5. Volume 2 — part 5

In the year 159, A1 Mahdi sent an army by sea under ’Abdu-1 Malik bin Shahabu-1 Musamma’i to India. The force consisted of a large number of troops and volunteers, among whom was A1 Babi’ bin Subaih. They proceeded on their way and at length disembarked at Barada. When they reached the place they laid siege to it. The people of the neighbourhood fought with them frequently. The town was reduced to extremities, and God pre- vailed over it in the same year. The people were forbidden to worship the Budd, which the Muhammadans burned. Some of the people were burned, the rest were slain, and twenty Musul- mans perished in testimony of their faith. God came to them, and raised the sea against them, so they waited until the weather should be favourable. Disease then fell upon them, and about a thousand of them died, among whom was Rabi’ bin Subaih. They then returned homewards and reached the coast of Persia, in what is called the Bahru-1 Hamran. There the wind rose in the night time and wrecked their vessels. Some were drowned, and some escaped.

1 De Slane’s Ibn Khallikan, Introd. xii. II. 288.. See D’Herbelot, “ Gezeri De Rossi, “Atir;” Bodleian Cat. 693, 696, 784; Hamaker, 164; Fraebn, 44; tViis- tenfeld, 84 ; Rampoldi, viii. 617, ix. 281, xi. 57 ; Gemiildesaal Pref. xi. and vi. 2 ; Jenisch Reg. Pers. 123; W Liken, Samanidarum, 191-2; D’Ohsson, Mongols. Pref. x. ; "Weil, II. ix; Reinaud’s Aboul Feda, 9 ; Sprenger, on Mahomedanism, 73 ; Bush, Life of Mahomet, 255 ; Nouv. Mel. As. I. 433, 434 ; Col. Or. I. 208 ; Not. et Ext. 1. 542; Jour. As. 4 Ser. iv. 188; Not. des MSS. II.; Hammer, Gold. Horde, xv. xxv. ; Univ. Hist. III. 239, 283. 2 Joj in the MS. of the B. Mus.

Hijra 219. a.d. 834. — War against the Jats.

In the month of Jumada-1 akhir, A1 M’utasim sent ’Ajif bin ’Isa to fight against the Jats, who had seized upon the roads of Hajar, and had plundered the corn which was in the stacks of Kaskar, and in the stores of the towns. They spread terror over the roads, and planted posts in all directions towards the desert. At the news of the approach of Aj if they retired. Ajif marched to below Wasit and there took post on the river Bardad and Ankara. Then they retreated and entered another place, but the roads baffled them. Ajif then forced 1,500 of them to fight, and killed on the field of battle 300 men. Their leaders he made prisoners, and sent the chief to the gate of M’utasim. Ajif was engaged against the Jats twenty-five days, and vanquished a great many of them. The chief of the Jats was Muhammad bin ’Usman, and the commander was Samlu. Ajif then took up a position, and remained opposed to them seven months. Mansur bin Bassam was at Musal.

Hijra 220. a.d. 835. — Defeat of the Jats by Ajif, L

In this year Ajif came to Baghdad from his expedition against the Jats, after having defeated and killed many of them. The remnant was compelled to ask quarter, which was conceded to them. They then marched away with him in Zi’l hijja, 219 (834 a.d.) and their number, including women and children, was twenty-seven thousand. The fighting men among them were twelve thousand. Ajif placed his conquered foes in boats, and sent them dressed as they had appeared in battle, with their trumpets, to Baghdad. They reached that city on the tenth Muharram, 220. They proceeded in boats to the Shammasiya (suburb of Bagh- dad). The Jats were accoutred as for battle, and were blowing their horns, And Azif gave to each of his men two dinars (as a present). The Jats stayed on board their ships three days, and were then handed over to Bishr ibnu-s Samaida’, who conveyed them to Khanikin. Thence they were removed to the (northern)

frontier to ’Ain-zarba, and the Byzantines made a raid upon them and not one of them escaped.1

In the year 396 Hijra (1006 a.d.) Yaminu-d daula fought against Bhatia, one of the dependencies of Hind, which is situated beyond Multan. The chief of the place was named Bahira. It is a fine city, enclosed with high walls, and a deep ditch. The chief marched out to meet his enemy, and fought for three days with the Musulmans. On the fourth he fled, and sought to get back into the city ; but the Musulmans reached the gate before the fugitives, overpowered them, and disarmed them. A dread- ful slaughter ensued, the women were dishonoured, and the property seized. When Balnra saw this destruction, he fled with some trusty followers to the tops of the mountains. Mah- mud sent a force in pursuit, which overtook and surrounded the party, and put all the chiefs to the sword. Bahira saw that no hope was left, so he drew a dagger and killed himself. Mah- mud remained in Bhatia until he had settled its affairs, and drawn up rules for its governance. He then returned towards Gliazna, having appointed a representative at Bhatia to instruct the people who had become Muhammadans. On his journey home he encountered great difficulties from heavy rains and swollen rivers, and great quantities of things belonging to him and his army were carried away by the waters.

In the year 396 Hijra (1006, a.d.) Sultan Yaminu-d daula fought against Multan. The cause of this was that the ruler of the place, Abu-1 Futuh was disaffected, false to his faith, and inclined to heresy ( ilhad ). He had also required the people of his country to follow his opinions, and they had consented. Yaminu-d daula resolved to attack him and marched against him, but the rivers on the road were very large and broad,

1 [There are some doubtful words in this extract, but the sense appears to be as translated.]

especially the Sihun (Indus), and the enemy was ready to oppose the passage. So Mahmud sent to Andbal1 and asked permission to pass through his country to Multan, but the request was re- fused. Mahmud resolved therefore to deal with him first, and afterwards to prosecute his original intention. So he entered into his country and overran it ; and he killed many of the people, plundered their property, and fired their houses. Andbal fled and Mahmud followed his traces, like fire in the tracks of Satan, from pass to pass until he reached Kashmir. When Abu-1 Futuh heard of this victory, he saw the futility of his rebellion, and sending his property to Sarandip, he evacuated Multan. Yaminu-d daula then went to Multan, and finding the people infatuated in their heresy, he besieged the place closely, and carried on the fight until he took it by storm. He fined the inhabitants 20,000 dirhams for their rebellion.

After the capture of Somnat, Mahmud received intelligence that Blum the chief of Anlialwara had gone to the fort of Kandahat, which is situated about forty parasangs from Somnat between that place and the desert. He marched thither, and when he came in front of the place he questioned some men who were hunting, as to the tide. From them he learned that there was a practicable ford, but that if the wind blew a little, he might be submerged. Mahmud prayed to the Almighty and then entered the water. He and his forces passed over safely, and drove the enemy out of the place. From thence he returned, intending to proceed against Mansura, the ruler of which was an apostate Muhammadan. When the news of Mahmud’s ap- proach reached this chief, he fled into the date-palm forests. Mahmud proceeded against him, and surrounding him and his adherents, many of them were slain, many drowned, and but few escaped. Mahmud then went to Bhatia, and after reducing the inhabitants to obedience, he returned to Ghazni, where he arrived on the 10th Safar 417 h.

In the year (4)25 (1034 a.d.), Mas’ud, son of Mahmud, returned to Hind to destroy the Turks ( al gliuzz ) ; and Ahmad Nial- tigin again exerting himself to excite rebellion in the provinces of Hind, proceeded with all his assembled forces to the territories (bildd) of Balazi. Mas’ud sent a numerous army against him, and the chiefs of Hind being averse to his entering into their territories, closed the roads against him. Before the army reached the passage he attacked it, and retreated fighting towards Multan. Several of the Indian chiefs proceeded to Bhatia. He had with him a considerable unbroken force, and the chief of the place not having strength to arrest his progress, Ahmad demanded boats to enable him to cross the river Indus, and these were supplied. In the midst of the stream there was an island, which Ahmad and his adherents perceived, and close by in another direction lay the desert. They did not know that the water was deep there. The Indian chief directed the owners of the boats to transport the fugitives to the island and to return. Ahmad and his adherents remained there, and they had no food but what they had brought with them. They stayed there nine days, and their provisions were consumed. Having even de- voured their animals they were reduced to extremity, and resolved to pass through the water ; but they had no sooner entered it than they discovered its depth, and, besides this, a great impediment in the mud. The Indian sent over his soldiers against them in boats, who attacked them while they were in that plight, and killed many of them. The sons of Ahmad were taken prisoners, and when Ahmad himself fell into their hands they killed him. His companions also were all either slain, taken prisoners, or drowned.

War between Shahabu-d din and the King of Benares.

Shahabu-d din Gliori, king of Ghazni, sent his slave, Kutbu-d din, to make war against the provinces of Hind, and this general made an incursion in which he killed many, and returned home

with prisoners and booty. The king of Benares was the greatest king in India, and possessed the largest territory, extending lengthwise from the borders of China to the province of Malawa (Malwa), and in breadth from the sea to within ten days’ journey of Lahore. When he was informed of this inroad, he collected his forces, and in the year 590 (1194 a.d.), he entered the territories of the Muhammadans. Shahabu-d din Ghori marched forth to oppose him, and the two armies met on the river Jumna,1 which is a river about as large as the Tigris at Musal. The Hindu prince had seven hundred elephants, and his men were said to amount to a million. There were many nobles in his army. There were Mussulmans in that country since the days of Mahmud bin Subuktigin, who continued faithful to the law of Islam, and constant in prayer and good works. When the two armies met there was great carnage ; the infidels were sustained by their numbers, the Musulmans by their courage, but in the end the infidels fled, and the faithful were victorious. The slaughter of the Hindus was immense ; none were spared except women and children, and the carnage of the men went on until the earth was weary. Ninety elephants were captured, and of the rest some were killed, and some escaped. The Hindu king was slain, and no one would have recognized his corpse but for the fact of his teeth, which were weak at their roots, being fastened in with golden wire. After the flight of the Hindus Shab&bu-d din entered Benares, and carried off its treasures upon fourteen hundred camels. He then returned to Ghazni. Among the elephants which were captured there was a white one, A person who saw it told me that when the elephants were brought before Shahabu-d din, and were ordered to salute, they all saluted except the white one. No one should be surprised at what I have said about the elephants, for they understand what is said to them. I myself saw one at Musal with his keeper, which did whatever his keeper told him.

1 [Tornberg reads ' ^ but 1 l* “ the river Jumna” must be meant.

This “ Arrangement or String of Histories ” is a small work devoted to general history, well known in Europe, but in too compendious a form to be of any great use, for in some of the dynasties treated of we have little beyond the names of the kings and the dates of their decease. Its value is chiefly attributable to the early period at which it was written.

The author was Abu Sa’id ’Abdu-llah bin Abu-1 Hasan ’AH Baizawi.1 His father was, as well as himself, a “ Ivaziu-1 kuzzat,” or chief kazi, and his grandfather exercised the functions of Imam. He was born at Baiza, a town at a short distance from Shiraz, and was kazi, first at Shiraz and after- wards at Tabriz, where he died in the year 685 h., 1286, a.d. Haji Khalfa says he died either in that year or 692 h.2 This author has obtained great celebrity from his commentary upon the Kurau, entitled Anicdru-t Tanzil tea asrara-t Tdw'il — “ the lights of revelation and mysteries of allegorical interpretation,” which has itself been commented on by many succeeding authors, of which a bit is given by Haji Khalfa, in his Lexicon , Vol. I.

1 This is what he calls himself in the Preface to the Nizdmu-t Tawarikh , but Haji Khalfa styles him Nasiru-d din Abu Sa’id ’Abdu-llah bin ’Umar Baizawi. S. de Sacy also calls him Abu-1 Kasim, ’Umar his father, and Abu-1 Hasan ’Ali his grandfather. In one biography in my possession, he is named Kazi Nasiru-d din Abu-1 Khair’ Abdu-llah bin ’Umar bin Muhammad bin ’Ali Shirazi Baizawi. The Haft Iklini calls him Kazi Nasiru-d din bin Kazi Imam Badru-d din ’Umar bin Fakhru-d din bin ’Ali.

2 The two first dates are given by most of the European authorities who follow Haji Khalfa. Bampoldi gives his death in 1286 a.d. or 685 a.h. The Fakhru-l Wasilin has a chronogram which gives 691. Abu-1 Muhasin and the MS. quoted by Casiri gives 685, and Yafi’i mentions his death under the annals of 692.

pp, 469-81. This is considered generally the best commentary, and has been largely used by Sale and others. There are several copies of it in Europe, enumerated by De Rossi. It has lately been printed at Leipsig by Professor Fleischer. Baizawx was the author of other works on law, theology, logic, and grammar, all written in Arabic, but the Nizamu-t Tawarikh is in Persian, in order, as he says, “ that it might be of more general use.”

A full account of the Nizamu-t Tawdr'ikli has been given by Silvestre de Sacy, in the Notices des Manuscripts , Tom. lv. pp. 672-696, from the Appendix of which article it appears that there is another work of the same name, composed by Kazi Jalalu-d din, wazir of Mahmud the Ghaznivide, in which I am disposed to apprehend some error of name or designation. Amongst other extracts given by him he has translated the brief histories of the Assassins and Atabaks.

There is some doubt about the exact date of the composi- tion of this work. It is generally supposed that it was written about 674 H., but there are dates mentioned in it subsequent to that period. For instance, in the history of the Atabaks, there is one of 686, and towards the close of the Mo°lial history, there are 684 and 690 ; and 694 is repeated four times. There appears nothing like interpolation in these pas- sages, and there would therefore appear some reason to suppose that 694 was the real date of composition, or at least of final revision, and that the latest date mentioned by Haji Khalfa, namely, 699 (a.d. 1299-1300), is the most probable one of the author’s death. Still this is opposed to all other authorities. M. Silvestre de Sacy examined two copies of the work in the Bibliotheque Rationale, in one of which he found dates later than 674. He mentions particularly the date of 689 (in my copy 686) in the history of the Atabaks, and he observes, what is very true, that at the beginning of that history their power is said to have commenced in 543, and to have lasted up to the time of composition, 130 years (131 in mine), which fixes the date in 674. It is easy, however, to read 650 for 630. M. de

Sacy does not notice the additions to the Moghal history in either of the copies in the Bibliotheque Nationale. My own copy, which is taken from a very excellent one written in 1108 h., has distinctly in the preface, as well as the conclusion, the year of 694 h. it is to be observed, that in Arabic 90 and 70 are written almost in the same form, when without diacritical marks. I have seen one copy in which the Perso- Moghal history is carried down to 739 h., but that evidently contained additions by the copyist. Altogether, if so many authorities were not arrayed against me, I should prefer fixing the date at 694, instead of 674. The question, however, is not of the least con- sequence. The work is divided into four books.

Book I. — Prophets and Patriarchs from Adam to Null, pp. 6-12. Book II. — Kings of Persia to the time of the Musulmans.

1. Peshdadi; 2. Kaiani ; 3. Asligani ; 4. Sassani. Pp. 13-77. Book III. — Muhammad and his successors, including the Um- mayides and ’Abbasides. Pp. 78-119.

Book IV. — Dynasties established in Tran during the time of the ’Abbasides. 1. Saffari ; 2. Samani ; 3. Ghazni vides ; Dai- lima ; 5. Saljuki; 6. Malahida; 7. Salghari ; 8. Khwarizmi; 9. Moghal. Pp. 119-200.

Size. — Small 8vo. containing 200 pages, each of 11 lines.

The Nizamurt tawarikh is better known in Europe than in India. Besides the copies noticed by S. de Sacy, there is one in the British Museum, No. 16708. Sir W. Ouseley quotes another. Yet it is mentioned by M. Fraehn amongst his Desiderata.1

1 Compare Biographic Universelle, Tom. iv. p. 67 ; De Rossi, Dizionario dcgli Autori Arabe, p. 49 ; Ahmad REtzi’s Haft Iklim, p. 120; D'Herbelot’s Bibliotheque Orientate , Tom. v. p. 721 ; M. Fnehn’s Indications Bibliographiques , No. 161 ; Ram- poldi’s Annali Mussulmani , Tom. i. p. 339, Tom. is. p. 445 ; T. W. Beale's Mif- tahu-t tawarikh, p. 104; Ouseley’s Jehanara, p. xvi. ; Casiri’s Bibliotheca Arab., Tom. i. p. 491 ; S. de Sacy’s Anthol., p. 37.

Their number amounts to twelve, and their rule endured for one hundred and sixty-one years. The origin of this family dates from the middle of the days of the Dailamites, but as its members were great men under the Sam&ms, I am desirous that my accounts of these two dynasties should not be separated. The following are the names of these kings, viz. : — 1. Sultan Yaminu-d daula Abu-1 kasim Mahmud, son of Nasiru-d din Subuktigin ; 2. Mas’ud, son of Mahmud ; 3. Muhammad Ma- khul (the blind), son of Mahmud ; 4. Maudud, son of Mas’ud ; 5. Mas’ud, son of Maudud ; 6. ’All, son of Mas’ud ; 7. ’Ab- du-r Rashid, son of Mahmud ; 8. Ibrahim, son of Mas’ud ; 9. Mas’ud, son of Ibrahim ; 10. Arslan Shah, son of Mas’ud ; 11. Bahrain Shah, son of Mas’ud ; 12. Khusru Shah, son of Bahram Shah. Nasiru-d din died in the year 387 h. (997 a.d.) and the command of his troops descended to Mahmud by inherit- ance, and by confirmation of Nuh, son of Mansur. His victory over ’Abdu-1 Malik, when that chieftain was put to flight, added much to his power, and he was confirmed in the government of Khurasan and Sijistan, and he received a robe of honour with the title of Sultan from the Khalif, who also made a treaty with him. In consequence of the complaints of the oppression prac- tised by the descendants of Fakhru-d din Dailami, he marched towards Jurjan and ’Irak, and took the country from them. After- wards he turned his arms towards Hind, and conquered many of its cities and forts. He demolished the Hindu temples1 and ga’ve prevalence to the Muhammadan faith. He ruled with great justice, and he stands unparalleled among all the Muhammadan kings. He summoned Israil son of Sulaiman, the Saljuk, from Mawarau-n Nahr, and apprehending danger from the immense number of that tribe, he sent him to the fort of Kalinjar in Hind, where he remained till he died. The capture of this Saljuk chief

1 [The two following lines are not in Sir II. Elliott’s MS.]

was the cause of the weakness of his descendants. Mahmud Subuktigin died in a.h. 420 (1029 a.d.).

According to the will of Mahmud, his son Mas’ud was to have the government of Khurasan, ’Irak, and Persia, and his second son, Muhammad, the kingdom of Ghazni and the country of Hind. Mas’ud requested his brother to have his name read along with his own in the Khutba, but this was not complied with, therefore Mas’ud marched to invade Ghazni. Before he reached there, Muhammad was taken prisoner by Yusuf, son of Subuktigin, and sent to the fort of Bulbad.1 Mas’ud, after his arrival at Ghazni, sent Yusuf to prison, and became master of all the dominions of his father. In his time the Saljuks crossed the Jihun and invaded Khurasan. He fought with them and made peace with them several times, but being defeated in a.h. 432 (1040 a.d.) he returned to Ghazni where his brother Muhammad had regained power in his absence. On his arrival he was consigned to a fort, and Ahmad, son of Muhammad went direct from his father to the fort and there slew him, a.h. 433 (1041 A.D.)

Sultan Muhammad Makhul bin Mahmud ruled for nearly four years over the dominions of Ghazni, after the death of his father. When his brother was slain, Maudud, son of the deceased, armed against him, and proving victorious, put him and his sons to death.

Maudud, having taken revenue for his father’s death, sat on the throne for nearly seven years, and brought the country of his uncle under his dominion. He died in a.h. 441 (1049 a.d.).

Mas’ud, son of Maudud, was quite a boy at the death of his 1 Another copy reads “ Mangsal.”

father. The Government was carried on for a few days in his name, but the ministers and nobles then conspired to place the royal crown on the head of his uncle.

When Sultan ’Ali, son of Mas’ud, obtained the throne, ’Abdu-r Rashid, son of Mahmud, who for many years had been in prison, contrived to escape, and having collected an army, ’Ali fled before him, and was discomfited.

He reigned nearly seven years, and died a.h. 445 (1053 a.d.).

Sultan Ibrahim, son of Mas’ud, ruled for a period extending from a.h. 450 to 492 (1058 to 1098). He raised no palaces for himself, but only mosques and colleges for the great and glorious God.

Mas’ud, son of Ibrahim, occupied the throne for sixteen years, and expired in a.h. 508 (1114 a.d.)

Sultan Arslan Shah, by his wisdom and prudence, ob- tained the succession to his father Mas’ud. His brother Bah- rain then fled in alarm, and sought refuge with his maternal uncle, Sultan Sanjar, the Saljuk, whom he brought against Ghazni. A battle ensued, in which Arslan Shah was defeated, and Sanjar having placed Bahram on ' the throne, returned to Khurasan. Soon after his departure, Arslan Shah attacked Bahram, who was again obliged to fly, but being once more assisted by Sanjar, with a large army, he went up against Ghazni, gained a victory, and put Arslan Shah to death, in A.H. 512 (1118 A.D.).

1 [The author passes unnoticed the interval of five years which he has left between the reigns of ’Abdu-r Rashid and Ibrahim, and makes no mention of the reign of Farrukh-zad.]

Bahrain Shah, son of Mas’ud, had reigned some days, when he was attacked in Ghazni by ’Alau-d din Husain, son of Hasan, tlxe first of the kings of Ghor. Bahram Shah fled before him from Ghazni, in which place ’Alau-d din established his own brother, Saifu-d din, and then returned. Afterwards Bahram Shah came back to Ghazni, and ordered Saifu-d din to be seated on a cow, and paraded round the city. When ’Alau-d din heard of this he became greatly infuriated, and marched with a large army towards Ghazni, but Bahram died before his arrival. He was succeeded by his son, Khusru Shah.

A few days after his accession ’Alau-d din arrived, and Khusru fled to the country of Hind. ’Alau-d din then plun- dered Ghazni, and massacred a great number of its inhabitants. He left there his nephews, Ghiyasu d din Abu’l Fath Muhammad, and Shahabu-d din Abu-1 Muzaflar, sons of Sam, son of Hasan. They having succeeded in the capture of Khusru Shah, by various expedients through which he was lulled into security, kept him prisoner in a fort. They subjugated all the countries which had been under the rule of the kings of Ghazni, and and chose Dehli for their residence. Khusru Shah died in a.h. 555 (1160 a.d.), and with him ended the Ghaznivide dynasty.

After some time Ghiyasu-d din died, and the country re- mained in the sole and absolute possession of Sliahabu-d din to the time of Sultan Muhammad Takash, when he was assas- sinated ' by the Maldhida (Isma’ileans) in Hirat. He was succeeded in the kingdom of Hind by Sultan Shamsu-d din Altamsh, one of his slaves ( mawal'i ), with whose descendants it remains to this day. The only names which the compiler knows of the Ghorian dynasty who ruled in Hind are these three : — ’Alau-d din Husain Jahan-soz, Ghiyasu-d din Muhammad, Shahabu-d din Muhammad,

[This is a general history from the earliest times up to 658 Hijra (a.d. 1259). The author was Abu ’Umar Minhaju-d din, ’Usman ibn Siraju-d din al Juzjani. In the course of his work he mentions many interesting facts concerning himself and his family. He tells us that his ancestor in the third degree, Imam ’Abdu-l Khalik, came from Juzjan1 to Ghazni to seek a wife, in compliance with a command which he several times received in dreams. Here he gained the good graces of the reigning monarch, Ibrahim, and received in marriage one of his forty daughters, all of whom were “ married to illustrious nobles or learned men of repute.” They had a son named Ibrahim, who was father of Maulana Minhaju-d din ’Usman, who was father of Maulana Siraju-d din, who was father of our author, Minhaju-s Siraj. Siraju-d din was a man of some distinction. He was appointed Kazi of the army of Hindustan by Muhammad Ghori in a.h. 582 (1186 a.d.), and his son refers to him by his titles of “ Ajubatu-z Zaman a/sahu-l Ajam — the wonder of the time and the most eloquent man of Persia.”

The author of this work, Minhaju-s Siraj, came from Ghor to Sind, U'ch and Multan in 624 a.h. (a.d. 1227), and his character for learning must then have been already established, as he tells us that the Firozi College at T/cli was placed under his charge. In the year following, Sultan Shamsu-d din Altamsh led his armies from Dehli to suppress Nasiru-d din Kubacha, who

had succeeded in gaining sovereign authority in those quarters, and after the defeat and death of Kubacha, Minhaju-s Siraj was admitted to an interview with Altamsh, and returned in his train to Dehli, where he arrived in Ramazan, 625 (August, 1228). In 629 a.h. he followed Altamsh to the siege of Gwalior, where he was appointed one of the court preachers, and soon afterwards was made “ law-officer, and director of the preaching, and of all religious, moral, and judicial affairs.” He abandoned this position in 635, when the forces of Sultan Raziya marched there. After the death of this able but unfor- tunate queen, we find him at Dehli, writing congratulatory verses upon the accession of her successor, Bahrain Shah, and when a panic fell upon the city at the threatened incursion of the Moghals, he was called upon to preach and conciliate the minds of the people. Soon after this, in a.h. 639 (1241 a.d.) Bahrain Shah made him Kazi of the capital and of all his territories. But he did not hold this office long. Bahrain Shah was deposed, and slain at the end of 639 h., and Minhaju-s Siraj immediately afterwards tendered his resignation.

In Hijra 640, he started for Lakhnauti, and stayed there until the end of 642. This residence in the capital of Bengal afforded him opportunities for acquiring accurate information re- specting that outlying Musulmdn territory, and makes all that he says upon that subject of especial value.

At the end of 642, he returned to Dehli and arrived there early in the following year. He was immediately appointed Principal of the Nasiriya College, and superintendent of its en- dowments. He was also made Kazi of Gwalior, and preacher in the metropolitan mosque. At the beginning of 644 h. (1246 a.d.) Nasiru-d din Mahmud ascended the throne, and our author received a prize for his congratulatory ode on the occasion, speci- mens of which he inserts in his history. The full tide of pros- perity had now set in upon him ; he received many honours from the Sultan Nasiru-d din, and from the distinguished noble whom he calls Ulugh Khan-i Mu’azzam, who succeeded Nasiru-d din

on the throne, and is better known as Ghiyasu-d din Balban. The autlior records the grant of a village which he received in in’ am, and mentions with great complacency the many favours of which he was the recipient. Finally he was honoured with the title of Sadr-i Julian, and was again made Kazi of the state and magistrate of the capital.

In honour of his patron, Nasiru-d din, he named his work Tabakat-i Nasiri, and he breaks off his history rather abruptly in the fifteenth year of that monarch’s reign, intending, as he said, to resume his pen if life and opportunity were afforded him. The date of his death is not known, but he probably survived Nasiru-d din, as the period of that monarch’s reign is stated in this work as extending to twenty-two years, which, however, is an error, as it lasted only twenty years. The eulogistic way in which he always speaks of the successor of Nasiru-d din would induce the belief that the work appeared in the reign of that Sultan, and the fact is proved by his more than once offering up an ejaculatory prayer for the continuance of his reign.

The following careful analysis of the contents of the history has been borrowed from Mr. Morley’s catalogue of the MSS. of the Royal Asiatic Society : —

“ The Tabakat-i Nasiri is divided into twenty-three books, and contains as follows : —

“Author’s Preface, in which he dedicates his work to Abu-1 Muzaffar Nasiru-d din Mahmud Ibnu-s Sultan Altamsh, king of Dehli.

“Book I. — Account of the Prophets and Patriarchs ; of Jesus Christ ; of Ishmael and the ancestors of Muhammad ; and a history of Muhammad himself to the day of his death.

“ Book II. — History of the first four Khalifas ; of the de- scendants of ’All, and of the ten Mubashshir.

“Book III. — The Khalifas of the Bani Ummayya.

“ Book IV. — The Khalifas of the Bani ’Abbas, to the ex- tinction of the Khalifat in a.h. 656 (a.d. 1258).

“ Book V. — The history of the early kings of Persia, com-

prising the Peshdadians, the Kaianians, the Ashkanians, the Sasanians, and the Akasira from Nausliirwan to Yazdajird.

“Book YI. — History of the kings of Yatnan, from Harisu-r Raish to Badan, who was converted to the Islam.

“Book VII. — History of the Tahirides from the Tahir Zuu-1 Yumnain to that of Muhammad bin Tahir, the last kins of the dynasty, who was conquered by Ya’kub Lais, in a.h. 259 (a.d. 872).

“ Book VIII. — History of the Saffarides from Ya’kub Lais to the death of ’Amru Lais in a.h. 289 (a.d. 901).

“Book IX. — History of the Samanides from their origin to a.h. 389 (a.d. 998) when ’Abdu-1 Malik bin Nuh was sent as a captive to Uzjand.

“ Book X. — History of the Buwaihides from their origin to the time of Abu-1 Fawaris Sharafu-d Daula.

“ Book XI. — History of the Ghaznivides from Subuktigm to the death of Khusru Malik in a.h. 598 (a.d. 1201).

“Book XII. — History of the Saljuks of Persia from their origin to the death of Sultan Sanjar in a.h. 552 (a.d. 1157) ; of the Saljuks of Rum and ’Irak, from their origin to the time of Ruknu-d din Kilij Arslan ; and an account of Tughril bin Tugh- ril, to his death, and the conquest of ’Irak by Takash, King of Khwarizm.

“Book XIII. — History of the Sanjariya kings, viz., 1. The Atabaks of ’Irak and Azarbaijan from the time of the Atabak Alptigin to that of the Atabak Abu Bakr bin Muhammad. 2. The Atabaks of Fars, from Sankar to the time of the Atabak Abu Bakr bin Sa’d bin Zangi a.h. 658 (a.d. 1259) when the author wrote. 3. The Kings of Naishapur from Maliku-1 Muaiyidu-s Sanjari to the defeat and capture of Sanjar Shah bin Tughan Shah, by Takash, king of Khwarizm.

“ Book XIV. — History of the kings of Nimruz and Sijistan from Tahir bin Muhammad to Taju-d din Nialtigin Khwarizmi who was slain by the Mongols in a.h. 625 (a.d. 1227).

“ Book XV. — History of the Kurdiya kings, viz : The Atabaks

of Syria, Nuru-d din Zangi and Maliku-s Salih ; and the Ayyu- bites of Egypt, from the time of Ayyub to the death of Maliku-s Salih bin Maliku-1 Kamil.

“ Book XVI. — History of the Khwarizmians, from their origin to the death of Jalalu-d din Mankburni, in a.h. 629 (a.d. 1231).

“ Book XVII. — History of the Shansabaniya Sultans of Glior, from the origin of the family to the time of ’Alau-d din Muham- mad bin Abu ’All, the twenty-second and last king, who sur- rendered the city of Firoz-Koh to Muhammad Khwarizm Sh&h in a.h. 612 (a.d. 1215).

“Book XVIII. — The Shansabaniya Kings of Bamian and Tukharistan, from Fakhru-d din Mas’ud, the first king, to the time of the fifth monarch, ’Alau-d din Mas’ud, who was slain by his nephew Jalalu-d din ’All.

“ Book XIX. — History of the Shansabaniya Sultans of Ghaznin, from the time of Saifu-d din Suri, who conquered Bahram Shah Ghaznawi, to that of Kutbu-d din Aibak, who ex- pelled Taju-d din Yalduz, in a.h. 603 (a.d. 1206).

“ Book XX. — The Muizziya Sultans of Hindustan, compris- ing the history of Kutbu-d din Aibak, and of his son Aram Shah, whose capital was Dehli ; of Nasiru-d din Kubacha al Mu’izzi and Bahau-d din Tughril al Mu’izzi ; and of the first four Khilji princes who reigned at Lakhnauti or Gaur, ending with Husamu-d din Ghiyasu-d din, who was defeated and slain by Nasiru-d din Mahmud bin Shamsu-d din Altamsh, governor of Behar, in a.h. 634 (a.d. 1226).

“ Book XXI. — History of the Shamsiya Sultans of Hindustan, whose capital was Dehli, from the time of Shamsu-d din Al- tamsh, who expelled Aram Shah from the throne in a.h. 607 (a.d. 1210) to a.h. 658 (a.d. 1259), when Nasiru-d din Mah- mud, the seventh king of the dynasty, reigned in Dehli, and the author completed the present history.

“ Book XXII. — Account of the most eminent nobles, viceroys, governors, etc., who flourished under the Shamsiya dynasty, from a.h. 625 (a.d. 1227) to the author’s own time, ending with

a life of Bahau-d din Alu Khan Balban who was the wazir of Nasiru-d din Mahmud, and who afterwards, on the death of that monarch, ascended the throne of Dehli without opposition.

“ Book XXIII. — On the incursions of the infidels; comprising an account of the war between Sultan Sanjar Saljuki and the tribes of Kara Kliita ; of the conquest of Turkistan by Mu- hammad Khwarizm Shah, and the defeat and death of Gur Khan, the Kara Khitaian, in a.h. 607 (a.d. 1210) ; and of Changiz Khan and his descendants, viz: — Juji Khan, Uktai Khan, Chaghatai Khan, Kuyuk Khan, Batu Khan, Mangu Khan, Hulaku Khan, and Barakah Khan, to a.h. 658 (a.d. 1259).”

The Tabakat-i Nasiri is held in very high esteem both in India and Europe. Firishta and others refer to it as an excellent work of high authority; Anquetil du Perron calls it a “precious work,” and Elphinstone mentions it as a work of the highest celebrity. Stewart in his History of Bengal, follows it very closely, and considers it “a very valuable book.” These en- comiums are not altogether undeserved ; it is written in a plain, unaffected style, and the language is considered very correct. The author *but rarely indulges in high-flown eulogy, but narrates his facts in a plain, straightforward manner, which in- duces a confidence in the sincerity of his statements, and the accuracy of his knowledge. He appears to have been industrious in collecting information from trustworthy persons, and he often mentions his authority for the facts he records. Still he is very meagre in his details, and Mr. Morley justly observes, “many portions of the history are too concise to be of much use.” He is also particularly disappointing occasionally in the brevity with which he records important matters about which he might have obtained full information, such, for instance, as the irruption of the “ infidels of Changiz Khan ” into Bengal, as far as the walls of Lakhnauti, in 642 h. (1245 a.d.)

Another defect of the work arises from its plan, which necessi- tates repetition, and requires events to be related in more than

one place. Thus, the record of the reign of Nasiru-d din and the memoir of Ulugh Khan (Ghiyasu-d din) go over the same ground, and record many of the same facts but with considerable variety of detail.]

It is strange (says Sir Henry Elliot) that the Tabakat-i Nasiri should be so scarce in India. I know of only one copy besides my own, although there is no work for which I have searched so much.1 It is in one of the royal libraries of Luck- now, and though several of my correspondents had declared that it was not to be found there, I discovered it at last by making a man ascend a ladder, and read out the title of every work in the library. After the lapse of almost three hours the name was read out. The work is by no means uncommon in Europe. Scarcely any one is so much quoted by Orientalists. It is possible that the reason of its being so scarce in India is that it vituperates the Muglials, and shows the consternation which they occasioned at the time of their first conquests, inasmuch as the author represents them as manifest signs of the approach of the day of judgment.2

[The portions of the Tabakat-i Nasiri which relate to India have been printed in the Bibliotheca Indica, under the super- intendanc-e of Major Lees, in a volume of 450 pages. This con- tains the 11th and the 17th to the 22 d Tabakats or books. Major Lees’ preface to this volume states the reasons for thus limiting the publication, and contains some critical observations upon the

1 [Stewart describes a copy belonging to Tippu’s Library said to bare been copied by tbe author himself.]

2 It was the terror arising from the same cause which induced European writers to give these hordes the name of Tartars. The correct word is Tatars, which signifies a tributary people, and though improperly applied to the Mongols themselves, yet represented the great majority of the races which swelled their ranks. Superstitious monks supposed them to have come from the infernal regions, and hence called them Tartars. St. Louis writes to his queen Blanche, “This divine consolation will always exalt our souls, that in the present danger of the Tartars, either we shall push them hack into the Tartarus whence they are come, or they will bring us all into Heaven.” Klaproth, Asia Folyglotta, p. 202. See also Schmidt, Forschungen im Gebiele der Volker mittel Asiens, p. 52 ; and Pallas, Sammlung Historischer Nachrichten iiber die Hongolischen Volkerschaflen, vol. ii. p. 429 ; De la Croix llistoire d' Genghiscan, p. 63.

value of this work, and of others which furnish the materials for the history of the early Muhammadan rulers of India.1

Size of Sir H. Elliot’s MS. — Small folio, 12 by 8 inches. Seventeen lines in each page.]

Imam Abu-1 Fazl al Hasan Baihaki relates in the Tarikh-i Nasiri, that Sultan Sa’id Mahmud heard from his father, Amir Subuktigin,2 that his (Subuktigin’s) father was called Kara- bahkam. His name was Juuk (troop), and in Turki they call a troop bahkam; so that the meaning of the name Kara-bahkam is “black troop.” Whenever the Turks in Turkistan heard his name they fled before him on account of his activity and courage.

Imam Muhammad ’All Abu-1 Kasim Hamadi says in his Tarikh-i Majdul, that Amir Subuktigin was a descendant of King Yazdajird. When this monarch was slain in a mill in the country of Merv, in the reign of the commander of the faith- ful ’Usman, his followers and dependants ( atbd ’ wa ashya’), came to Turkistan, and entering into intermarriages with the people of that country after two or three generations (their descendants) became Turks. Their palaces in this country are still standing. The following is a genealogical table of this race : — Amir Subuk-

1 See Elphinstone’s History ; Stewart’s History of Bengal, and his Catalogue of Tippoo’s Library; Jour. R. As. Soc. xvii. 138 ; Jour, des Savants, 1840, p. 221; Jour. Asiatique, IV. serie, vol. iii. ; Collection Orient. I. 198; Hammer, Goldene Horde, I. xv. xxiii. ; Haji Khalfa, iv. 153; Ouseley, Jehanhra, x. 7.

2 Hammer Purgstall (Gemaldesaal, iv. 102) says, on the authority of the Farhang-i Shu’uri, that the only correct spelling of this name is “ Sebuktigin ,” or, according to the system adopted in this work, Sibuktigin , but Ibn Khallikan distinctly says the word should he spelt Subuktigin. [A carefully written MS. of ’Utbl in the British Museum writes it “ Subuktikin.” The orthography of all these Turki names is very variable and unsettled. Historians differ from each other and are often at variance with themselves. — Jour. 11. A. S. ix. 208.]

tigm, son of Jauk Kara-bahkam, who was the son of Kara Arslan, the son of Kara-malat, son of Kara Nu’man, son of Firoz, son of Yazdajird, who was the sovereign of Persia,1 — but God knows the truth.

I. — Amiru-l Ghazi Ndsiru-d din Subuktigin.

Imam Abu-1 Fazl Baihaki writes that Nasr Hajf was a trader in the rei<m of ’Abdu-1 Malik Kuh Sarnam. He bought Subuk-

tisin, and took him to Bukhara as a slave. The marks of wisdom and activity were stamped upon his forehead, and he was purchased by the Lord Chamberlain ( Amir hajib), Alptigln. In the service of this nobleman he went to Tukharistan, and when Alptigln was appointed governor of that place he continued to serve him. In the course of events Alptigln came afterwards to Ghaznln, when he conquered the country of Zawulistan, and wrested Ghaznln from the hands of Amir Anuk.2

Eight years afterwards Alptigln died,3 and was succeeded by his son Is’hak. This chief fought with Anuk, and being defeated he went to Bukhara, where he succeeded in obtaining assistance from Amir Mansur Nuh. Thus strengthened, he returned and retook Ghazni. One year later he expired, and Bilkatigln,4 the

1 A long account of the parentage of Subuktigin is given in the Jami’u-t Tawarikh, in which his descent is traced from Tughril, king of Merv. Firishta follows the genealogy here given. The Rauzatu-s Safa does not notice either. Briggs, Ferishta I. 13; Gemaldesaal, IY. p. 105.

2 [Mr. Thomas published a translation of this passage in the Jour. R. As. Society, vol. xvii. p. 141. In his translation, and in the Munshi’s original translation from the MS., the word “ amir ” does not appear, but the editors of the printed text must have had authority for it. The word is important, because Mr. Thomas takes “ Anuk ” to he a local, not a personal or tribal appellation, and proposes to change the orthography so as to make the word to be “ Lambak,” i.e. “ Lamghan.” If the name is a local one we must here read “Amir of Anuk.” I have my doubts upon this, and I cannot acquiesce in the change of “ Andk” to “Lambak.” The printed text gives “Anuk,” and the MSS. of the India Library, of the R. A. Society, and of Paris, agree in this ortho- graphy. Sir H. Elliot’s MS. has “ Abdk.” In a previous page (181) we have had it as “ Kubak,” and Mr. Thomas says it is also written “ Luyak.” The change of any of these forms to “ Lambak ” is a bold one, and I prefer adhering to the best authorized form, although we are unable to identify it with any known name.]

3 [There are coins, one of them at least undisputed, dated h. 347, bearing the name of “ Albtigin.”— See Note in the Appendix on the Coins.]

4 [The printed text here gives the name “ Milkatig'm,” hut Sir H. Elliot’s MS.

chief of the Turks, was raised to his place. This chief was a very just and religious man, and was one of the greatest warriors in the world. He died after a reign of two years. Amir Subuk- tigin was in his service. Bilkatigin was succeeded by Amir Pari,1 who was a very depraved man. A party of the inhabi- tants of Ghazni opened communications with Abu ’Ali Anuk, and invited him back. Abu ’All obtained the aid of the son of the king of Kabul,2 but when they came into the vicinity ( liadd ) of Charkh,3 Subuktigin with five hundred Turks fell upon them, and defeated them. He put a great number to the sword, and took many prisoners. He also captured two elephants, and carried them to Ghazni. After the achievement of this victory the people, who were disgusted with Pari on account of his wickedness ( fasacl ), raised Subuktigin with unanimous consent to the chieftainship of Ghazni. On the twenty-seventh of Sha’ban, a.h. 366 (April, 977), on Friday, he came out of the fort with the umbrella, jewels, and banners, and proceeded to the Jami1 Masjid, where he was confirmed in the government and sovereignty of the counti'y. He carried his arms from Ghaznin to different countries, and brought Zamin-dawar, 4 Kusdar, Bamian, the whole of Tukharistan and Ghor into his possession. On the side of India he defeated Jaipal at the head of a large army and numerous elephants. He also drove back Bughra Khan, of Kashghar, (from his attacks upon) the Samanian dynasty. He then went to Balkh, and restored the chief of Bukhara to his throne. In his time great exploits were per- formed, and all the sources of internal dissensions in Khurasan were eradicated.

has “ Bilkatigin,” which is correct. The elevation of Bilkatigin is a fact unnoticed by every other known historian, hut it supported by the evidence of the Jami’u-1 Hikayat, and it is incontestibly proved by a unique coin bearing his name, and dated a.h. 359 (a.d. 969). See Jour. It. A. S. xvii. 112.]

1 [“Mari” in Sir H. E.’s MS., and “ Piri ” in Mr. Thomas’ translation of this passage.] 2 [The Munshi’s translation had “ Mir Shah of Kabtil.”]

3 [Var. “Khaij.” — Charkh has been identified with a village of that name in Lohgar. — See Jour. R. A. S. xvii. 141. Ayin-i Akbari II. p. 181. Erskine’s Baber, p. 48.]

4 [Dawar or Zamin-dawar is the country on the Helmand, between Sijistan and Ghor.]

In the month of Shawwal, a.h. 384 (November, 994), the command of Khurasan was conferred on Amir Mahmud, under the title of Saifu-d daula, and Amir Subuktigin received the title of Nasiru-d din. He expelled Abu-1 hasan Saimjur, and Khurasan was cleared of its enemies. Amir Subuktigin was a wise, just, brave, and religious man, faithful to his agreements, truthful in his words, and not avaricious for wealth. He was kind and just to his subjects, and the Almighty God had be- stowed upon him all the great qualities which are admirable in nobles and princes. The length of his reign was twenty years, and of his life fifty-six years. He died in the vicinity of Balkli, at the village of JBarmal Madrui, a.h. 386 (996 a.d.).1

II. — Reign of the great King Taminu-d daula Mahmud Nizamu-d din Abu-l Kasim Mahmud , son of Subuktigin.

Sultan Mahmud was a oreat monarch. He was the first

Muhammadan kino- who received the title of Sultan from the

Khalif. He was born on the night of Thursday, the tenth of Muharram, a.h. 361 1 (2nd October, 971), in the seventh year after the time of Bilkatigin. A moment ( sd’at ) before his birth, Amir Subuktigin saw in a dream that a tree sprang up from the fire-place in the midst of his house, and grew so high that it covered the whole world with its shadow. Waking in alarm from his dream, he began to reflect upon the import of it. At that very moment a messenger came, bringing the tidings that the Almighty had given him a son. Subuk- tigin greatly rejoiced, and said, I name the child Mahmud. On the same night that he was born, an idol temple in India, in the vicinity of Parshawar, on the banks of the Sind, fell down. *****

Mahmud was a man of great abilities, and is renowned as one of the greatest champions of Islam. He ascended the throne in

1 [The coins of Subuktigin in some variety are extant. — See Note in the Appendix.]

2 [Firishta gives the date as 9th Muharram, 357 h., and he has been followed by Elphinstone. — Briggs’ Ferishta, I. 33 ; Elphinstone, 323.]

Balkh, in the year 387 h. (997 a.d.), and received investiture by the Khalifa A1 Kadir bi-llah. His influence upon Islam soon became widely known, for he converted as many as a thousand idol-temples into mosques, subdued the cities of Hindustan, and vanquished the Hals of that country. He captured Jaipal, who was the greatest of them, kept him at Yazd (?), in Khurasan, and gave orders so that he was bought for eighty dirams.1 He led his armies to Nahrwala and Gujarat, carried off the idol {manat) from Somnat, and broke it into four parts. One part he deposited in the Jarni’ Masjid of Ghazni, one he placed at the entrance of the royal palace, the third he sent to Mecca, and the fourth to Medina. ’Unsuri composed a long Kasida on this victory. \Tlie story of his return from Somnat through the desert of Sind follows {see supra, p. 191), and an account is given of the state and pomp of his Court .] He died in the year 421 H. (1030 a.d.), in the thirty-sixth year of his reign, and at sixty-one years of age.

III. — Muhammad bin Mahmud Jalalu-d daula ?

Jalalu-d daula Muhammad was a good amiable man. Many curious poems are attributed to him. When his father Mahmud died, his brother Mas’ud was in ’Irak, and the nobles of the court of Mahmud resolved upon placing Muhammad on the throne, which they did in the year 421 h. (1030 a.d.). He was a man of gentle temper, and had not the energy necessary for governing a kingdom. A party of the friends of Mas’ud wrote to him in ’Irak, and that prince gathered a force, with which he marched upon Ghazni. When intelligence of his design reached Ghazni, Muhammad prepared an army and went out to meet his brother. ’All Kurib was Hajib and commander-in-chief. When

1 The meaning of this passage is obscure. The text runs thus : —

lj Aj j.iT1 AjJj j d — ■- jf .... jJL.^59-

2 [Note in the Text. — “ Names of the sons of Muhammad, Muyidu-d daula Ahmad, ’Abdu-r Rahman, ’Abdu-r Rahim.”]

they reached Takinabad1 they heard of Mas’ud’s approach, so they seized upon Muhammad, blinded him, and put him in prison. ’All Kurib then led his army on to Hirat to meet Mas’ud. When he came within a stage of that place, he went to wait upon the Sultan, but Mas’ud ordered him to be made prisoner, and his whole force to destroyed. On this occasion Muhammad reigned for seven months. When Mas’ud was killed at Marikala, Sultan Muhammad was brought out of prison, and although he was blind he was once more placed upon the throne. He then marched at the head of his army towards Ghazni, but Maudud, son of Mas’ud, came forth to avenge his father, met his uncle in battle, defeated him, and slew him and his children. The second time he reigned four months. His age was forty-five years when his death occurred, in the year 432 h.

1Y. — Nasiru-d din Allah Mas'iidu-sh Shahid (the Martyr ).2

Nasiru-d din Allah was the appellation of this prince, but his family name was Abu Mas’ud. He and his brother Sultan Mu- hummad were born on the same day. Sultan Mas’ud, the martyr, ascended the throne in a.h. 422 (1031 a.d.). He was so exceedingly generous that people used to call him “the second ’All,” and for his bravery they named him “ the second .Rus- tam,” No man could lift his battle-axe from the ground with one hand, and even an elephant could not sta d before him. H is father envied his strength, and used to keep him under con- trol. He (Mahmud) kept Muhammad at Ghazni, and at length he obtained authority from the Khalif to place the name and titles of Muhammad in the Khutba before those of Mas’ud. Khwaja Abu Nasr Mishkan says : “ When the letters (of the Khalif) were read in Mahmud’s court, it was felt by us, and by all the princes and great men, to be a heavy blow, for marks of intelli- gence and courage were apparent on the brow of Mas’ud. When

1 [The largest town in Garmsir. — See infra.']

2 [Note in one MS. — “Names of the children of Sultan Mas’ud: — Muhammad, Maujud, Maudtid, Ibrahim, I'zid-yar, Farrukh-zad, Shuja’, Murad Shah, ’Ali.’’

the prince came forth from the presence of his father, I, Abu Nasr Mishkan went after him and said to him, “ 0 prince, this post- ponement of your name in the letter of the Khalif is very offen- sive to your servants.” The prince said, “ Don’t grieve about it, the sword is a truer prophet than the pen.” He then told me to return. I had no sooner got back than the informers told the Sultan Mahmud of my devotion to Mas’ud. He sent for me, and I waited upon him. He asked me why I went after Mas’ud, and what I had said to him. I related exactly all that had passed, without reserve, for by concealment my life would have been imperilled. The Sultan then said, “ I know that Masud excels Muhammad in every respect, and after my death the kingdom will devolve upon him, but I take this trouble now on behalf of Muhammad, that the poor fellow may enjoy some honour and gratification during my lifetime, for after my death it will not be so safe for him. May God have mercy on him.”

Abu Nasr Mishkan goes on to say: — “In this incident two things surprised me very much. The first was the answer which Mas’ud so kindly and discreetly gave me. The second was the quickness and strict control of Mahmud, from whom this little attention of mine could not be concealed.” When Sultan Mah- mud took ’Irak he placed Mas’ud on the throne of that country, and before that period Hirat and Khurasan had been ruled in his name. After he ascended the throne of Spahan (Ispahan) he took the countries of Re, Kazwin, Hamadan, and Taram,1 and he overcame the Dailamites. Several times he received robes of honour from the Khalifate. After the death of Mah- mud he came to Ghazni, and took possession of his father’s king- dom. Several times he led his armies to India, and waged religious war. Twice he went to Tabaristan and Mazandaran. Towards the end of his reign the Saljuks made inroads, and three times he scattered their forces in the neighbourhood of Marv and Sarakhs. But as it was the will of God that the

1 [Here written with toe. The Marasidu-1 Ittila’ writes it with te, and says the place is situated in the hills between Kazwin and Jllan.]

kingdom of Khurasan should come into the hands of the Saljuks, he eventually fought a bloody battle with them for three days at Talikan.1 On the third day, which was a Friday, the Sultan was defeated, and retreated by way of Gharjistan to Ghazni. In panic he collected his treasures and went towards India, but in Marikala2 his Turk! and Hindi slaves revolted, took him prisoner, and raised Muhammad to the throne. They sent Mas’ucl to the fort of Kiri,3 and there he was slain in the year 432 h. (1040 a.d.). His age was forty-five years, and he had reigned nine years.

V. — Maudud, son of Mas’ud , son of Malimud .4

Shahabu-d daula Abu Sa’d Maudud, son of Nasiru-d din Allah Mas’ud, upon receiving the news of his father’s assassina- tion, ascended the throne. When his father, Mas’ud, started for Hindustan, he was appointed to act as vicegerent over Ghazni and its dependencies, and it was in the year 432 H. (1040 a.d.), that he mounted the throne. To avenge his father he collected an army, and set out towards Hindustan, against his uncle Mu- hammad. The opposite party had taken Muhammad out of prison, and had seated him on the throne. The nobles of

1 [A city between Merv and Balkh. Istakhri and Ibn Haukal call it tbe largest city in Khurasan, and say it was three days’ journey from Merv. Firishta states that the battle was fought at Dandankan, a town ten parasangs from Merv, on the road to Sarakhs.]

2 Sir H. Elliot reads “ Margala,” and says, “ according to Firishta he was taken at the Sarhi of Margala, near the Sind, or, according to others, on the Jhailam. Briggs reads the name Mari&la, and AVilken, Maricala. The noted pass of Margala is meant, near which there is a place of note called Sarai. The Tabakat-i Akbari and the Tarikh-i Badaun'i concur in reading Margala.”

3 Abu-1 Fida, according to fteiske (III. 669), gives the name as Kendi and

Kaidi. Haidar Razi has Bakar. The extract of the Rauzata-s Safa, printed by Sir H . Elliot, gives “ Kiri,” hut AVilken’s printed edition, and the Bombay lithographed edition of that work, have Kabri or Kabra, this being in all probability intended for Kiri, as one dot only makes the difference Firishta also has Kiri,

though Briggs reads the name “ Kurry.” — See Abbot’s Map, J our. As. Soc. Ben. Dec. 1848.

4 [Note in the Orig. — “Names of the children of Sultan Maudud: Mansfir, Mu- hammad, Sulaiman, Mahmud.”]

Hindustan submitted to liim, and the Mahmud! and the Mas’ud! Turks who had revolted against Mas’ud rallied round him and supported him. For four months they upheld him as ruler, but Maudud defeated him at Takarharud,1 and took him prisoner, with all his children and dependants. Maudud avenged his father’s blood upon him, and the Turks and Tajiks and every one else who had taken part in his father’s assassination he put to death. He thus obtained honour and renown. Afterwards he returned to Ghazni, and brought his father’s territories under his power. He reigned nine years, and died in the year 441 h. (1049 a.d.), at the age of thirty-nine years.

VI. — 'Al'i, son of Mas’ud, and Muhammad, son of Maudud.

These two princes, uncle and nephew, were raised jointly to the throne by the Turks and nobles. Every man took matters into his own hands, and when it was seen that they had no wisdom or power, and that ruin was coming upon the army and the people, they were dethroned after two months’ reign, and sent back to a fort. ’Abdu-r Rashid was raised to the throne in their stead.

Sultan Bahau-d daula ’Abdu-r Rashid, son of Mahmud, ascended the throne in the year 441 h. (1049 a.d.) He was a learned and clever man, and used to listen to chronicles and write history ; but he had no firmness or courage, and so changes and reverses came upon the state. The Saljuks, on the side of Khurasan, coveted the throne of Ghazni. Daud obtained the throne of Khurasan. Alp Arslan, son of Daud, was a good general, and they resolved to attack Ghazni. Alp Arslan ad- vanced from Tukharistan with a large force, and his father, Daud, marched by way of Sistan to Bust. ’Abdu-r Rashid collected an army, and placed at the head of it Tughril, who

1 Or “ Bakarha,” perhaps Baldirala. [Firishta’s text says “Dephr,” not “Dun- toor,” as in Briggs’ translation.]

had been one of the slaves of Mahmud, and was a very energetic man. He marched against Alp Arslan, and routed him in front of the valley of Khamar. From thence he returned speedily to Bust, and Daud retreated before him to Sistan. He defeated Beghu, the uncle of Daud, and when he had achieved two or throe such victories he returned to Ghazni, where he killed ’Abdu-r Rashid and placed himself on the throne. ’Ahdu-r Rashid reigned two years and-a half.1 His age was thirty.

Tughril had been a slave of Mahmud, and was a man of great energy and courage. In the reign of Sultan Maudud he went from Ghazni to Khurasan, and entered the service of the Saljuks. For some time he remained there, and learnt their method of war. In the time of ’Abdu-r Rashid he returned to Ghazni, where he took ’Abdu-r Rashid and slew him, together with eleven other princes. He then ascended the throne of Ghazni, and reigned for forty days with great tyranny and injustice. Some one asked him how the desire of sovereignty had entered into his mind, and he replied, “ When ’Abdu-r Rashid sent me against Alp Arslan he made some promises to me, and confirmed them by giving me his hand. He was then so overpowered by fear that the sound of the tremor which had seized upon his bones came to my ears, and I knew that such a coward could never rule and govern. It was then that the desire of sovereignty fell upon me.” Forty days after his usurpation, a Turk, by name Noshtigin, who was a soldier, turned against Tughril, and con- spiring with some of his friends, they killed him on the throne. His head was then brought out, placed upon a pole, and carried round the city, so that the people might have assurance of security.

When the Almighty God had recompensed Tughril for his atrocious deeds, and the people were delivered from him and his 1 [Two MSS. say “ two years” only.]

unbounded tyranny, there were left surviving in the fort of Barghand,1 two princes who were sons of Mas’ud. One of these was named Ibrahim, and the other Farrukh-zad. Tughril, the accursed, had sent a party of men to the fort of Barghand to put them to death. The commandant of the fort pondered over the matter for a day, and kept these emissaries at the gate of the fort upon the understanding that they were to come in on the following day, and execute their orders. Suddenly some fleet messengers arrived with the intelligence that the accursed Tugh- ril had been killed. When that wretched man fell in Ghazni by the hand of Noshtigm, the grandees, princes, and generals set about searching for a king. It was then discovered that two persons (of the royal family) were left surviving in the fort of Barghand. Accordingly they all repaired to that place. At first they wished to raise Ibrahim to the throne, but he was very feeble in body, and as no delay could be admitted, Farrukh-zad was brought out, and proclaimed king on Saturday, the ninth of Zilka’da, A.H. 443 (March, 1052 A.D.).

Farrukh-zad was very mild and just. When he ascended the throne the country of Zawulistan was in a state of desolation from disease and murrain,2 so he remitted the revenue that it might again become prosperous. He secured the territories of the kingdom, and reigned seven years. He died of colic in the year 451 (1059 A.D.), at the age of thirty-four years.

Sultan Zahiru-d daula wa Xasiru-1 Millat Raziu-d din Ibrahim, son of Mas’ud, was a great king, — wise, just, good, God-fearing, and kind, a patron of letters, a supporter of religion, and a pious man. When Farrukh-zad became king, Ibrahim was

1 [The printed text has Bazghand, but Sir H, Elliot reads Barghand, and says Barghand lies between Tak and Ghazni.]

2 Awdriz-o miitdn. — The former words mean literally diseases, but it is also used for those diseases of the body politic, extraordinary imposts.]

3 [A note gives the names of his thirty-six sons, which are said to differ slightly in the three MSS. used.]

taken out of the fort of Barghand, and brought to that of Nai, and on the death of Farrukh-zad all men concurred in recog- nizing his succession. An officer named Hasan went to wait ©

upon him, and with the approbation of the people of the king- dom he wras brought out from the fort, and on Monday he auspiciously ascended the throne. The next day he spent in mourning for his late brother, and paid a visit to his tomb, and to the tombs of his ancestors. All the nobles and great men walked on foot in attendance upon him. He bestowed no favours upon any one, and hence apprehensions about his rule took pos- session of the hearts of the people. When the intelligence of his accession reached Baud, the Saljuki, he sent some nobles into Khurasan, and made peace with him. After the death of Daud, his son, Alp Arslan, confirmed this treaty of peace. Ibrahim strengthened himself in the possession of his ancestors ; the dis- orders which had arisen in the country from the late extra- ordinary events he rectified, and the Mahmudi kingdom began once again to flourish. Bmined places were built afresh, and several fortified places and towns were founded, as Khaira- bad, Tmanabad, and other places. Many wonders and marvels appeared in his reign, and Daud, the Saljuki, died, who in havoc, war, slaughter, and conquest, passed like a flash of light- ning. Ibrahim was born at Hirat, in the year of the conquest of Gurgan, 424 h. (1033 A.D.) He had thirty-six sons and forty daughters. All the daughters he married to illustrious nobles or learned men of repute. One of these princesses was ancestress in the third degree of Minhaj Siraj. The cause of the emigration of the author’s ancestors from Juzjan, was that Imam ’Abdu-l Klialik, who is buried at Tahirabad, in Ghazni, saw in a dream while he lived in Juzjan, an angel who told him to rise, go to Ghazni, and take a wife. Upon his awaking it struck him that this might be some work of the devil, but as he dreamed the same thing three times successively, he acted in compliance with his dream, and came to Ghazni. There he married one of the daughters of Ibrahim, and by that princess

he had a son named Ibralnm. This Ibrahim was father of Maulana Minhaju-d din ’Usman, who was father of Maulaua Siraju-d din, the wonder of his time, and father of Minhaju-s Siraj. Sultan Ibrahim reigned happily for forty-two years, and died in the year 492 h. (1098 a.d.), at the age of sixty.

XI. — Aldu-d din Mas'ud, the Generous, son of Ibrahim}

Sultan Mas’ud, the generous, was a virtuous prince, who had a prosperous reign. He possessed many excellent qualities, and was adorned with justice and equity. He ascended the throne in the days of A1 Mustazhar bi-llah Ahmad, commander of the faithful, son of Muktadar. He was very modest and liberal. He abolished all the tyrannical practices which had been intro- duced in former reigns, and cancelled the newly-established im- posts throughout the dominions of Mahmud, and the country of Zawulistan. Taxes and imposts were remitted in all his do- minions. He restored to the princes, nobles, and grandees their possessions as they had held them in the reign of Sultan Ibra- him, and he adopted whatever seemed best for the welfare of the state. Amir ’Azdu-d daula was confirmed in the governorship of Hindustan. In the days of this prince the great Hajib died; but Hajib Taghatigin crossed the river Ganges, and made an in- cursion into Hindustan, carrying his arms farther than any army had reached since the days of Sultan Mahmud. All the affairs of state were reduced to a system in his reign, and there was nothing to disturb the minds of any one in any quarter. He was born in Ghazni in a.h. 453 (1001 a.d), and after reign- ing seventeen years, he died in the year 509 (1115 a.d.), at the age of fifty-seven. He married the sister of Sultan Sanjar, who was called Mahd-i ’Irak (Cradle of ’Irak).

XII. — Malik Arslan, son of Sultan Mas’ud.

Malik Arslan Abu-1 malik ascended the throne a.h. 509 (a.d. 1115), and brought Garmsir and the kingdom of Ghazni under 1 £A note gives tlie names of his seventeen sons.]

his rule. Bahrain Shah, his uncle, fled to Sultan Sanjar, in Khurasan. Several wonderful phenomena occurred in the reign of this prince. One was that fire and lightning fell from the sky, and burnt the markets of Ghazni. Other distressing calamities and events occurred during his reign, making it hate- ful to the people. Arslan was famous for his magnanimity and energy, courage, and bravery. After he had ascended the throne he treated his mother, Mahd-i ’Irak, with contempt., and this in- censed Sanjar, who gave his aid to Bahrain Shah, and marched to Ghazni. Malik Arslan gave him battle, hut being defeated, he fled to Hindustan, and fell into great distress. He expired in a.h. 511 (1117 A.D.), after a reign of two years, in the thirty- fifth year of his age.

Mu’izzu-d daula Bahram Shah, was handsome and manly, liberal, just, and a friend of his people. In the early part of his career, when Malik Arslan succeeded his father, Sultan Mas’ud the generous, he went to Khurasan, the throne of which country was occupied in those days by the great Sultan Sa’id Sanjar. Bahram Shah remained for some time at his Court. But at length Sultan Sanjar marched against Ghazni, and defeated Malik Arslan in battle. Bahram Shah then mounted the throne, and was supported by Sultan Sanjar. Saiyid Hasan composed an ode, which he recited at Court in the presence of Sanjar. Sanjar went back to Khurasan, and Bahram took pos- session of the country. He made some expeditions to Hin- dustan, and on the twenty-seventh of Ramazan, a.h. 512, he captured Muhammad Bahalim, and kept him a prisoner; but be afterwards liberated him, and assigned the whole country of Hindustan to him. This officer again revolted and built the fort of Nagor, in the Siwalik hills, in the vicinity of Bera.2 He had many sons and dependants. Bahram Shah proceeded to Hindustan to subdue the fort, and Muhammad Bahalim marched

1 [A note gives the names of his nine sons.] 2 [“Sabra” in one MS.]

towards Multan to meet him, and gave battle, but God punished biin for bis ingratitude, and be, with bis ten 1 sons, their horses and arms, fell on the day of battle into a quagmire,2 so that no trace of him was left. Bahrain Shah returned to Ghazni, and had to fight against the kings of Ghor. In the war his son Daulafc Shah was slain, and in one campaign he was defeated three times by Sultan ’Alau-d din. Ghazni fell into the hands of the Ghorians, who set it on fire and destroyed it. Bahram. Shall went to Hindustan, but when the Ghorians had retired, he again came to Ghazni, and there expired. His reign lasted forty-one years.

XI Y. — Khusru Shah, Son of Bahram Shah.3

Sultan Yaminu-d daula Khusru Shall ascended the throne in a. H. 552 (1157 a.d.) The kings and princes of Ghor had shaken the throne of the descendants of Mahmud, and had wrested from them and desolated the countries of Ghazni, Bust, Zamin-dawar, and Takinabad. Weakness had thus fallen on the kingdom and its splendour was departed. When Khusru Shall ascended the throne he was weak and unable to bring the country under his rule.

A body of Gliuzz (Turks) also arose and attacked Khurasan4 where the reign of Sultan Sa’id Sanjar had come to an end. An army likewise came against Ghazni, and Khusru Shall be- ins: unable to resist them went to India. He thus lost Ghazni which fell into the hands of the Ghuzz, and so remained for twelve years. But at length Sultan Sa’id Ghiyasu-d din Mu- hammad Sain led an army from Ghor, expelled the Ghuzz, took possession of Ghazni, and mounted the throne. Khusru Shah

1 [Tlie printed text says “two,” but “ ten” seems to be the correct number.— See Firishta I. 151.]

2 [The text has some unintelligible words which vary in the different MSS. Briggs says “a quagmire,” and something like that must be intended.]

3 [Note in the Text. — “Sons of Khusrd Shah — Khusru Malik, Mahmiid Shah, Iiai Khusru.”]

4 [The printed text omits the word “ Khurasan,” but it is necessary to the sense and true to the fact.]

had gone to Lahore in Hindustan, where he died. He reigned seven years.

XV. — Khusru Malik Son of Khusrii Shah, the last King of the Ghaznivide Dynasty.

Khusru Malik Taju-d daula Sultan Jahan, the gentle king, mounted the throne at Lahore. This prince was exceedingly gentle, liberal, and modest, but fond of pleasure. He possessed many excellent qualities, but as he lived when the rule of his family came to an end, he was held in small esteem. With him closed the power of his house, and anarchy reigned in the country. All the nobles and officers of the State, both Turks and freemen, ( atrdk o ahrar ), deserted him. The slaves and servants of the throne took the government into their own hands, while he in- indulged in luxury and pleasure.

Sultan Sa’id Mu’izzu-d daula Muhammad Sam came every year from Ghazni, continually increasing his hold upon Hind and Sind, till at length in a.h. 577 (1181 a.d.), he advanced to the gates of Lahore, where he took the elephant and the son of Khusru Shah and carried them off with him.

In a.h. 583 (1187 a.d.) he again advanced on Lahore and took it. He then dethroned Khusru Malik, sent him to Ghazni from whence he was subsequently sent to Firoz-Ivoh, which was the capital of the great king Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Muhammad Sam. By order of this monarch, Khusru Malik was kept a prisoner in the fort of Balrawan, in Gharjistan. When the war ( liadisa ) of Sultan Shall (of Khwarizm) broke out in Khurasan, the kings of Glior 1 were obliged to throw themselves into it, and they then put Sultan Khusru Malik to death in the year 598 h. (a.d. 1201). His son Bahrain Shah who was a captive in the fort of Saifrud in Glior, was also slain. Thus ended the house of Nasiru-d din Subuktigin. The kingdom of Tran, the throne of Hindustan, and the country of Khurasan all fell into the pos- session of the Shansabaniya Kings.

1 [Ghiyasu-d din and Muhammad Shahabu-d din were brothers, and held a sort of joint rule.]

The Shansab Anita Sultans and the Kings of Ghor.1

Amir Fulad Ghori was one of tke sons of Malik Shansab, son of Harnak. The mountains of Glior came into his possession, and he gave new life to the names of his forefathers. When the founder of the house of ’Abbas, Abu Muslim Marwazi, revolted, and resolved upon expelling the officers of the Ummayides from Khurasan, Amir Fulad led the forces of Ghor to his assistance, and took an active part in the victories of the race of ’Abbas, and of the people of the house of the prophet. The fortress of Man- desh3 was in his possession, and he ruled for some time over the Jabbal and Ghor. IJpon his death he was succeeded by the sons of his brother, but after these nothing is known of the rulers of Ghor until the time of Amir Banji Naharan.

Amir Banji Naharan was a great chief, and his history is well known in Ghor. He is considered one of the greatest kin^s of

that territory, and all its kings are descended from him. His pedigree is thus given.

Amir Banji was a handsome and excellent man, possessing good qualities, and of very estimable character. When the power of the family of ’Abbas was established, and the territories of the Muhammadans came under the rule of the Khalifs of that house, the first person of the Ghori family who wrent. to the seat

1 [The opening of this book is occupied with genealogies by which the pedigree of the kings of Ghor is carried through Zuhak up to Noah.]

2 Briggs in Firishta writes this name “ Shisty.” See Mr. Thomas’ Paper on the Coins of the Ghori Dynasty. — Jour, It. As. Soc. xvii. 190.]

of the Khilafat, and obtained the title of sovereignty and a royal banner was Amir Banji Naharan. The cause of his going to the presence of Harunu-r Rashid, the commander of the faithful, was as follows : — There was a tribe in Ghor called Shishani, who asserted that their ancestors were first converted to Muham- madanism, and then the Shansabanis. Muhammad is called in the Ghori language Hamd, and when they espoused the faith they were designated Hamdis, or Muhammadans. In the time of Amir Banji there was a man of the Shishani tribe whose name was Sis, or in the Ghori language Shish. A dispute arose between this Amir Shish and Amir Banji, for the chiefship of Ghor, and contention broke out among the people. It was agreed by both parties that Amir Banji and Shish should both repair to the Khalif, and whoever brought back a patent of sovereignty and royal ensign should be the chief.

[Account of the interview which the tico chiefs had with the Khalif, when Amir Banji, through the instruction in court etiquette which he had received from a Jew, was named chief, and Shish was made general .]

From that time the title of the Shansabani kings, according to the gracious words of Harunu-r Rashid, commander of the faith- ful, became Kasim-i Amiru-1 Muminin. The two chiefs returned to Ghor, and assumed their respective offices of ruler of Ghor and commander of the army. These two offices are held to this day by the different parties, according to this arrangement. The kings of Ghor were all Shansabanians, and the commanders of the army are called Shishaniyius, such as Muadu-d din, Abu-1 ’Abbas Shish, and Sulaiman Shish.

The writer of this work has not been able to obtain the annals of the kings of Ghor from the reign of Amir Banji down to the present reign, so as to enable him to write their history in detail. The author resides in Dehli, and through the disorders which the inroads of the infidel Mughals have caused in the territories of

Islam, there lias been no possibility of his copying from the histories which he had seen in Glior. He, has written what he found in the Tarikh-i Nasiri and the Tarikh-i Haizam Nabi, as well as what he was able to gleam from old men of Ghor, but his readers must pardon imperfections.

It is said that Amir Suri was a great king, and most of the territories of Ghor were in his possession. But as many of the inhabitants of Ghor, of high and low degree, had not yet embraced Muhammadanism, there was constant strife among them. The Saffarians came from Nimroz to Bust and Dawar, and Yakub Lais overpowered Lak-lak, who was chief of Takin- abad, in the country of Rukhaj.1 The Ghorians sought safety in Sarha-sang,2 and dwelt there in security, but even among them hostilities constantly prevailed between the Muhammadans and the infidels. One castle was at war with another castle, and their feuds were unceasing ; but owing to the inaccessibility of the mountains of Rasiat, which are in Ghor, no foreigner was able to overcome them, and Shansabani Amir Suri was the head of all the Mandeshis. In Ghor there are five great and lofty mountains, which the people of Ghor agree in considering as higher than the Rasiat mountains. One of these is Zar Murgh, in Mandesh, and the capital and palace of the Shansabani kings are at the foot of this mountain. It is said that Zal Zar, father of Rustam, was here nourished by a Simurgh, and some of the inhabitants of the foot of the mountain say that between the fifth and sixth centuries a loud voice of cry and lamentation was heard to proceed from it, announcing the death of Zal. The second mountain is called Sar Khizr ; it is also in the territory of Mandesh, in the vicinity of Takhbar. The third is Ashak, in the country of Timran, which is the greatest and highest of the whole territory of Ghor. The country of Timran lies in the valleys and environs of this mountain. The fourth is Wazui, and the territories of Dawar and Walasht, and the fort of Kahwaran,

2 [“ Sarhaosang,” or “ Sarlia wa Sang,” in some copies.]

are within its ramifications and valleys. And the fifth mountain is Faj Hanisar,1 in the country of Ghor. It is very inaccessible and secure. It is said that the length, breadth, and height of of this mountain are beyond the limits of guess, and the power of understanding. In the year 590 (1194 a.d.), a piece of the trunk of an ebony tree was found on this mountain, which ex- ceeded two hundred mans in weight, and no one could tell how laro-e and hioh the tree must have been.

Abu-1 Hasan al Haizam, son of Muhammad-n Nabi author of the Tarikhu-1 Haizam, says that when the government of Khurasan and Zawulistan departed from the Samanians and Saffarians, and fell to Amir Subuktigin, he led his army several times towards the hills of Ghor, and carried on many wars. When Amir Mahmud Subuktigin succeeded to the throne, the kingdom of Ghor had devolved upon Amir Muhammad Suri, and he had brought all the territories of Ghor under his sway. Sometimes he made submission to Sultan Mahmud, and at others he revolted, and withheld the payment of the fixed tribute, and the contingent of arms which he had aareed to supply. Relying on the strength of his forts, and the numbers and power of his army, he was continually engaging in hostilities. Sultan Mahmud was consequently always on the watch, and his mind was much disturbed by Sun’s power, his large army, and the security afforded to him by the height and inaccessibility of the hills of Ghor. At last he marched to Ghor with a consider- able army. Muhammad Sun was besieged in the fort of Ahan- garan, and held out for a long time. He fought desperately, but was at last compelled to evacuate the fort, upon conditions, and made his submission to Sultan Mahmud.

The Sultan took him and his younger son, whose name was Slush, to Ghazni, because the lad was very dear to his father. When they reached the neighbourhood of Gilan, Amir Mu-

liammad Suri died. Some say that he was taken prisoner, and and as he had a very high spirit he could not brook the disgrace. He had a ring, under the stone of which was concealed some poison, which he took and then died. The Sultan immediately sent his son Slush back to Glior, and gave the chieftainship of Ghor to the eldest son, Amir Abu ’All bin Suri, an account of whom follows.

6. Amir Abbas bin Slush bin Muhammad bin Suri.

8. Malik Kutbu-d din al Hasan bin Muhammad bin Abbas.

9. Malik ’Izzu-d din al Husain bin Hasan Abu-s Salatin.

10. Malik Kutbu-d din Muhammad bin Husain, King of the Jabbdl.

12. Malik Shahdbu-d din Muhammad bin Husain, King of Madin, bij Ghor.

14. Sultan ’Alau-d din Husain bin Husain bin Sam.

Sultan Bahau-d din Sam, son of Husain, died in Kidan, whilst he was leading his army to Ghazni in order to exact revenge for the death of Sultan Suri, King of the Jabbal. Sultan ’Alau-d din then ascended the throne of Ghor and Firoz Koh. He as- sembled the forces of Ghor and Gharjistan, firmly resolved upon attacking- Ghazni. Sultan Yaminu-d daula Bahrain Shah, when he heard of these preparations, assembled the troops of Ghazni and Hindustan and passing through Garmsir by way of Rukhaj and Talunabad, he came to Zamin-dawar. When ’Alau-d din came up with his army, Bahrain Shah sent messengers to him, saying, “ Go back to Ghor, and stay in the states of your forefathers ; you have not the strength to resist my army, for I have brought elephants with me.” When the envoys delivered this message,

’Alau-d din replied, “ If you have brought elephants (pil) I have brought the Kharnnls, — besides, you mistake, for you have slain my brothers, whilst I have killed no one belonging to you. Have you not heard what the Almighty says l ‘ Whosoever is slain unjustly we have given his heir power (to demand satisfac- tion) ; and let him not exceed bounds in putting to death, for he is protected.”1 When the messengers returned, both armies made ready for battle, Sultan ’Alau-d din called for his two champions,1 named Kharmil, who were the heads of the army and the renowned heroes of Ghor. One of these was Kharmil Sam Husain, father of Malik Kasiru-d din Husain ; the other was Kharmil Sam Banji. Both of these men were famous for courage. ’Alau-d din sent for them and said, “ Bahram Shah has sent to say that he has brought elephants, and I have answered that I have brought the Kharmils. You must each take care to bring an elephant to the ground to-day.” They bowed and retired. The two armies were drawn up at a place called Kotah-baz-bab. The two champions were on foot, and throwing off their coats of mail, they advanced to battle. When the elephants of Bahram Shah charged, the two champions each singled out one ; and creeping under the armour, they ripped open the bellies of the animals with their knives. Kharmil Shah Banji fell under the feet of the elephant, and the animal rolling upon him, they both perished together. Kharmil Sam Husain brought down his elephant, extricated himself, and mounted a horse.

When ’Alau-d din had cased himself in armour ready for the fight, he called for an overcoat of red satin, which he put on over his armour. His attendants enquired why he did so, and he said, it was to prevent his men seeing his blood and feeling dis- couraged, in the event of his beino; wounded with a lance or arrow.

It is the practice in the armies of Ghor for the infantry to protect themselves in battle with a covering made of a raw hide covered thickly on both sides with wool or cotton. This defen- 1 [“ Pahlawan.’’ — Briggs in his Firishta says “two gigantic brothers.’’]

sive covering is like a board, and is called haroh. When the men put it on they are covered from head to foot, and their ranks look like walls. The wool is so thick that no weapon can pierce it.

Daulat Shah, son of Bahram Shah, advanced to the assault, mounted on an elephant at the head of his cavalry, and ’Alau-d din directed his MroA-jvearers to make an opening in their line, and allow the prince and his follower’s to pass through. When all had gone through the Avh’oZi- wearers closed up the gap in their line, and the prince with his elephant and all his cavalry were slain.

When the armies of Bahram Shall saw this manoeuvre and its bloody result, they broke and fled. ’Alau-d din pursued them from stage to stage until they reached a place called Josh-ab- garm (hot wells) near Takinabad. Here Bahram Shah made a stand, but was again defeated. ’Alau-d din followed in hot pursuit, and Bahrain Shah having drawn together some of his scattered forces, and some reinforcements from Ghazni, he a third time gave battle, and once more was routed.

The victor then entered Ghazni, and for seven nights and days he gave it to the flames. Writers record how that during these seven days the clouds of smoke so dai’kened the air that day seemed to be night, and the flames so lighted the sky at night that night looked like day. For these seven days plunder, devastation, and slaughter, were continuous. Every man that was found was slain, and all the women and children were made prisoners. Under the orders of the conqueror, all the Mahmudi kings, with the exception of Mahmud, Mas’ud, and Ibrahim, were dragged from their graves and burnt. All this time, ’Alau-d din sat in the palace of Ghazni occupied with drinking and debauchery. He had directed that the tomb of Saifu-d din Suri and of the King of the Jabbal should be sought out. Coffins were made for their bodies, and all the army was ordered to pre- pare for mourning. When the seven days were over, the city burnt and destroyed, and its inhabitants slain or scattered, on

that very night, ’Alau-d din composed some verses in his own praise, which he gave to the minstrels to set to music and sing before him. (Verses.)

He then ordered that the remnant of the people of Ghazni should be spared. Breaking up his court, he went to the bath, and on the morning of the eighth day he led the nobles and followers of Ghor to the tombs of his brothers, where he put on garments of mourning, and with all his army he remained there seven days and nights, mourning, making offerings, and having the Kuran read. He then placed the coffins of his brothers in cradles, and marched with them towards Dawar and Bust ; he destroyed all the palaces and edifices of the Mahmudi kings, which had no equals in the world, and devastated all the territory which had belonged to that dynasty. After that he returned to Ghor, and interred the remains of his brothers in the tombs of their ancestors.

While at Ghazni he had given directions that several of the Saiyids of that town should be taken in retaliation of Saiyid Majdu-d din, wazir of Sultan Suri, who was hanged with him from the bridge of Ghazni. These captives were brought into his presence, and bags filled with the dirt of Ghazni were fastened round their necks. They were thus led to Firoz-koh, and there they were slain. Their blood was mixed with t^ie earth they had carried from Ghazni, and with that mixture ’Alau-d din built some towers on the hills of Firoz-koh, which are standing to this day. May God forgive him !

Having thus exacted vengeance, he devoted himself to pleasure and wine, and he composed some more verses for minstrels to sing in his praise.

AVhen he ascended the throne of Firoz-koh he imprisoned his two nephews, Ghiyasu-d din Muhammad Sam and Mu’izzu-d din Muhammad Sam, sons of Sultan Bahau-d din Sam, in a fort of Wahiristan, and settled an allowance for their maintenance.

[. Transactions with Sultan Sanjar SatjukiJ]

Towards the end of his life some emissaries of the Mul&hi-

datu-1 maut came to him, and he paid great honour to these heretics, inviting them into all parts of his kingdom. They on their part were desirous of establishing their sway over the people of Glior. This remains a stain upon the fame of ’Alau-d din.

15. Malik Nasiru-d dm al Husain bin Muhammad al Madaini.

16. Sultan Saifu-d din Muhammad bin Sultan : 'Alau-d din Husain.

17. Sultanu-l ’ azam Ghiyasu-d dunya uoau-d din Abu-l Fath Muhammad Sam Kasim Amiru-l muminin.

18. Mdliku-l Hdji Alau-d din Muhammad bin Abu Ali bin Husain ash Shansabi.

19. Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Mahmud bin Muhammad Sam Shansabi.

20. Sultan Bahdu-d din Sam bin Mahmud bin Muhammad Sam.

22. Sultan Aldiu-d din Muhammad bin Abu Ali , the last of these kiims.

This book contains an abridged account of the Shansabani Sultans, whose glory added lustre to the throne of Ghazni, and elevated the kingdoms of Hind and Khurasan. The first of them was Sultan Saifu-d din Suri. After him came Sultan ’Alau-d din Husain, who took Ghazni, but did not reign there. The throne v'as next taken by Sultan Mu’izzu-d din Muhammad Sam. When he was killed the crown was confided to his slave, Sultan Taju-d din Yalduz, and so the line ended.

Saifu-d din was a great king, of handsome appearance and noble carriage, and distinguished for courage, energy, humanity, justice, and liberality. He was the first individual of this family who received the title of Sultan. When the news reached him of the destruction which had fallen upon his elder brother the king of the Jabbal (Kutbu-d din), he resolved upon taking vengeance upon Bahrain Shah. He gathered a great force in the states of Ghor and marched to Ghazni, where he routed Bahrain and took the city. Bahrain fled to Hindustan, and Saifu-d din ascended the throne of Ghazni, when he placed the territories of Ghor under his brother, Sultan Bahau-d din Suri, father of Ghiyasu-d din and Mu’izzu-d din. After he had secured Ghazni the chiefs of the army and the nobles of the city and environs submitted to him, and he conferred many favours upon them, so that the army and the subjects of Bahram Shah were overwhelmed by his bounteous care. When winter came on he sent his own forces back to Ghor, and kept with him only the troops and officers of Bahram Shah in whom he placed full confidence. His wazir, Saiyid Majdu-d din Musawi, and a few of his old servants remained with him, all the rest of his officers both at Court and in the country had been in the service of the old government.

In the depth of the winter, when the roads to Ghor were closed by heavy falls of snow, the people of Ghazni saw that no army or assistance could come to Saifu-d din from that quarter, so they wrote to Bahram Shah explaining how matters stood, and press- ing upon him the necessity of seizing this favourable opportunity for the recovery of his dominions. The deposed king acted upon these advices, and marched suddenly to Ghazni and attacked his foe. Suri, with his wazir and his old servants, abandoned the city and took the road to Ghor, but the horsemen of Bahram Shah pursued them and overtook them in the neighbourhood of Sang-i Surakh.1 They fought desperately until they were unhorsed,

1 [Or Sang-i Surkh, a strong fort in Glior, probably near tbe Hari river.]

and then retreated into the hills, where they kept up such a shower of arrows that the foe could not approach them. When the last arrow had been shot the horsemen captured them, bound them hand and foot, and conducted them to Ghazni. At the gate of the city Sultan Surf was placed upon a camel, and his wazir, Majdu-d din, upon another. They were then led ignominiously round the city, and from the tops of the houses, ashes, dirt, and filth were thrown upon their venerable heads. When they reached the one-arched bridge of Ghazni, the Sultan and his wazir were both gibbeted over the bridge. Such was the dis- graceful cruelty practised upon this handsome, excellent, just, and brave king. The Almighty, however, prospered the arms of Sultan ’Alau-d din Jahan-soz, brother of Sultan Suri, who exacted full retribution for this horrible deed, as we have already related in another place.

2. Sultanu-l Ghdzi Mu’izzu-d dunya icau-d dm Abii-l Muzaffar Muhammad bin Sam.1

Historians relate that Sultan ’Alau-d-din was succeeded by his son Sultan Saifu-d din. This king released the two princes Ghiya- su-d din and Mu’izzu-d din (his cousins) who were confined in a fort of Wah iris tan, as has been already narrated in the history of Sultan Ghiyasu-d din. Prince Ghiyasu-d din dwelt peacefully at Firoz-koh in the service of Sultan Saifu-d din, and Prince Mu’izzu-d din went to Bamian into the service of his uncle Fakhru-d din Mas’ud.

When Ghiyasu-d din succeeded to the throne of Ghor after the tragical death of Saifu-d din, and the intelligence thereof came to Bamian, Fakhru-d din addressed his nephew Mu’izzu-d din saying, “ Your brother is acting, what do you mean to do ? You must bestir yourself.” Mu’izzu-d din bowed respectfully to

1 This king is commonly called “ Muhammad Ghori,” or “ Muhammad Sam.” Ihn Asir and Firishta, followed by Elphinstone, call him “ Shahabu-d din Ghori.” The superscription on his coins is “ Sultanu-l ’azam Mu’izzu-d dunya wau-d din Abu-1 Muzaffar Muhammad bin Sam.” See Note on the Coins, in the Appendix. In the text of this work he is generally designated Sultan-i Ghazi, the victorious king.]

Iris uncle, left the Court, aud started just as he was for Firoz- koh. When he arrived there he waited upon his brother and paid his inspects, as has been already related. One year he served his brother, hut having taken some offence he went to Sijistan to Malik Shamsu-d din Sijistani and staid there one winter. His brother sent messengers to bring him back, and

when he arrived he assigned to him the countries of Kasr-kaj uran and Istiya.1 When he had established his authority over the whole of Garmsir he made over to his brother the city of Takina- bad, which was the largest town in Garmsir. This Takinabad is the place which was the cause of the quarrel with the house of Mahmud Subuktigin, and it passed into the hands of the kings of Ghor. Sultan-i Ghazi ’Alau-d din sent the following quatrain to Khusru Shah bin Bahram Shah :

“ Thy father first laid the foundation of this place “ Before the people of the world had all fallen under injustice.

“ Beware lest for one Takinabad thou shouldest bring “ The empire of the house of Mahmud to utter ruin.”

When Sultan Mu’izzu-d din became master of Takinabad the armies and leaders of the Ghuzz had fled before the forces of Khitd towards Ghazni, where they remained for twelve years, having wrested the country from the hands of Khusru Shah and Khusru Malik. Sultan Mu’izzu-d din kept continually assailing them from Takinabad, aud troubling the country. At length in the year 5b'9 H. (1173 a.d.) Sultan Ghiyasu-din conquered Ghazni, and returned to Ghor, after placing his brother Mu’izzu-d din upon the throne, as has been before related. This prince secured the territories of Ghazni, and two years afterwards in 570 h. (1174 a.d.) he conquered Gurdez.

In the third year he led his forces to Multan and delivered that place from the hands of the Karmatians. In the same year 571 h. (1175 a.d.) the people of Sankaran2 revolted and made great confusion, so he marched against them and put most of them to the sword. It has been written by some that these

1 [Or “ Istiya,” a city of Ghor, in tbe hills between Hiiat and Ghazni.]

2 [Written also “ Shankaran” and “ Sanfaran.”]

Sankaranians have been called martyrs, in agreement with the declaration of the Kuran, but as they stirred up strife and re- volted they were made examples of, and were put to death from political necessity.

In the year after this victory he conducted his army by way of Uch and Multan towards Nahrwala. The Rai of Nahrwala, Bhim-deo,1 was a minor, but he had a large army and many elephants. In the day of battle the Muhammadans were de- feated and the Sultan was compelled to retreat. This happened in the year 574 h. (1178 a.d.).

In 575 h. (1179 a.d.) lie attacked and conquered Farshawar (Peshawar), and two years afterwards he advanced to Lohor (Lahore). The power of the Ghaznivides was now drawing to its close and their glory was departed, so Kliusru Malik sent his son as a hostage, and an elephant as a present to the Sultan. This was in the year 577 h. (1181 a.d.) Next year the Sultan marched to Dewal, subdued all that country to the sea shore, and returned with great spoil. In 580 H. (1184 a.d.) he went to Lahore, ravaged all the territories of that kingdom, and re- turned after building the fort of Sialkot, in which he placed Husain Kharmil as governor. When the Sultan was gone, Khusru Malik assembled the forces of Hindustan, and having also obtained a body of Kokhars (Gakkars) he laid siege to Sialkot, but, after some interval, was obliged to withdraw. The Sultan returned to Lahore in 581 H. (1185 a.d.).

The house of Mahmud had now come to its end; the sun of its glory was set, and the registrar of fate had written the man- date of its destruction. Khrusru Malik could offer no resistance ; he came forth peacefully to meet the Sultan, and was made pri- soner. Lahore fell completely into the power of the Ghori prince, and he secured all its dominions in Hindustan.

’All Karmakh, chief of Multan, was appointed commander at Lahore, and the father of the writer of this book, Maulana

1 [The text has “ Bhasu-deo,” hut some copies give the name correctly “ Bhim deo.” See jwst, page 300 ; Firishta I. 179.]

A’jubatu-z Zaman Afsahu-1 ’Ajam Siraju-d din Minhaj, was appointed Kazi of the army of Hindustan, and received the honour of investiture from Mu’izzu-d din. He held his Court at the head quarters of the army, and twelve camels were assigned for moving from place to place his Bench of Justice.

The Sultan returned to Ghazni carrying Khusru Malik with him, and on arriving there he sent him on to Firoz-koh, to the Court of the great king Ghiyasu-d din. This monarch sent him prisoner to the fort of Bahrawan, and confined his son Bahram Shah in the fort of Saifrud.1 When the war with Khwarizm Shah broke out in the year 587 h. (1191 a.d.) Khusru Malik and his son were put to death.2

The victorious Sultan then prepared another army, with which he attacked and conquered the fort of Sarhind. This fort he placed under the command of Ziau-d din Kazi Tolak, (son of) Muhammad ’Abdu-s Salam Nasawi Tolaki. This Kazi Ziau-d din was cousin (son of the uncle) of the author’s maternal grand- father. At the request of the Kazi, Majdu-d din Tolaki selected 1200 men of the tribe of Tolaki, and placed them all under his command in the fort so as to enable him to hold it until the return of the Sultan from Ghazni.

Rai Kolah Pithaura came up against the fort, and the Sultan returned and faced him at Narain.3 All the Rais of Hindustan were with the Rai Kolah. The battle was formed and the Sultan, seizing a lance, made a rush upon the elephant which carried Gobind Rai of Dehli. The latter advanced to meet him in front of the battle, and then the Sultan, who was a second Rustam, and the Lion of the Age, drove his lance into the mouth of the Rai and knocked two of the accursed wretch’s teeth down

1 [“ Sankarhn,” in some copies.] 2 [The text does not say by whom.]