6. Volume 2 — part 6

a [The text has “Tarain,” hut Firishta gives the name as N brain and says it was afterwards called Tirauri. He places it on the hanks of the Sarsuti, 14 miles from Tlianesar and 80 from Dehli, hut according to Gen. Cunningham the battle- field of Narain is on the hanks of the Rakshi river four miles south west of Tirauri and ten miles to the north of Karnal. Tirauri is also called Azimabad. See Elphin-

liis throat. The Kai, on the other hand, returned the blow and inflicted a severe wound on the arm of his adversary. The Sultan reined back his horse and turned aside, and the pain of the wound was so insufferable that he could not support himself on horseback. The Musulman army gave way and could not be controlled. The Sultan was just falling when a sharp and brave young Kliilji recognized him, jumped upon the horse be- hind him, and clasping him round the bosom, spurred on the horse and bore him from the midst of the fight.

When the Musulraans lost sight of the Sultan, a panic fell upon them ; they fled and halted not until they were safe from the pursuit of the victors. A party of nobles and youths of Ghor had seen and recognized their leader with that lion-hearted Kliilji, and when he came up they drew together, and, forming a kind of litter with broken lances, they bore him to the halting- place. The hearts of the troops were consoled by his appearance, and the Muhammadan faith gathered new strength in his life. He collected the scattered forces and retreated to the territories of Islam, leaving Kazi Tolak in the fort of Sarhind. Kai Pithaura advanced and invested the fort, which he besieged for thirteen months.

Next year the Sultan assembled another army, and ad- vanced to Hindustan to avenge his defeat. A trustworthy person named Mu’inu-d din, one of the principal men of the hills of Tolak, informed me that he was in this army, and that its force amounted to one hundred and twenty thousand horse- men bearing; armour. Before the Sultan could arrive the fort of Sarhind had capitulated, and the enemy were encamped in the vicinity of Narain. The Sultan drew up his battle array, leaving his main body in the rear, with the banners, canopies, and elephants, to the number of several divisions. His plan of attack being formed, he advanced quietly. The light un- armoured horsemen were made into four divisions of 10,000, and were directed to advance and harass the enemy on all sides, on the right and on the left, in the front and in the rear, with their

arrows. When the enemy collected his forces to attack, they were to support each other, and to charge at full speed. By these tactics the infidels were worsted, the Almighty gave us the victory over them, and they fled.

Pithaura alighted from his elephant, mounted a horse, and galloped off, but he was captured near Sarsuti,1 and sent to hell. Gobind Rai, of Dehli, was killed in the battle, and the Sultan recognized his head by the two teeth which he had broken. The capital, Ajmir, and all the Siwalik hills, Hansi, Sarsuti, and other districts were the results of this victory, which was gained in the year 588 h. (1192 a.d.)

On his return homewards the Sultan placed Kutbu-d din in command of the fort of Kaliram, and in the same year this chief advancing to Mirat conquered that town, and took possession of Dehli. In the following year he captured the fort of Kol. The Sultan came back from Ghazni in the year 590 (1193 A.D.), bv way of Benares and Ivanauj,2 defeated Rai Jai Chandar, in the neighbourhood of Chandawah, and captured over 300 elephants in the battle.

Under the rule of this just king victory followed the stan- dards of his slave Kutbu-d din Aibak, so that the countries of Nahrwala and Bhangar, the forts of Gwalior and Badaun, and other parts of Hindustan were conquered. But these victories will be related more in detail hereafter, in describing the victories of Kutbu-d din.

Sultan Said Ghiyasu-d din died at Hirat, when his brother Sultan Mu'izzu-d din was between Tus and Sarakhs in Khurasan, but the latter returned and secured his succession to the throne. [. Proceedings tcest of the Indus .]

A rebellion had broken out among the Kokhars (Gakkars), and the tribes of the hills of J ud, and in the winter the Sultan went to Hindustan to put down the revolt. He defeated the rebels,

1 [The text has “ Sarsi ” in which it is followed by Nuru-1 Hakk and others. Firishta says “ Sarsuti.” Briggs I. 177.]

2 [The author’s knowledge of geography is evidently at fault. Firishta says the battle was fought “ between Chandwar and Etawa.”]

and made their blood to flow in streams, but as be was returning borne to Ghazni be fell into the hands of these infidels, and was put to death in the year 602 h. (1206 a.d. The period of his reign was thirty-two years. [ Detailed lists are given of his

judges , relations, generals, victories, and of Ids'] Slaves who at- tained royalty: — Sultan Taju-d din Yalduz, Sultan Nasiru-d din Kubacha, Sultan Shamsu-d din Altamsh, Sultan Kutbu-d din Aibak.

This chapter is devoted to the history of those kings who were the slaves and servants of the Sultan Ghazi Mu’izzu-d din Muham- mad Sam, and sat upon the throne of royalty in the country of Hindustan. The throne of that king descended to them, as he had designed and as is mentioned above. They adorned their heads with the crown of royalty which had belonged to that king, and the influence of the light of Muhammadanism was preserved through their power over the different parts and provinces of Hindustan.

Sultan Kutbu-d din, the second Hatim, was a brave and liberal king. The Almighty had bestowed on him such courage and generosity that in his time there was no king like him from the east to the west. When the Almighty God wishes to ex- hibit to his people an example of greatness and majesty he endows one of his slaves with the qualities of courage and gene- rosity, and then friends and enemies are influenced by his boun- teous generosity and warlike prowess. So this king was generous

1 [This name is written in the inscriptions of the Kutb-minar at Dehli.

Mr. Thomas reads it “Ai-beg.” — Thomas’ Prinsep I. 327. The Araish-i Mahfil says “ Tpak.” See Note supra, p. 266.]

and brave, and all the regions of Hindustan were filled with friends and cleared of foes. His bounty was continuous and bis slaughter was continuous.

When Sultan Kutbu-d din was first brought from Turkistan, his lot fell in the city of Naishapur, where he was bought by the chief Kazi, Fakhru-d din ’Abdu-1 ’Aziz of Kufa, who was one of the descendants of the great Imam Abu Hanifa of Kufa. This Kazi was governor of Naishapur and its dependencies. Kutbu-d din grew up in the service and society of his master’s sons, and with them he learned to read the Kuran, and also acquired the arts of riding and archery. In a short time he became remarkable for his manly qualities. When he had nearly arrived at the age of manhood, merchants brought him to Ghaznin, and the Sultan Ghazi Mu’izzu-d din Muhammad Sam purchased him from them. He was possessed of every quality and virtue, but he was not comely in appearance. His little finger1 was broken from his hand, and he was therefore called. Aibak, “maimed in the hand.”2

Sultan Mu’izzu-d din used occasionally to indulge in music and conviviality, and one night he had a party, and in the course of the banquet he graciously bestowed gifts of money and of uncoined gold and silver upon his servants. Kutbu-d din received his share among the rest, but whatever he got, either gold or silver, coined or uncoined, he gave it all, when he went out of the assembly, to the Turk! soldiers, guards, farashes and other servants. He kept nothing, either small or great, for himself. Next day when this was reported to the king, he was looked upon with great favour and condescension, and was appointed to some important duties about the Court. He thus became a great officer, and his rank grew higher every day, until by the king’s favour he was appointed Master of the Horse. While he held

2 [“ Shal" is the Persian word used as the explanation of aibak. But the state- ment of the text cannot be correct, as the name Aibak frequently occurs, and must be the name of a tribe, not a nickname.]

this station, the kings of Ghor, Ghaznin, and Bamian went to- wards Khurasan, Kutbu-d din showed great activity in repelling the attacks of Sultan Sh&h. He held the command of the foragers, and one day while in quest of forage, he was unex- pectedly attacked by the cavalry of the enemy. Kutbu-d din showed great bravery in the fight which ensued, but his party was small, so he was overpowered, made prisoner, and carried to Sultan Shah. This prince ordered him into confinement, but when the battle was fought, and Sultan Shah was defeated, the victors released Kutbu-d din and brought him in his iron fetters, riding on a camel, to his master Sultan Mu’izzu-d din. The Sultan received him kindly, and on his arrival at his capital Ghaznin, he conferred on him the districts of Kahram. From thence he went to Mirat, of which he took possession in a.h. 587 (1191 a.d.) In the same year he marched from Mirat and captured Delili.

In a.h. 590 (1194 a.d.) he and Tzzu-d din Husain Kharmil, both being generals of the army, accompanied the Sultaji and defeated Rai Jai Chand of Benares in the neighbourhood of Chandawal. In the year 591 h. (1195 a.d.) Thankar was con- quered; and in 593 h. (1197 a.d.) he went towards Nahrwala, defeated Rai Blrim-deo, and took revenge on the part of the Sultan. He also took other countries of Hindustan as far as the outskirts of the dominions of China on the east. Malik Tzzu-d din Muhammad Bakhtiyar Ivhilji had subdued the districts of Bihar and Nudiya1 in those quarters, as will be related hereafter in the history of that general.

When Sultan-i Ghazi Muhammad Sam died, Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Mahmud Muhammad Sam, his nephew, gave Kutbu-d din the royal canopy, and the title of Sultan. In a.h. 602 (1205 a.d.) the new monarch marched from Delili to attack Lohor, and on Tuesday, the 18th of the month of Zi-1 Ka’da, in the same year (June 1206), he mounted the throne in that city. After some time a dispute arose between him and Sultan Taju-d 1 — Nuddea.]

din Yalduz respecting Lolior, and it ended in a battle, in which the victory was gained by Sultan Ivutbu-d din. Taju-d din fled. Sultan Kutbu-d din then proceeded towards Ghaznin, which he captured, and for forty days he sat upon the throne of that city, at the end of which time he returned to Dehli, as has been before mentioned. Death now claimed his own, and in the year 607 h. the Sultan fell from his horse in the field while he was playing chaugan, and the horse came down upon him, so that the pommel of the saddle entered his chest, and killed him. The period of his government, from his first conquest of Dehli up to this time, was twenty years, and the time of his reign, during which he wore the crown, and had the Kliutba read and coin struck in his name, was something more than four years.

2. Aram Shah, son of Sultan Kutbu-d din Aibak.

On the death of Sultan Kutbu-d din, the nobles and princes of Hindustan deemed it advisable for the satisfaction of the army, the peace of the people, and the tranquillity of the country, to place Aram Shah upon the throne. Sultan Kutbu-d din had three daughters, of whom the two eldest were, one after the death of the other, married to Malik Nasiru-d din Kubacha, and the third to Sultan Shamsu-d din. Now that Kutbu-d din was dead, and Aram Shah was raised to the throne, Malik Nasiru-d din Kubacha marched towards Uch and Multan. Kutbu-d din had regarded Sultan Shamsu-d din as well suited for empire, had called him his son, and had given him Badaun in Jagir. The chief men of Dehli now invited him from Badaun and raised him to the throne. He espoused the daughter of Sultan Kutbu-d din.

When Aram Shah expired, Hindustan was divided into four principalities. The province of Sind was possessed by Nasiru-d din Kubacha ; Dehli and its environs belonged to Sultan Sa’id Shamsu-d din ; the districts of Lakhnautx were held by the Khilji chiefs and Sultans, and the province of Lohor was held sometimes by Malik Taju-d din, sometimes by Malik Nasiru-d din Kubacha, and sometimes by Sultan Shamsu-d din. An account of each will be given hereafter.

Malik Nasiru-d din was an excellent monarch, and was a slave of Sultan Mu’izzu-d din. He was a man of the highest intelligence, cleverness, experience, discretion, and acumen. He had served Sultan-i Gliazi Mu’izzu-d din for many years in all kinds of offices and positions, and he was well acquainted with all matters, small and great, concerning courts, and military and and civil affairs. He obtained Uch and Multan, which were ruled by Malik Nasiru-d din Aitamur.1 In the battle of And- khod,2 which Sultan Mu’izzu-d din fought with the armies of Khita and the princes of Turkistan, Nasiru-d din had displayed great valour by the stirrups of the Sultan, where he fought desperately, and sent many of the infidels to hell. The warriors of the army of Khita were distressed by the slaughter which he dealt around, so they all at once came upon him and thus he was overpowered.3 The Sultan Gliazi, through this event, came safely to the throne of Ghaznin, and the town ' of Uch was assigned to Malik Nasiru-d din Kubacha. He married two daughters of Sultan Kutbu-d din ; by the first he had a son, Malik ’Alau-d din Bahrain Shah, who was handsome and of amiable character, but he was addicted to pleasure, and gave way to his youthful passions. When Malik Nasiru-d din Kubacha, after the death of Sultan Kutbu-d din, went to Uch, he took the city of Multan ; and Hindustan, Dewal, and all as far as the sea shore, fell into his power. He also took the forts, towns, and cities of the territory of Sind, and assumed regal dignity. He extended his rule to Tabar-hindh,4 Kahram, and Sarsuti. He

1 [This sentence is defective and ambiguous.]

2 [The name is written correctly “ Andkhod,” not “Andkho” as in the transla- tion of Firishta, which is followed by Elphinstone and the maps. The text of Firishta has “Andkhod,” and this is the spelling of Ibn llaukal, Y&kut, and the geographers generally. Yakut says the “ ethnic name is Ankhudi,” and Gen. Cun- ningham proposes to identify it with the “ Alikodra” of Ptolemy.]

8 [“ Shahddat ydft,’’ lit. “he obtained martyrdom” or, “was slain.”]

4 [ There can be little, if any, doubt that this place is the same as Sarliindh, but from this point onwards the name is most persistently written “ Tabarhindh,” al- though the name “ Sarhindh,” has been used previously (pp. 295, 296). It may be a

took Lohor several times, and fought a battle with the army of Ghaznin which had come there on the part of Sultan Taju-d din Yalduz; but he was defeated by Khwaja Muwaidu-1 Mulk Sanjari, who was minister of the king of Ghaznin. He still maintained possession of the territory of Sind. During the struggles with the infidels of Chin, many chiefs of Khurasan, Ghor, and Ghaznin joined him, and upon all his associates he bestowed great favours and honours. There was continual vari- ance between him and Sultan Sa’id Shams.

When the battle between Jalalu-d din Khwarizm Shah and Changiz Khan was fought on the banks of the Indus, Jalalu-d din came into Sind and went towards Dewal and Makran. After the victory of Nandua-tari the Moghal prince came with a large army to the walls of the city of Multan and besieged that strong fort for forty days. During this war and invasion Malik Nasiru-d din opened his treasures and lavished them munificently among the people. He gave such proofs of resolution, energy, wisdom, and personal bravery, that it will remain on record to the day of resurrection. This Moghal invasion took place in the year 621 H. (1224 a.d.) One year and six months after, the chiefs of Ghor through this irruption of the infidels, joined Nasiru-d din. Towards the end of the year 623 h. (1226 A.D.), the army of Klnlj, consisting of all the forces of Khwarizm, under the com- mand of Malik Khan Khilj, invaded the lands of Mansura, one of the cities of Siwistan. Malik Nasiru-d din marched to expel them, and a battle ensued, in which the army of Khilj was de- feated and the Khan of Khilj was slain. Malik Nasiru-d din then returned to Multan and Uch.

In this same year, the compiler of these leaves, Siraj Minhaj, came from the country of Khurasan, via Ghaznin and Mitlian, and thence reached TTch by boat, on Tuesday, the 26th of the month of Jumada-1 awwal a.h. 624 (April, 1227 a.d.). In the month

blunder of the copyist, but on the other hand, it may be another and older form of the name. The etymology of the word Sarhindh is doubtful, aud has been a subject of speculation. — See Thornton.]

of Zi-1 hijja of tlie same year, the Firozi college at Uch was consigned to the care of the author. On the provoca- tion of the army of ’Alau-d din Bahrain Shall, in the month of Rabi’u-1 awwal, a.h. 624, Sultan Sa’id Shamsu-d din en- encamped in sight of Uch. Malik Nasiru-d din fled by water towards Bhakkar, and the army of the Sultan, under the com- mand of the Minister of State, Nizamu-l Mulk, pursued him and besieged him in that fort. The Sultan remained two months and twenty-seven days before Uch, and on Tuesday the 27th of Jumada-1 awwral the fort was taken. When the news of this conquest reached Malik Nasiru-d din, he sent his son, ’Alau-d din Bahram Shah to wait upon the Sultan ; but as he reached the camp on the 22nd of Jumada-1 akhir, the news of the conquest of Bhakkar arrived. Malik Nasiru-d din drowned himself in the river Sind and thus ended his life. He reigned in the territory of Sind, Uch, and Multan for twenty-two years.

Malik Bahau-d din Tughril was a man of kindly disposition, just, charitable, and polite. He was one of the oldest servants of Sultan Ghazi Mu’izzu-d din, who with his favour had made him a great man. When the Sultan conquered the fort of Thankar1 in the country of Bhayana2 after fighting with the Rai, he consigned it to Bahau-d din, and he so improved the condi- tion of the country that merchants and men of credit came thither from all parts of Hindustan and Khurasan, He gave all of them houses and goods, and also made them masters of landed property, so that they settled there. As he and his army did not like to reside in the fort of Thankar, he founded the city of Sultan-kot,3 in the territory of Bhayana and made it the place of his residence. From this place he constantly sent his horsemen towards Gwalior. When Sult&n Ghazi retired from that fort

1 [“Bhankar” or “Bkangar” in other places, see p. 296. A note in the test gives the preference to “ Thankar,” but no reason is assigned.]

2 [Bayana or Biana, fifty miles S.W. of Agra.]

3 [See Firishta I. 195. A note in the test says “ Si'alkot,” but this is impossible.]

lie told Bahau-d dm that he ought to secure it for himself.

Upon this hint Bahau-d din, posted a division of his army at

the foot of the fort of Gwalior, and at two parasangs distance he

constructed a fortification, where his cavalry might picket at

night and return in the morning to the base of the rock. A

year passed and the garrison being reduced to extremities sent

messengers to Kutbu-d din and surrendered the fort to him. ©

There was a little misunderstanding between Bahau-d din and

Sultan Kutbu-d din. Malik Bahau-d din Tughril was a man of excellent qualities, and he has left many marks of his goodness in the territory of Bhayana.

5. Malik Glidzi Ikhtiyaru-d din Muhammad Bakhtiyar Khiji, of

It is related that this Muhammad Bakhtiyar was a Khilji, of Ghor, of the province of Garmsir. He was a very smart, enter- prising, bold, courageous, wise, and experienced man. He left his tribe and came to the Court of Sultan Mu’izzu-d din, at Ghaznin, and was placed in the diwdn-i ’ arz (office for petitions), but as the chief of that department was not satisfied with him he was dis- missed, and proceeded from Ghaznin to Hindustan. When he reached the Court of Delili, he was again rejected by the chief of the diwdn-i ’ arz of that city,1 and so he went on to Badaun, into the service of Hizbaru-d din Hasan, commander-in-chief, where he obtained a suitable position. After some time he went to Oudh in the service of Malik Hisamu-d din Ughlabak. He had good horses and arms, and he had showed much activity and valour at many places, so he obtained Sahlat and Sahli2 in Jagir. Being a bold and enterprising man, he used to make incursions into the districts of Munir (Monghir), and Behar, and bring away much plunder, until in this manner he obtained plenty of horses, arms,

1 [Here there is a variation in the text for four or five lines, hut the reading adopted seems the most intelligible and consistent. See printed text p. 146.]

and men. The fame of his bravery and of his plundering raids spread abroad, and a body of Khiljis joined him from Hindustan. His exploits were reported to Sultan Kutbu-d din, and he sent him a dress and showed him great honour. Being thus en- couragcd, he led his army to Behar and ravaged it. In this manner he continued for a year or two to plunder the neigh- bourhood, and at last prepared to invade the country.

It is said by credible persons that he went to the gate of the fort of Behar with only two hundred horse, and began the war by taking the enemy unawares. In the service of Bakhtiyar there were two brothers of great intelligence. One of them was named Nizamu-d din and the other Samsamu-d din. The compiler of this book met Samsamu-d din at Lakhnauti in the year 641 H. (1243 a.d.), and heard the following story from him. When Bakhtiyar reached the gate of the fort, and the fighting began, these two wise brothers were active in that army of heroes. Muhammad Bakhtiyar with great vigour and audacity rushed in at the gate of the fort and gained possession of the place. Great plunder fell into the hands of the victors. Most of the inhabi- tants of the place were Brahmans with shaven heads. They were put to death. Large numbers of books were found there, and when the Muhammadans saw them, they called for some persons to explain their contents, but all the men had been killed. It was discovered that the whole fort and city was a place of study (mad rasa). In the Hindi language the word Behar (vihdr) means a college.

When this conquest wras achieved, Bakhtiyar returned laden with plunder, and came to Kutbu-d din, who paid him much honour and respect. A body of the nobles of the Court looked upon the favours which Sultan Kutbu-d din bestowed upon him, with jealousy. In their convivial parties they used to sneer at him, and to cast jibes and ironical observations at him. Their animosity reached to such a pitch that he was ordered to combat with an elephant at the White Palace. He struck it such a blow with his battle-axe on the trunk that it ran away, and he

pursued it. On achieving this triumph, Sultan Kutbu-d din be- stowed rich gifts upon him from his own royal treasure, and he also ordered his nobles to present to him such ample offerings as can scarcely be detailed. Muhammad Bakhtiyar in that very meeting scattered all those gifts and gave them away to the people. After receiving a robe from the Sultan he returned to Behar. Great fear of him prevailed in the minds of the infidels of the territories of Lakhnauti, Behar, Bang (Bengal), and Kamrup.

It is related by credible authorities that mention of the brave deeds and conquests of Malik Muhammad Bakhtiyar was made before Rai Lakhmaniya, whose capital was the city of Nudiya. He was a great Rai, and had sat upon the throne for a period of eighty years. A story about that Rai may be here related : —

When the father of the Rai departed this world, he was in the womb of his mother, so the crown was placed upon her belly, and all the great men expressed their loyalty before her. His family was respected by all the Rais or chiefs of Hindustan, and was considered to hold the rank of Klialif, or sovereign. When the time of the birth of Lakhmaniya drew near, and symptoms of delivery appeared, his mother assembled the astrologers and Brahmans, in order that they might see if the aspect of the time was auspicious. They all unanimously said that if the child were born at that moment it would be exceedingly unlucky, for he would not become a sovereign. But that if the birth occurred two hours later the child would reign for eighty years. When his mother heard this opinion of the astrologers, she ordered her legs to be tied together, and caused herself to be hung with her head downwards. She also directed the astrologers to watch for the auspicious time. When they all agreed that the time for delivery was come, she ordered herself to be taken down, and Lakhmaniya was born directly, but he had no sooner come into the world than his mother died from the anguish she had en- dured. Lakhmaniya was placed upon the throne, and he ruled for eighty years. It is said by trustworthy persons that no one, great or small, ever suffered injustice at his hands. He used to

give a lac to every person that asked him for charity ; as was also the custom of the generous Sultan, the Hatim of the time, Kutbu-d din. In that country the current money is kaudas (kauris) instead of chitals,1 and the smallest present he made was a lac of kaudas.

Let us return to the history of Muhammad Bakhtiyar. When he came back from his visit to Sultan Kutbu-d din and con- quered Behar, his fame reached the ears of Rai Lakhmaniya and spread throughout all parts of the Rai’s dominions. A body of as- trologers, Brahmans, and wise men of the kingdom, came to the Rai and represented to him that in their books the old Brahmans had written that the country would eventually fall into the hands of the Turks. The time appointed was approaching ; the Turks had already taken Behar, and next year they would also attack his country, it was therefore advisable that the Rai should make peace with them, so that all the people might emigrate from the territory, and save themselves from contention with the Turks. The Rai asked whether the man who was to conquer the country wTas described as having any peculiarity in his person. They replied, Yes ; the peculiarity is, that in standing upright both his hands hang down below the knees, so that his fingers touch his shins.2 The Rai observed that it was best for him to send some confidential agents to make enquiry about that peculiarity. Ac- cordingly confidential agents were despatched, an examination was made, and the peculiarity wTas found in the person of Mu- hammad Bakhtiyar. When this was ascertained to be the fact, most of the Brahmans and many chiefs ( sahdn ) went away to the country of Sanknat,3 and to the cities of Bang and Kamrup, but Rai Lakhmaniya did not like to leave his territory.

Next year Muhammad Bakhtiyar prepared an army, and marched from Behar. He suddenly appeared before the city of Nudiya with only eighteen horsemen, the remainder of his army

1 [See Thomas, Jour. It. A. S. New Series II. 165.]

2 [An old Hindh idea of the figure of a hero.]

3 [Yar. “Sankat” and “ Saknat;” query “ Jagganath.” See below.]

was left to follow. Muliammad Baklitiyar did not molest any man, but went on peaceably and without ostentation, so that no one could suspect who he was. The people rather thought that he was a merchant, who had brought horses for sale. In this manner he reached the gate of Rai Lakhmaniya’s palace, when he drew his sword and commenced the attack. At this time the Rai was at his dinner, and golden and silver dishes filled with food were placed before him according to the usual custom. All of a sudden a cry was raised at the gate of his palace and in the city. Before he had ascertained wdiat had occurred, Muhammad Baklitiyar had rushed into the palace and put a number of men to the sword. The Rai fled barefooted by the rear of the palace, and his whole treasure, and all his wives, maid servants, attendants, and women fell into the hands of the invader. Numerous elephants were taken, and such booty was obtained by the Muhammadans as is beyond all compute. When his army arrived, the whole city was brought under sub- jection, and he fixed his head quarters there.

Rai Lakhmaniya went towards Sanknat1 and Bengal, where he died. His sons are to this day rulers in the territory of Bengal. When Muhammad Baklitiyar had taken possession of the Rai’s territory, he destroyed the city of Nudiya and established the seat of his government at Lakhnauti. He brought the sur- rounding places into his possession, and caused his name to be read in the Ivhutba and struck on the coins. Mosques, colleges, and monasteries were raised everywhere by the generous efforts of him and his officers, and he sent a great portion of the spoil to Sultan Kutbu-d din.

When several years had elapsed, he received information about the territories of Turkistan and Tibet, to the east of Lakh- nauti, and he began to entertain a desire of taking Tibet and Turkistan. For this purpose he prepared an army of about ten thousand horse. Among the hills which lie between Tibet and the territory of Lakhnauti, there are three races of people.

1 [Stewart in his History of Bengal says Jagganath.']

The one is called Kuch (Kuch Behar), the second Mich, and the third, Tiharu.1 They all have Turk! features and speak different languages, something; between the language of Hind and that of Tibet. One of the chiefs of the tribes of Kuch and Mich, who was called ’All Mich, had been converted to Muhammadanism by Muhammad Bakhtiyar, and this man agreed to conduct him into the hills. He led him to a place where there was a city called Mardhan-kot.2 It is said that in the ancient times when Gurshasp Shah returned from China, he came to Kamrud (Kam- rup) and built this city. Before the town there runs a stream which is exceedingly large. It is called Bangamati.3 When it enters the country of Hindustan it receives in the Hindi lan- guage the name of Samundar. In length, breadth, and depth, it is three times greater than the Ganges. Muhammad Bakh- tiyar came to the banks of this river, and ’Ali Mich went before the Muhammadan army. For ten days they marched on until he led them along the upper course of the river into the hills, to a place where from old times a bridge had stood over the water having about twenty (hist o and ) arches of stone. When the army reached the bridge, Bakhtiyar posted there two officers, one a Turk, and the other a Khilji, with a large force to secure the place till his return. With the remainder of the army he then went over the bridge. The Rai of Kamrup, on receiving intelli- gence of the passage of the Muhammadans, sent some confi- dential officers to warn Bakhtiyar against invading the country of Tibet, and to assure him that lie had better return and make more suitable preparations. He also added that he, the Rai of Kamrup, had determined that next year he also would muster his forces and precede the Muhammadan army to secure the country. Muhammad Bakhtiyar paid no heed to these represen- tations, but marched on towards the hills of Tibet.

One night in the year 641 (1243 a.d.) he halted at a place

1 [Stewart gives these names “ Kooneh, Mikeli, (or Miekh) and Neharu.” — History of Bengal, p. 46.]

• [Var. “ Bardhan, Dardkan.” Stewart has “ Burdehun or Murdekun.”]

3 [The Brahmaputra. It is so called in this part of its course.]

between Deo-kot and Bangawan, and stayed as a guest in the house of Mu’atamadu-d daula, who had formerly been an equerry in the service of Muhammad Bakhtiyar and had lived in the town of Laldinauti. From this man he heard that after passing over the bridge, the road lay for fifteen stages through the defiles and passes of the mountains, and at the sixteenth stage level land was reached. The whole of that land was well populated, and the villages were flourishing:. The village which was first reached had a fort, and when thje Muhammadan army made an attack upon it, the people in the fort and the surrounding places came to oppose them, and a battle ensued. The fight raged from morning till the time of afternoon prayer, and large numbers of the Muhammadans were slain and wounded. The only weapons of the enemy were bamboo spears ; and their armour, shields and helmets, consisted only of raw silk strongly fastened and sewed together. They all carried long bows and arrows. When night came on, the prisoners who had been taken were brought forward and questioned, and it was then ascertained that at five parasangs from that place there was a city called Karam- batan,1 and in it there was about three hundred and fifty thousand brave Turks armed with bows. The moment the horse- men of the Muhammadans arrived, messengers went to report their approach, and these messengers would reach their destina- tion next morning. When the author was at Lakhnauti, he made enquiries about that place, and learnt that it was a pretty large city. The ramparts of it are built of stone. The inhabitants of it are Brahmans and Nunis,2 and the city is under the sway of the chief of these people. They profess the Buddhist3 religion. Every morning in the market of that city, about fifteen hundred horses are sold. All the saddle horses4 which come into the

1 [Var. “ Karam-bain,” “ Laram-bain.” Stewart has “ Kurmputtim.]

5 [“ Din-i Tarsal,” which according to the dictionaries, means Christianity, or Fire-worship. It is not likely that either can be intended here, though Stewart in his Hist, of Bengal says, “their prince was a Christian.” The term is probably applied to any established religion other than Muhammadanism.]

4 [“ Asp-i tang-bastah.” Stewart reads “ Tanghan,” which is probably right.]

territory of Lakhnauti are brought from that country. Their roads pass through the ravines of the mountains, as is quite com- mon in that part of the country. Between Kamrup and Tibet there are thirty-five mountain passes through which horses are brought to Lakhnauti.

In short, when Muhammad Bakhtiyar became aware of the nature of the country, and saw that his men were tired and exhausted, and that many had been slain and disabled in the first day’s march, he consulted with his nobles, and they resolved that it was advisable to retreat, that in the following year they might return to the country in a state of greater preparation. On their way back there was not left on all the road a single blade of grass or a bit of wood. All had been set on fire and burnt. The inhabitants of the valleys and passes had all re- moved far away from tjie road, and for the space of fifteen days not a sir of food nor a blade of grass or fodder was to be found, and they were compelled to kill and eat their horses.

When, after descending the hills of the land of Kamrup, they reached the bridge, they found that the arches of it had been demolished. The two officers who had been left to guard it had quarrelled, and in their animosity to each other had neglected to take care of the bridge and the road, so the Hindus of Kamrup had come there and destroyed the bridge. When Muhammad Bakhtiyar with his army reached the place, he found no means of crossing. Neither was there a boat to be found, so he was greatly troubled and perplexed. They resolved to fix on some place where to encamp, and prepare rafts and boats to enable them to cross the river.

In the vicinity of this place was perceived a temple, very lofty and strong, and of beautiful structure. In it there were numer- ous idols of gold and silver, and one very large golden idol, which exceeded two or three thousand miskals in weight. Muhammad Bakhtiyar and the remnant of his army sought refuge in that temple, and set about procuring wood and ropes for constructing rafts to cross the stream. The Kai of Kamrup was informed of

the distress and weakness of the Muhammadans, and he issued orders to all the Hindus of his territory to come up, levy after levy, and all around the temple they were to stick their bamboo spears in the ground and to plait them together so as to form a kind of wall. When the soldiers of Islam saw this they told Muhammad Bakhtiyar that if they remained passive they would all be taken in the trap of the infidels and be made prisoners ; some way of escape must be sought out. By common consent they made a simultaneous sally, and directing their efforts to one spot, they cleared for themselves a way through the danger- ous obstacle to the open ground. The Hindus pursued them to the banks of the river and halted there. Every one exerted his ingenuity to devise some means of passing over the river. One of the soldiers urged his horse into the water, and it was found fordable to the distance of a bow-shot. A cry' arose in the army that a fordable passage was found, and all threw themselves into the stream. The Hindus in their rear took possession of the banks. When the Muhammadans reached the middle of the stream, the water was found to be very deep, and they nearly all perished. Muhammad Bakhtiyar with some horse, to the number of about a hundred, more or less, crossed the river with the greatest difficulty, but all the rest were drowned.

When Muhammad Bakhtiyar escaped from this watery grave, the intelligence of it reached the people of Kuch and Mich. ’Ali Mich, the guide, sent his relatives forward on the road to meet him, and received him with much kindness and hospitality. When Bakhtiyar reached Deokot he was seized by sickness, oc- casioned by excess of grief. He would never go out, because he felt ashamed to look on the wives and children of those who had perished. If ever he did ride out, all people, women and children, from their housetops and the streets, cried out cursing and abusing him. In this position the remark often fell from his tongue, “Has any misfortune befallen Sultan Grhazi Mu’izzu-d din Muhammad Sam, that my fortune has turned so bad?” It was even so, for Sultan Grhazi was killed about that

time. Muhammad Bakhtiyar grew worse under his trouble, took to his bed, and died. Some writers say that there was a chief under Muhammad Bakhtiyar, of the same tribe as himself, ’All Mardan Khilji by name. He was a very bold and dauntless man, and the district of Kum had been assigned to him. When he heard of Bakhtiyar’s sickness he came to Deokot, where Bakhtiyar was lying ill. Three days had elapsed since anyone had been admitted to see him, but ’Ali Mardan by some means got in to him, drew aside the sheet with which he was covered, and killed him with a knife. His death took place in a.h. 602 (1205 a.d.)

6. Malik JTzz u-d din Muhammad Shiran Khilji

It is related' that Muhammad Shiran and Ahmad Tran were two brothers, sons of a noble Khilji. They were in the service of Muhammad Bakhtiyar, and when this chief started on his cam- paign in Kamrup and Tibet, he sent Shiran and his brother Ahmad with detachments of his troops to Lakhnauti and Jajnagar. On the arrival of the news of the defeat and death of Bakhtiyar, they returned from their stations, and came duti- fully to Deokot. From that place he (Muhammad Shiran) went to Narkoti, which belonged to ’Ali Mardan, and seizing him in punishment of the crime he had committed, put him in prison uuder the charge of the Kotwal of the place, whose name was Baba Ivotwal Isfahan!. He then came back to Deokot and collected all the nobles. This Muhammad Shiran was a very active and high principled man.

When Muhammad Bakhtiyar sacked the city of Nudiya and defeated Rai Lakhmaniya, the soldiers, followers, and elephants of the Rai were dispersed, and the Muhammadans pursued and plundered them. Muhammad Shiran was three days absent from the camp on this pursuit, so that all the officers began to be apprehensive about him. After the third day, news was brought that Muhammad Shiran had captured eighteen or more

elephants in a certain jungle, with their drivers, and alone by himself he was keeping them there. Horsemen were sent out to his assistance and all the elephants were brought in. In short, Muhammad Shiran was an energetic man, ready and full of ex- pedients. When he returned, after taking ’All Mardan prisoner, as he was the chief of all the Khilji nobles, they all rendered him homage, but each noble continued to rule over the districts which belonged to himself. ’All Mardan contrived to ingratiate him- self with the Kotwal, and, escaping from prison, he went to the Court of Delhi. Upon his representations Sultan Kutbu-d din sent Kaimaz 1 Rumi from Oude towards Lakhnauti, and in execution of the royal orders the Khilji chiefs were quieted. Hisamu-d din ’Auz Khilji, who had received the districts of Gan- gatori2 from Muhammad Baklitiyar, came to receive Kaimaz Rumi, and went with him to Deokot. Here Kaimaz transferred to him the district of Deokot, and then returned. Muhammad Shiran and other Khilji chiefs having assembled, determined to attack Deokot, so Kaimaz came back from the middle of his journey and fought a battle with the Khilji chiefs, and Muham- mad Shiran and the other Khiljis were defeated. Quarrels after- wards broke out among these chiefs in the neighbourhood of Makida3 and Mantus, and Muhammad Shiran was slain. His tomb is in that country.

7. Malik : Alau-d din 'All Mardan Khilji.

’All Mardan was very resolute, bold, and fearless. When he escaped from the prison at Narkoti, he came to Sultan Kutbu-d din, and with him went to Ghaznin, where he fell into the hands of the Turks of that place. It is related that one day as he was going to a hunting-ground with Sultan Taju-d din Yalduz, he said to one of the Khilji nobles, who was called Salar-i Zafar (victorious general), “ What would you say if I were to kill

1 [Var. “ Kanmaz,” “ Kimar.”] 2 [Yar. “ Kankori.”]

Taju-d din Yalduz with one arrow, and to make you king on the spot.” Zafar Khilj was a wise man, and he prevented him from committing the (crime). When he returned from the hunt Zafar gave him two horses and sent him away. On reaching Hin- dustan, lie waited upon Sultan Kutbu-d din and received much honour and favour. The province of Lakhnauti was conferred on him and he went to that place. When he had crossed the Kosl river, Hisamu-d din ’Auz Ivhiljl came from Deo-kot to meet him. He then entered Deo-kot, assumed the reins of government, and brought all the territories under his rule. When Sultan Kutbu-d din died, ’All Mardan assumed royal state, and ordered his name to be read in the Khutba, under the title of Sultan ’Alau-d din. He was a cruel and sanguinary man. He sent his army in different directions and slew many Kliiljl chiefs. The Rais of the surrounding places grew apprehensive of him, and sent him presents and tribute. He began to issue orders to various parts of Hindustan, and to utter most extravagant vaunts before the assembly, and in open court he talked about the kings of Khurasan, Ghazni, and Ghor, and uttered the most useless ab- surdities. He even talked of sending his mandates to Ghaznln Khurasan, and ’Irak, requiring them to submit to his rule.

It is related that there was a merchant in that country who was reduced to poverty and had lost all his wealth. He requested a donation from ’All Mardan, and the king enquired what place he was a native of. He replied, Safahan (Ispahan). The king then ordered a farm an to be written, granting to him Safahan as his jagir. Through dread of his great severity and harsh- ness, no one dared to say that Safahan was not in his possession. If any person told him, when he made such grant, that the place was not his, he replied, “ I shall take it.” So he granted Safahan to that merchant, who was indigent and miserable. The great and wise persons of the place represented in behalf of the poor fellow, that he required money for the expences of the journey and for the fitting out of an army to take possession of his grant of Ispahan. A large sum of money was accordingly ordered to

be given to the merchant. To such a degree was the haughti- ness and severity and false pride of ’All Mardan excited. Be- sides all this, he was a cruel man and a tyrant. The poor people, the peasants, and the army were all tired of his tyranny and cruelty. They had no way of escape but in rebellion. A num- ber of Khilji chiefs combined against him and killed him. They then placed Hisamu-d din ’Auz upon the throne. The length of ’Ali Mardan’s reign was two years, more or less.

Hisamu-d din ’Auz was a man of kindly disposition. He was a Khilj of Ghor. It is said that once upon a time he was driving a laden mule along the skirts of the hills of Ghor to a certain village, on his journey from the country of Zawulistan to the highlands called Pasha-afroz. Two fakirs in religious garb came to him and asked him whether he carried any food on his mule. ’Auz Khilji replied that he did. He had with him some travel- ler’s bread, which he took from a bag on the back of the mule and spread it before the darweshes. When they had eaten the food, he produced some water and held it in a vessel before them. The fakirs partook of the food and drank of the water which he presented ; they began to talk with each other saying, “ This man has rendered us a service, we must not let him lose by it.” They turned their faces towards ’Auz Khilji and said, “ 0 chief, go towards Hindustan ‘T we give you the country as far as Mu- hammadanism has spread.”

At this direction of the fakirs he returned from that spot, and placed his wife upon liis mule, and took his way to- wards Hindustan. He joined Muhammad Baklitiyar; and his fortune reached such a degree of success that his name was read in the Khutba and struck upon the coin through- out the territory of Laklmauti. To him the title of Sultan Ghiyasu-d din was given. He made the city of Laklmauti the seat of his government, and built a fort for his residence. People flocked to him from all quarters, for he was exceedingly

good, and possessed solid endowments, both external and in- ternal. He was polite, brave, just and generous. During his reign, the army and the people in general lived in tranquillity and comfort. All his nobles were greatly benefitted by his gifts and bounty, and obtained immense wealth. He left many fine monuments of his goodness behind him in the country. He raised public buildings and mosques. He gave stipends to learned men and to shaikhs and saiyids ; he also bestowed property and goods upon other classes of the people. For instance, there was a descendant of the Imam of Firoz-koh, who was called Jalalu-d din, son of Jamalu-d din Ghaznawi. He .came with a body of men from his native country to Hindustan in a.h. 608 (1211 a.d.) After some years he went back to Firoz-koh, taking im- mense wealth with him. On being asked how he obtained those riches, he said, that when he reached Hindustan, he went to Delili, and from thence he determined to proceed to Lakhnauti. When he reached that place the Almighty so favoured him that his name was mentioned in the Court of Ghiyasu-d din. That kind-hearted kin" awarded him from his treasure a lanre dish-

full of gold and silver tankas , worth about ten thousand silver tankas. He also ordered the chiefs, nobles and ministers to give something, and accordingly each one gave him some present, amounting in the whole to about three thousand pieces more, and at the time of his departure, five thousand pieces were added to what he had formerly received ; so that the Imam-zada ob- tained eighteen thousand tankas through the favour of that Ghiyasu-d din Ivhilji, king of Lakhnauti.

When the writer of this book reached the territory of Lakh- nauti in a.h. 641 (1243 a.d.), he witnessed the charity of this kin" with his own eves.

The territory of Lakhnauti consists of two parts, on opposite banks of the Ganges. That to the west is called Dal,1 the city of Lakhnauti is on this side. The eastern side is called Bar- banda,2 and the city of Deo-kot is on that side. From Lakh- 1 [Var. “Azal.”] 2 [Var. “Barand.”]

nauti to the gates of Lakhnaur,1 and on the other side of the river as far as the city of Deo-kot, embankments {pul) have been raised, which extend for ten days’ journey. The reason for this is that during the rains all that country is inundated and if there were no embankments people would have to go to different parts and places in boats. In his reign, the roads by means of these em- bankments became passable by all men. It is also said that when, after the death of Malik Nasiru-d din Mahmud, Sultan Sa’id Shamsu-d din came to the territory of Lakhnauti to repress the rebellion of Ikhtivaru-d din, he noticed the charity of Ghiyasu-d din. Whenever afterwards he mentioned his name he used to call him Sultan, and it pleased him to say that, considering his great charity, no one ought to hesitate about giving him that title. Indeed he was a generous, just, and good-natured man. All the territories of Lakhnauti, such as Jajnagar and the provinces of Bengal, Ivamrup, and Tirhut, used to send him offerings. The district of Lakhnaur submitted to him, and brought him elephants, furniture, and treasures in abundance, and he established his officers there.

Sultan Sa’id Shamsu-d din sent armies several times from Dehli, and having conquered the province of Bebar he stationed his officers there. In 622 (1225 a.d.) he invaded Lakhnauti and Ghiyasu-d din advanced his boats up the stream to oppose him, but peace was made between them. Shamsu-d din accepted thirty- eight elephants, and treasure to the amount of eighty lacs. He ordered the Khutba to be read in his name. On his departure he gave Bebar to Malik ’Alau-d din Jam. Ghiyasu-d din ’Auz came to Bebar from Lakhnauti, and took it, and acted tyranni- cally. At last in the year 624 (1227 a.d.), Malik Shahid Nasiru-d din Mahmud, son of Sultan Shamsu-d din, having collected an army in Hindustan, and accompanied by ’Izzu-1 Malik Jani, marched from Oude to Lakhnauti. At this time Ghiyasu-d din ’Auz had gone on an expedition to Bengal and Kamrup, and had left Lakhnauti stripped of defenders. Malik Nasiru-d din

1 [Stewart reads “ Nagor (in BLrbhum) but Nagor is right away from the river.]

Mahmud captured the place, and when Ghiyasu-d din heard of its fall, he returned and fought a battle with the conqueror, but he and all his officers were made prisoners. He was then killed, after a reign of twelve years.

History of the Shamsiya Kings of Hindustan.

1. — Sultan Shamsu-d dunya icau-d din Abu-l Muzaffar Altamsh.

It wras destined from all eternity by the most high and holy God that the country of Hindustan should be placed under the protection of the great king, the light of the world and religion, Sultan Abu-1 Muzaffar Altamsh. \Tlie exordium goes on at some length in a similar inflated style of eulogy of the monarch and of Dehli his capital .]

It is related by credible persons that Sultan Shamsu-d din was chosen by the destiny of Providence in his early age from the tribes of Albari1 in Turkistan for the sovereignty of Islam and of the dominions of Hindustan. His father, whose name was Yalam Khan, had numerous dependents, relatives, and followers in his employ. The future monarch was from his childhood re- markable for beauty, intelligence, and grace, such as excited jealousy in the hearts of his brothers, so they enticed him away from his father and mother with the pretence of going to see a drove of horses. His case was like that of Joseph : “ They said, father, why dost thou not trust Joseph with us, for we are sincere friends to him ? Send him with us in the morning, that he may amuse himself and sport, and we will take care of him.” When they brought him to the drove of horses, they sold him to the dealer. Some say that his sellers were his cousins. The horse-dealers took him to Bukhara, and sold him to one of the ■ [^J! JSU]

relations of the chief judge of that city. For some time he remained with that great and noble family, the chiefs of which nourished and educated him like a son.

A credible person has related, that he heard in the gracious words of the king himself, that on a certain occasion one of the members of the family gave him a piece of money and ordered him to go to the bazar and buy some grapes. He went to the bazar, and on the way lost the piece of money. Being of tender age, he began to cry for fear ; and while he was weeping and crying, a fakir came to him, took his hand, purchased some grapes, and gave them to him, saying : “ When you obtain wealth and dominion, take care that you show re- spect to fakirs and pious men, and maintain their rights.” He gave his promise to the fakir, and whatever fortune and power he obtained he always ascribed to the favour shewn him by that fakir. It is firmly believed that no king so benevolent, so sympathising, and so respectful to the learned and to elders as he was, ever rose by his native energy to the cradle of empire.

From that noble and distinguished family, he was purchased by a merchant whose name was Haji Bukhari, and he sold him to another merchant named Jamalu-d din Chast Kaba, who brought him to Ghazni. No Turk equal to him in beauty, virtue, intelligence, and nobleness, had at that time been brought to that city. Mention of him was made before his majesty Sultan Mu'izzu-d din Muhammad Sam, who ordered that a price should be named for him. He was coupled with another Turk named Aibak, and a thousand dinars in refined gold was fixed as the price of each, but Jamalu-d din Chast Kaba demurred to sell him for this price, so the Sultan gave orders that nobody should purchase him. After this, Jamalu-d din Chast Kaba stayed one year in Ghazni, and then went to Bukhara, carrying the future Sultan with him. After staying there three years, he again brought him back to Ghazni ; but no one, for fear of the king’s orders, ventured to purchase. He had been there one year, when

Kutbu-d din1 returned to Ghaznin with Malik Nasiru-d din Husain, after the invasion of Nahrwala and the conquest of Guzerat. He heard an account of Shamsu-d din, and asked the permission of Sultan Mu’izzu-d din to purchase him. The Sultan said that orders had been passed that he should not be purchased in Ghazni, but he might take him to Dehli and buy him there. Ivutbu-d din consigned to Nizamu-d din Muham- mad the management of the business, and ordered him to take Jamalu-d din Chast Kaba with him to Hindustan that he might purchase Shamsu-d din there. According to these directions, Nizamu-d din brought them to Dehli, and Kutbu-d din purchased him and the other slave for one lac of chitals. The other slave was a Turk, whose name was Aibak, but this was changed to Tamghaj,2 and he became chief of Tabarhindh. He was slain in the battle fought between Taju-d din Yalduz and Kutbu-d din. Altamsh was made chief of the guards. Kutbu-d din called him his son and kept him near his person. His rank and honour increased every day. Marks of intelligence were evident in all his actions, so he was elevated to the rank of Amir-shikar (chief huntsman). When Gwalior was taken he became amir of that place. After that he obtained the district and town of Baran and its dependencies. Some time after this, when the proofs of his energy, bravery, and heroism were fully displayed, and had been witnessed by Kutbu-d din, the country of Badaun was entrusted to him. When Sultan Mu’izzu-d din Muhammad Sam returned from Khwarizm, after being defeated in the battle of Andkhod by the armies of Khita, the Kokhar (Gakkar) tribes broke out in rebellion, and the Sultan marched against them from Ghazni. Kutbu-d din, according to his orders, brought up an army from Hindustan, and Shamsu-d din accompanied him with the forces of Badaun. In the height of the battle, Shamsu-d din rode into the stream of

1 [The author constantly prefixes by anticipation the title of Suit-in to the names of Kutbu-d din, Shamsu-d din, and others who eventually became kings; but, to avoid

confusion, this title has been omitted in passages relating to times anterior to their attainment of the regal dignityj. 2 [“ Toghan ” in Firishta.j

the Jailam, where that wretched rabble had taken refuge, and exhibited great bravery, galling the enemy so with his arrows that he overcame their resistance, and sent them from the tops of the waves into the depths of hell : “ they drowned and entered the fires.”

The Sultan in the midst of the battle observed his feats of daring and courage, and enquired who he was. When his majesty was enlightened upon this point he called him into his presence and honoured him with especial notice. Kutbu-d din was ordered to treat Altamsh well, as he was destined for great works. His majesty then ordered the deed of his freedom to be written out and graciously granted him his liberty.

When Sultan Kutbu-d din expired at Lahore,1 the commander- in-chief, "Ali Ismail, who had charge of Dehli, joined with some other nobles and principal men, and sent letters to Badaun in- viting Shamsu-d din. When he arrived he mounted the throne of Dehli in a.h. 607 (1210 a.d.) and established his authority. The Turks and the Mu’izzi chiefs assembled from all quarters in Dehli, but the Turks and Mu’izzi chiefs of that city did not join them. They resolved to try the effect of resistance, so they went out of Dehli, collected in the environs and raised the standard of revolt. Sultan Shamsu-d din marched out of Dehli with a body of horse and his own personal followers, defeated them in the plains of the Jumna and put most of their horsemen to the sword. Afterwards Sultan Tuju-d din made a treaty with him from Lahore and Ghazni and sent him some insignia of royalty. Quarrels arose several times between Sultan Shamsu-d din Altamsh and Malik Nasiru-d din Kubacha about Lahore, Tabar- hindli, and Kaliram ; and in the year 614 (1217 a.d.) he de- feated Kubacha. Hostilities also broke out at different times between him and the chiefs of various parts of Hindustan and the Turks, but as he was assisted by Divine favour, every one who resisted him or rebelled was subdued. Heaven still con-

1 [The name is here invariably spelt “Lohor.”]

tinued to favour him, and all the territories belonging to Dehli, Badaun, Oudh, Benares, and the Siwalik hills came into his possession.

Sultan Taju-d din Yalduz having fled before the army of Khwarizm came to Lahore. A dispute arose between him and Sultan Shamsu-d din regarding the limits of their possessions, and a battle was fought between them at Narain in a.h. 612 (a.d. 1215) in which the Sultan achieved the victory, and Taju-d din Yalduz was taken prisoner. He was brought, according to orders, to Dehli and was sent to Badaun, where he was buried.1

After this another battle was fought in the year 614 h. (1217 a.d.) with Malik Nasiru-d din Kubacha, and he was again de- feated.

Great events now occurred in Khurasan through the appear- ance of the Moghal Changiz Khan. In a.h. 615 (1218 a.d.) Jalalu-d din, king of Khwarizm, having fled from the army of the infidels came towards Hindustan, and some fighting followed on the frontiers of Lahore. Shamsu-d din led his forces out of Dehli towards Lahore, and Khwarizm Shah fled before the army of Hindustan and went towards Sind and Siwistan.

After this, in 622 h. (1225 a.d.), Sultan Shamsu-d din carried his arms towards Lakhnauti, and Gliiyasu-d din ’Auz Khilji placed the yoke of servitude on the neck of submission and pre- sented thirty elephants and eighty lacs of the current coin. He also ordered the Kliutba to be read and the coin to be struck in the name of Shamsu-d din.

In a.h. 623 (1226 a.d.) he marched to conquer the fort of Ranthambhor2 which is celebrated in all parts of Hindustan for its great strength and security. It is related in the Hindu histories that it had been invaded by more than seventy ( [haftad o

1 [The author is silent here as to his death, but in the memoir of Taju-d din he says that he was killed.]

2 [This name is spelt in many different ways. Here in the text we have “ Ran- tampor.” It also occurs as “ Rinthambor,” “ Runtamboor,” etc. Colebrooke derives the name from the Sanskrit Rana-sthamba-bhramara , “ the bee of the pillar of war.” — Trans. R. As. Soc. I. 143.]

and) kings, and no one had been able to take it. In the space of a few months in the year 623, through the favour of God, the fort fell into the hands of Shamsu-d din. One year after this, a.h. 624, he attacked the fort of Mandur in the Siwalik hills1 there also God bestowed victory on him, and much plunder fell into the hands of his followers. After another year, in a.h. 625 (122 a.d.), an army was sent from Dehli towards the cities of TTch and Multan. The author of this book, Minhaj Siraj, had come from Ghor and Khurasan to Sind, Uch, and Multan, in the month of Rajab, a.h. 624. On the first of Rabi’u-1 awwal, a.h. 625 (Feb. 1228), Sultan Sa’id Shamsu-d din reached the foot of the fort of Uch. Malik Nasiru-d din Kubacha had pitched his camp at the gate of the fort of Amrawat2 and all his followers and baggage were in ships and boats moored in front of the camp.

On Friday, after the time of prayer, some swift runners came from the direction of Multan and reported that Malik Nasiru-d din Aitamur had been detached from Lahore and had come to the fort of Multan ; also that Sultan Shamsu-d din himself was marching towards Uch via Tabarhindh. Malik Nasiru-d din Kubacha fled with all his army in boats to Bhakkar, and ordered his minister, ’Ainu-1 Mulk Husain Ashghari, to remove all the treasure from the fort of Uch to Bhakkar.

Sultan Shamsu-d din sent two of his principal generals in advance with an army to the walls of Uch. One of these was Malik Tzzu-d din Muhammad Salar, lord chamberlain, and the other was Kazlak Khan Sanjar Sultani, chief of Tabarhindh. Four days after, the Sultan himself arrived at Uch with all his elephants and baggage, and pitched his tents there. He sent his minister, Nizamu-d din Muhammad Junaidi, with other nobles, in pursuit of Malik Nasiru-d din to the fort of Bhakkar. Fight-

1 [Briggs in the translation of Firishta says, “ Mando and the country of Malwa and this statement has been adopted by Elphinstone. It is manifestly wrong, and there is no warrant for it in the text of Firishta, which fully agrees with the state- ment of our author. The true version of Firishta’s words is “ He marched to the fort of Mandhr, which fort, with all the Siwalik hills, he reduced.’’]

in" continued for one month under the walls of Uch, and on Tuesday, the 29th of Jumada-1 akhir a.h. 625 (May, 1228), the place capitulated. In the same month Malik Nasiru-d din Kubacha drowned himself at the fort of Bhakkar in the waters of the Indus, having a few days before sent his son, Malik ’Alau-d din Bahrain Shah to wait upon Sultan Shamsu-d din. After a few days the treasures were taken possession of, and the remaining forces of Malik Nasiru-d din entered into the service of the conqueror. All that country down to the sea shore was subdued. Malik Sinanu-d din Habsh, chief of Dewal and Sind, came and did homage to the Sultan. When the noble mind of the king was satisfied with the conquest of the country, he returned to Dehli.

The writer of this book had obtained an audience at the Court of that great and religious king on the first day his camp was pitched at Uch (may God preserve it !), and was received with favour. When his majesty returned from that fort, the com- piler also came to Dehli (may God glorify it!) with the victorious army of that invincible king, and reached the city in the month of Ramazan a.h. 625 (August 1228). At this time messengers bringing splendid robes from the seat of the Khilafat reached the frontiers of Nagore, and on Monday, the 2nd of Rabi’u-l awwal a.h. 626, they arrived at the capital, and the city was adorned by their presence. The king and his chief nobles and his sons and the other nobility and servants were all honoured with robes sent from the metropolis of Islam.

After great revelling and rejoicing, news arrived in Jumada-1 awwal, 626 (April, 1229), of the death of Prince Sa’id Nasiru-d din Mahmud. Balka1 Malik Khilji had broken out in rebellion in the territories of Lakhnauti, and Sultan Shamsu-d din led thither the armies of Hindustan, and having captured the rebel, he, in a.h. 627, gave the throne of Lakhnauti to Malik ’Alau-d din Jani, and returned to his capital in the month of Rajab of the same year.

In a.h. 629 he marched for the conquest of Gwalior, and when his royal tents were pitched under the walls of the fort, Milak Deo,1 the accursed son of Basil the accursed, began the war. For eleven months the camp remained under the fort. In the month of Sha’ban of the same year the author of this book came to the Court from Delili and obtained audience. He was ordered to preach in turn at the door of the royal tent. Discourses were appointed to be delivered three times every week, and during the month of Ramazan on every day. But in other months the rule of three times was observed. Ninety-five times religious assemblies were convened at the royal tents. On both ’fids, viz. ’Td-i fitr and ’Td-i azha’, the appropriate prayers were read at three different places in the army of Islam. At one of these, at the fort of Gwalior on the northern side, this well- wisher of the government, Minhaj Siraj, was ordered on the Id-i azha’ to read the Khutba and the prayers, and was honoured with the reward of a costly khil’at. The same rule was observed until the fort was conquered, on Tuesday, the 26tn of Safar a.h. 630 (November, 1232).

The accursed Milak Deo went out of the' fort in the night time and fled. About seven hundred persons were ordered to receive punishment at the door of the royal tent.2 After this, promotions were made in the ranks of the nobles and ryreat officers. Malik Ziau-d din Muhammad -Junaidi was appointed chief justice, and the commander-in-chief Rashidu-d din (peace be to him !) was made kotwal, and Minhaj Siraj, the well-wisher of this govern- ment, was made law officer, and was entrusted with the supervision of the preaching, and of all religious, moral, and judicial affairs. Rich khil’ats and valuable largesses were distributed. May the Almighty aid the pure soul and generous heart of that most beneficent, heroic, and kind king ! His majesty started on his return from the fort on the 2nd of Rabi’u-1 awwal in the same

1 [Firishta lias the more likely name of “ Deobal.”]

a [Firishta says three hundred were put to death. Siyasat, the word here employed, signifies punishment inflicted at the discretion of a judge in cases not provided for by law, and there is no doubt that the punishment of death is intended.]

year, and pitched his tents that day at about one parasang to- wards Delili from the walls of the fort. A halt of five days was made there. After he had reached the capital he sent, in a.h. 6321 (1234 A.D.), the army of Islam towards Malwa and took the fort and city of Bhilsa.2 There was a temple there which was three hundred years in building. It was about one hundred and five gaz high. He demolished it. From thence he pro- ceeded toUjjain, where there was a temple of Maha-kal, which he destroyed as well as the image of Bikramajit, who was king of Ujjaiu, and reigned 1316 years before this time. The Hindu era dates from his reign. Some other images cast in copper were carried with the stone image of Maha-kal to Dehli.

In a.h. 636, he led the armies of Hindustan towards Banyan.3

In this journey his majesty fell sick and was obliged by his

severe illness to return home. Wednesday morning, the 1st of

Sha’ban, was fixed by the astrologers for his entrance into Dehli,

the seat of his government, and he entered the city in a howda on the back of an elephant. His illness increased, and nineteen days after, on the 20th of Sha’ban, 633 h. (end of April, 1235), he departed from this perishable to the eternal world. The period of his reign was twenty-six years. [Lists of his judges , generals , relations, and victories, follow. ]

2. Malik Sa’id Ndsiru-d dunya icau-d din Mahmud.

Malik Nasiru-d din Mahmud was the elder son of Sultan Shamsu-d din. He was an intelligent, learned, and wise prince, and was possessed of exceeding bravery, courage, generosity, and benevolence. The first charge which the Sultan confided to him was that of Hansi. Some time after, in 623 h. (1226 a.d.), Oudh was entrusted to him. In that country the prince ex-

2 [In one copy the name is written “ Bhilasan,” and in another “ Bilistan.” This is probably the same as the “Bhaylasan” or “ Mahabalastan” of Birhn'i. See Vol. I. p. 59.]

s Var. “Badhyan” and “ Bayana.” Firishta, the Tarikh-i Badafini, and the Tabakat-i Akbarl agree in saying “ Multan.”

hibited many estimable qualities. He fouglit several battles, and by his boldness and bravery he made his name famous in the annals of Hindustan. He overthrew and sent to hell the ac- cursed Bartuh (?) under whose hands and sword more than one hundred and twenty thousand Musulmans had received martyr- dom. He overthrew the rebel infidels of Oudh and brought a body of them into submission.

From Oudh he determined to march against Lakhnauti, and the king placed the armies of Hindustan under his command. Several well-known chiefs, as Bolan (?) and Malik ’Alau-d din Jani, went with him to Lakhnauti. Sultan Ghiyasu-d din ’Auz Khilji had marched from Lakhnauti to invade the territory of Bang (Bengal), and had left no force at his centre of government. Malik Sa’id Nasiru-d din, on arriving there with his army, took peaceable possession of the fort of Basankot and of the city. Ghiyasu-d din ’Auz Khilji, on receiving this intelligence, returned to Lakhnauti, and Malik Nasiru-d din with his army met him and defeated him. Ghiyasu-d din, with all his relations and chiefs of Khilj, the treasures and the elephants, fell into his hands. He put Ghiyasu-d din to death and confiscated all his treasures. From thence he sent presents and offerings to all the saiyids and the learned and religious men of Dehli and all towns.

When Shamsu-d din received the khil’ats from the reigning

Khalifa, he sent one of the most valuable with a red canopy to Lakhnauti, and Malik Nasiru-d din thus received great honour and distinction. All the nobles and great men turned their eyes towards him as the heir of his father’s kingdom, but the decrees of fate did not accord with the wishes of the people. One year and a-half afterwards he fell sick and died. When the news of his death reached Dehli all people were greatly distressed.

Sultan Buknu-d din Firoz Shah was a generous and hand- some king, full of kindness and humanity. In liberality he was

a second Hatim. His mother, the queen of the world, Shah Turkan, was originally a Turk! handmaid, but had become the chief wife of Sultan Shamsu-d din Altamsh. She lavished many offerings and much charity on learned men, saiyids , and devotees.

In the year 625 h. (1228 a.d.) Sultan Ruknu-d din received a grant of Badaun with a green umbrella. ’Ainu-1 Mulk Husain Ash’ari, who had been the wazir of Nasiru-d din Kubacha, then became wazir of Ruknu-d din. When Shamsu-d din returned from the conquest of Gwalior to Helili, he con- ferred the territories of Lahore, which had been the capital of Khusru Malik, on Ruknu-d din ; and on his return from his last campaign, from the Indus and Banyan, he took Ruknu-d din with him to Dehli, for the eyes of all men were on him, as the eldest of the kind's sons since the death of Nasiru-d din Mahmud. On the death of Sultan Shamsu-d din Altamsh, the princes and nobles placed Ruknu-d din upon the throne on Tuesday, 29th of Sha’ban 633 H. (beginning of of May, 1236), and the crown and throne were graced by his accession. The nobles were gratified and received robes of honour. When they returned home from the capital, the new monarch opened the doors of his treasury and gave himself up to pleasure, squandering the public wealth in improper places. So devoted was he to licentiousness and debauchery that the business of the State was neglected and fell into confusion.

His mother, Shah Turkan, began to interfere in the govern- ment of the country. During the life of her husband his other women had looked upon her with envy and disdain. She now seized the opportunity of punishing them, and in blind fury and vindictiveness she put several of them to death. This state of things began to trouble the minds of public men. In addition to her other cruel acts she caused the young prince Ivutbu-d din, son of the late king, and a very excellent youth, to be blinded and afterwards to be put to death. These acts aroused an in- imical feeling in the hearts of the great men in all directions. Malik Ghiyasu-d din Muhammad Shah, son of the late Sultan,

and younger than Ruknu-d din, commenced hostilities in Oudh. He seized upon the treasure of Lakhnauti in its passage to the capital, and plundered several towns of Hindustan. Malik ’Izzu-d din Muhammad Salari o;overnor of Badaun revolted. Malik ’Izzu-d din Kabir Khan, governor of Multan, Malik Saifu-d din Kochi, governor of Hansi, and Malik ’Alau-d din, governor of Lahore, conspired and broke out into rebellion. Sultan Ruknu-d din led his army from Dehli to repress these malcontents, but his wazir, Nizamu-1 mulk Muhammad Junaidi, took the alarm and deserted him at Kilu-ghari. He then went off towards Kol and joined ’Izzu-d din Muhammad Salari of Badaun. These two afterwards joined Malik Jani and Kochi. Sultan Ruknu-d din marched on to Kaliram. The Turki nobles and the royal attendants who were about the person of the Sultan leagued together, and, in the neighbourhood of Mansurpur and Narain, Taju-d din Muhammad, secretary and controller, Bahau-1 Mulk Husain Asha’ri, Karimu-d din Zahid, Ziau-1 Mulk son of Nizamu-1 Mulk Junaidi, Nizamu-d din Sharkani, Khwaja Rashidu-d din Malkani, Amir Fakhru-d din, and other confederate officials, killed the Tazik.1 In the month of Rabi’u-1 awwal 634 h. (November, 1236 a.d.), Raziya, eldest daughter of the late Sultan, quarrelled with the mother of Stdtan Ruknu-d din, and the Sultan was constrained to return to Delhi. His mother had attempted to capture and kill Sultan Raziya, but the people rose, and the latter seized upon the royal palace and made the mother of the Sultan prisoner.

When Ruknu-din arrived at Kilu-ghari he found that rebellion had broken out, and that his mother had been made prisoner. The guards and Turkish nobles came into the city, and joining Raziya, proffered their allegiance to her, and raised her to the throne. Being thus elevated to the throne, she sent an army of Turks and nobles to Kilu-ghari and they brought Sultan

intelligibly, says they deserted Ruknu-d din.]

Ruknu-d din prisoner to Delili, where he was kept in confine- ment and died. His death happened on Sunday, the 18th of Rabi’u-1 awwal a.h. 634 (November, 1236 a.d.) He reigned for six months and twenty-eight days. He was very generous ; no king in any reign had ever scattered gifts, robes of honour, and grants in the way he did, but all his lavishness sprang from his inordinate addiction to sensuality, pleasure, and conviviality. He was so entirely devoted to riot and debauchery, that he often bestowed his honours and rewards on bands of singers, buffoons, and catamites. He scattered his riches to such a heedless extent, that he would ride out drunk upon an elephant through the streets and bazars, throwing tankas of red gold around him for the people to pick up and rejoice over. He was very fond of playing with and riding upon elephants, and all the elephant drivers were much benefited by his bounty. His nature was averse to hurting any creature, and his tenderness was the cause of his downfall.

Kings should possess all virtues that their people may live at ease. They should be generous, that the army may live satis- fied ; but sensuality, gaiety, and the society of the base and unworthy bring an empire to ruin. May God pardon him !

Sultan 1 Raziya , Daughter of the Sultan.

Sultan Raziya was a great monarch. She was wise, just, and generous, a benefactor to her kingdom, a dispenser of justice, the protector of her subjects, and the leader of her armies. She was endowed with all the qualities befitting a king, but she was not born of the right sex, and so in the estimation of men all these virtues were worthless. (May God have mercy on her !) In the time of her father, Sultan Sa’id Shamsu-d din, she had exercised authority with great dignity. Her mother was the

1 [The queen is always called “ Sultan” and “ Badshah,” not Sultana, ashy Briggs and Elphinstone. Sultau signifies “ ruler,” and although, from Musulman aversion to female rulers, it is practically confined to the male sex, yet it is exceptionally used for queens regnant, as in this case. “ Sultana” is not complimentary, for it signifies a scold.']

chief wife of his majesty, and she resided in the chief royal palace in the Kushk-firozi. The Sultan discerned in her coun- tenance the signs of power and bravery, and, although she was a girl and lived in retirement, yet when the Sultan returned from the conquest of Gwalior, he directed his secretary, Taju-1 Malik Mahmud, who was director of the government, to put her name in writing as heir of the kingdom, and successor to the throne. Before this farm an was executed, the servants of the State, who were in close intimacy with his majesty, represented that, seeing the king had grown up sons who were worthy of the dignity, what wisdom could there be in making a woman the heir to a Muhammadan throne, and what advantage could accrue from it ? They besought him to set their minds at ease, for the course that he proposed seemed very inexpedient. The king replied, My sons are devoted to the pleasures of youth, and no one of them is qualified to be king. They are unfit to rule the country, and after my death you will find that there is no one more competent to guide the State than my daughter. It was afterwards agreed by common consent that the king had judged wisely.

When Sultan Raziya succeeded to the throne, all things re- verted to their old order. But the wazir of the State, Nizamu-1 Mulk Junaidi did not give in his adhesion. He, together with Malik Jani, Malik Kochi, Malik Kabir Ivhan, and Malik Tzzu-d din Muhammad Salari, assembling from different parts of the country at the gates of Dehli, made war against Sultan Raziya, and hostilities were carried on for a long time. After a while, Malik Nasiru-d din Tabashi Mu’izzi, who was governor of Oudh, brought up his forces to Dehli to the assistance of Sultan Raziya. When he had crossed the Ganges, the generals, who were fighting against Dehli, met him unexpectedly and took him prisoner. He then fell sick and died.

The stay of the insurgents at the gates of Dehli was protracted. Sultan Raziya, favoured by fortune, went out from the city and ordered her tents to be pitched at a place on the banks of the

Jumna. Several engagements took place between the Turkish nobles who were on the side of the Sultan, and the insuro-ent chiefs. At last peace was effected, with great adroitness and judicious management. Malik Tzzu-d din Muhammad Salar and Malik ’Izzu-d din Kabir Khan Ayyaz secretly joined the Sultan and came at night to her majesty’s tents, upon the under- standing that Malik Jani, Malik Kochi, and Nizamu-1 Mulk Junaidi were to be summoned and closely imprisoned, so that the rebellion might subside. When these chiefs wrere informed of this matter they fled from their camps, and some horsemen of the Sultan pursued them. Malik Kochi and his brother Fakh- ru-d din were captured, and were afterwards killed in prison. Malik Jani wras sldin in the neighbourhood of Babul and Nakwan. Nizamu-1 Mulk Junaidi went into the mountains of Bardar,1 and died there after a while.

When the affairs of Raziya were thus settled, she conferred the office of wazir on an upright officer who had been the deputy of Nizamu-1 Mulk, and he likewise received the title of Nizamu-1 Mulk. The command of the army wras given to Malik Saifu-d din Aibak Bahtu, with the title of Katlagh Khan. To Kabir Khan was assigned the province of Lahore. The country now enjoyed peace, and the power of the State became manifest. Throughout its territories from Lakhnauti to Dewal all the princes and nobles made their submission.

Shortly after Malik Aibak Bahtu died, and Malik Kutbu-d din Hasan Ghori was appointed to his office, and was ordered to march against the fort of Rantambhor. The Hindus laid siege to this fort after the death of Shamsu-d din, and had been before it some time, but when Kutbu-d din arrived, he drew the Musul- man forces out of the fort and destroyed it. He then returned to Dehli.

About this time Malik Ikhtiyaru-d din Ttigin was appointed lord chamberlain, and Amir Jamalu-d din Yakut, the superin- tendent of the stables, wras made a personal attendant of her 1 [Yar. “ Sarmand-baradar.” Firishta says “ Sirmor.”]

majesty. This created jealousy among the Turkish generals and nobles. The Sultan Raziya now threw off the dress and veil of women. She put on a coat (Jiaba) and cap, and showed her- self among the people. When she rode on an elephant all men clearly saw her. She now ordered an army to march to Gwalior, and sent with it large gifts. There being no possibility of re- sistance, this well-wisher of the victorious government, Minhaj Siraj, together with Majdu-1 TJmara Zia’u-dMin Junaidi, chief justice of Gwalior, and with other principal officers, came out of the fort of Gwalior on the 1st of Sha’ban, a.h. 635 (Feb. 1238), and proceeded to the Court of Delili. In the month of Sha’ban of the same year, Sultan Raziya (may peace be to her!), appointed this well-wisher to the Nasiriya college1 and to the office of Kazf of Gwalior. In a.h. 637 (1239 a.d.) Malik Tzzu-d dm Kabir Khan, governor of Lahore, broke out in revolt. The Sultan led her army from Delili in that direction and pursued him. After a time he made peace and did homage. The province of Multan, which was held by Malik Karakasli, was given to Malik Tzzu-d din Kabir Khan.

On Thursday, the 19th of Ramazan a.h. 637 (April, 1240), Sultan Raziya returned to the capital. Malik Altuniya, who was governor of Tabarhindh,2 revolted, and some of the officers of the Court on the frontier supported him. On Wednesday, the 9th of the same month and year she marched with a numerous army towards Tabarhindh to put down these rebels. When she arrived there she was attacked by the Turks, who put Amir Jalalu-d din Yakut, the Abyssinian, to death. They then seized the Sultan Raziya and sent her a prisoner to the fort of Tabarhindh.

Among the incidents which occurred at the beginning of the reign of Sultan Raziya, this was the most remarkable, that the Karmatians and heretics of Hindustan, being seduced by a person with some pretensions to learning, who was called Nur

2 [The Eabibu-s Siyar says distinctly Sarhind. Firishta has “ Bhatinda.”]

Turk, flocked to him in large numbers from all parts of Hindus- tan : such as Guzerat, Sind, the environs of the capital, and the banks of the Jumna and Ganges. They assembled in Dehli, and making a compact of fidelity to each other, they, at the in- stigation of this Nur Turk, declared open hostility against the people of Islam. When Nur preached, the rabble used to gather round him. He used to say that the learned Sunnis and their flocks were nasibis , and to call them marjis.1 He en- deavoured also to inflame the minds of the common people against the wise men who followed the doctrines of Abu Hanifa and ShafTi. On a day appointed, on Friday, the 6th of the month of Rajab. a.h. 634 (March, 1237), the whole body of heretics and Karmatians, to the number of about one thousand men, armed with swords, shields, arrows, and other weapons, came in two parties to the Jama’ masjid of Dehli. One division came from the northern side and passed by the fort of Nur to the gate of the masjid. The other proceeded from the clothes bazar, and entered the gate of the Mu’izzi, under the impression that it was the masjid. On both sides they attacked the Musulmans. Many of the faithful were slain by the sword and many -were trampled to death by the crowd. When a cry arose from the people in consequence of this outrage, the brave officers of the government, such as Nasiru-d din Aitamur Balarami, Amir Imam Nasir Sha’ir and others, fully armed with mail, cuirass, and helmet, with spears, shields, and other weapons, gathered on all sides and rode into the masjid. They plied their swords on the heretics and Karmatians ; and the Musulmans who had gone (for refuge) to the top of the mosque hurled down stones and bricks till every heretic and Karmatian wras sent to hell, and the riot was quelled.2 Thanks be to God for the favour and glory he has o-iven to the faith.

1 [Xasibis are the enemies of ’All, and the marjis or “ procrastinators” are a sect who think faith sufficient and works unnecessary.]

2 This curious anecdote is omitted by almost all the general historians, but is quoted nearly verbatim by Xuru-1 Ilakk in the Zubdatu-t Tawarikh. — See note in Appendix “Karmatians.”

When Sultan Raziya was taken prisoner to Tabarhindh, Malik Altuniya espoused her and led her army towards Dehli to regain possession of the kingdom. Malik Tzzu-d din Mu- hammad Salari and Malik Karakash left the capital and went to join them. Meanwhile, Mu’izzu-d din had ascended the throne, Ikhtiyaru-d din Ttigin, lord chamberlain, had been slain, and Badru-d din Sankar Rumi had been appointed his successor. In the month of Rabi’u-l awwal a.h. 638 (Sept. 1240), the Sultan marched his army from Dehli to repel his opponents, and Sultan Raziya and Malik Altuniya were defeated. When in their flight they reached Kaithal, their remaining forces abandoned them, and they both fell into the hands of the Hindus and were killed. The date of this defeat was the 24th of Rabi’u-l awwal a.h. 638 (Oct. 1240), and the Sultan Raziya was killed on the day follow- ing. She had reigned three years and six days.

Sultan Mu’izzu-d din Bahram Shah was a victorious king ; a fearless, intrepid, and sanguinary man. Still he had some virtues. He was shy and unceremonious, and had no taste for the gorgeous attire which kings love to wear, nor for tire belts, accoutrements, banners, and other insignia of royalty. When Sultan Raziya was sent to prison at Tabarhindh, the nobles and the generals agreed to send him to Dehli, and on Monday the 27th of Ramazan 637 (April, 1240) they raised him to the throne. After all the nobles and the generals and the army had returned to Dehli, on Sunday the 11th Shawwal of the same year, they assembled at the palace and made a general agreement to uphold him as king on condition of Ikhtiyaru-d din Ttigin being made deputy. On that day the author of this work was present and composed the following gratulatory lines.

Ikhtiyaru-d din, having been appointed deputy, he in virtue of his office assumed the direction of all affairs of State, and with

the acquiescence of the wazir Nizamu-1 mulk Mahzabu-d din Muhammad ’Auz Mustaufi the duties of administration also came under his control. After a month or two this state of affairs became very irksome to the Sult&n. The Sultan’s sister had been married to Kazi Nasiru-d din, but being divorced, the deputy took her to wife. Music played three times a day at his gate, an elephant was always there in waiting,1 and he maintained great state. On Monday, the 8th of Muharram 638 h. (July, 1240), there was a sermon in the Palace of the White-roof, and after the sermon the Sultan sent two inebriated Turks from the top of the palace as assassins, who killed Ikhtiyaru-d din in front of the royal seat in the White Palace. The wazir Mahzabu-d din also received two wounds in his side, but his time was not come, and he rushed out away from them. Malik Badru-d din Sankar became lord chamberlain and assumed the management of the State.

When Raziya and Altuniya marched from Tabarhindh upon Dehli, they were baffled in their enterprise and were defeated. Both were killed by the Hindus as we have already related. Badru-d din Sankar now assumed a very 'imperious position ; he issued orders and carried on the government without con- sulting the Sultan, and sought to domineer over the wazir Nizamu-1 Mulk Mahzabu-d din. The wazir complained to the Sultan and succeeded in setting him against Badru-d din. When the latter perceived this he was afraid of the Sultan, and sought to set him aside and to raise one of his brothers to the throne in his stead.

On Monday, the 8th of Safar, 639 h. (Aug. 1241) Badru-d din convoked a meeting of nobles and chiefs at the house of Sadru-1 Mulk Taju-d din ’ Ali Musawi, mushrif of the State. There were present the chief Kazi Jalalu-d din Kashani, Kazi Kabiru-d din, Shaikh Muhammad Shami, and others. When they had met and were deliberating about the removal of the Sultan, they determined to send Sadru-1 mulk to the wazir Nizamu-1 mulk Mahzabu-d din to invite his attendance, and to 1 [Regal privileges.]

finally settle the matter in concurrence with him. It so hap- pened that when Sadru-1 mulk came to the house of the wazir, one of the confidential attendants of the king was present. When the wazir heard of the arrival of Sadru-1 mulk, he concealed this trusty servant in a place where he could hear the conversation. Sadru-1 mulk entered and proceeded to talk about the removal of the king and to ask the co-operation of the wazir. The minister desired his visitor to return and say that he would wait upon the gentlemen as soon as he had performed his ablutions. Sadru-1 mulk had no sooner departed than the wazir released the Sultan’s man and asked him if he had heard what had passed. He then directed him to go quickly and tell his master that the best thing he could do would be to take horse and to proceed against the conspirators and scatter them.

The facts being reported to the Sultan by his faithful adherent, he instantly mounted and dispersed the plotters. Badru-d din Sankar joined the king’s party, and the Sultan returned to his palace, where he held a darbar. Badru-d din was ordered to depart instantly to Badaun and assume the management of that province ; Kazi Jalalu-d din Kashani was dismissed from his post of Kazi, and Kazi Kabiru-d din and Shaikh Muhammad Shami took the alarm and fled the city. After four months, Badru-d din Sankar returned to the capital, but the Sultan’s heart was entirely alienated from him, so he ordered him to be imprisoned. The king also directed Jalalu-d din Musawi to be apprehended, and he had them both slain in prison.

These proceedings set the hearts of the nobles against the Sultan ; they were alarmed and had no longer any confidence in him. The wazir also longed to exact vengeance for the wounds he had received. The nobles, generals, and Turks all became disaffected, while on his side the Sultan was alarmed by their proceedings. In the end this uneasy feeling spread like an epidemic, and was the cause of the fall of the Sultan and of rebellion among his people.

One of the most important events in the reign of Mu’izzu-d

din was that which happened to the city of Lahore. An army of infidel Mughals came from Khur&san and Ghazni to the gates of that city and waged war for some time. Malik Karakash, governor of Lahore, was a brave, energetic, and intrepid man, but the people of the city did not support him, and were back- ward in keeping watch and in fighting. When Karakash per- ceived this lukewarmness, he one night left the city with his own soldiers and went off towards Dehli. The infidels pursued him, but the Almighty watched over him and gave him safe deliver- ance. When the city was left without a ruler the infidels cap- tured it on Monday, 18th of Jumada-1 akhir, 639 h. (December 1241), slaughtered the Muhammadans and made their depen- dants captives.

As soon as this dreadful intelligence reached Dehli, the Sultan assembled the people of the city at the White Palace, and the writer of this book received orders to preach and induce the people to support the Sultan.

There was a Turkoman darwesh named Ayub, a devout man, clad in the hairy garment of a recluse. He had lived for some time quietly in the Sultan’s water palace, and was brought into the society of the Sultan, who conceived a liking for him. This darwesh began to take a part in the business of the state. He had formerly lived in the town of Mihrpur, where he had been imprisoned by Kazi Shamsu-d din Mihr. When the Sultan had become accustomed to listen to his advice, the darwesh exerted himself so that he induced the kins: to have Kazi Shamsu-d din Mihr cast under the feet of an elephant. On this fact becoming known the people conceived a great dread of the Sultan. The Sultan now sent Kutbu-d din Husain and his wazir, with nobles, generals, and soldiers, to oppose the Mughals who were at Lahore, and to guard his frontier.

On Saturday, 10th Jumada-1 awwal, 639 H. (November, 1241), his majesty Mu’izzu-d din conferred upon the author of this work the office of Kazi of the capital and of all his territories, accom- panied with many honours and costly presents.

The army which had been sent against the Mughals reached the banks of the Biyah. There the minister Mahzabu-d din Nizamu-1 mulk, who cherished hopes of vengeance and of re- moving the Sultan from the throne, wrote a letter secretly to him. In this letter he represented that the generals and Turks in the army were never likely to become loyal, and that the best course for the king to adopt would be to send orders for him (the wazir) and Kutbu-d din to kill all the generals and Turks in any way they could, and so free the kingdom of them.

When this letter arrived, the Sultan hastily and rashly, with- out thought or consideration, wrote the desired order, and sent it off. On its reaching the wazir he showed it to the generals and Turks, and told them how the king wished to deal with them. They all at once revolted, and at the suggestion of Khwaja Mahzabu-d din they formed a plot for the removal and deposition of the king.

On the Sultan’s receiving intelligence of this revolt of his generals and army, he sent the Shaikhu-1 Islam Saiyid Kutbu-d din to endeavour to allay the outbreak. He accordingly went to the army, but exerted himself to increase the strife.1 He re- turned with the army at his heels, and hostilities commenced under the walls of the capital. The author, Minhaj Siraj, and some of the chief men of the city, endeavoured in vain to allay the strife and make peace.

The army reached the city on Saturday, the 19th Sha’ban, 639, and the siege went on until the month of Zi-1 ka’da. Many were killed on both sides, and the suburbs of the city were laid waste. The reason of these protracted hostilities was that there was in the king’s service a man named Fakhru-d din Mu- barak Shah Farkhi, who was chief of the carpet spreaders ( mihtar-farrdsh ). This man had gained the favour of the king, and had great ascendancy over him. Whatever he advised the king performed, and the counsels of the farrdsh were not for peace.

On Friday, the 7th Zi-1 ka’da, the followers of Khwaja Mah- zab distributed three thousand chitals among a lot of foolish men, and excited inimical feelings among some even of this author’s kindred (God forgive them !). They made a riot in the Jami’ masjid, after prayers, and drew their swords upon him. By God’s mercy the author had a knife and a staff, which he seized, and with the help of some armed slaves whom he had with him he made his way through the crowd.

The generals and Turks took the fort, and next day, on Satur- day, the 8th Zi-1 ka’da, 639 h. (May, 1242), they obtained pos- session of the whole city. The Sultan was made prisoner. Mubarak Shah, farrdsh, who had embittered the strife, was also taken and was killed. In the night of Tuesday, the 17th of Zi-1 ka’da, the Sultan was slain. He had reigned two years one month and a-lialf.

6. — Sultan ’Alau-d din Mas’ ud Shah hin Firoz Shah.

Sultan ’Alau-d din Mas' ud Shah was son of Sultan Ruknu-d din Firoz Shah. He was a generous and good-natured prince, possessed of many estimable qualities. On Saturday, the 8th of Zi-1 ka’da, 639 h. (May, 1242), when the city of Dehli was wrested from the hands of Mu’izzu-d din, the generals and nobles by common consent released from prison the three princes Nasiru-d din, Malik Jalalu-d din, and ’Alau-d din. They con- veyed them from the White Palace to the public hall of the palace of Firoz, and there they agreed to make ’Alau-d din king, although Malik ’Izzu-d din Balban had previously seated himself upon the throne. This Balban had caused his name to be pro- claimed as king through the city, but it was not accepted. ’Alau-d din was raised to the throne, and the people gave a general acquiescence. Kutbu-d din Husain Ghori was made deputy of the kingdom, and Nizamu-1 Mulk wazir, and Malik Karakash lord chamberlain. The districts of Nagor, Mandawar, and Ajmir were assigned to Malik ’Izzu-d din Balban, and the country of Badaun was given to Malik Taju-d din Sanjar Katlak.

On the fourth day after the capture of Dehli the writer of these pages begged to be relieved of his office of Kazi, and the post remained vacant for twenty-six days, till the fourth of Zi-1 hijja, when Kazi ’Imadu-d din Muhammad Shakurkani was appointed.

Nizamu-1 Mulk Mahzabu-d din exercised unbounded power over the country, and he took the district of Kol as his appanage. Previous to this he had caused music to play, and an elephant to wait at the door of his mansion. Everything was taken out of the hands of the Turk! nobles, so that they became embittered against him. They conspired together, and on Wednesday, 2nd Jumada-1 awwal, 640 h. (30th Oct., 1242 a.d.), they killed him in the camp before the city, in the plain of Hauz-rani.

The author of this work resolved at this time to make a journey to Lakhnauti, and he started from Dehli on Friday, the 9th Rajab, 640 h. Taju-d din Katlak paid him great attention in Badaun, and so also did Kamru-d din Kairan in Oudh (May God immerse them in his mercy !). Tughan Khan Tzzu-d din Tugliril had come with his army and boats to the confines of Karra. The author joined him from Oudh, and went with him to Lakhnauti. On Sunday, the 7th Zi-1 hijja, 640 H., the author arrived at that place, having left his children and wives all in Oudh. Subsequently he sent some trustworthy persons who brought them to Lakhnauti. Tugh&n Khan showed him great kindness, and bestowed upon him boundless favours. The writer stayed at Lakhnauti two years.

In the course of these two years ’Alau-d din achieved many victories in different parts of his dominions. After the death of Khwaja Mahzab, the post of wazir was given to Sadru-1 Mulk Najmu-d din Abu Bakr, and the office of lord chamberlain wras given to Daru-1 Mulk Baligh Khan, together with the district of Hansi. At this time there was much fighting going on.

When Tughan Khan returned from Karra to Lakhnauti he deputed Sharfu-1 Mulk Ash’ari to the presence of ’Alau-d din, and he was named governor of Lakhnauti, receiving the honour

of the red umbrella through Kazi Jalalu-d dm, who was kazi of Oudh. On Sunday, 11th of Rab’u-1 akliir, 641 h., the bearers of these honours arrived at Lakhnauti and Tuglian Khan was invested.

One of the good things done by ’Alau-d din was that about this time, he, with the assent of the nobles and officers, released his two uncles. On the ’Td-i azha’ they left their confinement. Malik Jalalu-d din received the district of Kanauj, and Nasiru-d din the district of Bahraich. Each one in his province devoted himself to peaceful pursuits and the improvement of the con- dition of his subjects.

In Shawwal 642 h. (March 1245), the infidels of Changiz Khan came to the gates of Lakhnauti. On the 1st Zi-1 ka’da, Tamar Khan Kairan arrived at Lakhnauti with an army and generals under orders received from Sultan ’Alau-d din. Jealousy sprung up between Tamar Khan and Tuglian Khan. On Wednesday, 3rd Zi-1 ka’da of the same year, peace was made: Lakhnauti was given to Kairan Khan, and Tuglian Khan pro- ceeded to Delili, The author of this work accompanied him and arrived at Dehli on Monday, 14th Safar, 1243. Here the author was granted the honour of an interview with the sovereign, and on Thursday the 1 7th Safar, at the suggestion of Ulugh Khan, he was appointed principal of the Nasiriya college, and superin- tendent of its endowments. He was also made kazi of Gwalior and preacher in the Jami’ masjid : all his old offices being again entrusted to him. He also received the royal grant of a horse with proper ornamental trappings : honours which none of his family had ever before attained.

In the month of Bajab news arrived from the upper parts ( tarqf-i bald) that an army of infidel Mughals had arrived at Uchli. This army was under the command of the accursed Mankuta1 (Mangu Khan). Sultan ’Alau-d din gathered his forces from all sides to drive back the Mughal invaders. When he arrived on the banks of the Biyali the infidels raised the siege

of Uchh. The author accompanied his majesty in this campaign, and it was universally admitted by all men of knowledge and intelligence that, such an army as was then under the orders of the Sultan had never before been seen. When the infidels heard of its strength and perfection they retreated towards Khurasan.

In this army there was a party of good-for-nothing fellows who had gradually made their way into the society of the Sultan, and were the means of leading him into unworthy habits and practices. It was thus that he acquired the habit of seizing and killing his nobles. He became confirmed in his cruelty ; all his excellent qualities were perverted, and he gave himself up to unbounded licentiousness, pleasure, and hunting. Disaffection began to spread through the kingdom, and all the business of the State fell into disorder. The princes and nobles agreed to send ’ envoys with letters inviting Nasiru-d din, and the result will be hereafter related. On Sunday, 23rd Muharram 644 h. (June, 1246) Sultan ’Alau-d din was put into prison and died. He reigned four years, one month, and one day.

7. Sultan-i Mu’azzam Ndsiru-d dunya wau-d din Mahmud.

This prince, son of Sultan Sa’id Shamsu-d dunya wau-d din (Altamsh) was born after the death of his eldest brother, whose name and titles were conferred upon him by his father. His mother was sent to a palace in the town of Loni,1 where he was brought up and educated as a prince. Under the blessing of God he acquired every pleasing virtue.2

First Year of the Reign — Hijra 644 (1246 a.d.)

Sultan-i Mu’azzam Nasiru-d dunya wau-d din ascended the throne in the Green Palace at Delhi with the most favourable auspices on Sunday, 23rd Muharram 644 h. (10th June, 1246).

2 [The author goes on in a strain of eulogy, and inserts specimens of two poems which he wrote on the accession of this king. A list of the king’s nobles and rela- tions is given, and the period of his reign is said to he “ twenty-two years.” The real period was twenty years. Our author’s annals cease with the loth year].

Princes and nobles, chiefs and great men, saiyids and learned men, all hastened with joy to express their devotion, and every one, according to his rank, offered congratulations upon his accession. On Tuesday, the 25th, he held a public court in the Firozi palace, and the people with one acclaim approved of the elevation of this generous, virtuous, and noble looking prince. The great rejoiced at this renewal of the sovereignty, and all parts of Hindustan were happy under his equitable rule. (May his reign endure to the extreme limits of possibility!)

When (in the course of the last reign) the prince left Dehli for Bahraich, his mother Malika-i Jahan Jalalu-d dunya wau-d din accompanied him. In that country and in the hills he fought many battles against the infidels. Under his kind rule Bahraich attained great prosperity. The fame of his victorious and suc- cessful government spread in all parts of Hindustan, and when the princes and nobles were disgusted with the rule of ’Alau-d din, they sent letters secretly to him pressing him to come to the capital. The princess, his mother, prudently gave out that he was going to Dehli for medical attendance. He was placed in a litter, and started from Bahraich attended by the princess, and by some careful men on horse and foot. When night came on they covered the prince’s face with a woman’s veil, mounted him on horseback, and making all speed they soon reached Dehli. No one knew of his arrival until the day he ascended the throne, and his occupation of the seat of royalty shed honour and splen- dour upon it.

In the month of Rajab, 644 h., he brought forth the royal standards, and led his army to the banks of the Indus and to Multan, in order to repulse the infidels of Chin. On Sunday, the 1st of Zi-1 ka’da he crossed the river of Lahore, from whence he sent a force to ravage the hills of Jud, and the provinces on the Indus.1 Ulugh Khan-i A’zam,2 who now held the office of

1 [The text has dj nandna, but this evidently a mistake for “Sindh" or

the river Indus, which agrees with what follows, and with Firishta’s statement.]

• [The titles Khan-i a’zam, Khan-i mu’azzam, and Ulugh Khan , are synonymous,

lord chamberlain, was placed in command of this army. The Sultan with the baggage and elephants encamped on the river Sodra.1 Ulugh Khan, with the help of God, ravaged the hills of J ud and the Jailam, and sent many of the Kokhars (Gakkars) and rebellious infidels to hell. He then advanced to the banks of the Indus, and laid waste all the neighbourhood, but he was obliged to return for want of provender and other necessaries. He returned victorious to the royal camp on the Sodra with great renown, and on Thursday, 5th Zi-1 ka’da of the same year his majesty started for Delili. On the ’Td-i azha’ he offered up his prayers on the hills of Jalandar, and from thence proceeded to the capital. Minhaj Siraj, the writer of this work, received under his majesty’s orders the gift of a coat and turban, and of a horse with princely trappings.

Second Year of the Reign — Hijra 645 (1247 a.d.)

His Majesty reached Dehli on Thursday, 2nd Muharram, 645 (9th May, 1247) and was detained there for six months by heavy rains. In Jumada-1 akliir the royal army marched to Panipat, but in Slia’ban it returned and proceeded towards Hindustan through the Doab. In the neighbourhood of Kanauj there is a fortified village called Nandana,2 where there is a very strong fort vying with the wall of Alexander. A body of infidel Hindus shut themselves up in this place, resolved to fight to the last extremity. For two days the royal army carried on a murderous conflict at this village, but at length the rebels were sent to hell, and the place was subdued.

The author of this work celebrated the victory and all the events of the campaign in verse. The slaughter of the rebellious

and signify “great Khan.’’ They designate the same person, best known as Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Balban, successor to Sultan Nasiru-d din. I have employed the name Ulugh Khan as being most distinctive.] 1 ["The Chinab.]

2 [Yar. “ Talanda,” and in another place, “ Talsanda.” Briggs says “ Bitunda” which place he identifies with Bulandshahr. But Bitunda or Bhatinda is in Pattiala almost in a line between Dehli and Lahore. Neither this nor Bulandshahr can he the place here intended.]

infidels, the capture of their fortifications, and the success of Ulugh Klian-i Mu’azzam in killing and taking prisoner Dalaki wa Malaki,1 these and all the other incidents are celebrated fully in the poem to which the author gave the name of his gracious master, and called it “ Nasin-nama.” For this poem the author received from the Sultan the grant of a fine annual allowance, and from Ulugh Khan he received the grant in in’ dm of a village near Hansf. (May God long maintain the seats of their empire and rule !) But I return to the thread of my history.

On Thursday, 24tli Shawwal, 645 (Febuary, 1248), the fort was captured after much fighting and bloodshed. Subsequently, on Monday, 12tli Zi-1 ka’da, 645, the army marched to Karra. Three days before Ulugh Khan had been sent on before with all the generals and princes of the army. The exploits and suc- cesses of this brave and skilful warrior, his victories in the field, his conquests of forts, fortified places, and jungles, his slaughter of rebellious infidels, his taking of booty and captives, and his capture of the dependants of great Ednas cannot here be re- counted, but they are celebrated in the Ndsiri-ndma ,

There was in this neighbourhood a Kana3 who (ora) was called Dalald wa Malaki. He had many dependants, countless fight- ing men, great dominions and wealth, fortified places, and hills and defiles extremely difficult of access. All these he (Ulugh Khan) ravaged. He took prisoners the wives, sons, and de- pendants of that accursed one, and secured great booty. He secured 1500 horses of a peculiar breed, which he brought in for the use of the army. His other booty may be inferred from this. When he returned and waited on his sovereign all his brother nobles congratulated him on his victories.3 On Thursday, lltli

where distinctly treats the two names as belonging to one person. Briggs, in his translation of Firishta says, “the Baja? Dulky and Mulky,” and “these two rajas,’’ hut the text has “ Dalaki Malaki,” and adds, “ this Dalaki Malaki was a raja.”]

3 [The scene of this victory is not named, but Firishta tells us it was Kalinjar.]

Our author in a following paragraph and else-

Zi-1 ka’da, 645, the Sultan started on his return from that country, and during his progress he was waited upon by Malik Jalalu-d din Mas’ud, governor of Kanauj, who had the honour of an interview and went home. The Sultan then continued his journey to the capital.

Third Year of the Reign — Hijra 646 (1248 a.d.).

On W ednesday, 24th Muharram, 646 (20th May, 1248), the Sultan reached Dehli, and took his seat upon the throne with great state. When Malik Jalalu-d din waited upon the king as he was returning, he was appointed governor of Sambal and Badaun, but he all at once took alarm about these two districts and came to the capital. The Sultan stayed at Dehli seven months, until the 6th Sha’ban. He then marched out on a campaign towards the hills and deserts ; but he sent on his generals, and then returned to the capital, not finding occasion to proceed in person. He reached Dehli on Wednesday, 9th Zi-1 ka’da. The royal army continued its march to the mountains of Rantambhor. Two important events occurred during this cam- paign. First — Kazi Tmadu-d din Shakurkani incurred suspicion, and on Friday, 9th Zi-1 hijja he was dismissed from office in the White Palace, and by royal command proceeded to Badaun. On Monday, 12th Zi-1 hijja, he was killed by Tmadu-d din Rihan. Second — Malik Bahau-d din Aibak was killed by the infidel Hindus near the fort of Rantambhor, on the 11th Zi-1 hijja.

Fourth Year of the Reign — Hijra 647 (1249 a.d.).

On Monday, 3rd Safar, 647 (May, 1249), Ulugh Khan re- turned with his army to the capital. Being held in high esti- mation as a great supporter of the State, and the mainstay of the army, the Sultan, with the concurrence of the princes and nobles, gave his daughter in marriage to the son of the Khan. The marriage took place on Monday, 20th Rabi’u-1 akhir. On Mon-

day, 10th Jumada-1 akhir, Kazi Jalalu-d dm Kash&m came from Oudh and was made Kazi of the State. On Monday, 22nd Sha’ban, the Sultan marched from Delili. On Sunday, 4th Shawwal, he crossed the Jumna, intending to war against the Hindus in those parts. The author now received letters from his sister in Khurasan, and the Sultan being informed of the fact, he was graciously pleased, on the suggestion of Ulugh Khan, to give her one hundred beasts of burden,1 and one hundred ass- loads of presents. The Sultan returned to Dehli on Wednesday. On Monday, the 29th Zi-1 hijja, the author left Dehli for Multan, with the object of forwarding the presents to Khurasan. When he reached Hansi, he, with the permission of Ulugh Khan took possession of his in’ dm, village. He then proceeded towards Multan by way of Abuliar.

Fifth Year of the Reign — Hijra 648 (1250 a.d.)

On Sunday, 11th Safar (the author) had an interview with Slier Khan on the banks of the river Sind and Biyah.2 He pro- ceeded from thence to Multan where he arrived on Wednesday 6th Rabi’u-1 awwal. On the same day, Malik Tzzu-d din Lashkar Khan came from Uclih to take Multan, and the author had an interview with him. He encamped there until the 26th of Eabi’u-1 akhir, but was unable to conquer Multan, which was in the possession of the followers of Slier Khan. The author stalled for the capital and Malik Tzzu-d din Balban went off to Uchh. The author, passing by the fort of Marut (Mirat ?) to Sarsuti and Hansi, arrived at Dehli on the 22nd Jumada-1 awwal. In this year Ikhtiyaru-d din Gurez made many of the infidel Mughals prisoners at Multan and sent them to Dehli, where their arrival

1 [The word used is for which the dictionaries give the meaning of “cap- tive, slave, servant.” It can hardly hear this meaning here, and in other places it is connected with asp (horse), so I have translated it “heast of burden,” from the verb burdan, to carry.]

2 [Firishta’s account is somewhat different. He says that the Sultan was joined on the Biyah by Sher Khan, and marched to Multan. Our text has no nominative in this sentence, but the words used “ mulakdt-i Sher Khan hdsil shttd” show that the person who had the interview was not superior in rank to Sher Kkkn.]

caused much triumph. On Friday, 17 Zi-1 ka’da, Kazi Jalalu-d din Kashani died.

Sixth Year of the Reign — Hijra 649 (1251 a.d.).

Malik ’Izzu-d din broke into revolt at Nagor, and the Sultan marched forth with his army to crush the outbreak, but ’Izzu-d din came forward and made his submission. The Sultan then returned to the capital. After this Slier Khan marched from Multan to take TJchh, and Malik ’Izzu-d din returned thither from Nagor, but he was captured in his encounter with Sher Khan and quietly surrendered the fort of Uchh to him, after which he went to Dehli, where he arrived on Sunday, 17th Kabi’u-1 akhir and was appointed governor of Badaun.

On Sunday, 10th Jumada-1 awwal, the writer Minhaj Siraj was for the second time appointed Kazi of the State and magistrate of the capital.

On Tuesday, 25th Sha’ban, his Majesty marched towards Gwalior, Chanderi, Bazawal (?) and Malwa. He advanced nearly as far as Malwa. Jahir Deo1 was the greatest of all the Ranas of that country and neighbourhood. He had five thousand horse and two hundred thousand infantry, but he was defeated. The fort of Balwar2 which he had built was taken and plundered. Ulugh Khan exhibited great energy in this campaign, and great plunder and many captives fell into the hands of the victors. The Sultan returned in safety and with honour to Dehli.

Seventh Year of the Reign — Hijra 650 (1252 a.d.)

His Majesty reached Dehli on Monday, 23rd B.abi’u-1 awwal 650 (2nd June, 1252) and dwelt for seven months at the capital

1 [The text has “ Jahirajhr” ■with the variants “Jahirajad” and “ Jahawaijar.” Eirishta and other -writers say, “Jahir Deo.” The name is doubtless the same as the “ Chahar Deo,” found on a local coin bearing the name of Altamsh as sovereign. — See Thomas’ Coins of Patan Sultans, page 15.]

2 [Yar. “ Bagor or Bagwar,” and “ Bazor or Baza-war.” It is probably the same name as “ Bazawal ” a few lines above. Briggs in his translation of Firishta says “Narwar,” which is perhaps right, though his text has “ Tarwar.” — See post, page 369.]