendour on it !), he enjoyed the happiness of kissing hands, and received other marks of special favour before the great throne, and in the degree of his rank was raised above all the other chiefs of the world.” A festival was held in cele- bration of his arrival, “ and splendid jewels, and valuable clothes, and costly arms, and slaves of great price” -were presented to the king;.

Kuthu-d din was accommodated in the garden of the minister Ziau-1 mulk. — Here follow poetical descriptions, of horses, ice, apples, cit rons, oranges, cold, wind, and fire. — On the return of the hot season he was taken ill, and “removed from the residence of the minister to the palace of the sovereign, which is the seat of prosperity ; but on account of his illness and want of strength, he could not rejoice in his heart with the festivities.” On his recovery, he took his leave of the king, and received a patent conferring upon him the government (of Hindustan) “ and every one of the principal officers of his army was rejoiced exceedingly, at receiving from his Majesty suitable presents and promotion of rank.”

On his arrival at Karman1 from the great capital, Taju-d din Yalduz received him with great kindness and honour, and gave him his daughter in marriage, and a fete was held on the occa- sion.— Poetical descriptions follow, of stars, female beauty, cup- bearers, curls, cheeks, eyes, lips, mouths, stature, elegance, cups, wine, singers, guitars, barbats, trumpets, flutes, drums, on the morning, and the sun.

When he arrived at Dehli, “ which is the capital of the king- dom, and the centre of God’s aid and victory, the crown and throne of sovereignty received honour and adornment in his kingly person,” “and the lords of the sword and pen hastened to pay their respects at the magnificent Court, and observed the usages of benediction and praise ; while the city and its vicinity 1 This Karman is in the Bangash country, between Kabul and Bann.

rejoiced and was decorated like the garden of Irani, and the gates and walls were adorned with the gold tissues of Chin and the brocades of Rum,” “ and triumphal arches were raised, beautiful to look at, the top of which a strong-winged bird could not sur- mount, and the glittering of the lightning of the swords and the splendour of the arms, which were suspended on all sides of them, inspired terror in the spirit of the beholder.”

Rhapsody upon spring and birds. — Kutbu-d din built the Jami’ Masjid at Dehli, and “adorned it with the stones and gold obtained from the temples which had been demolished by elephants,” and covered it with “ inscriptions in Toghra, contain- ing; the divine commands.”

After staying sometime at Dehli, he marched in the year 590 H. (1194 a.d.), towards Kol and Benares, passing the Jun (Jumna) “ which, from its exceeding purity, resembled a mirror.” He took Kol, “ which is one of the most celebrated fortresses of Hind.” Those of the garrison “ who were wise and acute were converted to Islam,” but those who stood by their ancient faith were slain with the sword. “ The nobles and chiefs of the State entered the fort, and carried oft' much treasure and countless plunder, in- cluding one thousand horses.”

There intelligence was received of the march of Muhammad ©

Ghori from Ghazna ; Kutbu-d din advanced to meet him, “ and had the honor of kissing hands, which is the highest of glories, and the essence of miracles, and presented an elephant laden with white silver and red gold,” “and an hundred horses,” “and sundry kinds of perfumes.”

Fight with the Rai of Benares and Capture of Asm.

When the army was mustered, it was found to amount to “fifty thousand mounted men clad in armour and coats of mail,” with which they advanced to fight against the Rdi of Benares. The king ordered Kutbu-d din to proceed with the vanguard, con-

sisting of one thousand cavalry, which fell upon “ the army of the enemies of religion,” and completely defeated it. On its return to the king, the officers were presented with robes of honour.

“The Rai of Benares, Jai Chand, the chief of idolatry and perdition, advanced to oppose the royal troops with an army, countless as the particles of sand,” “ and the noise of the war- drum proclaimed to the ears of the worshippers of one God, aid comes from the Almighty, and the sound of the silver kettle-drum and the blast of the brazen trumpets resounded to heaven.” Rhapsodical description of swords, spears, war-nooses, and archers. “ The Rai of Benares, who prided himself on the number of his forces and war elephants,” seated on a lofty howdah, received a deadly w’ound from an arrow, and “fell from his exalted seat to the earth.” His head was carried on the point of a spear to the commander, and “ his body was thrown to the dust of contempt.” “ The impurities of idolatry were purged by the water of the sword from that land, and the country of Hind was freed from vice and superstition.”

“Immense booty was obtained, such as the eye of the beholder would be weary to look at,” including one (some copies say three) hundred elephants. The royal army then took possession “ of the fort of Asni where the treasure of the Rai was deposited,” and there much more precious spoil of all kinds rewarded the victors.

From that place the royal army proceeded towards Benares, “ which is the centre of the country of Hind,” and here they destroyed nearly one thousand temples, and raised mosques on their foundations ; and the knowledge of the law became pro- mulgated, and the foundations of religion were established ;” “and the face of the dinar and the diram was adorned with the name and blessed titles” of the king. The Rais and chiefs of Hind came forward to proffer their allegiance. “ The govern- ment of that country was then bestowed on one of the most

celebrated and exalted servants of the State,” in order that he might distribute justice and repress idolatry.

When the king had settled all the affairs of the city and its vicinity, and “ the record of his celebrated holy wars had been written in histories and circulated throughout the breadth of the fourth inhabited quarter of the world,” he returned to Ghazna. “The standards of the Khusru, victorious in battle,1 were planted for some days on the fort of A'sni, and the chiefs and elders all around hastened to his service with various kinds of rarities and presents, and his noble Court became the scene where the princes and generals of the world came to bow their heads in reverence.”

Kutbu-d dm returns to Kol, and entrusts its Government to Hisamu-d din ’ Ulbalc.

There was a certain tribe in the neighbourhood of Kol, which “ after the manner of fox playing with lions” had occasioned much trouble by their deceits and stratagems, therefore “ by the edge of the sword they were despatched to the fire of hell.” “ Three bastions were raised as high as heaven with their heads, and their carcases became the food of beasts of prey.” “ That tract was freed from idols and idol worship, and the foundations of infidelity were destroyed,” and all those who were oppressed found protection under the shadow of royal clemency.” “ The keys of command and prohibition in the kasba of Kol were given to Maliku-1 Umara Hisamu-d din ’Ulbak, one of the chief pillars of the State.” Here follows a didactic passage on what he was expected to do as a good governor.

“When he was at complete leisure from the important con- cerns of Kol, and the affairs of that neighbourhood had been adjusted by the aid of the kindness of his heart, he turned his face towards the abodes of Dehli, the altar of the prosperity of the worlds,” and when he arrived there he administered justice

1 Kutbu-d din is usually styled throughout the work '<• • ■ .-i-

with so much impartiality, that among other results “the wolf and sheep drank wrater out of the same pond,” “ and the very mention of thieves and theft, which had before been current on the tongues of every one, fell to the dust.”

“ In the year 589 H. (1193 a.d.) they represented to the Court that Hiraj, the Rai of Ajmir, having raised the standards of per- dition, and fanned the flame of idolatry in his heart, had opened the road of rebellion which he had hitherto closed by his deceit, and that from being exceedingly forsaken by God, he had delivered the reins of vanity into the hands of Satan, and having conceived the ladders of grandeur in his brain, had become proud.” “Jihtar,1 supported by an army, hastened to the borders of Delili, and the people were suddenly caught in the darkness of his oppression and turbulence, and the blood and property of the Musulmans fell into danger and destruction. When the mention of these circumstances was made to the blessed ear of the Khusru, in a moment of courage and royal determination, he employed himself in the punishment and ex- tinction of the rebel.” “ He ordered that a portion of his victorious army should be set apart and equipped for his personal

service, and that the rest of his army should be detached to the

frontiers for the subjection of the accursed, and the destruction of the enemies of the state and relio-ion.” Kutbu-d din marched

towards Ajmir in the middle of the hot season, “when the armour on the bodies of the valiant was inflamed by the heat of the sun, and the sword in the scabbard melted like wax,” so that he was compelled to make night marches.

“ When Jihtar heard of the approach of the victorious stan- dards, the blackness of sorrow wras fixed in his breast,” and “ knowing that he had not power to oppose them on the field of battle, he tightened the girths of the horse of flight, and sped like the wind out of the net of danger, and arrived at the shore

1 The name is written “ Jihtar in one MS. and “ Jhitar in another. vol. n. 15

of safety from the whirlpool of destruction, and from fear of the Khusru’s sword drew his head within the four walls of that strong fortress of Ajmir, like a tortoise,” where, in despair, he sacrificed himself in the flames of a pyre, after which the fort, “which was one of the most celebrated in Hind,” was easily taken. “ The country of Ajmir was restored to the honours of the ancient time and the dignities of its past days, for the circum- stances of that province had altogether departed from their former course to which they now reverted,” “ religion was re- established,” “ the road of rebellion was closed,” “ infidelity was cut off, and the foundations of idol-worship were utterly de- stroyed.” The roads were freed from the fear and danger of robbers, and the oppressed subjects were delivered from their distresses.” “The blessed lamp was visited by Rais and Ranas, and the earth was rubbed by the foreheads of the chiefs and celebrated men of Hind.” After settling the affairs of Ajmir, Kutbu-d din returned to Dehli.

Arrival of Sultan Muhammad Ghori in Hindustan.

When Kutbu-d din heard of the Sultan’s march from Ghazna, he was much rejoiced, and advanced as far as Hansi to meet him, and “had the honour of kissing hands, and being distinguished above all the princes of the earth by the endless favours which were lavished on him.” In the year 592, h. (1196 A.D.), they marched towards Thangar,1 and the centre of idolatry and perdition became the abode of glory and splendour, and when the ropes of the royal tent were raised to heaven, the neighbour- hood was tinged with an hundred hues by the varied coloured tents which were erected round that fortress, which resembled a hill of iron.” “ By the aid of God, and by the means of courage and the daily increasing prosperity of the king, that strong castle was taken, which had hitherto remained closed to all the sovereigns and princes of the world.”

1 The text of Firishta says “ Thangar, which is now called Biana.”

“ Kuwar Pal,1 the Rai of Thangar, who had prided himself on the numbers of his army and the strength of his castle, when he saw the power of the army opposed to him, fear invaded his breast, and he begged for safety for his life, and, like a slave, kissed the face of the earth with the very roots of his teeth.” Upon which he was pardoned and admitted into favour, and, though with the loss of his kingdom, was content that his life was left to him.” “The Musulmans, and harbis , and zimmis entered into conditions for paying revenue. The country was purified from the defilement of infidelity, and no opportunity remained for opposition and rebellion.”

“ The government of Thangar was conferred on Bahau-d din Tughril,” “ who was acquainted with matters of administration, and the customs of setting soldiers in array,” and who received advice and instruction from his majesty how to comport himself properly in his new appointment.

When the affairs of this tract was settled, the royal army marched, in the year 592 H., (1196 a.d.) “towards Galewar (Gwaliar), and invested that fort, which is the pearl of the neck- lace of the castles of Hind, the summit of which the nimble-footed wind from below cannot reach, and on the bastion of which the rapid clouds have never cast their shade, and which the swift imagination has never surmounted, and at the height of which the celestial sphere is dazzled.” — Description of swords and other military weapons. — “ In compliance with the divine injunction of holy war, they drew out the bloodthirsty swoi’d before the faces of the enemies of religion. That sword was coloured of cserulean blue, which from its blazing lustre re- sembled a hundred thousand Yenuses and Pleiades, and it was a well-tempered horse-shoe of fire, which with its wound exhibited the peculiarity of lightning and thunder ; and in the perfect weapon the extreme of sharpness lay hid, like (poison in) 1 [Sir H. Elliot writes the name thus, but his MS. has only “ Ku Pal.”]

the fangs of a serpent ; and (the water of the blade) looked like ants creeping on the surface of a diamond and so forth.

“ Rai Solankh Pal who had raised the standard of infidelity, and perdition, and prided himself on his countless army and elephants, and who expanded the fist1 of oppression from the hiding place of deceit, and who had lighted the flame of turbu- lence and rebellion, and who had fixed the root of sedition and enmity firm in his heart, and in the courtyard of whose breast the shrub of tyranny and commotion had shot forth its branches, when he saw the power and majesty of the army of Islam,” he became alarmed and dispirited. “ Wherever he looked, he saw the road of flight blocked up.” He therefore “ sued for pardon, and placed the ring of servitude in his ear,” and agreed to pay tribute, and sent ten elephants as a peace offering, in which he was graciously admitted to protection, and was allowed to retain his fort. “ When the neighbouring country was freed from the enemies of religion, and the Rai of Hind became enrolled amongst the number of servants and friends,” the Sultan prepared to return to Grhazna, and Kutbu-d din, after his departure, returned to Dehli, where festivities were celebrated on his arrival. — Praise of wine-bibbing and cup-bearers.

The Conquest of Nahrwala, and the Flight of the Pud.

In the year 591 h. (1195 a.d.), when Kutbu-d din was again at Ajmir, intelligence was brought him that a party of seditious Mhers, “ who were always shooting the arrow of deceit from the bow of refractoriness,” had sent spies and messengers towards Nahrwala, representing that a detachment of the army of the Turks had arrived at Ajmir, of no great strength and numbers, and that if from that quarter a force could be immediately sent to join them, before the enemy could find the opportunity of put- ting themselves in a state of preparation, they could make a sudden night attack upon them, and might rid the country of

1 Hammer ( Gemtild iv. 181,) translates “den Spannring des Bogens der Umbill zum Daumring gemaclit for which I see no authority in the original.

them, and if anyone of the Turkish army were to escape from the talons of the eagle of death, he must necessarily take the road of flight, and with his two horses would make three stages into one, until he reached Delili in a state of distraction.”

When this treacherous plan was revealed, Kutbu-d din deter- mined to anticipate it, and during the height of the hot season “before the sun arose, fell upon the advance guard of the black infidels, and like lions attacked them right and left.” The action lasted during the whole day, and next morning that immense army of Nahrwala came to the assistance of the vanguard, slew many of the Musulmans, wounded their commander, pursued them to Ajmir, and encamped within one parasang of that place.

In this predicament, a confidential messenger was sent to Ghazna1 “to explain before the sublime throne the position of the army of the infidels, and to ask for orders as to future pro- ceedings.” “ A royal edict was issued conferring all kinds of honours and kindnesses upon the Khusru, and leaving to his entire discretion the subjection and extirpation of the turbulent.” A very large army was despatched to reinforce him, under the command of Jahan Pahlawan, Asadu-d din Arslan Kalij, Nasiru-d din Husain, Tzzu-d din son of Muwaiyidu-d din Balkh, and Sharfu-d din Muhammad Jarah.” These reinforcements arrived at the beginning of the cold season, when “ the vanguard of the army of winter began to draw its sword from the scabbard, and the season of collecting armies and the time of making raids had returned.”

“In the middle of the month of Safar, 593 h. (Jan., 1197), the world-conquering Khusru departed from Ajmir, and with every description of force turned his face towards the annihilation of the Rai of Nahrwala.” When he reached the lofty forts of Pali and Nandul,2 he found them abandoned, and the abode of

1 In the latter half of the work the spelling is usually Ghaznin.

2 Hammer ( Gemtild . iv. 184,) following Briggs ( Ferishta I. 196) reads “Bali and Nadole.” They assume various forms in different manuscripts, — “ Rahi and Bartaki, NadCil and Nazdl.” There are places between Ajmir and Mount Abu, which correspond to the names given in the the text. The lithographed edition of Ferishta (I. 108) reads “Dhutali and Bazdl.”

owls, for the people had fled at the approach of the Musulm&ns, and had collected under their leaders R4i Karan and Darabars, in great numbers “ at the foot of Mount Abu, and at the mouth of a pass stood ready for fight and slaughter.” The Musulmans did not dare to attack them in that strong position, especially as in that very place Sultan Muhammad Sam Ghori had been wounded, and it was considered of bad omen to bring on another action there, lest a similar accident might occur to the com- mander. The Hindus seeing this hesitation, and misconstruing it into cowardice and alarm, abandoning the pass, “turned their faces towards the field of battle and the plain of honour and renown;” for “they were persuaded that fear had established itself in the hearts of the protectors of the sacred enclosure of religion.” “ The two armies stood face to face for some time, engaged in preparations for fight, and on the night preceding Sunday, the 13tli of Rabfiu-1 awwal, in a fortunate moment the army of Islam advanced from its camp, and at morn reached the position of the infidels.” A severe action ensued from dawn to mid-day, when “the army of idolatry and damnation turned its back in flight from the line of battle. Most of their leaders were taken prisoners, and nearly fifty thousand infidels were despatched to hell by the sword, and from the heaps of the slain, the hills and the plains became of one level.” Rai Karan effected his escape from the field. “ More than twenty thousand slaves, and twenty elephants, and cattle and arms beyond all calculation, fell into the hands of the victors.” “ You would have thought that the treasures of the kings of all the inhabited world had come into their possession.”

“ The city of Nahrwala, which is the most celebrated in that country, full of rivers,” and the kingdom of Gujarat, which is “a separate region of the world,” came under the dominion of the Musulmans, “ and high and low were treated with royal benignity and justice.” “ The chief nobles and pillars of the State were favoured with handsome robes of honour, and received abundant proofs of royal kindness,” then “ the standards of the

Khusru, victorious in battle, returned to Ajmir,” whence they were moved towards Dehli, where they arrived at an auspicious moment. As an earnest of his regard and respect, Kutbu-d din sent to Ghazna treasures and various rarities, which were received by his majesty with suitable acknowledgments of the value and splendour of his general’s services.

In the year 599 h. (1202 a.d.), Kutbu-d din proceeded to the investment of Kalinjar, on which expedition he was accompanied by the Sahib-Kiran, Shamsu-d din Altamsh. Encomiums on both warriors follow through several pages. “ The accursed Parmar,” the Pal of Kalinjar, fled into the fort after a desperate resistance in the field, and afterwards surrendered himself, and “placed the collar of subjection” round his neck, and, on his pro- mise of allegiance, was admitted to the same favours as his ancestor had experienced from Mahmud Subuktigin, and en- gaged to make a payment of tribute and elephants, but he died a natural death before he could execute any of his engagements. His Diwan, or Mahtea, by name Aj Deo, was not disposed to surrender so easily as his master, and gave his enemies much trouble, until he was compelled to capitulate, in consequence of severe drought having dried up all the reservoirs of water in the forts. “On Monday, the 20th of Pajab, the garrison, in an extreme state of weakness and distraction, came out of the fort, and by compulsion left their native place empty,” “ and the fort of Kalinjar which was celebrated throughout the world for being as strong as the wall of Alexander” was taken. “ The temples were converted into mosques and abodes of goodness, and the ejaculations of the bead-counters and the voices of the summoners to prayer ascended to the highest heaven, and the very name of idolatry was annihilated.” “ Fifty thousand men came under the collar of slavery, and the plain became black as pitch with Hindus.” Elephants and cattle, and countless arms also, became the spoil of the victors.

“ The reins of victory were then directed towards Mahoba, and the government of Kalinjar was conferred on Hazabbaru-d din Hasan Arnal. When Kutbu-d din was satisfied with all the arrangements made in that quarter, he went towards Badaun,1 “ which is one of the mothers of cities, and one of the chiefest of the country of Hind.”

The Visit of Muhammad Bakhtiyar Khilj'i and the Return of of Kutbu-d din to Behli.

Shortly afterwards, “ Ikhtiyaru-d din Muhammad Bakh- tiyar, one of the chief supports of the State, the splendour of Islam, and celebrated throughout Hind for his religious wars, joined the auspicious stirrups and came to pay his respects from the direction of Oudli and Beliar.” “ He presented twenty elephants and various kinds of jewels and moneys.” “He was received with royal kindness and beneficence, and he was exalted above the leaders of the time and when he took his audience of leave, the blessed commands, investing him with authority, were renewed and augmented, and a tent, a naubat , a drum, a standard, and magnificent robe of honour, a horse and trappings, a waistband, swTord, and a vest from the private wardrobe w'ere conferred upon him.”

“ In a fortunate moment, and under an auspicious bird, the blessed standards were waved, and directed towards Dehli, the capital of prosperity and the altar of excellence.” — Bhapsody on Kutbu-d din’s justice.

The Return of Muhammad Glior'i from Khwarizm and his War against the Gakkhurs.

When the sublime standards were returning in the year 600 h. (1203 a.d.) from the capital of Khwarizm, the army of Khita (God’s curse on it !) made an attack upon them, while on their

1 Hammer ( Gemdld . iv. 185) following Briggs ( Ferishta I. 198) places Badatin between the Ganges and the Jamna, for which there is no authority in the original It is in Rohilkhand, to the east of the Ganges.

march within the borders of Andkhud, in numbers exceeding the stars of heaven and the particles of the earth, and the great king, wounded and defeated, fled from the field of hatred towards Ghazna.”

“Aibak Bak, one of the most confidential servants of the State, an officer of high rank in the army, who had been brought up in the royal court, fled from the field of battle, and carried away the impression that by heavenly visitation, the blessed person of the king had met with a misfortune and been slain. He fled with the speed of the wind to Multan, and, on his arrival, went immediately to Amir Dad Hasan, the lord of a standard, and deceit fully pei’suaded him that he had come for the purpose of imparting to him a royal command, which could only be com- municated to him in private, and should not be publicly divulged.” When the private conference was accorded to him, he took the opportunity of assassinating the governor, and so got possession of the fort of Multan. “ For a long time the truth of the matter was not revealed, and a report w7as spread to the effect that the governor had been imprisoned by the royal commands. After some delay, the various servants and officers of the Province became aware of what had really happened, and the intelligence of the true circumstances was spread throughout the far and near countries of Hind and Sind. Upon this, the tribe of Kokars (Gakkhurs) (God annihilate them !) said that from any one who had the least knowdedge and sense, it could not be concealed that if the sacred person of the Sultan had been alive, the like of these transactions could never have been done by Aibak Bak, and that therefore the great king had exchanged his throne of empire for one of dust, and had departed from the house of mortality to the world of holiness. In consequence of these impressions, seditious thoughts entered the brains of the Hindus, and the madness of independence and dominion affected the heads of Bakan and Sarki, the chiefs of the Kokars, who thrust their heads out of the collar of obedience, and opened their hands for the destruction of villages and the plunder of cattle, and kindled the flames of tur-

bulence and sedition between the waters of the Sodra1 and the Jelam, by the aid of a crowd of the dependants of Satan.” “ When their ravages had exceeded all bounds, Bahau-d din Muhammad, governor of Sangwan, with his brothers, who held lands ( aktd ’) within the borders of Multan, accompanied by many of the chief people of the city, marched out against them, determined to repress the violence of those accursed rebels and enemies of the State and religion ; but many of them were captured or slain by the exertions of the army of the infidels, in number like the drops of rain or leaves of the forest. Their power consequently in- creased day by day, and a general named Sulaiman was obliged to fly before the superior numbers of the enemy.” When these circumstances were reported to Muhammad Ghori, he determined on proceeding to the scene of action, and sent on the Amir Hajib, Siraju-d din Abu Bakr, one of his confidential servants, to in- form Kutbu-d din of his intentions. In consequence of which, Kutbu-d din advanced to meet his Majesty, at the opening of the cold season. “ At every stage intelligence reached him from the royal camp, urging his advance, and informing him that the blood-thirsty sword would be sheathed, and the camp would halt, and that no measures would be taken to exterminate the infidels, until he had passed the river (Chinab) which intervened between his and the royal camp.'’

“Near the river of Sodra, Kutbu-d din killed four fierce tigers, at the roaring of which the heart was appalled,” and on the day after crossing that river, lie joined the camp of the king on the bank of the Jelam, andwras received with royal kindness. “ They mounted their horses and swam them like fish across the Jelam,” “ and on the bank of the river entered on their plans for the approaching action, and arranged all the preparations for fight, after joining together in consultation.” Kutbu-d din suggested

1 Hammer ( Gemald . iv. 183) says, “the river of Sodra, -which, flowing by S'n'dkot, Sodra, and AVazirabad, discharges itself into the Chinab.” But there is no such stream. The Sodra is the Chinab itself, so called from the old town of that name on its eastern bank.

that it was not right for the king to expose his person against such enemies, and suggested that the command of the Musulman army should be entrusted to himself alone ; but the persuasion of his general seem to have had no effect upon the resolution of the Sultan. — Description of the battle near the ford of the Jelam, the waves of which were filled with blood, and in which “ the armies of infidelity and true faith commingled together like waves of the sea, and contended with each other like night and day, or light and darkness.” Shamsu-d din was also engaged in this fight. — Extravaganzas upon spears and other weapons, and upon war-horses.

The Kokars were completely defeated, and, “ in that country there remained not an inhabitant to light a fire.” “ Much spoil in slaves and weapons, beyond all enumeration, fell into the possession of the victors.” One of the sons of the Kokar E,ai, the chief instigator of these hostilities, rushed into the river with “ a detachment of his Satanical followers, and fled with one horse from the field of battle to a fort on the hill of Jud, and having escaped the sword, threw into it the last breathings of a dying man.” The next day, Muhammad Sam advanced towards the hill of Jud, when the action was renewed, which ended in the capture of the fortress, “ and the Hindus like a torrent descended from the top of the hill to the bottom.” “ The Bai of the hill of Jud, putting on the robes of a Brahman, presented himself like a slave, and kissed the face of the earth before the Sultan,” by whom he was admitted to pardon. Immense booty was taken in the fort.

The Sultan then advanced to Lahore, accompanied by Kutbu-d din and the chief officers of State, and on Kutbu-d din’s taking his audience of leave, before his return to Dehli, he received a dress of honour and an affectionate farewell.

Death of the Sultan of Sultans, Muhammad Sam.

On the king’s return from Lahore towards Ghazni, he had fixed his camp “ within the borders of Dhamek, and his tent was

pitched on the bank of a pure stream in a garden filled with lilies, jasmins,” and other flowers. Here while he was engaged in his evening prayer, “ some impious men (God’s curse and destruction on them !) came running like the wind towards his majesty, the king of the world, and on the spot killed three armed attendants and two chamber- sweepers. They then sur- rounded the king’s own tent, and one or two men out of these thi’ee or four conspirators, ran up towards the king, and inflicted five or six desperate wounds upon the lord of the seven climes, and his spirit flew above the eight paradises and the battlements of the nine heavens, and joined those of the ten evangelists.”

A long elegy follows upon his death. His body was carried to Ghazna. “ When this dreadful intelligence was conveyed to the lion-hearted Kliusru,” he was deeply distressed, and, “when he was alone, streams of blood coursed down the face of his cheeks.”

Allegiance of the Nobles to Kutbu-d din, and his Confirmation in the Kingdoms of Kind and Sind.

“ For the consolation and satisfaction of the distant provinces, the auspicious mandates were issued to the different quarters of both sea and land,” and the nobles and dependants of the Court came forward to offer their allegiance, and “ the carpet of his audience-chamber was kissed by the Rais of Hind and the Khusrus of Chin.” “ The keys of direction and prohibition in the capital of Ghazna fell into the hands of his officers, after the flight of Taju-d din Yalduz, and the whole country of Hind, from Pershaur to the shores of the ocean, and in the other direction, from Siwist&n to the borders of the hills of Chin, came into the power of his servants and under the dominion of the executors of his orders.” “ The public prayers and coinage of dinars and dirhams thoughout the whole country, full of rivers, received honour and embellishment from his name and royal titles,” and Lohur, where the throne of Sultans had been estab- lished, and which was the altar of the good and pious, became

the capital.” “By his orders, the precepts of Islam received great promulgation, and the sun of righteousness cast its shadow on the countries of Hind from the heaven of God’s assistance.” — Happy results of the king’s mercy and justice.

Heath of the Sultan of Sultans “ by a fall from his horse while playing the game of chaugan, and his burial at Lahore,” like a treasure in the bowels of the earth. — An elegy upon his death.

“In the year 607 H. (1210 a.d.), the throne of the kingdoms of Hindustan received honour and embellishment from Shamsu-d din wau-d dunya the Emperor of Turk and ’Ajam, Abu-1 Muzaffar Altamsh.”

Revolt of the Turks in the City of Dehli.

“Sirjandar Turki, who was the leader of all sedition, and who opened his hand to shed the blood of Musulmans, with an army of bloodthirsty Turks broke out into open rebellion. Although the Sultan was frequently requested to repress their violence, he “ refrained for several days” from doing so. At last, he determined to oppose them with a large army, headed “by the chiefs of the time, such as ’Izzu-d din Bakhtiyar, Nasiru-d din Mardan Shah, Hazabbaru-d din Ahmad Sur, and Iftikharu-d din Muhammad ’Umar, all valiant warriors.”

“ This army, assaulting like fire and moving like the wind, was drawn out in battle array like a hill of iron, near the Bagh-i Jun (the Jamna Garden).” — Hyperboles on battle, arms, and slaughter.

Aksankar Ivitta and Taju-d din Farrukh Shall were slain in battle, but Sirjandar Turki “threw himself into the waters of the Jun, took to flight like a fox in fear of a lion, and departed by the way of river and hill like a crocodile and a leopard, and, starting and trembling, concealed himself in the jungles and forests, like a sword in a scabbard, or a pen in a wx-iting-box,” and all their followers were either killed or dispersed.

After some time, they represented to his Majesty that the in- habitants of the fort of Jalewar (Jalor) had determined to re- venge the blood which had been shed, “ and once or twice men- tion of the evil deeds and improprieties of that people was made before the sublime throne. Shamsu-d din accordingly assembled a large army, and headed by “ a number of the pillars of the State, such as Ruknu-d din Hamza, ’Izzu-d din Bakhtiyar Nasiru-d din Mardan Shah, Nasiru-d din ’Ali and Badru-d din Saukartigin,” valiant men and skilful archers, “ who could in a dark night hit with their arrows the mirror1 on the forehead of an elephant.” “ The king took his way towards Jalewar by the aid of God,” “ and by reason of the scantiness of water and food it was a matter of danger to traverse that desert, where one might have thought that nothing but the face of demons and sprites could be seen, and the means of escape from it were not even written on the tablet of providential design.”

“TJdi Sah, the accursed, took to the four walls of Jalewar, an exceedingly strong fortress, the gates of which had never been opened by any conqueror.” When the place was invested by Shamsu-d din, TJdi Sah requested some of the chiefs of the royal army to intercede for his forgiveness. While the terms of his surrender were under consideration, two or three of the bastions of his fort were demolished. He came, “with his head and feet naked, and placed his forehead on the earth” and was received with favour. The Sultan granted him his life, and restored his fortress, and in return the Rai presented respectfully an hundred camels and twenty horses, in the name of tribute and after the custom of service.” The Sultan then returned to Dehli, “which is the capital of prosperity and the palace of glory,” and after his arrival, “ not a vestige or name remained of the idol temples which had reared their heads on high ; and the light of faith

1 This was probably made of burnished steel, and must have been placed as a protection over the most vulnerable part of the elephant. Shortly afterwards, the author styles this plate “ a Chinese mirror.”

shone out from the darkness of infidelity, like the sun from a curtain of sorrow, or after its emerging from an eclipse,1 and threw its shade over the provinces of Hind and Sind, the far and near countries of idolatry ; and the moon of religion and the State became resplendent from the heaven of prosperity and glory.” — Praise of Islam, justice and courage.

Defeat of the army of Ghazna, and seizure of Tdju-cl din Yalduz.

“ When the beautiful Canopus arose, and the vanguard of winter put the centre of the army of summer to flight,” it entered into the royal determination “ to destroy some tribe of the accursed infidels, or to move the auspicious standards for the purpose of capturing some city in the land of Hind.” “ In the midst of these reflections, messengers arrived frequently from Taju-d din, who had admitted into his brain the wind of pride and the arro- gance of dominion,” charged with the delivery of ridiculous pro- positions, which the Sultan was incensed to listen to. Shamsu-d din resolved to oppose his pretensions by force, and advanced with a large army to Samand, which he reached on Monday, the 3rd of Shawwal, 612 h. (Jan., 1216), and on his arrival was attacked by the advanced guard of Malik Taju-d din. During the action, the enemy suddenly came up towards the left wing of the auxiliaries of the faith, and desired to raise up a disturbance with their “ watered blades, and to practice their deceits after the man- ner of of foxes playing with lions, and with the absurd idea that they could thus take the countries of Hind and Sind.” — Then follows a description of the battle, which is described in terms peculiar to chess, with the introduction of hyperboles upon swords, dirks, maces, war-nooses, horsemen, liorse-archers, arrows, spears, elements, justice, and stars. — Taju-d din was wounded by an arrow shot by Muwaiyidu-1 Mulk, and was subsequently taken prisoner and brought before Shamsu-d din.

1 This implies a temporary revival of the Hindu power, which may have occurred under the unconverted rebel Turks who are represented as having shed the blood of Husulmans.

The Flight of Nasiru-d din and Conquest of Lahore.

“ After some time, the great lord Muwaiyidu-1 Mulk Mu- hammad Junaidi was appointed Wazir.” — Encomium on his merits. — It was represented to his Majesty, that Malik Nasiru-d din “had placed his former engagements under the water of for- getfulness,” “and that in the receipts and disbursements of the account of his tribute he had incurred debt and balance,” “ and that all the excellent advice that was offered to him was valued as so much dirt.” His Majesty accordingly, in a fortunate mo- ment, marched in the beginning of Jumada-1 akhir from Dehli, “ may God protect it ! (for its water and soil have always been mild and favourable to various temperaments, and its fire and wind have at all times been suitable and agreeable to the dispo- sition of everybody.”) He marched with a large army towards the country of Lohur, of which when the enemy became aware “ they began to be greatly agitated like fish upon dry land, and like water-fowl sought protection from the waters of the Biyah,” “ on the banks of which stream they encamped with an army innumerable as ants and locusts.”

“ On the fourteenth of the month of Shawwal, the victorious standards advanced with the whole army in battle array, from the borders of Loruh to the ford at the village of Chamba.” “ Wind-footed they swam across the river, in comparison of which the Oxus and Jaxartes looked like a fountain.”

When Nasiru-d din “ saw the victorious army cross that foaming stream without the aid and means of boats,” he fled in alarm, “turning his face from the battle and slaughter” towards Lohur, whither he was pursued by the victorious army” which could not see a trace of the dust raised by their swift-flying horses.” — His standards, drums, and camp equipage, besides im- mense booty, fell into the hands of the Royalists. The defeated general afterwards continued his flight “by the road of Uch.”

Shamsu-d din arrived at Lohur, “ which is among the mothers of the countries of religion, and among the chiefs of the pro-

vinces of Islam, and the abode and repose of the excellent and pious, and which for some days, on account of a number of calamities, and changes of governors, and the sedition of rebels, had been distracted by the flames of turbulence and opposition, and was now again reduced to order by the breath of the zephyr of his justice.” The captives who wrere taken in battle were pardoned, and after writing accounts of the victory and despatch- ing them in various directions, Shamsu-d din returned to Dehli.

Pi 'ince Nasiru-d dm appointed Governor of Lahore.

In the beginning of 614 h. (1217 A.D.), the government of Lohur was committed to the king’s son, Nasiru-d din Mahmud, and the advice which was given to him as to the mode of conduct- ing his administration is given at length. — Description of festivi- ties, with a repetition of rhetorical flourishes about beauties, cups, goblets, stars, locks, mouths, singers, companions, horses, hawks, dogs, tigers, horses, arrows, forts, and the game of cliaugan, at which the kins; recreates himself.

This portion of the work opens with praise of God and king, upon Avhom Almighty favours are showered, as is testified by his conquest of Kalewar (Gwalior), Rantanbhor, and Mandur,1 Kanauj, Beliar, and Barak, and his subjection of powerful Rais, and by his spreading the knowledge of Islam as far as the ocean ; and amongst other arrangements made by which good govern- ment was secured, “ an account of the proceedings of the king was written according; to dates so as to form a model for the kings

and Sultans.” The forts of Xf ch Multan “ which wrere stronger

than the wall of Alexander” were also taken “ in a manner which astonished the world,” and while he Avas engaged in these con- quests, it was reported to the king that Malik Nasiru-d din Kubacka, who AA'as proud and arrogant, and “who regarded in his cruelty and unkindness the people of God as less than rubbish,”

1 [Or Mandawar, in the Siwalik hills. See infra, Tabakdt-i Kdsiri. von. ii. 16

“ and out of bis own pleasure and drunkenness would roast even hearts and draw tears of blood from the eyes,” had fortified him- self within the strong fort of Bhakkar, “ the eye of the forts and the face of the kingdom of Hind,” “ and which had not been taken by any Khusru,” and in which were deposited immense treasures.

Upon receiving this information, Shamsu-d dm despatched his minister Khwaja-i Jahan Nizamu-1 Mulk Muhammad Junaidi with a large army to Bhakkar, in the very height of the hot weather. Part of the army marched by land “ a difficult road through the jungles,” and part went by water. After the fort was invested, and the enemy was reduced to extremities, Nasiru-d din despatched his son ’Alau-d din Muhammad to Shamsu-d din with an hundred lacs of Dehliwals,1 and thousands of suits of clothes. The Sultan received him kindly, but would not allow him to return, in consequence of which, Nasiru-d din be- came much alarmed and ill, “ and his head was bowed down to his knees like a violet, with his eyes of expectation open like a narcissus,” and he “wailed like Jacob for the absence of Joseph.”

Nasiru-d din shortly after died of grief, “and the boat of his life was drowned in the whirlpool of death,” “ though he left behind him nearly a thousand boats” which could render no service to him.2 The result of his death was that “ more than five hundred lacs of Dehliwals, various kinds of inlaid articles and jewels, and pearls exceeding white, and costly garments were deposited in the royal treasury of Shamsu-d din,” and possession was also taken of “ twelve celebrated forts, which had never been before captured,” “ and Siwistan and Luk (Lakki) as far as the shores of the sea ;” “ and the coinage was struck, and the prayers read in his auspicious name throughout all the countries of Hin- dustan and the provinces of Kusdar and Makran.” He retux-ned to Dehli on the 14th of Rabi’u-1 awwal, 624 H.

1 Coins of the period struck at Dehli, composed of a mixture of silver and copper.

See E. Thomas, Coins of Patdn Sultans of Hindustan, pp. 10, 11 ; and Jour. It. A. S. N. S. II. p. 149. 2 [See supra , page 201.]

Arrival of a dress of investiture from the ’Abbdsi Khalifa.

After some time a dress of honour was received from the Imam Mustansirbi-llah by the Sultan at Dehli, accompanied by a diploma confirming him in the kingdom of Hindustan, with the title of the great Sultan. He received the diploma with deep respect, and appointed the following day, namely the 23rd Rabi’u-1 awwal, 626 h. (Feb. 1229 a.d.) for a general assembly, in which the farman was read out in the presence of the King, the princes, and nobles. It declared that he was confirmed in the possession “ of all the land and sea which he had con- quered.” Robes were bestowed upon the ambassadors, the chiefs, and nobles, in honour of the event, and great joy prevailed upon the occasion throughout the capital.

[Called also by the author Kamil fi-t Tarikh. It is also known to Persian writers as Tarikh-i Kamil. The author of this cele- brated general history was Shaikh Abu-1 Hasan ’Ali Ibn Abu-1 Karam Muhammad ibn Muhammad ibn ’Abdu-1 Karim ibn ’Abdul-1 Wahid as Shaibani. He was surnamed “ Tzzu-d din ; majesty of religion,” but he is commonly known as Ibn Asir (or Athir according to Arabic pronunciation). He was born in the year 555 h. (1160) in the Jazirat ibn ’Umar, an island of the Tigris above Mosul, and hence the epithet “ al Jazari, the islander,” is frequently added to his name. Ibn Khallikan, who was per- sonally acquainted with him, says that he studied first at Mosul and afterwards at Baghdad, in Syria, and at Jerusalem. Re- turning to Mosul he devoted himself most assiduously to literary pursuits, and his house became the resort of all the learned men who inhabited or visited that town. Ibn Khallikan met him at Aleppo in 626 h., 1229 a.d., and describes him as “ a man of the highest accomplishments and most excellent qualities, but extremely modest.” He speaks of him fondly in another place as “ Our Shaikh , Ibn Asir,” and of his accomplishments he says “ His knowledge of the traditions and his acquaintance with that science in its various branches placed him in the first rank, and his learning as an historian of the ancients and moderns was not less extensive ; he was perfectly familiar with the genealogy of the Arabs, their adventures, combats, and history ; whilst his

great work, the Kamil or complete, embracing the history of the world from the earliest period to the year 628 of the Hijra (1230 a.d.), merits its reputation as one of the best productions of the kind.”

The Ivamilu-t Tawarikh enjoys a very high reputation, and has been much used and quoted both in Asia and Europe. Ibn Khaldun borrowed largely from it, and it has been drawn upon by Ockley for his History of the Saracens, by Malcolm for the History of Persia, and by Weil for his Gcsckichte der Chalifen. The narrative is very clear and succinct, but the work, from its great range, is very voluminous. It contains a few brief notices of the Jats in the second and third centuries of the Hijra, and it also gives some interesting details of the Arab occupation of Sind, but so far as India is concerned it is chiefly valuable for its notices of the Ghaznivides and the Ghorians. The work closes soon after the decline of the latter dynasty.

The author of the Habibu-s Siyar relates that “ the Tdrikli-i Kamil , one of the two histories written by Ibn Asir ” was trans- lated into Persian under the orders of Miran Shah, son of Timur, by Najmu-d din, surnamed Nizari, one of that prince’s secretaries.

Besides the work before us, Ibn Asir wrote an abridgement, containing many corrections and improvements of Abu Sa’du-s Samanfs Ansdb , upon Patronymics , etc. Another of his works was the “ Akhbaru-s Sahaba ; history of the companions of the Prophet.” He had two brothers, who also engaged in literary pursuits, and one of them, Majdu-d din, wrote a work on the traditions, entitled “ Jdmi’u-l Usui min Hadisu-r Rasul,” which has been erroneously attributed to our author.

There are MSS. of several portions of the Kdmilu-t Tawarikh in the British Museum and in the Bodleian Library; and in Sir H. Elliott’s Library there is a borrowed MS. of part of the woi’k, in bad condition and much worm-eaten. A complete edition of the whole work will soon be available, as it is passing through the press at Leyden, under the careful and able editorship of Pro- fessor Tornberg, who bases his text upon the MSS. of Berlin,

Paris, and the British Museum. Seven volumes have already been published, and the whole work will be comprised in twelve.1

In this year the Kurks made an attack upon Jidda.

In this year A1 Mansur returned from Mecca to Basra, and embarked forces in ships against the Kurks who, as before related, had made an incursion upon Jidda.

Hijra 160. a.d. 776. — Conquest of the toicn of Barada .2