7. Volume 2 — part 7

in great comfort and splendour, engaged in works of benevolence, and in strengthening the administration of justice. On Monday, 22nd Shawwal, he proceeded towards Lahore and Ghazni on the way to Uchh and Multan. When the author took leave of him near Kaithal he was honoured with the gift of a horse with trap- pings of gold and a saddle. In the course of this journey all the princes and Khans near the king’s route came in to wait upon him. Katlagh Khan from Bayana, and Lashkar Khan ’Izzu-d din from Badaun, with their followers, attended the Sultan to the banks of the Biyah. ’Imadu-d din Rflian secretly set the feelings of the Sultan and of the princes against Ulugh Khan and per- verted their minds.

Eighth Tear of the Reign — Hijra 651 (1253 a.d.).

At the beginning of the new year, on Saturday, the 1st Mu- harram, Ulugh Khan received orders to go to his estates in the Siwalik hills and Hansi. When the Khan under these orders proceeded from Rolitak towards Hansi, the Sultan returned to Dehli, and directed his attention to the nobles and public affairs. In Jumada-1 awwal the post of wazir was given to ’Ainu-1 mulk Muhammad Nizam Junaidi. Malik Kishli Khan was made lord chamberlain. Ulugh Mubarak Aibak, brother of the Khan-i mu’azzam (Ulugh Khan) was granted the fief of Karra, and was sent thither. In the same year ’Imadu-d din Rihan be- came prime minister ( wakildar )d

The royal army then marched from Dehli towards Hansi, with the design of ousting Ulugh Khan. ’Imad Khan now brought forward Kazi Shamsu-d din Bahraichi, and on the 27th Rajab he made him Kazi of the state. Ulugh Khan went from Hansi to Nagor, and his fief of Hansi was,

1 [Briggs, in Firishta (I. 281), reads it as Wakil-i dar, officer of the door, one “who superintended the ceremonies of presentation.” A very reasonable explanation ; and Yullers explains it “Procurator palatii regii, i.q. vicarius.” Still there is no doubt that ’Imadu-d din was in reality minister, whatever the literal meaning of his title. In other places where it is used it would also appear to bear the meaning here given to it.]

through the interest of the lord chamberlain, bestowed upon Prince Ruknu-d din. In Sha’ban the king returned with the army to Delili. In the beginning of Shawwid he again set forth, with the intention of subduing Uchh, Multan, and Tabarhindh. When he approached the river Biyah, a force was despatched to Tabarhindh. Previous to this Sher Khan, through the attacks of the infidels had crossed the river Sindh, and had gone towards Turkistan. TJchh, Multan, and Tabarhindh were left in charge of his officers. On Monday, 22nd Zi-1 hijja, (the country) was conquered, and placed under the charge of Arslan Khan. The royal army then returned from the Biyah.

Ninth Year of the Reign — Hijra 652 (1254 a.d.).

At the beginning of this year victories and spoils were gained in the vicinity of the mountains of Bardar1 and Pinjor. The army then crossed the Jumna. On Wednesday, 16th Muhar- ram, it passed over the Ganges at Miyapur, and continued its march along the base of the hills to the banks of the Rahab.3 In the course of these hostilities, Tzzu-d din Daramshi was killed at Tankala-bali.3 In revenue for his death the Sultan ordered

an attack to be made on Kaithar (Kaithal), on Monday, 16th Safar, such that the inhabitants mi^ht not forget for the rest of their lives. He then marched to Badaun, and arrived there with great pomp and display. After a stay of nine days he started for Delili.

On Sunday, 6th Rabi’u-1 awwal, Sadru-1 mulk Najmu-d din Abu Bakr was made minister for the second time, and on Sun- day, 20th of the same month, the author was honoured with the title of Sadr-i Jalian (Chancellor of the World), in the neighbour- hood of Kol. On Tuesday, 26th Rabi’u-awwal, the Sultan arrived at Delili, and remained there six months, until news was brought of the confederacy of the nobles with Malik Jalalu-d din. His Majesty left Dehli in Sha’ban, and proceeded towards Sanam and Tabarhindh. He passed the Td-i fitr in Sanam.

1 [Sirmor ?] 2 [See Yol. I. p. 49.] s [Yar. Takiya-mani.]

The forces of the confederate nobles, of Arslan Khan of Tabar- hindh, Sanjan Aibak, and Ulugh Khan, were assembled with Jalalu-d din in the neighbourhood of Tabarhindh. His Majesty advanced from Sanam to Hansi, and the nobles retired to Kah- ram and Kaitlial. The royal army marched thither, and then the confederates made propositions of peace. ’Imadu-d din Rihan was the cause of all the contention, so on Wednesday, 22nd Shawwal, the Sultan directed him to proceed to Badaun, which was given to him as his fief. Peace was thus made. On Tuesday, 17th Zi-1 ka’da, after oaths had been taken and agree- ments concluded, all the nobles and officers waited on the king, and paid their allegiance. Lahore was given to Jalalu-d din. On Tuesday, 9th Zi-1 hijja, the king returned with pomp and splendour to Delili.

Tenth Year of the Reign — Hijra 653 (1255 a.d.)

At the beginning of the new year an extraordinary event oc- curred. Under the behests of fate the mind of his Majesty was turned against his mother, the Malika-i Jahan, who was married to Katlagh Khan. Oudh was now granted to them, and they were ordered to proceed thither, which command they obeyed. This happened on Tuesday, 6th Muharram. On Sunday, 23rd Rabi’u-1 awwal, his Majesty conferred the office of Kazi of the State and magistrate of the capital, as he had done before, on the writer of this work, Minhaj Siraj. In Rabiu’-l akhir, Malik Kutbu-d din, who was deputy of the State, uttered something which was offensive to the Sultan, and on the 23rd of that month he was arrested and placed in prison, where he was killed.

On Monday, 7th Jumada-1 awwal, the fief of Mirat was con- ferred on Malik Kislili Khan Ulugh A’zzam Barbak-sultani, upon his coming from Karra to pay his respects to the Sultan. On Tuesday, 16th Rajab, Jamalu-d din Bastami was made Shaikhu-1 Islam. In the same month Malik Taju-d din Siwis- tani proceeded from Oudh, and expelled ’Imadu-d din Rilian from Bahraich, and he died.

In the month of Shawwal the royal army marched from the capital to Hindustan. On Sunday, 17th Zi-1 ka’da, Ulugh Khan Mu’azzam went to Hansi to superintend the military or- ganization of the Siwalik hills, which having arranged he returned to Dehli. At the end of the year, on Wednesday, 9th Zi-1 hijja, he proceeded to the royal camp. Previous to this, Kat- lagh Khan had been directed to leave Oudh, and go to the fief of Bahraich. He resented this, so the Sultan sent a force under Malik Baktam Itukni to put him down. The two armies met near Badaun, and Baktam was killed. The royal army then marched to Oudh to retrieve this disaster, but Katlagh Khan retreated to Kalinjar. Thither Ulugh Khan pursued him, but failing to overtake him, he returned to the royal camp with great booty.

Eleventh Year of the Reign — Hijra 654 (1256 a.d.)

At the beginning of the new year, in the month of Muharram, the royal army having achieved victory, marched triumphant towards Dehli under the protection of the Almighty, and reached the city on the 4th Babiu’-l awwal. When Katlagh Khan heard of the Sultan’s homeward march he be^an to interfere in the districts of Karra and Manikpur. A battle followed between him and Arslan Khan Sanjar Cliist, in which the latter was victorious. Katlagh Khan could no longer remain in Hindus- tan, so he proceeded into Mawas,1 with the intention of proceed- ing to the highlands. He reached Santur,1 and there took refuge among the hills and the tribes of those parts. The royal army marched out to quell this disturbance on Tuesday, 20th Zi-1 hijja, and at the beginning of the following year the army went to Santur, and fought a battle with the Hindus of the mountains. Katlagh Khan was with these mountaineers, and a

1 [These two names are written and (Var The former

is probably Mewar, and the hills the AravalH mountains. Briggs says there is a town called Santpur, near Abu. Thornton has a “ Santoo,” 84 miles S.S.W. from Jodhpur.]

party of nobles in the royal array, who had suspicious fears, went and joined him. They were unable to withstand the troops of the Sultan, so they turned their backs. Ulugh Khan ravaged the whole of the hills with the sword, and penetrated as far as the town of Salraur, in the defiles and fastnesses of the moun- tains. No king had ever laid hold upon Salraur, nor had any Musulman army reached it. He now plundered it, and carried on a devastating warfare. So many of the rebellious Hindus were killed that the numbers cannot be computed or described.

Twelfth Year of the Reign — Hijra 655 (1257 a.d.).

After the return from the campaign, on Sunday, 6th Rabiu’-l awwal, Malik Sanjan Aibak, of Khita, fell from his horse and died. On Sunday, 26th Rabi’u-l akhir, the Sultan reached the capital with his army.

When the army returned victorious, ’Izzu-d din Kishlu Khan Balban advanced to the borders of the river Biyah, with the forces of Uchh and Multan. Malik Katlagh Khan and the nobles who were with him proceeded to join this new revolter in the neighbourhood of Sam ana.

When intelligence of this rebellion reached the Sultan, he placed Ulugh Khan at the head of an army, with which he marched from Dehli on Thursday, 15th Jumada-1 awwal. He approached the enemy, and there was only ten kos between the opposing forces, when he discovered that a party of conspirators in the capital, such as the Shaikhu-1 Islam, Kutbu-d din, and Kazi Shamsu-d din Bahraichi, had secretly addressed letters to to Katlagh Khan and Malik Kishlu Khan Balban, inviting them to come to Dehli, where they would find the gates open and every one in the city ready to assist and support these proceedings. Some faithful reporters in the capital conveyed intelligence of this conspiracy to Ulugh Khan, who sent the letters back to his sovereign in Dehli, informing him of the plot of the nobles, and advisino- him to order such of them as had fiefs in the neigh- bourhood of Dehli to proceed to those estates. When the storm

had blown over, and they returned to the capital, the Sultan might make an end of them.

On Sunday, 2nd Jumada-1 akhir, an order was issued direct- ing Saiyid Kutbu-d din and Kazi Shamsu-d din Bahraichi to proceed to their estates.

When the letters which the conspirators sent from the city reached Malik Katlagh Khan and Malik Kishlu Khan, they instantly started with all their forces to Dehli, and in two days and a-half they accomplished the distance, one hundred /cos. On Thursday, 6th Jumada-1 akhir, they alighted at their gardens (outside the city), and in the morning, after prayers, they came to the gate of the city and made the circuit of the walls. At night they pitched their camp within sight of Dehli, between the Jumna,1 Kilu-ghari and the city. By the mercy of God it so happened that two days before these nobles came to their gardens on the Jumna, in reliance upon the promises held out in the letters, a number of the conspirators had gone out of the city. When the nobles heard of this they became very cautious in their proceedings.

The Sultan ordered the gates of the city to be closed, and as as the army was absent every preparation was made for war. ’Alau-d din Ayyaz Zanjani, lord chamberlain, the deputy of the lord chamberlain, Ulugh Kotwal Beg Jamalu-d din Naishapuri, and the diwan i’arz i mamalik , exerted themselves most laudably in making the city secure and in arming the fighting men. At night the nobles, officers, and chief men were posted on the walls of the city. On the following morning, a Friday, the Almighty showed the inhabitants a pleasant sight. Kishlu Khan had made up his mind to retire, and sundry other nobles and the mother of the Sultan, when they perceived this, all made up their minds to retreat. The greater part of their forces, however, would not consent to retreat with them, but encamped near the city. Many of the chief men and officers asked forgiveness, and

[The text has “Jud," which I take to be a mistake for Jun = Jumna.]

joined the royal service, and those nobles returned disappointed to the Siwalik hills.

When the news of this enterprise reached Ulugh Khan and the officers of the royal army, they returned towards Dehli, and as they approached the result became known to them. On Tuesday, 11th Jumada-1 akliir, Ulugh Khan entered the city safely and triumphantly. After this, on Wednesday, 8th Ram- zan, Ziyau-1 mulk Taju-d din was raised to the dignity of wazir.

At the close of this year the infidel Mughals approached from Khurasan, and advanced into the territories of Uclih and Multan. Kishlu Khan entered into a treaty with them, and joined them at the camp of Salin-nawin.

Thirteenth Year of the Reign — Hijra 656 (1258 a.d.)

At the beginning of the new year, on Sunday, the 6th Mil- harram, the Sultan marched with his army from Dehli to oppose the infidel Mughals. Trustworthy writers have recorded that on Wednesday, 4th of the same month, Hulaku, chief of the Mughals, was defeated before the gates of Baghdad, by the forces of the Khalifa M’utasim Bi-llah.1

When the royal army left the city nobles and generals were appointed to the command of forces in different parts. The main body returned to the capital on the 1st Ramazan, and remained there five months. On the 18th Zi-1 ka’da the country of Lakh- nauti was given to Malik Jalalu-d din Mas’ud Malik Jam.

Fourteenth Year of the Reign — Hijra 657 (1259 a.d.).

On the 16th Muharram the royal army marched from the the capital on a campaign against the infidels. On Sunday, 21st Safar, the districts of Bayana, Kol, Bala-ram, and Gwalior were assigned to Malik Slier Khan. Maliku-n nawwab Aibak was appointed to command an army sent against the infidels of Ran- tambhor, and the Sultan returned to Dehli. On Wednesday,

1 [A note in the printed text says that all the four MSS. used agree in this state ■ ment, so contrary to the truth. Baghdad fell, and the Khalifa was put to death.]

4th Jumada-1 akhir, two elephants with treasure came to the court from Lakhnauti. On the 6th of the same month, the Shaikhu-1 Islam Jamalu-d din Bastami died, and on the 24th Kazi Kabiru-d din also departed. (May God have mercy on them !) By the favour of the Sultan their mansabs were con- tinued to their sons. In Rajab Malik Kishli Klian-i a’zam Barbak Aibak died, and the office of lord chamberlain was given to his son, Malik ’Alau-d din Muhammad. On the 1st Ram- azan, Imam Hamidu-d din Marikala died, and the Sultan graciously continued his in’ams to his sons.

After all this trouble the State enjoyed repose ; troubles were appeased and wounds were healed. All things went on pros- perously. On the 29th Ramazan the Almighty in his bounty gave the Sultan a son. The gifts and honours which were showered on the rich and poor exceeded all powers of description. At the end of Shawwal, Malik Tamar Khan Sanjar under the royal orders returned to Dehli with his army.

Fifteenth Year of the Reign — Hijra 658 (1260 a.d.)

The new year opened auspiciously. On the 16th Ramazan Ulugh Khan was sent into the hills of Dehli, to chastise the rebel inhabitants of Mewat, and to intimidate their Deo. Ten thousand horsemen in armour, and a large army of brave and warlike soldiers were under his command. Great booty was gained, and many cattle captured. Defiles and passes were cleared, strong forts were taken, and numberless Hindus perished under the merciless swords of the soldiers of Islam.

I have resolved, upon reflection, to close my history at this place and with this victory. If life and opportunity are given to me, I may hereafter record any remarkable events that may happen* I beg the indulgent reader to forgive my errors, faults, and omissions, I pray that God may preserve in continued prosperity my gracious Sultan, and I hope that my composition of this work may be deemed meritorious both in this world and the next.1

1 [I have here greatly compressed the author’s flourishes.]

No. 25. Al Khakdnu-l Mu’azzam Bahau-l hakk wau-d din Ulugh Khan Balbanu-s Sultani [otherwise called Ghiyasu-d din Balban~.

The Khakan-i Mu’azzam Ulugh Klian-i ’azam belonged to the stock of the Khakans of Alban.1 His father and the father of Slier Khan were born of the same father and mother, the father being of the race of the Khakans of Alban. He was khan over ten thousand houses ( khana ), and the family was well known in Alban of Turkistan, among the Turk! tribes. At the present time the sons of his (Ulugh Khan’s) paternal uncles rule over these tribes with great distinction. I was informed of these facts by Kurbat Khan Sanjar. The Almighty desired to grant a support to the power of Islam and to the strength of the Mu- hammadan faith, to extend his glorious shadow over it, and to preserve Hindustan within the range of his favour and protection. He therefore removed Ulugh Khan in his youth from Turkistan, and separated him from his race and kindred, from his tribe and relations, and conveyed him to the country (of Hindustan), for the purpose of curbing the Mughals. God conducted him to Baghdad, and from that city to Guzerat. Kliwaja Jamalu-d din Basri, a man remarkable for piety and integrity, ability and worth, bought him, and brought him up carefully like a son. Intelligence and ability shone out clearly in his countenance, so his patron looked upon him with an eye of kindness and treated him with especial consideration.

In the year 630 h. (1232 a.d.) he brought him to Dehli when Sultan Sa’id Shamsu-d dunya wau-d din adorned the throne. With several other Turks he was brought into the presence of the Sultan. When the monarch observed him he bought all the lot of Turks and appointed them to attend before his throne.

Ulugh was seen to be a youth of great promise, so the king made him his personal attendant, placing, as one might say, the hawk of fortune on his hand. So that in after times, in the reigns of this monarch’s children, it might come to pass that this youth should save the kingdom from the violence and machinations of its foes, and raise it to a high pitch of glory and honour.

At this period, while he was discharging his duties, by the decree of fate, he recovered his brother Kislili Khan (afterwards) lord chamberlain, at which he rejoiced greatly. His power became conspicuous. When Sultan Ruknu-d din came to the throne, he went off along with the Turks from Dehli to Hindus- tan, and when the Turks were brought back he returned to Dehli in their army. He was imprisoned for some days and subjected to some indignity. The design in this may have been (God knows !) that he should taste the sufferings of the miserable, so that when he attained to the sovereign dignity he might have compassion on them, and be thankful for his own exaltation. [A story is introduced here.']

Let us return to our history. When Sultan Raziya ascended the throne Ulugh Khan continued to be one of the royal attend- ants ( Khassa-dar ) till fortune favoured him, and he became chief huntsman ( Amir shikar). Fate proclaimed that the earth was to be the prey of his fortune and the world the game of his sovereignty. He held this office and discharged its duties for some time, till the sun of the supremacy of Raziya set and that of Mu’izzu-d din Bahrain Shah shone forth. Fortune still be- friended him. After remaining some time in his position of chief huntsman, performing his service, and exhibiting marks of ability, he was made master of the horse. The steed of sove- reignty and empire thus came under his bridle and control. When Badru-d din Sankar became lord chamberlain, he showed a paternal interest in Ulugh Khan, and took such care of his advancement that he was raised to a higher position, and re- ceived a grant of the lands of Riwari. He went to that place,

and by his vigour and bravery punished the hill chiefs1 and brought the district under his rule.

When the power of the Mu’izzi dynasty was declining, the nobles conspired together and came to the gates of the city (Delili). The princes and nobles all agreed as to the course to be pursued. Ulugh Khan,2 grantee of Riwari, displayed such energy and exhibited such remarkable resolution in securing the submission of the provinces, that no one of the princes and nobles, Turks and Taziks, was worth the hundredth part of him. All the confederates admitted that in vigour, courage, and activity he surpassed them all. When the city was conquered he re- ceived a grant of Hansi. On taking possession of the terri- tory he applied himself to its improvement, and through his justice and generosity all the inhabitants were happy and content. His success was so great that other nobles began to look upon it with jealousy, and the thorn of envy began to rankle in their hearts. But it was the will of God that he should excel them all, so that the more the fire of their envy burnt, the stronger did the incense of his fortune rise from the censer of the times. “ They seek to extinguish the light of God with their mouths, but God willeth only to perfect his light.” \The author continues in a high strain of benediction and eulogy. ]

To return to our history. In the year 640 h. (1242 A.D.) this humble individual (the author) had to travel to Lakhuauti with his family and dependants. In this journey he spent two vears. Trustworthy persons have recorded that in the year 641 Ulugh Khan was appointed lord chamberlain. When the royal army marched from the capital he inflicted a severe chastisement on the rebels of Jalali and Dewali, and the Mawas in the doab between the Ganges and Jumna. He fought much against the

dependence; but it appears to have some other technical meaning. Further on we read of the Mawdsdt of the Doab, and “ the Mawdsat and Ranagdn."~\

2 [The text says “ the Sultan (may God prolong his reign) plainly showing that this part of the work was written in the reign of Balban],

iufidels and cleared the roads and neighbouring country from insurgents.

In the year 643 the author under the imperial orders, left Lakhnautl with his family and returned to the capital in com- pany with Tughan Khan Tughril. In this year the accursed Mankuti (Mangu-Khan), who was one of the generals of the Mughals and a prince of Turkistan, marched from the neighbour- hood of Talikau and Kunduz into Sindh. He laid siege to Uchh, one of the most renowned fortresses of Sindh, and equal to Mansura.1 There was a eunuch in (command of) the fort who belonged to the household of Taju-d din. Abu Bakr- Kabir Khan Aksunkar was chief justice, and Mukhlisu-d din was kotical. When intelligence of this inroad reached the Court, Ulugh Khau made known his views to the Sultan and prepared an army to oppose the Mughals. The princes and nobles were opposed to this expedition,2 but Malik Ulugh Khan was very earnest about it.

When the royal army marched towards the seat of warfare, the Khakan-i Mu’azzam3 Ulugh Khan (may his reign endure !) ap- pointed guides to lead the way, so that the marches might be made with the greatest celerity. In ordinary cases eight kos would be one day’s march, but under his arrangements, twelve kos or even more were accomplished. The army arrived on the banks of the Biyah, made the transit of that river, and reached Lahore on the banks of the Ravi. He there showed great energy and bravery in pushing forward the expedition, and incited the Sultan and the nobles to be earnest for the repulse of the infidel Mughals.

On Monday, 25th Shaban, 643 h. (Nov. 1245), intelligence

jlj A;j The words are not very precise, hut the mention of Mansdra is

3 [In this memoir the title “ Khakan-i Mu’azzam” is generally employed, hut for for the sake of uniformity and simplicity I have substituted “Ulugh Khan.”]

was brought to the royal camp that the infidel Mughals had raised the siege of TTchh. The reason of their retreat was that Ulugh Khan (when he reached the Biyali) had sent forward mes- sengers bearing letters from the Sultan addressed to the garrison of the fort, announcing the approach of the royal army, and dilating upon the vast numbers of the soldiers and elephants and the great valour and spirit of the forces which followed the royal standards. He also sent forward an advance force to reconnoitre. When the messengers came near Uchli, some of the letters fell into the hands of the accursed warriors, and some reached the garrison of the fort. The drums were beaten in the fort to an- nounce the joy of the besieged. The contents of the letters and the approach of the army of Islam became fully known to the accursed foe, and the horsemen of the advanced force were in the vicinity of Sindh on the banks of the Biyali of Lahore. Fear and dismay fell upon the hearts of the accursed, and the good- ness of God lent its aid (to the forces of Islam). Trusty men record that when Mankuti heard of the approach of the army of Islam under the royal standard, that it had proceeded by the river Biyali, near the skirts of the hills, and that it was advanc- ing along the banks of the river,1 he made enquiry of a party (of prisoners) why the army of Islam marched along the bases of the mountains, for that route was long, and the way by Sarsuti and Marut (Mirat ?) was nearer? He was answered that the numerous fissures on the banks of the river rendered the way impassable for the army.2

This answer convinced Mankuti that he had not sufficient strength to withstand the approaching army, and that he must retreat. Panic obtained mastery over him and his forces, so that they could no longer retain their position. He divided his

2 [A-il-J »\j <—j\ iLi j\ The test is far from intelligible,

and is apparently contradictory. The royal forces are said to have marched along the banks of the river, although that route is declared to have been impracti- cable. The whole passage is omitted from Sir H. Elliot's MS.]

army into three bodies and fled. Many Musulman and Hindu prisoners obtained their freedom. This victory is attributable to the activity, bravery, and strategy of Ulugh Khan ; but for him the victory would not have been gained (may the Almighty keep him safe under his protection !)

After the achievement of this victory Ulugh Khan advised that the royal army should march towards the river Sodra1 in order to impress the minds of the enemy with the great power, bravery, and numbers of the army of Islam. So the army proceeded to the banks of the Sodra, and from thence, on the 27th Shawwal, 643 H., it returned to Dehli, which city it reached on Monday 12th Zi-l-hijja 643 h. (May 1246).

For some time past the mind of Sultan ’Alau-d din had been alienated from the nobles, he was seldom visible to the army, and besides this he was given up to depravity. The nobles all agreed to write secretly from Dehli to Nasiru-d dunya wau-d din, inviting him to set up his pretensions to the throne. On Sunday, 23rd Muharram, 644 (June 1246) he came to Dehli and sat upon the seat of empire. The Khutba was read and the coin of the realm was struck in the auspicious name of Kasir. So Ulugh Khan represented how the accursed foe had in the previous year fled before the armies of Islam, and had gone to the upper parts ( taraf-i bald). It now seemed advisable that the royal army should proceed in that direction. This advice was approved and orders -were given for the march. On Monday, the 1st Kajab, 644 h., the army set forth and proceeded to the river Sodra. Here Ulugh Khan was detached with several nobles and generals to make an incursion into the hills of Jud. The Kana of these hills had acted as guide to the infidel Mughals, and it was now determined to take vengeance. Ulugh Khan accordingly attacked the hills of Jud, and the countries on the Jailam, and led his forces as far as the banks of the Indus. All the women and dependants of the infidels which were in those parts were obliged to flee, and a party of the Mughal army

crossed over the Jailam, and saw the forces which were arrayed under the command of Ulugh Khan. The manifold lines of the army, the numbers of the horse, the armour and the arms, filled the observers with wonder and dismay. The bravery and generalship which Ulugh Khan displayed in scaling the moun- tains, breaking through defiles, capturing fortified places, and crossing jungles, cannot be described in writing. The fame of this campaign extended to Turkistan. There was no husbandry or agriculture in this country, and fodder became unobtainable. Hence he was compelled to retire, and he returned victorious and triumphant to the royal camp, bringing back all his officers and troops in safety.

On Thursday, 6th Zi-1 ka’da, his majesty returned to the capital, which he reached on Thursday, 2nd Muharram, 645 H. The perseverance and resolution of Ulugh Khan had been the means of showing to the army of Turkistan and the Mughals such bravery and generalship that in the course of this year no one came from the upper parts towards Sindh. So Ulugh Khan represented to his Majesty, in the month of Sha’ban, that the opportunity was favourable for making an expedition into Hin- dustan. The Mawas and lianas 1 had not been pinched for several years, but some coercion might now be exercised on them, by which spoil would fall into the hands of the soldiers of Islam, and wealth would be gained to strengthen the hands of the State in resisting the Mughals. The royal armies accordingly marched to Hindustan, passing down the Doab between the Ganges and Jumna. After some fighting, the fort of Nandana2 was cap- tured, and Ulugh Khan was sent with some other generals and a Muhammadan force to oppose Dalaki wa Malaki. This was a Rana in the vicinity of the Jumma, between Kalinjar and Karra, over whom the Rais of Kalinjar and Malwa had no autho- rity. He had numerous followers and ample wealth ; he ruled wisely ; his fortresses were strong and secure ; in his territories

2 [Yar. “ Talanda” and “ Talsanda.” See supra, page 347.]

the defiles were arduous, the mountains rugged, and the jungles many. No Muhammadan army had ever penetrated to his dwelling place. When Ulugh Khan reached his abode, the Rana took such care for the safety of himself and his family, that he kept quiet from the dawn till the time of evening prayer, and when it grew dark he fled to some more secure place. At daybreak, the Muhammadan army entered his abode, and then pursued him, but the accursed infidel had escaped into the lofty mountains, to an inaccessible spot impossible to reach except by stratagem, and the use of ropes and ladders. Ulugh Khan incited his soldiers to the attempt, and, under his able direction, they succeeded in taking the place. All the infidel’s wives, dependants, and children fell into the hands of the victors with much cattle, many horses and slaves. Indeed, the spoil that was secured exceeded all computation. At the beginning of Shawwal 645 h. (Feb. 1248), the force returned to the royal camp with their booty, and after the Td-i azha’, the whole army marched towards the capital, which it reached on the 4th Muhar- ram, 646 h. (April 1248). A full poetical account of this cam- paign, in which the several victories are recounted, has been composed ; the book is called Nasiri nama.1

In Sha’ban, 646 h. (Nov. 1248), the royal army marched through the upper country to the neighbourhood of the Biyah, and then returned to the capital. Ulugh Khan with several nobles under him, was sent with an ample force towards Rantam- bhor, to overrun the mountains of Mewat and the country of Bahar-deo, who was the greatest of the Rais of Hindustan. He ravaged the whole of those territories and gained a large booty. Malik Bahau-d din Aibak was slain under the fort of Rantambhor, on Sunday in the month of Zi-1 hijja 646, while Ulugh Khan was engaged fighting in another quarter. The Khan’s soldiers showed great courage and fought well ; they sent many of the infidels to hell, and secured great spoil ; after which they returned to the capital.

On Monday, 3rd Safar, 647 h. (May, 1249), they arrived at Dehli. In the course of this year his majesty was pleased to recognize the great ability and distinguished services of his general.1 He therefore promoted him from the rank of a Malik and the office of lord chamberlain to the dignity of a Khan , and on Tuesday, 3rd Rajab, 647 h., he named him lieutenant of the government, army, and royal fortune ( bakhtiyari ), with the title of Ulugh Khan. The truth of the adage that “ the worth of titles is revealed by heaven,” was proved in this case, for from that day forth the services of Ulugh Khan to the house of Nasir became still more conspicuous. When he was thus promoted, his brother Kishli Khan Aibak, master of the horse, became lord chamberlain. He was a nobleman of kind and generous charac- ter, and endowed with many virtues. Malik Taju-d din Sanjar Tabar Khan became deputy of the lord chamberlain, and my excellent dear son ’Alau-d din Ayyaz Tabar Khan Zanjani, 2 who was Amiru-1 hujjab (superintendant of the royal door- keepers), was made deputy wahildar. These appointments were made on Friday, 6th Rajab 647, and Ikhtiyaru-d din Ttigin, the long-haired, who had been deputy, now became master of the horse.

On Monday, 9th Sha’ban, 647 H. (Nov. 1249), the royal army left the capital and took the field. Passing over the Jumna it encamped and engaged in operations against the Mawas. \Matters personal of the author, see page 350.]

On Tuesday, 25th Sha’ban, 649 h. (Nov. 1251), the royal army marched towards Malwa and Kalinjar. When Ulugh Khan arrived there with the army of Islam, he defeated J ahir of Ijari, a great rana , who had a large army and many adherents, and destroyed both him and his kingdom. This Jahir, rana of Ijari, was an active and able man. In the reign of Sa’id Shamsu-d din, in the year 632 h. (1234), the army of Islam was sent from Rayana Sultan-kot, Kanauj, Mahr, Mahawan and Gwalior,

1 [Many lines of eulogy are here compressed into this short but adequate state- ment.] 2 [Var. “ Rilitini.”]

against Kalinjar and Jamu, under the command of Malik Nus- ratu-d din Tabasi, who was distinguished above all the generals of the time for courage, boldness, ability, and generalship. The army marched on fifty days from Gwalior, and great booty fell into its hands, so much that the imperial fifth amounted to nearly twenty-two lacs. When they returned from Kalinjar they were encountered by this JRana of Ijari, who seized upon the defiles on the river Sindi in the road of the returning army. The author heard Nusratu-d din Tabasi say, “No enemy in Hindu- stan had ever seen my back, but this Hindu fellow of Ijari at- tacked me as a wolf falls upon a flock of sheep. I was obliged to retire before him until I reached a position where I turned upon him and drove him back.” I tell this story so that my readers may clearly perceive what courage and generalship Ulugh Khan exhibited when he defeated and put to flight such a foe. He further took from him the fortress of Bazor,1 and his conduct and feats in this campaign will stand as a lasting memo- rial of him.

On Monday, 23rd Rabfiu-1 awwal, 650 h. (June, 1252), the army returned to Dehli and remained there for six months. On the 12th Shawwal of the same year, it marched through the upper country to the banks of the Biyah. At this time Malik Balban held the fief of Badaun, and Katlagh Khan that of Bayana. They were both summoned to the Royal presence, and both attended with all the generals of the army at the royal abode. When the army reached the banks of the Biyah, Tmadu-ddin Rihan conspired with other chiefs, and excited envy and enmity against Ulugh Khan. The envious found their own importance dimmed by his glory, and they resolved to do some hurt and injury to his august person, either in hunting, in pass- ins: through mountain defiles, or in crossing rivers. Ulugh Khan’s good fortune preserved him, and his adversaries were un- able to do him any harm. When the conspirators found that their plans were ineffectual, they agreed upon another course, 1 [Yar. “Bazol,” “ Barole.” See note, page 351, supra.]

and presenting themselves at the doors of the royal tent, urged upon his majesty that Ulugh Kh&n ought to be sent to his estates. The result of all this was that the order was given to him indirectly.1

On Saturday, the new moon of Muharram, 651 h., Ulugh Khan proceeded to Hansi with his followers and family. When the Sultan reached Dehli, the thorn of envy, which still festered in the malicious heart of Kalian, impelled him to recommend his majesty to send Ulugh Khan to Nagor, and to give the country of Hansi to one of the royal princes. His majesty accordingly went to Hansi, and the Khan removed to Nagor. This hap- pened in Jumada-1 akhir 651 h. On his departure for Hansi, ’Imadu-d din Rihan became wakildar ,2 and the administration of the royal orders passed into his hands.*

Through the envy and malignity of the new minister, the office of Kazi of the State was taken from the author, Minhaj Siraj, in Rajab, 651, and given to Kazi Shamsu-d din Bahraiclii. On returning to the capital, on the lTtliShawwal, Malik Saifu-d din Kishli Khan, brother of Ulugh Khan, was sent to his estate of Karra, and Tzzu-d din Balban, son-in-law of Katlagh Khan, was appointed to the charge of the office of lord chamberlain. All the officers who had been appointed through the interest of Ulugh Khan were removed, and the business and quietude of the State were disturbed, all through the machinations of Tmadu-d din.

At this period, when Ulugh Khan (May God prolong his reign !) tvent to Nagor, he led a Muhammadan force in the direction of Rantambhor, Hindi, and Chitror. Bahar Ueo, Rai of Rantambhor, the greatest of the Rais, and the most noble and illustrious of all the princes of Hindustan, assembled an army to inflict a blow on Ulugh Khan. But it was the will of God that the name of the Khan should be celebrated for his victories in the annals of the time, and although the Rai’s army was large and well appointed with arms and horses, it was put to flight,

1 J \y-yj\ A-JU, aLfj*- yjjl I ji “an this was brought about in a

left-handed way.”] * [See note page 352, supra.]

and many of its valiant fighting men were sent to hell. The Musulmans obtained great spoil and captured many horses and prisoners ( burda ). They then returned safe with their booty to Nagor, which, in consequence of Ulugh Khan’s presence, had become a place of great importance.

At the opening of the year 651 h., the numerous people who had suffered oppression and hardship through the disgrace of Ulugh Khan retired to their closets, and like fish out of water, and sick men without slumber, from night till morn, and from morn till night, they offered up their prayers to the Creator, suppli- cating him to let the dawn of Ulugh Khan’s prosperity break forth in splendour, and dispel with its brilliant light the gloom occasioned by his rival Kalian. The Almighty graciously gave ear to the prayers of the wretched, and the cries of the distressed. The victorious banners of Ulugh Khan were borne from Nagor, and he went to the capital. The reason of his return was this. The nobles and servants of the State were all Turks of pure origin and Taziks of good stock, but ’Imadu-d din was an eunuch and impotent ; he, moreover, belonged to one of the tribes of Hindustan. Notwithstanding all this he exercised authority over the heads of all these chiefs, They were disgusted with this state of affairs and could no longer endure it. They suf- fered so much from the hands of the bullies who were retained by’ Imadu-d din, that for six months they could not leave their houses, nor could they even go to prayers on Fridays. How was it possible for Turks and Maliks, accustomed to power, rule, and warfare, to remain quiet under such ignominy ? The chiefs of Hindustan, of Karra, Manikpur, Oudli and the upper country to Badaun, of Tabarhindh, Sanam, Samana, and the Siwalik Hills, sent to Ulugh Khan inviting him to return. Arslan Khan led an army out of Tabarhindh, Ban Khan came forth from Sanam and Mansurpur, and Ulugh Khan collected his forces in Nagor and the Siwalik hills. Malik Jalalu-d din Mas’ud Shah bin Sultan joined them from Lahore, and they marched upon the capital.

Tm&du-d din advised his majesty to go forth and repress the mal- contents, and accordingly he led his army towards Sanam. Ulugh Khan was in the neighbourhood of Tabarhindh with several other chiefs. The author of this book started from the capital for the royal camp, which was stationed in the city near the royal residence. On Monday, 26th Ramazan, 652 h. he arrived, and on the “ Night of Power” he read prayers in the king’s abode. On the next day, 27tli Ramazan, the opposing armies drew near to each other, the outposts met, and great disquietude arose. The ’Td-i fitr was passed at Sanam, and on Saturday, 8th Shaww&l, the royal army fell back to H&nsi. Malik Jalalu-d din, Ulugh Khan, and the nobles with them proceeded to Kaithal. The chiefs and nobles on both sides deemed it desir- able to hold a parley. General Karra Jamak, a personal attend- ant of Ulugh Khan, and well-known for his integrity, acted on the part of the insurgents ; and the noble of the black banner, Hisamu-d din Katlagh, well-known for his great age, a man of conciliatory character and great probity, was deputed to meet him. He exerted himself to the utmost with General Karra Jamak and Malik-i Islam Ivutbu-d din Hasan ’All.

The discontented nobles represented to his majesty that they were all willing to obey his commands, but that they had no security against the machinations and outrageous conduct of ’Imadu-d din Rihan. If he were banished from the Court they would all submit and willingly obey the orders of the Sultan. The royal army marched from Hansi to Jind, and on Saturday, 22nd Shawwal 652 h., ’Imadu-d din was dismissed from his office of minister (thanks to God for it !) and the privileges attaching to the government of Badaun were given to him.

Tzzu-d din Balban, deputy of the lord chamberlain, repaired to the camp of Ulugh Khan, and on Tuesday, 3rd Zi-1 ka’da, Ban Khan Aibak Kliitai came to the royal camp to finally arrange the terms of peace. An extraordinary plot was now formed, with which the author of this book became acquainted. Tiu&du-d din Khan with a number of Turks of low degree, and inimical to

Ulugh Khan, resolved upon cutting down Ban Khan Aibak Kliitai at the entrance of the royal tent, in order that Ulugh Khan, on hearing of the assassination, might (in retaliation) slay Tzzu-d din Balban. The peace would thus be prevented, ’Ima- du-din would retain his position in safety, and Ulugh Khan would be unable to come to Court. Kutbu-d din Hasan heard of the conspiracy, and sent one of the chief attendants of the chamberlain, Sharfu-1 mulk Basliidu-d din Hanafi, to Ban Khan, advising him not to go to the royal tent in the morning, but to remain at his own lodging. Ban Kh&n acted on this advice, and so the plot failed. The facts became known to the great men, and under the command of the Sultan, Tmadu-d din was sent off to Badaun.

On Tuesday, 17th Zi-1 k’ada, his majesty, with the desire of making peace, directed the author, Minhaj Siraj, to offer terms of agreement to all. Next day, Ulugh Khan, with the other nobles, came to Court, and had the honour of kissing hands. The Sultan then turned homewards, accompanied by Ulugh Khan, and reached the capital on Wednesday, 9th Zi-1 hijja. The kindness of the Almighty now became manifest. For a long time there had been no rain, but upon the approach of Ulugh Khan the Almighty displayed his mercy, and the rain, which is the life of herbs and plants, of men and animals, fell upon the earth. No wonder, then, that people looked upon the return of Ulugh Khan as a happy omen, that his compeers rejoiced over it, and that all were grateful to the Almighty for his bounty.

The year 653 H. opened. Something happened in the royal harem of which no one had accurate knowledge, but Katlagh Khan1 was directed to take charge of the government of Oudh, and thither he proceeded. At the same time the government of Bahraich was given to Tmadu-d din Rihan. The success of Ulugh Khan shone forth with brilliant radiance, the garden of the world began to put forth leaf, and the key of divine mercy opened the doors of the hearts of men who had been driven into 1 [Step-father of the Sult&n, see page 354.]

seclusion. Among these was the well-wisher of the State, and the partisan of Ulugh Khan, the writer of this book, Minliaj Siraj Juzjani. I The censure of his adversaries, and the injustice of his foes, had forced him into retirement and had subjected him to distress and trouble ; but now the kind influence of Ulugh Khan was exerted with the Sultan, and on Sunday, 5th Rabi’u- awwal, 653 h., the office of Kazi of the State and the seat of justice were given for the third time to the faithful and grateful writer of this history.

Katlagh Khan had gone to Oudh, and some time passed, but circumstances so occurred that he became disaffected. Impera- tive orders were several times sent to him from Court, but to these he paid no heed. ’Imadu-d din Rihan busied himself in stirring up strife, and endeavoured by intrigue and deceit to throw the dirt of his wretched selfish plots on the prosperity of Ulugh Khan, and to cloud the glory of that Khakan with the emanations of his malice. But “ Divine mercy is for ever sufficient,” and it prevented the success of these schemes. Malik Taju-d din Sanjar had been confined in prison by Katlagh Khan. The government of Bahraich had been granted to Sanjar, and this was the reason of his imprisonment. By a bold contrivance he escaped from Oudh out of the hands of his oppressors, and cross- ing the river Saru1. in a boat, he proceeded with a few horsemen to Bahraich. Under the decrees of fate the fortune of the Turks now triumphed, and the power of the Hindus was levelled with the dust. ’Imadu-d din was defeated and taken prisoner, and put to death in Bahrdich, in the month of Rajab, 653 h. With him Katlagh Khan’s fortunes declined.

When these disturbances arose in Hindustan, several of the chief nobles of the Court were drawn away from their allegiance, and it became necessary to put down the insurrection and to punish the disaffected nobles. The army accordingly left Dehli, on the new moon of Shawwal, 653 h. (December, 1255), and marching towards Hindustan it reached Tilibhat 2 (Pilibhit ?).

1 [The SaflCi or Gogra.] * [Var. “Talpat.”]

Delay had occurred in assembling the forces of the Siw&lik hills. These mountains were included in the government of Ulugh Khan, so he hastened to Hansi. He arrived there on the 17th Zi-1 ka’da, and so exerted himself that in fourteen days the soldiers of the Siwalik, of Hansi, Sarsuti, Jind, Barwala, and all those parts were collected, and marched to Dehli in great force, and well equipped, where they arrived on the 3rd Zi-1 hijja. Ulugh Khan remained in Dehli eighteen days, recruiting and refitting the army of Mewat and the Koh-paya (hills). On the 19th Zi-1 hijja he marched with a brave and well-equipped army to the royal camp, and reached Oudli in the month of Mu- harram, 654 h. Katlagh Khan and the nobles who were leagued with him were all subjects of the Sultan, but adverse circum- stances had led them to revolt. From Oudli they retreated over the river Saru, and by royal command Ulugh Khan pursued them with a strong force. They had, however, got a good start, the jungles were dense, the ways difficult, and the trees numerous, so he could not come up with them. He advanced as far as Bishanpur, on the confines of Tirhut, plundering all the Mawas and Banas, and returned with great spoil to the royal camp. When Ulugh Khan crossed the Saru from Oudh on his return from the pursuit, his Majesty marched towards the capital, and Ulugh Khan joined the royal army at Kasmandi. On Tuesday, 6th Babi’u-1 awwal, 654 h., they arrived at Dehli.

Katlagh Khan had found no place in Hindustan where he could make a stand, so in the midst of the campaign he pro- ceeded towards Santur, and strengthened himself in the hills of that country. The chiefs paid him every respect, for he was a noble of high rank, a grandee of the Court, and one of the prin- cipal Turks. He had, therefore, strong claims upon his compeers, and wherever he went he was treated with great consideration.

He made himself secure in the hills of Santur, and there he was joined by the liana Debal [Deopal] Hindi, who held a prominent rank among the Hindus, and the custom of whose tribe was to afford a refuge to the fugitive. When intelligence of this junction

readied the royal camp, the army marched towards Santur, at the beginning of Rabi’u-1 awwal, 655 H. Ulugh Khan, with the royal army and some officers of the court, by great exertions made his way into the hills with much fighting, and seized upon the passes and defiles. He penetrated as far as Salmur, a fort and district belonging to that great Rai. All the Ranas of these parts recognized the Rai as their superior and paid him respect. He fled before Ulugh Khan, and the city and markets of Salmur all fell into the hands of the army of Islam. By the favour of God the soldiers of Ulugh Khan thus subdued a place which the armies of Islam had never before reached, and they returned laden with plunder to the capital, where they arrived on the 5th Rabi’u-1 akhir, 655 h.

When the royal army had returned to Dehli, Katlagh Khan issued from the mountains of Salmur, and Malik Kishlu Khan Balban came from Sindh to the banks of the Biyah, where the two chiefs joined their forces,1 and marched towards Samana and Kahram, taking possession of the country. To put down this confederacy and revolt the Sultan sent Ulugh Khan, Kishli Khan, and several other nobles. Ulugh Khan left Dehli on Thursday, 15th Jumada-1 awwal, 655 (May, 1257), and hastened with all speed to Kaithal. Katlagh Khan was in the vicinity, and the two armies approached each other. Here they were all brothers and friends — two armies of one government.2 Such an extra- ordinary state of affairs had never occurred. The antagonists were like coins from one purse, or salt from one cup, and yet the accursed devil had produced such dissension among them. * * * Ulugh Khan deemed it expedient to detach the household troops from the main army, and he placed them under the command of Slier Khan, his cousin. The main body with the elephants he put under the command of his own brother, Kishli Khan, lord chamberlain. Two distinct divisions were thus formed.

1 [This line, given in Sir II. Elliot’s MS., is absent from the printed test.]

2 [The author here exhibits his eloquence by repeating the statement four times, and using different words for army and government.']

The opposing armies drew near to eacli other in the vicinity of S4mana and Kaithal, and their lines were within view on either side. Just at this juncture some meddlesome servants of the Court at Dehli wrote letters to Malik Balban and Malik Kat- lagh Khan, inviting them to come to the capital. The city they said was empty of soldiers, and the gates were in their own hands, while the nobles whom they addressed were servants of the State, and no strangers. They ought to come at once and resume their service of the Sultan. Ulugh Khan wTith his army would remain outside, and everything would turn out as they wished. All that had been represented might be easily accom- plished. Some faithful adherents of the throne and partizans of Ulugh Khan got notice of this plot, and they sent off intelligence with all speed to Ulugh Khan. He advised the Sultan to turn all the conspirators out of the city. A full account of this con- spiracy has been given in the history of the reign of Nasiru-d din. (God forgive them and lead them to repent of their wickedness !)

While the two armies were confronting each other, a person1 came over as a spy from the camp of Malik Balban Kishlu Khan, representing that he came on behalf of the chiefs and nobles wdio were with Malik Balban, and wrho were desirious of joining Ulugh Khan. If a promise of immunity and fair treatment were given to them, and a grant made for the support of the bearer of these overtures, he would bring over all the chiefs and nobles who were writh Balban, and would arrange matters in respect of other officers.

Ulugh Khan, on perceiving the intentions of this person, gave orders that the whole of the army should be shown to him. Ac- cordingly all the troops and munitions and implements of war, with the elephants and horses, were displayed before his eyes. The Khan then directed a letter to be written to the chiefs and nobles in the following terms : “Your letter has reached me and its im- port has been understood. I have no doubt that if you make your

1 [The author here deals in irony, and says “ a person called so and so, the son of so and so.” The man was evidently well-known.]

submission grants will be made to you all, and your maintenance will be most amply provided for ; but if you take a different course, then, on this very day, the world shall learn how your preten- sions will be settled by the wounds of the trenchant sword and the flaming spear, and how you will be carried, fettered with the bonds of fate, to the foot of the royal standard.” This letter, half sweet half bitter, half venom half lotion, half courtesy half severity, was written and delivered to that man and he returned.

When the letter was delivered to the officers of Balban, the wise among them perceived its drift, and knew that the dissen- sions between the nobles and generals would be settled elsewhere (, yalija ). Fresh letters now arrived from Dehli, and Malik Balban and Katlagli Khan set forth in that direction aud showed no in- tention of returning. Two days afterwards Ulugh Khan became aware of their design, and his mind was troubled as to what might happen to the throne and capital. After this extraordinary incident letters reached him (from Dehli), and he turned thither, safe under the protection of the Almighty, and reached the city on Monday, 10th Jumada-1 awwal, 653.

For seven months Ulugh Khan remained tranquil iu the capital, when intelligence arrived that the army of the infidel Mughals had made a descent upon Sindh, under the command of Salin Nawin. When their general brought in this army, Malik Balban went to them of necessity, and the forces1 of the fort of Multan fell back. When the news reached the capital, Ulugh Khan advised his Majesty to set the royal army in motion, and accordingly it marched forth on the 2nd Muharram, 656 H. (9th January, 1259), and encamped within sight of the city. Orders were sent to all parts of the kingdom, directing the nobles and officers to collect all the forces they could, and to

1 [Sir H. Elliot’s MS. has “ lashkarha,” but the printed text has “ ktingurhd, battlements,” which makes the passage to say that “ the battlements of the fort of Multan fell down.” The whole of it is obscure. l •. ~ ,

join the army. On the 10th Muharram, the author received orders in the royal tent to compose an ode, to stir up the feelings of the Muhammadans and to excite in them a warlike fervour for the defence of their religion and the throne.

Ulugh Khan, with a numerous and well-appointed army, marched in company with his majesty and all the nobles, attended by their followers. When the infidel Mughal heard of this host on the frontier he had assailed, he advanced no further and showed no spirit. It seemed expedient, therefore, for the royal army to remain within sight of the city (of Delili), and it remained encamped for four months or longer, while horsemen went in all directions, making war upon the Mawas. At length the news came that the accursed foe had retreated, and all disquietude on his account was at an end.

The reporters now informed Ulugh Khan that Arslan Khan Sanjar in Oudh, and Kalij Khan Mas’ud Kliani had taken alarm at the orders which they had received to join the royal camp, and were meditating revolt. Ulugh Khan advised his Majesty to nip this project in the bud, and to smother their intentions before they had time to form and gather strength. The advice was approved, although it was the hot season and the army had undergone fatigue through the inroad of the Mughals. On Tuesday, 6th Jumada-1 akhir, the royal forces marched towards Hindustan, and came to the neighbourhood of Karra and Manik- pur. Ulugh Khan exerted himself most strenuously in punish- ing the rebellious Hindus and Ranas.

Upon the arrival of Ulugh Khan, the two confederates, Arslan Khan and Kalij Khan, parted, and were obliged to send their families and dependants among the Mawas. They also deputed some trusty persons to wait on Ulugh Khan, and prevail upon him to inform the Sultan that they had been obliged to disperse their followers, and that they were ready to promise that they would both repair to the capital, and do homage as soon as the royal army was withdrawn. Upon this representation the forces were re-called, and reached the capital on Monday, 2nd Ramazan,

656. Arslan Khan and Kalij Khan repaired to Court, and Ulugh Khan exerted himself so generously and strenuously in their behalf,1 that their rebellion was forgiven, and in the course of two months Kalij Khan was appointed to the government of Lakhnauti, and Arslan Khan to Karra.

On the 13th Muharram, at the beginning of the new year, 657 (January, 1259), the royal forces again marched from Dehli. Ulugh Khan now very properly used his influence in favour of his nephew, Slier Khan, and on Sunday, 21st Safar, all the terri- tories of Bay ana, Kol, Jalesar, and Gwalior were consigned to him. There was nothing to require the action of the army during the rest of the year. On Wednesday, 4th Jumada-1 akhir, treasure, wealth, and many valuables, with twro elephants, were brought to Court from Lakhnauti. These presents were sent by Tzzu-d din Balban Uzbek, who was grantee of Lakh- nauti, and by the influence of Ulugh Khan the grant was con- firmed, and honours were bestowed upon him.

At the beginning of 658 h. (December, 1259), Ulugh Khan resolved upon a campaign in the hills near the capital. These hills were inhabited by a turbulent people, who committed depre- dations on the roads, plundered the goods of Musulmans, drove away the cultivators, and ravaged the villages in the districts of Harri&na, the Siwalik hills, and Bay ana. Three years before they had carried off from Hansi a drove of camels and a number of the people of Ulugh Khan. Their chief was a Hindu named Malka, a fierce and desperate fellow. It was he who carried off the camels, and he fomented disturbances among the Hindus from the hills to Rantambhor. But when he did these things the army was otherwise engaged, and the soldiers and followers of Ulugh Khan had not the means of transporting their baggage and implements. Ulugh Khan and all the princes and nobles were sorely vexed, but it was then impossible to do anything, as the army was fully employed in repelling the Mughal forces, which had attacked the frontiers of Islam in Sindh, at Lahore,

and in the vicinity of the river Biyah. At length ambassadors to the Sultan came to Khurasan from ’Irak, on the part of Hulaku Mughal, son of Toll, son of Changiz Khan, and orders were given that the embassy was to halt at Maruta.1

Ulugh Khan and other nobles, with the royal troops and their own followers, suddenly resolved upon a campaign in the hills, and made the first march in advance on Monday, 4th Safar, 658. In their first forced march ( hashish ) they accom- plished nearly fifty kos, and fell unexpectedly upon the rebels. These retreated to the summits of the mountains, to the defiles, to deep gorges and narrow valleys, but they were all taken and put to the sword. For twenty days the troops traversed the hills in all directions. The villages and habitations of the mountaineers were on the summits of the loftiest hills and rocks, and were of great strength, but they were all taken and ravaged by order of Ulugh Khan, and the inhabitants who were thieves^ robbers, and highwaymen were all slain. A silver tanka was offered for every head, and two tankas for every man brought in alive. Eager for these rewards the soldiers climbed the highest hills, and penetrated the ravines and deepest gorges, and brought in heads and captives ; especially the Afghans, a body of whom, amounting to three thousand horse and foot, was in the service of Ulugh Khan. These men were very bold and daring, and in fact the whole army, nobles and chiefs, Turks and Taziks, exhibited great bravery, and their feats will remain recorded in history. Fortune now so favoured Ulugh Khan that he was able to penetrate to a fastness which no Musulman army had ever reached, and that Hindu rebel who had carried off the camels was taken prisoner with his children and dependants. Two hundred and fifty of the chiefs of the rebels were captured. One hundred and forty-two horses were led away to the royal stables, and six bags of tankas , amounting to thirty thousand tankas, were taken from the Ranas of the hills and the Rais of Sind, and sent to the royal treasury.

• 1 [Variants “ NarCiya, Baruta, Baruna.”]

In the course of twenty days this great work was accomplished, and the army returned to the capital on the 24th Rabi’u-1 awwal, 658. His Majesty, with a great retinue of chiefs and nobles, came forth to the plain of Hauz-rani to meet him, and a grand Court was held in which many honours and rewards were bestowed.1 After a stay of two days in the capital the Court went forth again to Hauz-rani on a mission of revenge. The elephants -were prepared, and the Turks made ready their trenchant swords. By royal command many of the rebels were cast under the feet of elephants, and the fierce Turks cut the bodies of the Hindus in two. About a hundred met their death at the hands of the flayers, being skinned from head to foot ; their skins were all stufl'ed with straw, and some of them were hung over every gate of the city. The plain of Hauz-rani and the gates of Delili remembered no punishment like this, nor had any one ever heard such a tale of horror.

Ulugh Khan now represented to the Sultan that the Mughal ambassador in Khurasan should be brought to Court and be granted an interview. On Wednesday, 7th Rabfu-1 awwal, the Court proceeded to the Kushk-i sabz (green palace), and Ulugh Khan gave orders for armed men to be collected from all quarters round Dehli to the number of two hundred thousand foot and fifty thousand horse, with banners and accoutrements. Great numbers of armed men of all ranks went out of the city, and assembled in the new city of Kilu-ghari, at the royal residence, where they were drawn up shoulder to shoulder in twenty lines. * * * When the ambassadors arrived, and their eyes fell on this vast multitude, they were stricken with fear, ***** and it is certain that on seeing the elephants some of them fell from their horses. On the ambassadors entering the city they were received with the greatest honour, and were conducted before the throne with the highest possible ceremony. The palace was decked out in the most splendid array, and all the princes and

1 [The author here becomes very diffuse in his descriptions and praises, which are not worth translation.]

nobles and officers attended in gorgeous dresses. A poem written by the author of this work was recited before the throne. I here insert it. * * * * After the reception the ambassadors were con- ducted in great state to the place appointed for their abode.1

Let us return to the thread of our history. The last event which I have to record is this. When Ulugh Khan carried war into the hills, and punished the rebels in the way we have related, a number of them escaped by flight. They now again took to plundering on the highways, and murdering Musulmans, so that the roads became dangerous. This being reported to the Khan, he sent emissaries and spies to find out the places where the rebels had taken refuge, and to make a full report of their state and condition. On Monday, 24th Rajab, 658 (July, 1260), he marched from Dehli with his own forces, the main army, and the forces of several chiefs. He hastened towards the hills, and, accomplishing more than fifty Jios in one day’s journey (!),2 he fell upon the insurgents unawares, and captured them all, to the number of twelve thousand — men, women, and children — whom he put to the sword. All their valleys and strongholds were over- run and cleared, and great booty captured. Thanks be to God for this victory of Islam !

1 [Here follows a long digression of no interest.]

[The Tarikh-i Jahan- Kasha, or Jahan-Kushdi, “ the History of the Conquest of the World,” is the work of ’Alau-d din Malik, son of Bahau-d din Muhammad Juwaini, but the author is better known to Europeans by the name of ’Ata Malik Juwaini. He was a native of Juwain, in Khurasan, near Naishapur. The date of his birth is unknown, but he was twenty-seven years of age when he began to write his history.

Bahau-d din was one of the principal revenue officers of Persia under the Mongol governor Arghun ; and his son ’Alau-d din, disregarding his father’s advice to adopt literature as his profession, entered into public employ in his father’s office before he had completed his twentieth year. When Mangu Khan was elected emperor, Arghun went to Tartary in 650, to pay his respects to the new sovereign, and Bahau-d din with his son, our author, proceeded thither in his suite. Arghun was confirmed in his office, and he made Bahau-d din chief superin- tendant of the revenues of his province. Shortly after his return in 651 (1253 a.d.), Bahau-d din died at the age of sixty. When Hulaku Khan arrived in Persia, in 654 h., the viceroy Arghun was called to court ; and on his departure he left ’Alau-d din at court of the Emperor as one of his representatives. While thus situated our author followed in the suite of Hulaku during his

1 [This article has been drawn from M. Quatremere’s notice in the Mines de V Orient, and Baron D’Ohsson’s account of the work in the Preface to his Hist, des Mongols .]

campaign against the Ismai’lians. His brother, Shamsn-cl din, became wazir of Hulaku in 662 (1263-4 a.d.), and ’Alau-d din was appointed governor of Baghdad.

’Alau-d din had made himself conspicuous by his zeal against the Ismai’lians, which incited three men of that sect to attempt his assassination. He escaped this danger, but only to endure great reverses and ignominy. Intrigues were formed against him, he was dismissed from office, fined heavily, tortured, and paraded naked all round Baghdad. He remained for some time after- wards in confinement at Hamadan, but his innocence being proved, the fine exacted from him was returned, and he was restored to his office, which he retained until his death in 681.

In character he was naturally mild and just, but he was so blinded by the power and success of his masters that he could see nothing but good in them and their doings. “ Placed as he was,” says M. D’Ohsson, “ it is manifest that he could not write freely ; but he of his own accord made himself the panegyrist of those barbarians who had utterly ruined his country, and who continued to waste and oppress the dominions of the Muham- madans. He speaks with a profound veneration of Changiz Khan and his descendants, he lauds Mangu to the skies, and in his honour he exhausts his stock of the most exaggerated hyper- bole. More than this, he strives to prove in his preface that the tfuin of so many Musulman countries by the Mughal armies was a necessary evil, from which arose two benefits — one spiritual, the other temporal. He does not blush to boast of the gentleness of the Mughals towards those who submitted to them, and he praises with better reason their tolerance of all religions.”

His occupations he tells us left him little leisure for the acquisi- tion of useful knowledge up to the age of twenty-seven, and he expresses his regret that he had not adopted the course of life advised by his father ; but years had matured his reason, and he was resolved to make up for lost time. He had several times travelled over Transoxiana and Turkistan, as well as the more western regions. He had been a witness of many events, and he

had besides obtained information from well-informed and trust- worthy persons, so in the year 650, during his stay at the court of Mangu, at the request of his friends he began to write his history, the chief object of which was to perpetuate the memory of the great actions of the Emperor Mangu. The style of the work is much admired by Oi’ientals, “ but a European may be allowed to pronounce it inflated, and to wish that the author had used more truth in his colouring, and more method in his narrative.” The history stops at the year 655 (1257 a.d.), although the author lived up to the year 681 (1282 A.d.).

The MS. used by M. Quatremere and Baron D’Ohsson is an incomplete one belonging to the Imperial Library at Paris.

“ The Jahdn Kushai ,” says Sir H. Elliot, “though not uncommon in Europe, is very rare in India. All my research has only pro- cured for me one copy, and that belongs to Munslii ’Abdu-r Raz- zak, Sarrishtadar of the Civil Court of Farrukhabad. It is very clean, and well written in Nasta’lik, but contains many errors. Its extent is 275 folios of nineteen lines in each page.” There is no copy of the work in Sir H. Elliot’s library.]

It is a custom amongst the Mughals that when any one has committed a crime worthy of death, should he not be sentenced to that penalty, they send him to the wars, remarking that if he was destined to be slain, he may as well be slain in fight ; or • they send him on a message or embassy to rebellious chiefs, from whom they think it most probable he will never be allowed to return ; or they send him to some hot place where a pestilent wind blows; and it was for such a reason they sent Balaktigin2 on an embassy to Egypt and Syria.

1 [All these extracts -were translated by Sir H. Elliot.]

2 [The same name probably as we have elsewhere found as “ Bilkatigin.]

The Mughal Conquests. — The Kings of Kind.

In tho space of twelve years the Mughals conquered every country, and nowhere were rebellion and turbulence left un- repressed. Having reached a place where they saw men with the limbs of beasts, and knew that there could be no habitation beyond it, they returned to their own country, bringing the kings of various countries with then), who presented their offerings of allegiance. Buku Khan honoured all of them according to their respective ranks, and sent them back to their own countries ; but he would not allow the king of Hind to come on account of his filth and ugliness.

Next day, the Imams and elders of the city of Bokhara went to do homage to Changiz Khan,1 and he came within in order to see the town and fort. He entered the Jami’ Masjid and stood before the archways. II is son, Tull Khan, was on foot, and ascended the pulpit. Changiz Khan enquired, “ Is this the palace of the Sultan ?” They replied, “ It is the house of God.” He then dismounted, and ascended two or three steps of the pulpit, and exclaimed, The country is denuded of forage, fill my horses’ bellies.” They opened the granaries which were in the city, and brought the corn. They brought forth the chests which contained the Kurans into the area of the mosque, and scattered the books about, converting the chests into horse- troughs. They circulated their flagons, and the courtesans of the city were sent for to dance and sing, and the Mughals raised their own voices in response.2 The Imams, doctors, Saiyids,

1 The usual way of pronouncing liis name in India is Changcz Khan, but perhaps Chingiz is more correct, for D’Ohsson, who spells the name “ Tchinguiz,” says it is derived from “Chink,” strong, and “guiz,” the plural particle. — Ilistoire des Mongols , Tome I. p. 99. On his coins, moreover, tho last syllable is not prolonged. —See Journ. It. A. S. Soc., Vol. IX. p. 385.

2 European travellers of this period are not complimentary to their musical talents.

scholars, and priests, were appointed to take charge of the quadrupeds, being singled out for that special duty. After one or two hours, Changiz Khan arose to return to his camp, and the others also departed, after the leaves of the Kuran had been kicked about in the midst of impurities.1 * *

One of the inhabitants fled to Khurasan after these transac- tions. They enquired of him the state of Bokhara. He replied “ The Mughals came, dug, burnt, slaughtered, plundered, and departed.” A knot of learned men who heard him unani- mously declared that it would be impossible to express any sentence more concisely in Parsi. The cream and essence of whatever is written in this volume might be represented in these few words.

Changiz Khan’s Pursuit and Defeat of Sultan Jalalu-d din.

Changiz Khan detached a portion of his army, fully equipped, from Talikan, against Sultan Jalalu-d din, and when he heard of his still further successes, he himself marched with such expe- dition that there was no difference between night and day, and no time for cooking food. On his reaching Grhazna, he ascertained that the Sultan had left it fifteen days previous, for the purpose of crossing the river Sindh, so he appointed Yelwaj with his contingent to the charge of Gliazna,2 and himself hastened like a cloud-impelling wind in pursuit of him.

He came up with the Sultan on the bank of the Sind, and hemmed him completely in with his army, several curves extend- ing one behind another like a bow, of which the river was the

Simon de Saint-Quentin says, “ Cantibus vel potius ululatibus.” The Dominican, Vincent de Beauvais, says, “ Tartan, modo interrogative, clamoroso, loquuntur, gut- ture rabido et horribile. Cantantes mugiunt ut tauri, vel ululant ut lupi, voces in- articulatas in cantando proferunt.” — Yincentius, Speeulum Historiale, lib. xxxi. p. 54, and lib. xxix. c. 71, ap. D’Ohsson.

1 Compare D’Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, Tom. I. p. 230 ; Price, Mahomedan History, Vol. II. p. 401 ; Modern Univ. Hist., Vol. IV. p. 125; De la Croix, Hist. Genghis Can, p. 212.

a The Rauzatu-s safa says he was appointed Diirogha. Yelwaj means an ambas- sador in Turki. Respecting him see D’Ohsson, Vol. II. p. 193.

string. Changiz Khan ordered his troops to advance, and en- joined that every attempt should be made to take the Sultan alive. Chagtai and Ogtai1 also arrived to his support from Kliwarizm.

When the Sultan saw that it was a time for exertion and action, he prepared for fight with the few men he had under him ; galloping from the right to the left wing, from the left to the centre, and making furious onslaughts. But the army of the Mughals made good their advance by degrees, narrowing the field of battle and the opportunity of escape, while the Sultan was fighting like an angry lion.

In every direction that he urged his steed He raised dust commingled with, blood.

Orders were again issued that they should take him prisoner, and the army refrained from wounding with spear and arrow, in their anxiety to carry the commands of Changiz Khan into effect. Jalalu-d din himself maintained his ground, and, mount- ing a fresh horse that was brought to him, made one more charge, and then retreated like the wind and like a flash of lightning upon water.2

When Changiz Khan saw that the Sultan had dashed into the river, and that the Mughals were anxious to follow him, he prevented them, and placing his hand in his mouth through excess of astonishment, exclaimed to his sons : —

This is one whom you may indeed call a man !

A true fighting elephant to tooth and marrow ! 3 This he said, and looked in that direction Where the Sultan went like a Kustam on his way.

All his followers who were not drowned in the river were put to the sword,4 and the ladies of his household and his children were brought to Changiz Khan. He ordered with respect to all

1 “ Ogtai,” in the Mongol language, signifies ascent or exaltation.

2 The Mod. TJniv. Sislory says that Changiz Khan lost twenty thousand men in this action.

1 D’Ohsson attributes these words to Juwaini— “ Persons who were witnesses of this event have told me that so many Khawarizmians were slain, that the waters were red for the distance of a bow-shot.” I cannot find the passage.

the. males, even down to those who were sucklings, that the nipple of death should be placed in the mouth of their life, and that their bodies should be left to be devoured by crows.1

As all the property and wealth of the Sultan had been thrown that day into the river by his orders, Changiz Khan directed divers to search for it, and brine,- out what they could. This transaction, which was one of the wonders of the time, took place in Rajab, of the year 018 h., in accordance with the pro- verb, “ Wonders occur in Rajab.” Changiz Khan, after the battle marched to the banks of the Jihun (Indus), and sent Ogtai to Ghazna. On his arrival they proffered their sub- mission. He ordered all the inhabitants to be brought out into the plain and counted, and, after selecting artizans from among them, he ordered all the rest to be slain. He also destroyed the city, and Ogtai returned towards Hirat, after burying the slain.

The Mug hah winter in Hindustan, and return.

Chaghtax was left on the borders of Kirman. He went in pursuit of the Sultan, and as he could not find him, he fixed his winter quarters in the plains of Hindustan.2 The governor of the country in which he cantoned himself was Salar Ahmad, who bound the girdle of obedience round Ins waist, and provided all the supplies he could for the use of the army. On account of the pestilential air most of the army fell sick and lost their strength, and as they had many slaves with them, having added to their number while encamped there (insomuch that to every tent there were as many as ten or twenty, who were engaged in pre- paring rice and other things for the use of their masters), and as the climate of the country agreed well with their constitutions,

1 Muhammad of Nessa says that the Sultan was besecched by his ladies to slay them, and preserve them from captivity, and that he drowned them. D’Ohsson ob- serves that no other author mentions this.

2 The name of the place mentioned in the original cannot be identified. It bears most resemblance to “ the hills of Lahur, which is a city.” It will be observed from the corresponding passage from the Rauzatu-s snfi, hereafter given in a note, that it is there called “ Kalinjar on the Sind.” That it was somewhere in the plains is evident. — [See note in the Appendix on Sultan Jalalu-d din.]

Changiz Khan1 gave orders that in every tent every captive should prepare and clean five hundred mam of rice. All expedi- tion was made, and within one week they ceased from that labour. He then issued orders that every prisoner in camp should be slain, and the next morning not a trace of captives or Hindus re- mained. He sent ambassadors to all the princes of that country, and they submitted. One was despatched to the Rana, and he was at first well received, but was afterwards crucified ; upon which an army was sent against the Rana, and he was taken. An army was also sent to besiege Aglirak, in the fort in which he had talceu refuse.

When the army had recovered its health, thoughts of return were entertained, in order that by way of Hindustan they might reach the country of Tangut.2 They advanced some marches, and when they found there was no road, they came hack again, and went to Fershawar (Peshawar), and employed themselves in returning by the same road which they came. * * * The reason of their expediting their return was that intelligence was received that Kluta and Tangut had exhibited signs of disaffection, in consequence of Changiz Khan’s prolonged absence.

Capture of Bhera, and retreat from Multan.

When Chaghtai returned without finding the Sultan, Changiz Khan despatched Turtai3 with two tumans of Mughals, to

1 It would appear, therefore, that Changiz Khan entered India, unless he issued these orders from some other spot ; but it is not easy to tell precisely what were his own proceedings immediately after the battle on the Indus.

2 Some say “Tibet.” The Bahru-l Bulddn also says “ Tangfit.” “Several thousand horsemen crossed the Sind in pursuit of Jalulu-d din, and went thence to Multan and ravaged that country and Lohawar, but as they could not remain there on account of the unhealthiness of the climate, they returned to Changiz Khan by way of Ghazna. Changiz took up his quarters at Mata Katlior, but not being able to remain there on account of the badness of the air, he attempted to reach Tangut by way of Hindustan ; but after going two or three marches, and finding no road, he went by way of Bamian to Samarkand.”

2 L'Ohsson says “ Bela and Tourtai,” and that the places plundered were Lahore, Multan, Peshawar, and Malikpur. Miles says, “ Duormur, Bakshi, and Bala

pursue the Sultan beyond the Sind, which he passed over, and then reached the bauks of the Bhut,1 which is a country of Hindustan, then held by Kamru-d din Kirmani, one of the Sultan’s nobles. Turtai conquered that country, and took the strong fort of Bhera, and after ravaging that neighbourhood, he went towards Multan, but as there were no stones there, he ordered that the population of Bhera should be turned out to make floats of wood, and load them with stones for the man- janiks. So they floated them down the river, and when they arrived at Multan, the manjaniks were set to work, and threw down many of the ramparts of the fort, which was nearly taken, when the excessive heat of the weather put a stop to their operations. The Mughals contented themselves with plundering and massacreing all the country of Multan and Loh&war, and returned thence across the Sind to Ghaznin.

Abu-1 Fazl Baihaki has related in his Tarikh-i Nasiri, that one of the soldiers of Sultan Mahmud on the return from Somnat, killed a large dragon, and when they flayed it, the skin was found to be thirty yards long and four cubits broad. My object in mentioning this is, that Abu-1 Fazl says, let any who doubts this fact go to Ghaznin, and see the skin, which is spread out like a curtain, and is suspended at one of the gates. Now the writer of this history says he is entitled to the same credit, when he asserts a thing which may seem impossible.

Noyanu.” He also says the Mughals “continued their pursuit to Mulkapoor and the sea-side.” — Shajratu-l Atrak, p. 179.

1 There is a difficulty here. “ Bhut” is here called a river and a country, and “ Bhera” reads more like “ Banda.’ D’Ohsson (1. 309) reads “ Biah,”for “ Bhut,” and “Bhera;” but stones could not have been floated down the Biyah to Multan. I prefer the reading adopted in the text, not only for this reason, hut because there never was a fort of Biah, and because Bhera was a place of importance on the Bhut, or Jailam, having direct communication with Multan, and inexhaustible supplies of stones from the salt range in its vicinity. The Rauzatu-s safd gives no name to the fort.

In the year 602 h. (1205 a.d.), Muhammad Ghori determined on prosecuting a holy war in Hind, in order to repair the fortunes of his servants and armies ; for within the last few years Khurasan, on account of the disasters it had sustained, yielded neither men nor money. When he arrived in Hind, God gave him such a vic- tory that his treasures were replenished, and his armies renewed. On his return, after crossing the Jailam, he was encamped on the banks of the Jihun (Indus), so that one-half of the royal enclosure, where the private apartments were, was in the water. In consequence of which no precaution had been taken to ensure their protection. About the time of the mid-day siesta, two or three Hindus came through the water, and falling like fire upon the royal tent, slew the Sultan, who was entirely unprepared for such a treacherous attack.

When the Sultan had survived the double danger of water and fire, namely, the whirlpools of the Sind and the flame of Changiz Khan’s persecution, he was joined by six or seven of his followers, who had escaped from drowning, and whom the fiery blast of evil had not sent to the dust of corruption ; but, as no other course except retreat and concealment among the forests was left to him, he remained two or three days longer in his covert,2 until he was joined by fifty more men. The spies whom he had sent out to watch the proceedings of Changiz Khan, returned, and brought him intelligence that a body 3 of

1 In the highly flattering notice which M. Quatremere has taken of my first volume in the Journal des Savants, for September, 1850, and January, 1851, he has made some comments upon the extract from the Jami’u-t tawarikh, which corres- ponds with the passage here translated from the Jahdn Kushdi. I do not concur in all the corrections of the learned reviewer, hut thankfully avail myself of some of them. — [See note in the Appendix on Jalhlu-d din.]

2 Miles says, “he struck into the Chorl, or desert of Churk.” — Shajratu-l Airak,

3 The TariJch-i Alfi says “ nearly two hundred.”

Hindu rascals,1 horse and foot, were lying only two parasangs dis- tance from the Sultan, occupied in rioting and debauchery. The Sultan ordered his followers to arm themselves each with a club, and then making a night attack upon this party, he slew most of them, capturing their animals and arms.

He was then joined by other parties, mounted on horses and mules,2 and soon after certain intelligence was brought to him that two or three thousand men of the armies of Hind were en- camped in the neighbourhood. The Sultan attacked them with a hundred and twenty men, and slew many of those Hindus with the Hindi sword, and set up his own troops with the plunder he obtained.3

Whoever requires anything from me, let him live by his sword,

Whoever requires anything from other men, let him solicit them.

When the news spread throughout Hindustan of the Sultan’s fame -and courage, live or six thousand mounted men assembled from the. hills of Balala and Mankala, for the purpose of attack- ins: him. On his gaining intelligence of this movement, he set upon them with five hundred cavalry which he had under him, and routed and slew the Hindu armies.4 The effect of this suc- cess was that he was joined by several more adherents from all quarters, so that his force amounted to three thousand men.

When the world-conquering Changiz Khan, who was then in the neighbourhood of Gfhazni, heard of these new levies, he

1 Price says “ a banditti.” It is probable that they were a gang of those dakoits who have only lately been extirpated from India.

2 The original has “long-tailed animals,” or horned cattle. The Rauzntu-s safd, the Tdrihh-i Alfi, and other authorities, have “ loug-eared animals,” mules or donkeys, which is a more probable reading. In another passage D’Ohsson considers “long-tailed animals” to indicate a species of sheep. — Hist. Mong., Tom. III. p. 118. — [The Jdini’n-t tawdrikh says, “ <S hutur sawdr wa gao-saicdr — camel-riders and bullock-riders.”]

3 Firishta adds “ a large quantity of money.”

4 D’Ohsson (I. 308), on the authority of Muhammad of Nessa, says that the prince of Judl had one thousand cavalry and live thousand infantry, and that the Sultan, at the head of four thousand cavalry, put the Indians to flight, killed their chief with an arrow, and secured a considerable booty. He also says (III. 4) that many generals of ’Irlik, dissatisfied with his brother Ghiyasu-d diu,' joined his standards in India.

despatched a Mughal army, under Turtai, to expel him, and as the Sultan was not able to oppose him, he went towards Deldi, when Turtai crossed the river. The RJughals, when they heard of his flight, returned and pillaged the country round Malikpur.

The Sultan, when he was two or three days distant from Delhi, deputed a messenger named ''Ainu-1 mulk to Sultan Shamsu-d din, saying — •“ The great have opportunies of showing mercy, since it is evident in our relations with each other, that I have come to claim your protection and favour, and the chances ai’e rare of meeting with a person of my rank on whom to bestow a kind reception. If the road of friendship should be made clear, and the ear of brotherhood should listen in our communications with each other, and if, in joy and affliction, aid and support be mutually afforded, and if our object and desires should he accom- plished, when our enemies witness our alliance, the teeth of their enmity will be blunted.” He then solicited that some spot1 2 might be indicated in which he might reside for a few days.

As the courage and determination of the Sultan were noised abroad, and his exceeding power and predominance were cele- brated throughout the world, Sultan Shamsu-d din, after receiving the message, was engaged for some time in deliberation, reflecting upon the importance of the result, alarmed at his proceedings, and apprehensive of his attacks. It is said that he entertained a design against the life of ’Ainu-l mulk, so that he died ;3 but Sultan Shamsu-d din sent an envoy of his own, with presents suited to such a distinguished guest, and offered the following subterfuge for not according to him the place of residence he desired, namely, “that the climate of these parts is not favourable, and there is no tract suited to the Sultan ; but that, if he wished, Shamsu-d din would fix upon some place near Dehli where the Sultan might take up his abode, and that it would be made over to him as soon as it was cleared of rebels and enemies.”

1 The Rauzatu-s safd uses the Mughal word “yurt,” or private domain.

2 This gentle insinuation is more boldly expressed by others, who declare that he

was murdered by the Sidtan, hut with what object it is impossible to say.

When the Sultan heard this reply he returned, and reached the borders of Balala and Mankala, where from several quarters he was joined by his soldiers who had escaped, and by entire bands of those who had been wounded by the sword, insomuch that his troops amounted to ten thousand men.

He sent Taju-d din Malik Kliilj to the mountains of Jud, who plundered that tract, and obtained much booty. He sent an emissary, also, to ask Rai Kokar Saknin’s1 daughter in marriage. The Rai consented, and despatched his son with a force to serve under the Sultan, who bestowed upon him the title of Katlagh Khan.2

There was a chief, by name Kubacha, who had the country of Sind under his government, and aspired to independence. There was enmity between him and Rai Saknin Kokar. The Sultan despatched an army against Kubacha, and appointed Uzbek Pai to command it. Kubacha was encamped with twenty thousand men on the banks of the Sind, at the distance of a parasang from Uchh. Uzbek Pai, at the head of seven thousand men, suddenly falling upon them by night, routed and dispersed them. Ku- bacha embarked on a boat, and fled to Akar and Bakkar,3 two forts on an island, while Uzbek Pai took up his quarters in Kubacha’s camp, captured all those whom he found within its precincts, and sent tidings of the victory to the . Sultan, who, marching onwards, arrived at the camp in which the tent of Kubacha was pitched.

Kubacha afterwards, flying from Akar and Bakkar, proceeded

1 The name is also spelt “ Sangin ” by some of the authors who treat of this period. Hammer calls him Kukarsengin. He appears on the stage eighteen years previous in the Tdju-l ma-dsir, where the reading is “ Sarki.” He must have been a Gakkhur, not a Kokar. As these tribes reside close to each other, the names are fre- quently confused. — [See supra , page 233.]

2 This title, which signifies in Turk! “ the fortunate Khan,” was a favourite one about this period. We find Ogtai bestowing it upon the Atabak Abu Bakr, and upon Burak Hajib. The latter received from the Khalif the title of “Katlagh Sultan,” which Ogtai subsequently bestowed upon Burak’s son.— Compare D’Ohsson’s Hist, de Mong., Tom. I. pp. 222, 439 ; Tom. III. 131, 132 ; and Price, Muhamma- dan History , Yol. II. pp. 427, 433. [See also supra, page 354.]

3 [See Note in the Appendix on Jalhlu-d din.]

to Multan. The Sultan sent an ambassador to him, requiring the surrender of Amir Khan’s son and daughter, who had fled from the battle of the Sind, and had taken shelter at Multan. Money was also demanded. Kubacha complied with the requisition, delivered up the son and daughter of Amir Khan^ and sent a large sum of money for the use of the Sultan, solicit- ing that his territory might not be injui’ed.

When the weather became hot, the Sultan left TTchh with the intention of proceeding through Balala and Mankala, to take up his summer- quarters in the mountains of Jud, and on his way laid sie^e to the fort of Parsrur,1 where he was wounded in the head by an arrow. When the fort was captured, the whole garrison was put to the sword. He returned from that place, when he received intelligence of the advance of the Mughal armies in pursuit of him, and as his way led him near Multan, he sent an envoy to Kubacha to intimate that the Sultan was passing in that direction, and to demand tribute. Kubacha refused, and assuming an attitude of defiance, advanced to fight him. The standards of the Sultan halted but for a moment, and then departed, returning towards Uchh, which also had revolted against him. The Sultan remained before it two days, and after setting fire to the city, went towards Sadusan.2

Fakhru-d din Salari was governor of Sadusan on the part of Kubacha, and Lachin of Khita, who was in command of the army, went out against Amir Ivhan,3 the leader of the Sultan’s advance guard. Lachin was slain in the action, and Uzbek Khan

1 The original has “ Pasrawar.” Both the Jami’u-t tawarikh and the Rauzatu-s safd read “ Bisram.” The Tarikh-i Alfi has “ Bas,” and Firishta cautiously gives no name. Hammer has “ Besram.” The position, antiquity, and importance of Parsrfir seem to indicate that as the correct reading.

2 The Tdrikh-i Alfi adds, ‘ ‘ which is now called Siwistan.” It is at present known as Sihwan. — See Yol. I. page 401.

3 This name is in some copies read “ Awar Khan,” or “ Anwar Khan,” and in some “ Anur Khan.” Amir Khan is probable the right reading, and we may consider him to he the same person who was repulsed just before the action on the Sind, whom D’Ohsson calls “ Orkhan,” and whose daughter had fled to the Sultan for protection. We find the same Orkhan acting a conspicuous part in the subsequent events in Persia.

invested the city of Sadusan. When the Sultan himself arrived, Fakhru-d din Sal&ri presented himself before him in an humble posture, with his sword (round his neck), and clothed in a shroud.1 The Sultan entered the city, and after staying there for one month, he conferred an honorary dress upon Fakhru-d din Salari, and restored to him the governorship of Sadusan.

Tim Sultan then went towards Dewal and Darbela, and Jaisi ;2 the ruler of that country, lied away on a ship, and went in the direction of the sea. The Sultan remained near Dewal and Damrila, and sent Klias Khan with an army to pillage Nahr- wala, whence he brought back many captives.

The Sultan raised a janii’ masjid at Dewal, on the spot where an idol temple stood. While he was engaged in these operations, intelligence was received from ’Irak, that Sultan Grhiyasu-d din had established himself in that province, and that most of the troops who were quartered there were attached to the interests of Sultan Jalalu-d din, and were anxiously expecting his return. It was also represented, that Burak Hajib was in Kirman, and had fortified himself in the city of Bardasir. It was also given out that lire Mughal army was still in pursuit of the Sultan. He accordingly departed from Dewal and Damrila, and went by way of Makran, but the climate was so very insalubrious that he lost the greater part of his army.3

1 Tliis was a common mode in the East to imply that one’s life was in another's power. On the Sultan’s return to Persia, we find Ids repentant generals going through the same emblematic form of contrition. — Sec also Briggs’ Ferishta, Vol. III. p° 3 17.

2 This name is spelt differently hy different authors. It is not improbable that Jaisi was considered a mere title, and that it was ascribed to the ruler of Dehal, be- cause, at the time of the Arab invasion, Jaisiya, the son of Dahir, was governor of that town, through the same kind of ignorance which induced Jlatifi to call the ruler of the Punjab in Timur's time, “ Pithauru,” two hundred years after his decease, and llnshidu-d din and Binukati to call Bari the capital of Oudc, three hun- dred years after it had ceased to he so. Be it remembered these arc all errors of foreign, not local writers.

2 p'Olisson (III. 5) adds that he left Uzbek to govern his possessions in India, and Wafa Malik those in Gho>- and Ghazna. De Guignes (II. 281) says he left “ Pehle- van Uzbek and Ilassan Carrae, surnamed Ouapku Moulk.” Tne latter in the end expelled Uzbek, in the year G27, and seized all the possessions which he had in India.

When Burak Ha jib hea^d of the approach of the Sultan, he sent him many presents, with the expression of his hearty con- gratulations, and, on the Sultan’s arrival, Burak Hajib solicited that he would accept his daughter in marriage. The Sultan acceded to the request, and the marriage was celebrated. The Kotwal also came forth, and presented the keys of his fort, upon which the Sultan entered it, and remained during the night.

After the lapse of a week, Sultan Jalalu-d din arrived at Ghazna, where he was joined by many bodies of his adherents, and assumed the pomp and circumstance of a monarch. When Yamin Malik heard, in Hindustan, of the Sultan’s arrival at Grhazna, he hastened to meet him. Aghrak Malik, also, with an army of Khiljis and Turkomans, came from Peshawar to do him homage, and A’zam Malik 1 brought a large force of Ghorians to serve under him. In all the troops now at his disposal amounted to twenty thousand cavalry.

The Sultan went with these lanre reinforcements to Parwan, on the borders of Batman, where many roads converge. There he received intelligence that a body of ten or twelve thousand Mughal cavalry had gone in pursuit of him to Ghazna, where, as there was no army to oppose them, they had entered the city before the inhabitants had received intelligence of their approach, had burned several mosques, massacred all the people they found in the lanes and streets, and then continued their pursuit after the Sultan to Parwan, by way of Kalawaz, staying at Ghazna only one day.2

In the action which ensued the Sultan was victorious, and the

1 Malik was at that time a title between that of Amir and Khan, for we find Amirs promoted to the rank of Malik, and Malilcs to that of Khan.

2 This relates to what occurred previous to the action on the Sind, but the author has deferred the narrative till he could accompany it by a statement of the fate of the Sultan's allies.

defeated Mughals returned to Changiz Khan in Talikan ; but after the victory strife arose in the Sultan’s army, between the Khiljis, Turkomans, and Ghorians on one side, and the Khwarizmians on the other, respecting the division of the horses which had been taken as booty. Aghrak Malik and A’zam Malik went off by way of Peshawar, with all the Khiljis, Tur- komans, and Ghorians. The Sultan returned to Ghazna with the Turks and Khwarzimians, who all remained true to him.1 Aghrak Malik, A’zam Malik, and the other Khilj, Turkoman, and Ghorian chiefs, went, after first leaving the Sultan, to Nang- nehar, which was in the fief of A’zam Malik. He entertained them all nobly, and treated them with great kindness, until dis- gust and hatred arose between Aghrak Malik and Koh J andar, one of the Khilj chiefs, who had five or six thousand families under him.

Asrhrak Malik turned his face towards Peshawar, at the head of twenty thousand men, and Koh J andar cantoned him- self at Nangnehar.2 When Saifu-d din Malik had encamped only one march distant from Nangnehar, he sent a messenger to A’zam Malik to say : — “ Between us and you there exist the re- lations of father and son. I am father and you are son. If you desire to gratify me, do not allow Koh J andar to remain in your territory, nor bestow upon him any tract of land.” A’zam Malik said : — ■“ In this matter it is not expedient that there should be any misunderstanding or wrangling between Musul- maus,” so he went forth with fifty horsemen of his bodyguard to Saifu-d din Aghrak, in order to effect a reconciliation. Saifu-d din Aghrak advanced to meet him, and they sat down together to drink. A’zam Malik spoke on the subject of Koh Jandar, and Aghrak Malik pretended to listen to his persuasions. Saifu-d din Aghrak then rose up suddenly in a state of inebriety, and went towards the camp of Koh Jandar, with a few horse-

1 D’Ohsson says that before the battle of the Sind, the Sultan wrote urgently to his dissatisfied allies to join him, to which they consented when it was too late. The

Mod. Univ. Eist. has the same statement. 2 D’Olisson reads “ Bekerhar.”

men. Koh Jandar, under the impression that he had come on a friendly visit, went out with his sons to meet him, and give him an honourable reception, when Aghrak Malik in his drunkenness drew his sword, with the intention of killing Koh, whose at- tendants seized the assailant and cut him in pieces.

When the news of this event reached the camp of Aghrak Malik, his troops suspected that he had been the victim of a plot between Koh and A’zarn Malik. In consequence of which, they seized A’zam Malik and slew him. They then attacked the camp of Koh, and killed him and his sons. Many were slain on both sides, and even the women took part in the fray, and lost their lives.

About this time Pakchak and ’Alau-1 mulk Sadr were de- spatched by order of Changiz Khan to punish these drunkards. Pakchak was the commandant of these Mughals, and ’Alau-l mulk of the infantry, and the residue of those armies of Khiljis, Turkomans, and Ghorians were all put to the sword and dis- persed, within two or three months after they had deserted Sultan Jalalu-d din, either in squabbles amongst themselves, or by the armies of Changiz Khan, so that not a vestige of them remained.

Burak Hajib having had some dispute with Taju-d din Karimu-s shark, marched away with his army towards Hin- dustan. In the year 619 h., Ghiyasu-d din designed to go to Fars. * * * * When news was received of the arrival of the Mughal army, under Tului2 Khan, Burak Hajib requested Ghiyasu-d din to allow him to go to Ispahan, but he went with

1 The previous history of this adventurer is given by Rampoldi, Annali Musul- mani, Yol. VIII. note 69. See also pp. 267, 298, and 555 of the same volume. Hammer spells the name Borrak, in the Gemaldesaal.

2 Tului signifies in the Mongol language “a mirror,” and after his death it was for- bidden that any other word should be used in this sense, except the Turk! one of gueuzugu. — D’Ohsson’s Hist. Along., Tom. II. p. 60.

his tribe (Karakhit&l) to Hindustan, by the road of Kirman.1 When he arrived at Juraft and Daryai, the garrison of the fort of Ka- wachir urged Shuja’u-d din Abu-1 na’ini to follow after him, so Shuja’u-d din plundered his camp, and brought back many Khitai slaves.

1 Hindust&n appears to have been a favorite retreat of the Karakhitai's of Kirman. A few years subsequent to this event, we find one of the successors of Burak Hhjib fleeing to Hindustan. “ On attaining to years of discretion, Hijjaj Sultan proceeded to treat his mother with indignity, and in one of his carouses proposing to her to dance before him, the insulted princess justly took offence, and withdrew to the court of Abaka. The Sultan, not a little terrified on his part, fled shortly afterwards into Hindustan. At the expiration of ten years, followed by a considerable army, raised for his assistance by the princes of India, he was returning to recover his inheritance, when he died on the march, in the month of Zi-1 hijja, 670 h.” — Price’s Mahommedan History , Vol. II., p. 434. D’Ohsson says (IV. 92) that he fled to Dehli, and that Sultan Jalalu-d din Khilji supplied him with an army to recover his possessions.

Abu Bihan al Biruni has the following statement respecting this dynasty in his lately discovered Arabic work, entitled Tarilchu-l Hind: —

“ Kabul was formerly governed by princes of Turk lineage. It is said that they were originally from Tibet. The first of them was named Barhtigin, ** Q ° ° and the kingdom continued with his children for sixty generations. ° ° w ° The last of them was a Katorman, and his minister was Kalar, a Brahman. This minister was favoured by fortune, and he found in the earth treasures which augmented his power. Fortune at the same time turned her back upon his master. The Katorman’s thoughts and actions were evil, so that many complaints reached the minister, who loaded him with chains, and imprisoned him for his correction. In the end the minister yielded to the temptation of becoming sole master, and he had wealth sufficient to remove all obstacles. So he established himself on the throne. After him reigned the Brahman (s) Samand, then Kamlua, then Blum, then Jaipal, then Anandpal, then Narda- janpal, who was killed in a.h. 412. His son, Bhimpal, succeeded him, after the lapse of five years, and under him the sovereignty of Hind became extinct, and no descendant remained to light a fire on the hearth. These princes, notwithstanding the extent of their dominions, were endowed with excellent qualities, faithful to their engagements, and gracious towards their inferiors. The letter which Anandpal wrote to Amir Mahmud, at the time enmity existed between them, is much to be admired. ‘I have heard that the

1 [The Fragments, Arabes et Persons, were published in 1845 ; and this note must have been written by Sir H. Elliot soon after.]

Turks liave invaded your dominions, and have spread over Khurasan; if you desire it, I will join you with 5,000 cavalry, 10,000 infantry, and 100 elephants, hut if you prefer it, I will send my son with twice the number. In making this proposal, I do not wish to ingratiate myself with you. Though I have vanquished you, I do not desire that any one else but myself should obtain the ascen- dancy.’ This prince was a determined enemy of the Musulmans from the time that his son, Nardajanpal, was taken prisoner ; but his son was, on the contrary, well-disposed towards them.”

The publication of this extract by M. Reinaud has excited con- siderable discussion, and has given rise to some ingenious remarks and comments by those interested in this period of history, in which we have a series of names recorded, which add nearly a century to the barren annals of India previous to the Muhammadan conquest. A paper by Mr. E. Thomas, of the Bengal Civil Service, published in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. IX. p. 177, is especially valuable, as in it he has endeavoured to trace the names of these particular kings upon a series of coins denominated Rajput, of the bull and horseman type, and hitherto doubtfully ascribed to periods ex- tending from a.d. 1000 to 1200. I shall avail myself freely of his remarks, though I am not prepared to coincide in his conclusions, for taking into consideration the difficulty of identifying Hindi names in Arabic manuscripts, in which ignorance and carelessness give rise to every imaginable kind of error, he has endeavoured to correct the Arabic from the unquestionable record of the coins themselves, which have hitherto existed without the ascription of a kingdom and a date, and “ instead of applying coins to kings, to apply the kings to their own coins.” It may easily be supposed that this principle gives too great a license to speculation, and it will appear in the sequel that very few of the attempted identifications can be admitted without question.

Before we examine these names in detail, it will be necessary to make a few general remarks on the subject of these Turks, and especially respecting Ivanak, the most celebrated of them.

First of all, it admits of great question what particular position in the series of Kabul Turkish kings this Kanak occupied. M. Reinaud both in his translation of AI Biruni in Fragments Arabes, and his

Memoire sur Vlnde, considers him to be the great Kanika or Kanishka of the Buddhists, and it is respecting this Kanak that the anecdote is related which will be found in this work, Yol. II. p. 10. Mr. Thomas, trusting to translations or abstracts of A1 Birum, makes Kanak the last of the Turkish kings, and the immediate predecessor of the Brahmin Samand ; but as the existence of the great Kanak who opposed the Bai of Kanauj is not to be disputed, he must con- sider that the last of the Turks was a second Kanak.

This point requires further consideration, and we must consider what our several authorities say concerning it. The passage in the first line of the extract which I have translated thus, “ The last of them was a Katorman,” is in the original Arabic of A1 Birum —

which M. Keinaud translates, “ The last of them (the Turks) was Laktouzeman,” which is certainly correct, provided the reading is admitted to be so ; but Mr. Thomas, after examining various copies of the Jdmi’u-t tawdnkk and Binakit'i — the former of which is a translation, and the latter an abridgement of A1 Biruni’s account, finds great reason to dispute it, and leans altogether to another in- terpretation. He finds the following in an excellent Arabic version of the Jdmi, in the library of the Boyal Asiatic Society —

“and Kanak returned to his country, and he was the last of the Katorman kings.”

The corresponding passage in the Persian Jdmi’ in the British Museum is —

“ and after him was Kanak, and he was the last of the Katorman kings.”

All the copies of Binakit'i which I have seen concur in this read- ing, and of three several copies of the Persian Jdmi’u-t tawdrikli