9. Volume 2 — part 9

Kafiristan gives colour to the mention of the “ chief of the infidels.” What militates greatly against this supposition is, that elephants formed part of the booty ; and there are many other considerations also which compel us to look out for Narain elsewhere.

Under all the circumstances mentioned, I am disposed to look upon Narain as meant for Anhalwara, the capital of Gujarat, which Abu Rihan tells us was called Narana or Narain in his time. It is to be observed that Mahmud merely proceeded towards , not to , Narain, and the country in the direction of Ajrmr and Rajputana was open to his incursions by the previous conquests of Bhatia and Multan. This was, perhaps, merely a preparative to his expedition to Somnat, and the reports he received of its wealth may, on this occasion, have sharpened his appetite for plundering that temple. This expedition would have been sufficient to instil alarm into Jaipal. Narain was “ in the middle of Hind,” and Mahmud would have advanced towards it “ over ground hard and soft,” and there “ the friends of God might have committed slaughter in every hill and valley.” It is evident from the statements in the Mir-dt-i Mas'ud'i, that the Musul- mans had some relations with Ajmir previous to 401 n. ; and it was, probably, on this particular occasion that it was visited by Mahmud. The visit which that work makes him pay at a later period, just previous to the conquest of Kanauj, seems highly improbable.1

Eighth Expedition. — Multan, a.h. 401. — In the year 401, after the conquest of Ghor, Mahmud marched to Multan, where he maimed and imprisoned the Karmatians and other heretics, and brought Daud prisoner to Ghazni, and confined him in the fort of Ghurak for life. The Tabakdt-i Badaum says Gliori, -and as Mahmud had just conquered Ghor, it is not improbable that he may have confined his prisoner there.

The authorities for this expedition are the reverse of those for the last. It is mentioned in the Tabakdt-i Akbar'i and Firishta, and it is not mentioned in the Yam'mi, llauzatu-s Safa and Hab'ibu-s Siyar . This would give reason to surmise that these two were in reality but one expedition, but the circumstances of the two are so different, not

1 [I have allowed this notice of the Seventh Expedition to remain as it was written by Sir H. Elliot, hut were he alive, he would probably change or greatly modify his opinions after a perusal of the note upon Narana by Gen. Cunningham, printed at p. 393, vol. i, of this work, — Ed.]

admitting in any way of the same construction ; and they are so consonant with the vow made by Mahmud, that he would engage in a religious war every year, that there is no reason to reject either as improbable. The omission by ’Utbi is important, but others of a similar kind will have to be noticed ; and while I am prepared to admit that we must not impugn what he actually states ; yet he may, perhaps, have omitted, through ignorance or negligence, some trans- actions which actually took place. The Mir-at-i Mas'udi says that after this second capture and plunder of Multan, it was deserted, and that Anandpal, who is there called “ the Zamindar of Multan,” had fled to Uch, where he resided.

Ninth Expedition. — Ninduna [or Nard'mJ] 1 a.h. 404 (1013 a.d.) — Firishta inserts the expedition to Thanesar in a.h. 402, but I am disposed to follow the Yamini, and place that expedition subsequent. The long delay which occurred between this and the eighth expedition may have been owing to the league which was entered into between Anandpal and Mahmud, and this invasion may have been occasioned by the death of Anandpal, which according to Firishta occurred at this time. A very full account of the preparations for this expedition will be found among the extracts from the Yamini, where it is stated that it was entered upon in the year 404 — a year to which all the other authors ascribe it. Here we find the invader starting before the winter set in, and his progress arrested by a heavy fall of snow — so he could not have left the highlands till the commencement of spring ; and as the year began on the 13th of July, 1013, he could scarcely have entered Hindustan before February, 1014, leaving him- self but a short time for operations in that country,

Consequently, we find him proceeding no farther than the hill of Balnat,2 a conspicuous mountain overhanging the Jailam, and now generally called Tilla, which means a hill. It is still occasionally called Balnat, and there is a famous Jogi establishment on its highest summit of great repute, and resorted to by members of that fra- ternity from the most distant parts of India.

1 [The Yamini calls the place Nardin (supra, p. 37), and so does Ibn Asir. The Habibu-s Siyar also has Nardin. The two former place the conquest in 404 h., but the latter in 405 h. The expeditions to Narain and Nardin are confounded by some writers, both Oriental and European.]

2 [In the text of Firishta the name is “ Bhlnat,” not “ Bulnat,” as in the transla- tion. Sanskrit, “ Bala-nhth.]

The action which preceded the capture of Ninduna appears to have been fought at the Margala pass, which answers well to the description given of it by ’Utbi. The subsequent operations are described more fully by Nizamu-d din Ahmad : —

“In a.b. 404, the Sultan marched his army against the fort of Ninduna, situated on the mountain of Balnath. Pur1 Jaipal left veteran troops for its protection, while he himself passed into one of the mountain valleys (darra) of Kashmir. The Sultan having reached Ninduna, invested it, and by mining and other modes of attack, put the garrison under the necessity of capitulating. Sultan Mahmud with a few of his personal attendants entered it, and took all the property he found there. Having left Sarogh as governor of the fort,3 he himself proceeded to the Kashmir valley, where Pur Jaipal had taken up his position. This chief, however, did not await his arrival, but fled, and when the Sultan reached the pass he obtained great spoil and a large number of slaves. He also con- verted many infidels to Muhammadanism, and having spread Islam in that country, returned to Ghazm'n.” — Tabakat-i Akbar'i.

It will be observed that ’Utbi calls the chief “ Nidar Bhim,” and Nizamu-d din Ahmad calls him Puru Jaipal, but the difference is re- conciled by considering Nidar Bhim as the governor, whom Jaipal left in the garrison when he fled towards Kashmir ; and as we know from the Yamini that Puru Jaipal’s son was called Bhim-pal, we may consider this governor to have been the identical Bhim-pal, with the epithet of Nidar, “ the dauntless.”

The name of Ninduna cannot be restored. It is evidently the same place as is mentioned in AVassaf as being a noted town in the Jiid hills, and by ’Abbas Shirwani in his Shir-shaM. D’Her- belot calls it “Marvin,” in which he is followed by Bampoldi, who confounds it with the capture of Thanesar. Dow calls it Nindoona, S. de Sacy, “Nazin” and “Nazdin.” Briggs, “Nindoona.” Mir- khond speaks of the victory, but does not name the place. Bitter places it near Muzaffarabad, because one stage to the west of it lies a place called “Dunni.”

2 At the beginning of Mas' ud’s reign we still find this chief occupying the same post, according to Abii-1 Fazl Baihaki.

The pass to which the Raja fled was doubtless that of Bln'mbar, or it might have been near where the J ailam debouches into the plains. Either way, Mahmud would not have had far to go before his return to Ghazni. Briggs is wrong in representing him as plundering Kashmir. The original mentions nothing but a pass leading into Kashmir.

Tenth Expedition. — Thdnesa/r. a.h. 405. — The Halibu-s Siyar makes this expedition occur in the same year as the one to Balnat. The Rauzatu-s Safa ascribes it to the following year. The Yam'in'i makes it occur subsequent to the Balnat campaign, but says nothing about Mahmud’s returning intermediately to Ghazni. We have seen, how- ever, that the season was so late as not to admit of his proceeding to Thanesar direct from Balnat, unless he passed the season of the rains in India, which is not probable. The Tar'ikh-i Alfi omits all notice of this expedition.

Supposing Thanesar to have been the place visited, it is difficult to reconcile ’Utbi’s narrative with the geographical features of the country. If Mahmud had reached Thanesar by crossing the upper part of the desert of Rajpiitana, he could have come to no stream with large stone or precipitous banks, or one flowing through a hill- pass. If, again, he had come to any stream with such characteristics he would nowhere have had anything like a desert to pass. Chandiol on the Chinab would alone answer the description, but that would be only halfway to Thanesar.

“ In the year 402 Mahmud resolved on the conquest of Thanesar,1 in the kingdom of Hindustan. It had reached the ears of the king that Thanesar was held in the same veneration by idolaters, as Mecca by the faithful ; that there was an old temple there, in which they had set up a number of idols, the principal of which was called Jagsom, and was believed to have existed ever since the creation of the world. When Mahmud reached the Panjab, he was desirous that, in accordance with the subsisting treaty with Anandpal, no injury should be sustained by that prince’s country, in consequence

i Briggs and Hammer-Purgstall represent this place as thirty miles west from Dehli, but it is one hundred and twenty miles north of it.

of the Muhammadan army passing through it. An embassy was accordingly sent to inform the Raja of his design against Thanesar, and desiring him to depute his officers to remain with the army, in order that the villages and towns which belonged to him might be protected from the camp followers.

“ Anandpal, agreeing to this proposal, prepared an entertainment for the reception of the king, at the same time issuing orders for all his subjects to supply the camp with every necessary of life.

“The Raja’s brother, with two thousand horse, was also sent to meet the army, and to deliver the following message : 1 — ‘ My brother is the subject and tributary of the king, but he begs permission to acquaint his majesty that the temple of Thanesar is the principal place of worship of the inhabitants of the country ; that, although the religion of the king makes it an important and meritorious duty to destroy idols, still the king has already acquitted himself of this duty, in the destruction of the idols in the fort of Nagarkot. If he should be pleased to alter his resolution regarding Thanesar, and to fix a tribute to be paid by the country, Anandpal promises that the amount of it shall be annually paid to Mahmud ; besides which, on his own part, he will present him with fifty elephants, and jewels to a considerable amount.’

“ Mahmud replied : The religion of the faithful inculcates the following tenet : ‘ That in proportion as the tenets of the Prophet are diffused, and his followers exert themselves in the subversion of idolatry, so shall be their reward in heaven ; ’ that, therefore, it be- hoved him, with the assistance of God, to root out the worship of idols from the face of all India. How, then, should he spare Thanesar.

“ This answer was communicated to the Raja of Dehli, who, re- solving to oppose the invaders, sent messengers throughout Hindustan to acquaint the other Rajas that Mahmud, without provocation, was marching with a vast army to destroy Thanesar, now under his im- mediate protection. He observed that if a barrier was not expe- ditiously raised against this roaring torrent, the country of Hindu- stan would be soon overwhelmed, and every state, small and great,

1 Hammer-Purgstall says that Anandpal, the Kaja of Multan, sent his brother Muhammad to deliver this message. The confusion of names is surprising in such an author.

would be entirely subverted. It, therefore, behoved them to unite their forces at Thanesar, to avert the impending calamity.

“ Mahmud having reached Thanesar before the Hindus had time to assemble for its defence, the city was plundered, the idols broken, and the idol Jagsom was sent to Ghaznin, to be trodden under foot in the street, and decapitated. Immense wealth was found in the temples. According to Hap Muhammad Kandahari, a ruby was found in one of them, weighing 450 miskals, the equal of which no one had ever seen or heard of.

“ Mahmud, after the capture of Thanesar, was desirous of proceed- ing to reduce Dehli ; but his nobles told him that it would be im- possible to keep possession of it, till he had rendered the Panjab a province of his own government, and had secured himself from all apprehension of Anandpal (Raja of Lahore). The king resolved, therefore, for the present, to proceed no further, till he had accom- plished these objects. Anandpal, however, conducted himself with so much policy and hospitality towards Mahmud,1 that the Sultan returned peaceably to Ghaznin. On this occasion, the Muhammadan army brought to Ghaznin 200,000 captives, so that the capital appeared like an Indian city, for every soldier of the army had several slaves and slave girls.” — Firishta.

There is nothing in the Yamini to warrant this mention of Dehli, the existence of which is nowhere alluded to by contemporary writers. The frequent mention therefore by Firishta of Dehli and its Raja, in the transactions with the Ghazni vides, seems not to rest on any solid foundation.

Mirkhond makes no mention of Thanesar by name, but speaks of the “Moslem” elephants. ’Utbi and Khondamir make mention of these elephants in connection with Thanesar. Though Firishta leaves no doubt that he considered the holy Thanesar to be meant, it is probable some other place may be alluded to ; yet I know no place in India where he could, immediately after crossing a desert, have come upon a stream flowing through a hill-pass, except it be Kach Gandava in Sindh, which is obviously out of the direction.

Dr. Bird considers Nardin to have been in Kafiristan, and

1 [This sentence is not in the printed test.]

Thanesar to be Panjslnr, which is the name of a river joining that of Ghorband, and giving name to a pass which leads through Hindu Kush from Kabul to Turkistan, but here we should want both the desert and the elephants.

The term “Moslem” elephants is curious. The Universal History endeavours to explain the word thus : —

“ Mahmud Ibn Subuktigin now undertook another expedition into India, and reduced the kingdom of Marwin, which had a capital of the same name. Here he was informed that an Indian idolatrous prince occupied a province, which produced a race of elephants, called Moslem, or faithful elephants. This information excited him to attempt the conquest of that province ; which having effected, he brought off with him a vast quantity of spoil, and a great number of those elephants. They were termed Moslem, or faithful elephants, because they sometimes performed a sort of genuflexion and pros- tration not unlike those of the Moslems or Muhammedans ; which induced many of the latter to believe that they were religious animals.”

Dr. Bird calls them “ elephants of Sulaiman.” S. de Sacy, “ Saileman.” Wilken, “ Moslem.” With regard to their being Moslems and their adoration and genuflexions, see D’Herbelot, Art. “ Fil.” The Jami'u-t Tawar'ikh and D’Herbelot designate them as Musulman. The reading of the Yamini and of Ibn Asir is “ Saila- man,”1 which no doubt is related to the word Sailan and like “ Sailani,” signifies merely “ Ceylonese elephants.”

Eleventh Expedition. — Zohkot.2 a.h. 406. — This was an attempt to penetrate into Kashmir, which was entirely unsuccessful, for Mahmud advanced no further than Lohkot, and then returned, There is no allusion to it in the Yamim,3 the Eauzatu-s Safa, or the ZZab'ibu-s Siyar,

1 [The name is written with swad, not with sin, which is fatal to the supposed connection with “ Moslem.”]

2 [This place appears again in the “ Fourteenth Expedition” of the year 413 h. (page 464 infra), where also the siege was unsuccessful. The circumstances of the two accounts are so similar as to make it probable that they relate to the same event. There is no record of the siege in the Yamini, the inference to be drawn from which fact is that it occurred after the close of that work in 413 h.]

3 There is an allusion to an attempt in Kashmir at the opening of the Kanauj Expedition, but this seems only to imply that he marched under the Lower Kashmir hills. Hammer-Purgstall actually represents Mahmud as plundering the capital of Kashmir.

but it is mentioned in the Tdr’ikh-i Alf'i , the Tabakat-i Akbari, and Firishta.1 The Tabakdt-i Akbari ascribes it to the year 407, and calls the place simply Kot. Reinaud2 considers that this attack was made during the expedition to Kanauj , but this is highly improbable ; for though the governor of the passes leading into Kashmir came to pay his respects on that occasion, Mahmud did not penetrate even the lower hills.

The position of Lohkot is difficult to fix. It is perhaps the same strong place which A1 Biruni and Rashidu-d din speak of as Lohur or Lohawar, in the hills of Kashmir 3 ; and as they describe it as not far from Raj ;i war, one of the boundaries of Hind, on the north, I think we may look for an identification in the present Kotta, where there is a lofty fort of evident antiquity. If so, he must have returned by the bed of the Panjal river, and the waters from which he could not extricate his army must have been those of the Jailam, expanding over the plain so accurately described by Quintus Curtius, and so faithful to present appearances.

Firishta thus speaks of this campaign : —

“ Mahmud, in the year 406, again marched with the design of entering Kashmir, and besieged the fort of Loh-kot, which was remarkable on account of its height and strength. After a while, when the snow began to fall, and the season became intensely cold, and the enemy received reinforcements from Kashmir, the Sultan was obliged to abandon his design, and return to Ghaznin. On his route, having lost his way, he came upon a place where the whole plain was covered with water — wherever they went they saw nothing but water. Many of his troops perished. This was the first disaster that the Sultan suffered in his campaigns against India. After some days he extricated himself with great difficulty from his peril, and reached Ghaznin without having achieved any success.”

Twelfth Expedition. — Kanauj , Mathura, a.h. 409. — A full account has been given of this celebrated invasion by ’Utbi and Khondamir. As the statement of Nizamu-d din differs from Firishta in some

1 [Ibn Asir makes a brief reference to it under the year 406, recording only Mahmud’s great losses from the waters. He does not name the place.]

3 Fragments , A rates et Fersans, p. 118. 3 [Yol. i. pp. 62-65.]

respects, it is given below. It is to be observed that all the authors, except Mirkhond, concur in representing that 409 h. was the year of this invasion, and most of them mention that he set out in the spring. This gives occasion to Dr. Bird to observe : — “ As the spring season is mentioned, and as Hijra 409 commenced on the 20th May, a.d. 1018, Mahmud must have left Ghazni in the end of the preceding year, 408, which would correspond with the spring of a.d. 1018. Muhmammadan historians, not attending to the fact of the seasons west of the Indus being the same as those in Europe, and for- getting the particular commencement of the Hijra years, are constantly committing such blunders.” Consequently he makes six or seven months to elapse before Mahmud reaches Kanauj.

Here, with all due deference be it said, Dr. Bird seems to have fallen into the very error which he condemns ; for it is abundantly evident that here, as has already been observed respecting the sixth expedition,1 that the Indian spring after the close of the rains is meant. That spring occurs in Afghanistan much about the same time as our own in Europe is admitted. Indeed, it is observed in Afghanistan with the same kind of joyous festivities as it was hi Europe, before more utilitarian notions prevailed ; but in this instance, where the months are mentioned, we can be left in no manner of doubt. Starting in the spring, we find from TJtbi that Mahmud crossed the Jumna on the 20th of Bajab, 409=December 1018, and reached Kanauj on the 8th of Sha’ban, 409=January, 1019, and as this is declared to be a three months’ journey, he must have started in October, so that he might have the whole of the six months of the cold season before him. The spring therefore alluded to was evi- dently not in accordance with the European season.

Elphinstone has been led into the same error by following the guidance of Dr. Bird, and observes : — “ The whole of this expedition is indistinctly related by Eirishta. He copies the Persian writers, who, adverting to the season in their own country, make Mahmud begin his march in spring. Had he done so he need not have gone so high in search of fords, but he would have reached Kanauj at the beginning of the periodical rains, and carried on all his subsequent movements in the midst of rivers during that season. It is probable

he would go to Peshawar before the snow set in above the passes, and would cross the Indus early in November.”

In this last passage he acutely suggests as Mahmud’s probable movement, that which actually occurred, except that he must have crossed the Indus in October. There is, therefore, no cor- rection necessary, and the native authorities have been wrongly censured.

He continues : — “ His marches are still worse detailed. He goes first to Kanauj ; then back to Mirat, and then back again to Mattra. There is no clue to his route, advancing or retiring. He probably came down by Mirat, but it is quite uncertain how he returned.” Dr. Bird also remarks upon Firishta’s ignorance of geography, upon the army moving about in all directions, without any obvious reason.

All this arises from following Firishta too implicitly, without referring to more original and authentic sources. The statement in the Yamini is clear enough, and it does not appear why Firishta should have departed from it.

The Yamini says that, after passing by the borders of Kashmir, that is, close under the sub-Himalayan range, and crossing the Jumna, Mahmud takes Baran, which is the ancient name of the present Bulandshahr, for which more modern authors, not knowing what “ Baran” was, substitute “Mirat” — then Kulchand’s fort, which is the Mahaban of the other — then crossing the Jumna he takes Mathura — and then recrossing the Jumna, he proceeds to Kanauj, and takes that and its seven detached forts, of which the ruins of some may still be traced. He then goes to Munj, “ a city of Brahmans,” or, as Briggs says, “ of Bajputs,” for which there is no authority — his original being merely “fighting men.” This place must be the same as the old town of Manjhawan, or Majhawan, the ruins of which are still visible on the Pandu river, ten miles south of Kanhpur. It is in the heart of the country of the Kanauj i Brahmans. He then proceeds to Chandalbhor’s fort of Asm', lower down on the banks of the Ganges, ten miles N.E. from Fathpur, where at a later period we find Jaichand deposit- ing his treasure. It is a very old town, founded, it is said, by Aswan! Kumara, the son of Suraj, who held a sacrifice there,

and founded a city called after his own name. On the 2oth of Sha’ban, after capturing Sharwa or Sarua, — which I conceive to be either Seunra on the Ken, between Kalinjar and Banda, or Sriswa- garh on the Pahonj, not far from Kunch, — he reaches the retreat of Chand Rat in the hills. These hills must be those of Bundelkhand, for there are no others which he could have reached before the close of Sha’ban, seeing he only arrived at Kanauj on the 8th. There is to be sure no mention of his crossing or recrossing the Jumna, but this is no valid objection, for neither is there any mention of his crossing the Panjab on his return to Ghazni. Of the two places mentioned above, in the plains of Bundelkhand, Sriswa-garh or Sriswa-garh, appears the most probable ; for we know it to have been a place of considerable importance in the annals of the Bun- delkhand Rajas ; for about two centuries after this, the hard Chand informs us, that several chiefs were slain in defending it against Pirthi Rai of Dehli, who for the purpose of capturing it, had crossed the river Sind, which was the boundary between his dominions and those of Parmal Chandel, the Raja of Mahoba. It is to be observed that no other author except ’Utbi mentions the name of Sharwa — later authors not being able to identify it. Mahmud’s progress under the explanation now given appears to have been regular and consistent.

The Rauzatu-s Safa observes the same order, with the omission of some of the names. First, the fort of a converted Hindu (Baran) ; then the fort of Kulchand (Mahaban) ; then the holy city not mentioned by name (Mathura) ; then Kanauj ; then Munj ; then the fort of Chandpal ; and lastly, the pursuit of Chand Raja. The HaMiu-s Siyar follows this statement, omitting all occurrences after the capture of Kanauj. Nizamu-d din and Firishta have reversed this order, and make Mahmud proceed direct to Kanauj, then back to Mirat or Baran, then to Mahaban, then to Mathura, then to the seven forts on the banks of a river, which the Tar'ikh-i Alf'i adds were under the Dehli Raja; then to Munj, then to the fort of Chandpal, then in pursuit of Chandrai.

The following is extracted from Nizamu-d din Ahmad. The number of troops which accompanied the Sultan is not mentioned. ’Utbi says he had 20,000 volunteers from Transoxiana. Mirkhond

says these were in addition to his own troops. Firishta says he had 100,000 chosen horse and 20,000 northern foot.

“ In a.h. 409, Sultan Mahmud marched at the head of his army with the resolution of conquering the kingdom of Kanauj. When, having crossed seven dreadful rivers, he reached the confines of that kingdom, the governor of the place, whose name was Kora, submitted to him, sought his protection, and sent him presents.1

“ The Sultan then arrived at the fort of Barna. The governor, whose name was Hardat, left the fort under the care of his tribe and relations,3 and sought to conceal himself elsewhere. The gar- rison, finding themselves unable to defend the fort, capitulated in a few days, agreeing to pay a thousand times a thousand (1,000,000) dirhams, which is equal to 2,50,000 rupees, and also to present him with thirty elephants.

“ The Sultan marched thence to the fort of Mahawan, on the banks of the river Jumna. The chief of the place, whose name was Kulchandar, mounted his elephant with the intention of crossing over the stream and flying away, but the Sultan’s army pursued, and when they approached him he killed himself with his dagger.

“ To live in the power of an enemy Is much worse than to die.”

The fort was captured, and eighty-five elephants, besides much other booty, fell into the hands of the victors.

“ Proceeding from this place, the king arrived at Mathura,3 which was a very large city full of magnificent temples. It is the birth- place of Krishn (or) Basdeo, whom the Hindus venerate as an incarnation of God. When the Sultan reached the city no one came out to oppose him.4 The Sultan’s army plundered the whole city and set fire to the temples. They took immense booty, and by the Sultan’s order they broke up a golden image which was ninety-eight

1 In the Yamini this conversion is ascribed to the ruler of Baran, and in the Eabibu-s Siyar also, which Firishta by some mistake has quoted as his own authority. Firishta makes Mahmud stay three days in Kanauj.

4 Firishta says it belonged to the Rkja of Dehli, for which there is no authority. He also says the Sultan remained twenty days at Mathura.

thousand three hundred miskals in weight ; and there was also found a sapphire weighing four hundred and fifty miskals.

“ It is said that Chandar Kaf, who was one of the Bajas of Hin- dustan, possessed a very powerful and famous elephant. The Sultan desired to purchase it at a very large price, but could not get it.1 When the Sultan was returning from Kanauj, this elephant one night broke away from the other elephants, and went without any driver to the Sultan’s camp, who took it, and being much pleased, he called it Khudadad (the gift of God).

“ When he returned to Ghaznfn, he had the value of the spoil counted. It was found to consist of 20,000,000 dirhams, 53,000 captives, and 350 elephants.” — Tabakdt-i Aliba/ri.

There are not fewer difficulties to contend with when we come to consider the names of the Hindu chiefs. ’Utbi calls the ruler of Kanauj Baf Jaipal and Puru Jaipal, meaning the same Jaipal who has already been spoken of as the Baja of Lahore. Mfrkhond and Khondamfr also call him Jaipal. He is the same as the Nardajan- pal of A1 Bfrunf, of which none of his commentators are able to restore the correct reading. Nizamu-d din Ahmad and Firishta call him Kora, or, according to Briggs, Koowur-Bay. We are at a loss what grounds these later authors have for this statement. It may, perhaps, be equivalent to Puru, and be meant for Kunwar, “ a raja’s son,” a term of common use in the present day. Bird says he was called Kora from the appellation of his tribe ; but there is no such tribe, unless Gaur be meant, which would be spelt in nearly a similar form. However this may be, we must, improbable as it may seem, follow the statement of ’Utbf, and conceive that the Baja of Lahore was at this time in possession of Kanauj. There are certain details given which favour this notion. The son of this Puru Jaipal is, according to the Yamitn, Bln'm-pal, who writes to Chand Bai, respecting the Musulmans, as if he had long been in communication with them. This Bhfm-pal speaks of his uncle having been forcibly converted, which uncle, as we have already seen, seems evidently to be the same as Nawasa Shah. We also find Puru Jaipal holding

1 Previous to this Firishta makes the Sultan attack Raja Chandpal, who evacuates his fort, and sends his treasure to the hills. He makes Chand Rai also fly to the hills.

dominions on the other side of the Ganges during the next campaign on the Rahib. We may suppose, therefore, that, without being de facto ruler throughout these broad domains, he may have held a sort of suzerainty or paramount rule, and was then in the eastern por- tion of his dominions, engaged in settling the nuptials of his son, Bhim-pal, or had altogether transferred his residence to these parts, to avoid the frequent incursions of his Muhammadan persecutors, who, in their late expedition to Thanesar, had shown that it was impossible for him to maintain independence in Lahore. Like as the reigning family was driven from Kabul to Bhera, and from Bhera to Lahore, so it seems now to have been driven from Lahore to Kanauj.

The Chandalbhor Phur, or Pur, in some copies of the Yam'ini, the ruler of A'si, may, perhaps, indicate that the Raja was a Chandel Rajput, for A'si is close to the spot where we find that clan now established. The name Phur may have some connection with the legendary Fur, or Porus, who opposed Alexander ; for, be it observed, his capital is represented by Indian geographers to have been in the neighbourhood of Allahabad ; and the Rajas of Kumaun, who are themselves Chandels, represent themselves to be descended from this Fur, the ruler of Kanauj and Prayag. So addicted are the Asiatics to ascribe this name to Indian potentates that some Arabic authors name even Rai Pithaura as Puras. On this name and the analogies which it suggests, much might be added, but it would lead us beyond the immediate purport of this Note to discuss them.1

Chand Rai, perhaps, also indicates the same lineage, for his dominions must have adjoined Bundelkhand, in which province are included Malioba and Chanderi, the original seats from which the Chandels emigrated.

Thirteenth Expedition. — Battle of the Rahib. a.h. 412. — ’Utbi mentions no year for this expedition. Nizamu-d din Ahmad attri- butes it to 410; Firishta to 412. The latter is the most probable. Mirkhond and Khondamir make no mention of it. ’Utbi places the scene on the Rahib, which we know from A1 Birum to be on the

1 Compare Ritter, Erdkunde von Asien, Vol. IV. Part 1. p. 453. Elphinstone, History of India , Vol. I. p. 467. Lassen, Pentopotamiu Indicu, p. 16. Bohlen, Das alte Indien, Vol. I. p. 91. Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, Vol. II. pp. 147, 195. Hadikatu-l A/calim, v. “ Allahabad.” Yddgdr-i Bahadur i, v. “ Knnauj.” Bird’s History of Gujarat, p. 138. Haiydtu-l Haiwan, by Shaikh Abu-1 Path Daman.

other side of the Ganges, and is either the Ramganga, or the Sye — apparently the latter in the present instance.

The other authors place the scene on the Jumna, and we might consider their account to refer to some other expedition, were not Puru Jaipal mentioned in both, as well as the circumstance of the surprise by eight men swimming over the river. It is also worthy of remark that A1 Biruni gives the death of Pur Jaipal in 412 a.h., which makes it highly probable that he was slain in this very action, though that fact is not expressly mentioned in the Tar'ikli Tamim.

Dr. Bird doubts this expedition altogether, because another expe- dition occurs against Kalinjar, and the two appear to have been in reality one. But here not even Firishta represents that Mahmud went to Kalinjar, though he was engaged with the Raja of that place. ’Utbi’s statement must be received as conclusive respecting a movement as far as the Rahib ; though he mentions nothing about Kalinjar or Nanda Raja. Indeed, in that author we nowhere find mention of that submission to the Sultan, on account of which the Rai of Kanauj was sacrificed to the vengeance of the Hindu confederacy.

That Puru Jaipal should be found on the other side of the Rahib, as ’Utbi says, or come to the aid of Nanda Raja, according to Nizamu-d din and Firishta, is confirmative of the probability pre- viously noticed, that he had then established himself far to the eastward of Lahore.

The following is the statement of Nizamu-d din : —

“ It is said that when Sultan Mahmud heard that a Raja named Nanda1 had slain the Rai of Kanauj, for having recognized and sub- mitted to the Sultan, he resolved to invade his territory. So, in a.h. 410, he marched again towards Hindustan. When he reached the banks of the Jumna, Pur Jaipal,2 who had so often fled before his troops, and who had now come to assist Nanda, encamped in face of the Sultan ; but there was a deep river between them, and no one passed over without the Sultan’s permission. But it so happened

1 Firishta adds that many of the neighbouring princes had joined in league with Nanda, whom he calls Raja of Kalinjar.

3 Firishta says the Rhjh of the Panjab, the grandson of Jaipal. [Sir H. Elliot’s MS. gives the name as “Tard Jaibal.”]

that eight of the royal guards of Mahmud’s army having crossed the river together, they threw the whole army of Pur Jaipal into confu- sion, and defeated it. Pur Jaipal, with a few infidels, escaped. The eight men1 not returning to the Sultan, advanced against the city of Bari,2 which lay in the vicinity. Having found it defence- less, they plundered it, and pulled down the heathen temples.

The Sultan advanced from hence to the territory of Nanda, who, resolving on battle, collected a large army, which is said to have con- sisted of thirty-six thousand horse, one hundred and five thousand foot,3 and six hundred and forty elephants. When the Sultan approached his camp, he first sent an ambassador, calling upon him to acknowledge fealty, and embrace the Muhammadan faith. Nanda refused these conditions, and prepared to fight. Upon this, the Sultan reconnoitred Nanda’s army from an eminence, and observing its vast numbers, he regretted his having come thither. Prostrating himself before God, he prayed for success and victory. When night came on, great fear and alarm entered the mind of Nanda, and he fled with some of his personal attendants, leaving all his baggage and equipments. The next day the Sultan, being apprized of this, rode out on horseback without any escort, and carefully examined the ground. When he was satisfied that there was no ambush or strate- gical device, he stretched out his hands for plunder and devastation. Immense booty fell into the hands of the Musulmans, and five hundred and eighty of Nanda’s elephants, which were in the neigh- bouring woods, were taken. The Sultan, loaded with victory and success, returned to Ghaznin.”4 — Tabalcat-i Akbari.

Fourteenth Expedition. — Kirat, Nur, Lohkot, and Lahore .6 a.h. 413. We now lose the guidance of ’Utbi, and are compelled to follow the more uncertain authority of later writers. It has been questioned

1 Firishta says that these eight must, of course, have been officers, each followed by his own corps. He gives no name to the city which was plundered.

2 Nizamu-d din is the only author who states this. His account is fully confirmed by the statement of Abi Kihan, that Bari became the Hindi capital, after the loss of Kanauj.

4 Because, as Firishta adds, he was apprehensive about what might occur in the Panjab and other countries in his rear, and was satisfied with what he had done that year.

5 [Compare with this General Cunningham’s Note, Vol. i. p. 395.]

whether this expedition ever took place. Elphinstone and Keinaud take no notice of it, and Bird says that it is a mere repetition of the previous one to Balnat ; and “ the narratives evidently refer to the same places and transactions.” Even if they did refer to the same places, there is no reason why the transactions should not have been different. As Firishta asserts that Kuriat1 and Nardein lie apparently between Turkistan and Hindustan, it is evident that he thought he was dealing with places which had not yet been mentioned. His authority for assigning this position to the tract is not the Tabakat-i Akbari, in which it is merely stated that the country has mountain passes, is very cold, abounds with fruit, and that its inhabitants worship lions. This latter, no doubt, alludes to the worship of Sakya Sinha (lion) the Buddha. But, though Firishta had little authority for his assertion, it is evident that he was correct in making it Kuriat. First, we must restore the true reading of Nardein. The latter, in the Tabakat-i Akbari and Kanzu-l MaJipur is correctly given as “Nur ; ” and “ Kuriat” in the same works, in the original of Firishta, is correctly given as “ Kirat.” Now, the posi- tion of Kirat and Nur is ascertained by referring to A1 Biruni’s account of the Kabul river, which is thus described by him : “ This body of water — the Kabul river — passes through the country of Lam- ghan, near the fort of Diruna, and is then joined by the icaters of Nur and Kirat.2 When it reaches opposite Peshawar, it forms a consider- able stream,” etc. Here, then, we must look for the waters of Nur and Kirat, between the towns of Jalalabad and Peshawar, and we shall find that the country alluded to is that drained by the Kuner and Landye rivers — that is, Swat, Bajaur, and part of Kafiristan. This tract exactly corresponds with the description given in the Tabakat-i Akbari ; and plenty of Buddhist remains survive to explain the allusion to the worship of lions.

1 Dow reads “ Kiberat Briggs, “Kuriat” in the translation, but “ Kairat” in the text ; Wilken, “ Ferath and “ Kabrath.” The real reading being Kirat, which name may be the same as that of the mountaineers of Sanskrit geography.

2 [In page 47, Yol. i., my translation of the Persian version of this passage differs: — “uniting near the fort of Diruna (the waters) fall into the Niirokirat

and this is correct according to the Persian text, “ nazdik-i kata' i Diruna

mujtamC tni-shavad wa dar ab-i Nuroklrit ma-ufiad." Sir H. Elliot follows Beinaud’s translation of the text of Birum, which certainly seems more accurate than the Persian version. See Mem. sur I'lnde, 276. — Ed.]

On the supposition that Nur and Kirat were in the neighbourhood of Bajaur, there is no difficulty in tracing the progress of the con- queror during this invasion. On his way from Ghaznin, he makes an incursion across the Kabul river, and while his general is engaged in capturing Nur and building the fort, to overawe the wild inhabi- tants, he himself proceeds to the impregnable Lohkot, by the same road which he had previously travelled ; and then returned to Ghaznin after visiting Lahore.

As the Hab'ibu-s Siyar gives no account of this expedition, the following narrative is taken from Nizamu-d din Ahmad. Firishta adds to it that the king of Lahore fled to Ajmir, and that Mahmud, before returning to Ghazni, nominated commanders to the conquered provinces of Hindustan, and left troops for their protection. This author is mistaken in speaking of the stone which was found at Nardin, and was represented to be four thousand years old. He has in this respect, from similarity of name, confounded this expedi- tion with that against Ninduna or Nardin, in the Balnat hills.

“ About this time, the king learned that the inhabitants of the two mountainous tracts fdarraj of Kirat and Nur, were all worshippers of idols, and possessed some very strong positions. The Sultan immediately gave orders that his forces should he collected ; and having taken many blacksmiths, carpenters, and stone-cutters with him, he proceeded towards those places. When he approached the country, he first attacked Kirat. This place was very cold, and abounded with fruit; and its inhabitants were worshippers of lions. The chief of that forest, however, made submission, and accepted Islam. All the other people also followed his example. Sahib ’All 1 ibn liar, a Muhammadan, was sent to reduce Nur, which he accom- plished. He founded a fort at this place, and left ’AH bin Kadr Juk2 as governor of it. Islam spread in this part of the country by the consent of the people and by the influence of force.

“ In a.h. 412, 3 the king advanced toward Kashmir, and invested

2 Firishta says Saljuki, and it is not improbable that some of that enterprising race were in Mahmud’s service.

3 Firishta gives no year, hut it may he implied that he alludes to 413 a.h., as he has a separate expedition for both 412 and 414.

the stronghold of Lohkot.1 He stayed before it one month, but find- ing the fort, on account of its strength and loftiness, altogether impregnable, he decamped and proceeded towards Lahore and Bagar. He directed his followers to plunder the hill country, and immense booty was collected. The Sultan returned in the commencement of spring to Ghaznin.” — Tabakat-i Akbari.

Fifteenth Expedition. — Gwaliar and Kalinjar. a.h. 414. — This is another expedition resting only on the same authorities, and respect- ing which also doubts have been entertained, but there seems no reason to suppose that the restless bigotry of Mahmud did not under- take this new expedition. It does not appear that he had yet visited Kalinjar, though he had been twice in the neighbourhood. The mention of Gwaliar in connection with it seems to separate this altogether from the other expeditions towards Bundelkhand and the Lower Hoab.

The following is from the Tabakat-i- Akbari : —

“In a.h. 413 (1021 a.d.) Mahmud again undertook an expedition against the territory of Nanda. Haring reached the fort of Gwaliar, he besieged it. Four days after, the chief of the place sent mes- sengers promising thirty-five elephants, and solicited protection. The Sultan agreed to the terms, and from thence proceeded to Kalinjar. This is a fort unparalleled in the whole country of Hin- dustan for its strength. He invested this fort also, and, after a while, Nanda, its chief, presented three hundred elephants, and sued for peace. As these animals were sent out of the fort without riders,2 the Sultan ordered the Turks to seize and mount them. The enemy perceiving this, was much surprised, and Nanda sent a copy of Hindi verses in praise of the Sultan, who gave it to the learned men of Hind and other poets who were at his court, who all be- stowed their admiration upon them. He was much pleased with the compliment, and in return conferred on him the government of fifteen forts,3 besides some other presents. Nanda acknowledged

2 Firislita says that in order to put the bravery of the Sultan’s troops to the test the Raja had intoxicated these elephants with drugs, and that Mahmud ordered a select body of horse to seize or kill them or drive them away from the camp.

3 Among which, adds Firishta, was Kalinjar itself.

this favour by sending immense riches and jewels to the Sultan, who then victoriously and triumphantly returned to Ghaznin.

“ In a.h. 414, Mahmud mustered all his forces, and found them, besides those which were employed on duty in the different parts of his kingdom, to consist of fifty-four thousand horse and one thousand three hundred elephants.” — Tabakdt-i Akbar'i.

Sixteenth Expedition. — Somnat. a.h. 416-7. — The accounts of this celebrated expedition are given in great detail by most authors. Those who follow [Ibn Asir and] Mirkhond make it commence with 416 h. Those who follow Firishta with 415 h. Dr. Bird has given good reason for preferring the former year, where he shows the necessity of paying attention to the Indian seasons in examining these expeditions. A few additional circumstances, not to be found in the Hab'ibu-s Siyar, are mentioned by other authors, and are shown in the following extracts.

Though the position of Somnat is well-known in the district of the Guzerat peninsula, now called Bhabrewar, yet by some extraor- dinary mistake, in which he has been followed by Rampoldi, D’Her- belot considers it to be the same as Viziapur in the Dekhin.

[From the Kamilu-t Tawdrikh of Ibn Asir1 : —

“ In the year 414 h. Mahmud captured several forts and cities in Hind, and he also took the idol called Somnat. This idol was the greatest of all the idols of Hind. Every night that there was an eclipse the Hindus went on pilgrimage to the temple, and there con- gregated to the number of a hundred thousand persons. They believed that the souls of men after separation from the body used to meet there, according to their doctrine of transmigration, and that the ebb and flow of the tide was the worship paid to the idol by the sea, to the best of its power. Everything of the most pre- cious was brought there ; its attendants received the most valuable presents, and the temple was endowed with more than 10,000 vil-

1 [The account given of this expedition by Ihn Asir is the oldest one extant, and has been largely drawn upon by later writers. Firishta must have used it, Kazwinx copied his account of the temple from it (see Yol. I. of this work, p. 97), and the extracts which follow this show how much other authors are indebted to it. The whole account is more specific in its details than those of its copyists. For these reasons the Editor has inserted it here in full.]

lages. In the temple were amassed jewels of the most exquisite quality and incalculable value. The people of India have a great river called Gang, to which they pay the highest honour, and into which they cast the bones of their great men, in the belief that the deceased will thus secure an entrance to heaven. Between this river and Somnat there is a distance of about 200 parasangs, but water was daily brought from it with which the idol was washed. One thousand Brahmans attended every day to perform the worship of the idol, and to introduce the visitors. Three hundred persons were employed in shaving the heads and beards of the pilgrims. Three hundred and fifty persons sang and danced at the gate of the temple. Every one of these received a settled allowance daily. When Mahmud was gaining victories and demolishing idols in India, the Hindus said that Somnat was displeased with these idols, and that if he had been satisfied with them no one could have destroyed or injured them. When Mahmud heard this he resolved upon making a campaign to destroy this idol, believing that when the Hindus saw their prayers and imprecations to be false and futile, they would embrace the faith.

“ So he prayed to the Almighty for aid, and left Ghazni on the 10th Sha’ban, 414 h., with 30,000 horse besides volunteers, and took the road to Multan, which place he reached in the middle of Ramazan. The road from thence to India was through a barren desert, where there were neither inhabitants nor food. So he collected provisions for the passage, and loading 30,000 camels with water and corn, he started for Anhalwara. After he had crossed the desert, he per- ceived on one side a fort full of people, in which place there were wells. People came down to conciliate him, but he invested the place, and God gave him victory over it, ’for the hearts of the inhabitants failed them through fear. So he brought the place under the sway of Islam, killed the inhabitants, and broke in pieces their images. His men carried water away with them from thence and marched for Anhalwara, where they arrived at the beginning of Zi-1 Ka’da.

“ The chief of Anhalwara, called Bhim, fled hastily, and abandon- ing his city, he went to a certain fort for safety and to prepare him- self for war. Taminu-d daula again started for Somnat, and on his

march he came to several forts in which were many images serving as chamberlains or heralds of Somnat, and accordingly he (Mahmud) called them Shaitan. He killed the people who were in these places, destroyed the fortifications, broke in pieces the idols, and continued his march to Somnat through a desert where there was little water. There he met 20,000 fighting men, inhabitants of that country, whose chiefs would not submit. So he sent some forces against them, who defeated them, put them to flight, and plundered their possessions. From thence they marched to Dabalwarah, which is two days’ journey from Somnat. The people of this place stayed resolutely in it, believing that Somnat would utter his prohibition and drive back the invaders ; but Mahmud took the place, slew the men, plundered their property, and marched on to Somnat.

‘*He reached Somnat on a Thursday in the middle of Zi-1 Ka’da, and there he beheld a strong fortress built upon the sea shore, so that it was washed by the waves. The people of the fort were on the walls amusing themselves at the expense of the confident Musul- mans, telling them that their deity would cut olf the last man of them, and destroy them all. On the morrow, which was Friday, the assailants advanced to the assault, and when the Hindus beheld the Muhammadans fighting, they abandoned their posts, and left the walls. The Musulmans planted their ladders against the walls and gained the summit : then they proclaimed their success with their religious war-cry, and exhibited the prowess of Islam. Then fol- lowed a fearful slaughter, and matters wore a serious aspect. A body of Hindus hurried to Somnat, cast themselves on the ground before him, and besought him to grant them victory. Night came on, and the fight was suspended.

“ Next morning, early, the Muhammadans renewed the battle, and made greater havoc among the Hindus, till they drove them from the town to the house of their idol, Somnat. A dreadful slaughter followed at the gate of the temple. Band after band of the de- fenders entered the temple to Somnat, and with their hands clasped round their necks, wept and passionately entreated him. Then again they issued forth to fight until they were slain, and but few were left alive. These took to the sea in boats to make their escap e,

but the Musulmans overtook them, and some were killed and some were drowned.

“ This temple of Somnat was built upon fifty-six pillars of teak wood covered with lead. The idol itself was in a chamber; its height was five cubits and its girth three cubits. This was what appeared to the eye, but two cubits were (hidden) in the basement. It had no appearance of having been sculptured. Yaminu-d daula seized it, part of it he burnt, and part of it he carried away with him to Ghazni, where he made it a step at the entrance of the Jami’- masjid. The shrine of the idol was dark, but it was lighted by most exquisitely jewelled chandeliers. Near the idol was a chain of gold to which bells were attached. The weight of it was 200 mans. When a certain portion of the night had passed, this chain was shaken to ring the bells, and so rouse a fresh party of Brahmans to cany on the worship. The treasury was near, and in it there were many idols of gold and silver. Over it there were veils hanging, set with jewels, every one of which was of immense value. The worth of what was found in the temple exceeded two millions of dinars, all of which was taken. The number of the slain exceeded fifty thousand.”1 — Ibn Asir.~\

The following is from the Tarikh-i Alfi: —

“ It is said that the temple of Somnat was built by one of the greatest Kajas of India. The idol was cut out of solid stone, about five yards in height, of which two were buried in the earth. Mahmud, as soon as his eye fell on this idol, lifted up his battle-axe with much anger, and struck it with such force that the idol broke into pieces. The fragments of it were ordered to be taken to Ghaznfn, and were cast “ down at the threshold of the Jami’ Masjid,’ where they are lying to this day. It is a well-authenticated fact that when Mahmud was about to destroy the idol, a crowd of Brahmans represented (to his nobles) that if he would desist from the mutilation they would pay several crores of gold coins into his treasury. This was agreed to by many of the nobles, who pointed out to the Sultan that he could not obtain so much treasure by

1 [The continuation of this chapter, relating to Mahmdd’s return, will be found, supra page 249.]

breaking tbe image, and that the proffered money would be very serviceable. Mahmud replied, “ I know this, but I desire that on the day of resurrection I should be summoned with the words,

‘ Where is that Mahmud who broke the greatest of the heathen idols •?’ rather than by these : ‘ Where is that Mahmud who sold the greatest of the idols to the infidels for gold ? ’ ” When Mahmud demolished the image, he found in it so many superb jewels and rubies, that they amounted to, and even exceeded an hundred times the value of the ransom which had been offered to him by the Brahmans.

“ According to the belief of the Hindus, all the other idols in India held the position of attendants and deputies of Somnat. Every night this idol was washed with “ fresh” water brought from the Ganges, although that river must be more than two hundred parasangs distant. This river flows through the eastern part of India, and is held very sacred by the Hindus. They throw the bones of their dead into it.

“ It is related in many authentic historical works that the revenue of ten thousand populated villages was set apart as an endowment for the expenses of the temple of Somnat, and more than one thou- sand Brahmans were always engaged in the worship of that idol. There hung in this temple a golden chain which weighed two hundred Indian mans. To this were attached numerous bells, and several persons were appointed whose duty it was to shake it at stated times during day and night, and summon the Brahmans to worship. Amongst the other attendants of this temple there were three hundred barbers appointed to shave the heads of the pilgrims. There were also three himdred musicians and five hundred dancing- girls attached to it ; and it was customary even for the kings and rajas of India to send their daughters for the service of the temple. A salary was fixed for every one of the attendants, and it was duly and punctually paid. On the occurrence of an eclipse multitudes of Hindus came to visit this temple from all parts of Hindustan. We are told by many historians that at every occurrence of this phe- nomenon there assembled more than two hundred thousand persons, bringing offerings. It is said in the history of Ibn Asir and in that of Hafiz Abril1 that the room in which the idol of Somnat was

1 In Firishta this is related on the authority of the Zainu-l Ma-asir.

placed was entirely dark, and that it was illumined by the refulgence of the jewels that adorned the candelabra. In the treasury of this temple there were also found numberless small idols of gold and sil- ver. In short, besides what fell into the hands of his army from the plunder of the city, Mahmud obtained so much wealth in gold, jewels, and other valuables from this temple, that no other king possessed anything equal to it.

“ When Mahmud had concluded his expedition against Somnat, it was reported to him that Raja Bhim, chief of Nahrwara, who at the time of the late invasion had fled away, had now taken refuge in the fort of Kandama,1 which was by land forty parasangs distant from Somnat. Mahmud immediately advanced towards that place,2 and when his victorious flags drew near the fort, it was found to be surrounded by much water, and there appeared no way of approach- ing it. The Sultan ordered some divers to sound the depth of the water, and they pointed him out a place where it was fordable. But at the same time they said that if the water (the tide) should rise at the time of their passing it would drown them all. Mahmud, hav- ing taken the advice of religious persons, and depending upon the protection of the Almighty God, proceeded with his army, and plunged with his horse into the water. He crossed over it in safety, and the chief of the fort having witnessed his intrepidity, fled away. His whole property, with numerous prisoners, fell into the hands of the army of Islam. All men who were found in the fort were put to the sword.3

“ After this conquest, Mahmud proceeded to invade the territory of the Bhatfs, whose chief, being apprised of his intentions, proffered his obedience and submission.4 The king left him in possession of his dominions, and returned to his own capital of Ghaznin.” — Tar'ikh i-Alf'i.

“ When Mahmud resolved upon returning home from Somnat, he

1 Firishta says Gandaba, which Briggs conceives to be Gandavi. Some copies read Khadaba or Khandava. [Ibn Asir has Kandahat, supra p. 249. It is probably Khandadhr in Khthiwhr. See Yol. i. p. 445.]

2 [The MS. I have used breaks off abruptly here. — Ed.]

3 The statements in this paragraph are taken from the Rauzatu-s Safa.

4 This is also mentioned in the Rauzatu-s Safa, but is not noticed by Firishta.

learned that Parama Dev, one of the greatest Rajas of Hindustan, was preparing to intercept him. The Sultan, not deeming it ad- visable at the time to contend with this chief, went towards Multan, through Sind. In this journey his men suffered much in some places from scarcity of water, and in others from want of forage. After enduring great difficulties, he arrived at Ghaznin in a.h. 417.

“ In this year, A1 Kadir Bi-llah wrote a letter to him, accompanied with standards (signalising him as sovereign1) of Khurasan, Hin- dustan, Nimroz, and Khwarizm, and granted titles to the Sultan, his sons and brothers. To the Sultan he gave the title of Kahfu-d daulat wau-1 Islam (Guardian of the State and of the Faith) ; to Amir Mas’ud that of Shahabu-d daulat and Jamalu-1 Millat (Lustre of the State and Ornament of the Faith) ; to Amir Muhammad of Jalalu-d daulat and Jamalu-1 Millat (Glory of the State and Orna- ment of the Faith) ; and to Amir Yusuf, of Azdu-d daulat and Muwaiyidu-1 Millat (Support of the State and Maintainer of the Faith). He at the same time assured Mahmud that he would recognise the person whom he should nominate as his successor. This letter reached the Sultan in Balkh.”2 — Tabakat-i Akbari.

The difficulties experienced in the desert are thus related by Minhaju-s Siraj Juzjam. From the mention of Sind and Mansura, it is evident that Mahmud returned by a much more westerly course than he pursued in coming ; and if we compare this narrative with the one given in the Jami'u-l Hikayat (v. sup. p. 192), we shall be confirmed in this view, for the river there mentioned can be no other than the Sind or Panjnad.

!< On his return from Sornnat through the territory of Sind and Mansuria, he resolved to take his army by way of the desert. On his demand for guides, a Hindu came forward and promised to lead the way. When the army of Islam had for some time3 marched

1 [These words are not in the text but seem to he implied.]

2 This letter must have been written in reply to one addressed to him by Mahmdd after his capture of Sornnat, from which there is an extract given in Yafii’s history.

3 [The text says “ yakshaba.” In the Jami’u-l Hikayat the period is said to have been three days — supra, p. 192.]

behind him, and it became time to call a halt, people went in search of water, but it was nowhere found. The Sultan summoned the guide to his presence, and asked him where water was procurable. He replied, “ I have devoted my life for the sake of my deity Somnat, and have brought thee and thy army into this desert, where no water is, in order that all may perish.” The Sultan ordered the guide to be killed, and the army to encamp. He rested patiently until night came on, and then the Sultan went aside from the camp, and prostrating himself on the earth, entreated with the deepest supplication Almighty God for aid in this extremity. When about a quarter of the night had elapsed, a light shone to the north of the camp. The Sultan ordered his army to march in that direction, and when day broke the Omnipotent led them to a place where there was a supply of water. Thus did all the Musulmans escape from this imminent danger.”1 — Talakat-i Ndsir'i.

“ It is related that when Sultan Mahmud had achieved the con- quest of Somnat, he wished to fix his residence there for some years, because the country was very extensive, possessed many unusual advantages, as well as several mines which produced pure gold. Indian rubies were brought there from Sarandip, one of the dependencies of the kingdom of Guzerat. His ministers represented to him that to forsake Khurasan, which had been taken from his enemies after so many battles, and to make Somnat the seat of government was very improper. In short, the King made up his mind to return, and ordered that some man should be appointed to hold and carry on the administration of the country. The ministers observed that it was impossible for a stranger to main- tain possession, and therefore he should assign it to one of the native chiefs. The Sultan accordingly held a council to settle the nomination, in concurrence with such of the inhabitants as were well disposed towards him. Some of them represented to him that amongst the ancient royal families no house was so noble as that of the Dabshilims, of whom only one member survived, and he had

1 Firislita adds that many of the troops died raging mad from the intolerable heat and thirst.

assumed the habit of a Brahman, and was devoted to philosophical pursuits and austerity.1 — Rauzatu-s Safa.2

With respect to the name of Somnat, Firishta observes “ that Soma was the name of a prince, after whom the idol Nat was called — Nat signifying among the Hindus lord or chief — and is rendered applicable to idols. Thus we have Jagnat, the lord of the creation.” Bird, in one part of his work, says that it is derived from the Sanskrit Swayambliu Nath, “self-existing lord but in another part, more correctly, from Soma Nath, “the moon-lord,” or “regent of the moon,” which was one of the names under which Mahadeva was worshipped. It is evident from the statement of A1 Biruni that Somnat was no idol, but the lingam or phallic emblem of that deity. The embellishments of the story have been commented on by Wilson. “ The earlier Muhammadan writers say nothing of the mutilation of its features, for, in fact, it had none ; nothing of the treasures it contained, which, as it was solid, could not have been within it. ° ° ° Firishta invents the hidden treasure of rubies

and pearls with quite as little warrant. Somnath was in fact a linga, a nath, or deity ascribed to Soma, the moon, as having been erected by him in honour of Siva. It was one of the twelve principal types of that deity, which were celebrated in India at the time of the first Muhammadan invasion.” That there were, however, precious stones upon this lingam we know from the account of A1 Biruni, who tells us that the top was garnished with them and with gold. He also informs us that the name of “moon-lord” was derived from the fact of the stone being washed with more particular ceremony twice during the month, at the full and new moon.

The resemblance which the Muhammadan authors wish to establish between this lingam and the Arabian Lat seems to be a mere fancy ; for though there was doubtless at one time considerable connection between these parts of India and Arabia, it does not appear to have been exemplified in this particular instance.

There is one other matter which seems to require a passing notice in this place, as of late years it has engaged some attention. I allude to the removal of the Somnat gates.

1 See infra, extracts from Majma' -i Wasaya.'] 2 [Litli. Ed., Yol. iy. p, 48.]

Seventeenth Expedition. — Jats of Jud. (a.h. 417. — This expedition is also recorded only by the later authorities, but the attack upon the Jats is not in itself improbable, though some of its attendant circum- stances are. It is probable that, on the dissolution of the kingdom of Lahore, the Jats of the Jud hills acquired considerable power, and by predatory incursions were able to harry their neighbours. Their advance so far from their own country to attack the Muhamma- dan army, and the strength of the force with which they opposed it, show that they possessed no inconsiderable power. From a passage quoted by M. Keinaud from the Kamiln-t Tawarikh, (416 h.), it appears that they had invaded the principality of Mansura and had forced the Musulman Amir to abjure his religion.1 It does not quite appear what particular portion of the hilly country is here meant, hut most probably the Salt range, on the part nearest to Multan. The Jats have now moved further to the north and east, but some of their clans point to the Salt range as their original seats.

The chief improbability, and it is almost insurmountable, consists in Mahmud’s being able to organise a powerful fleet of fourteen hun- dred boats at Multan, and in being opposed by at least four thousand boats manned by mountaineers. Even in a time of the briskest trade, fourteen hundred boats could not be collected in all the rivers of the Panjab. It is also remarkable that Mahmud should choose to fight at all on the river, when his veteran troops would have been so much more effective on land than on water. If he could have equipped so large a fleet on a sudden emergency, it adds to the surprise which Elphinstone invites us to entertain, that Mahmud, neither in going to or returning from Somnat availed himself of the Indus. On his return, however, he does seem to have come for some way on the banks of the Indus.

As the year 417 h. began on the 22nd Feb., 1026, there was ample time for Mahmud to have returned to Ghazni in order to escape the heats and rains of Hindustan, and return again to Multan before the Ghazni winter, all within the same year.

The following account is taken from Xizamu-d din Ahmad : —

“ In the same year (417 h.), the Sultan, with a view to punish the Jats, who had molested his army on his return from Somnat, led a 1 Memoire sur l’ hide, p. 272.

large force towards Multan, and when he arrived there he ordered fourteen hundred boats to be built, each of which was armed with three firm iron spikes, projecting one from the prow and two from the sides, so that anything which came in contact with them would infallibly be destroyed.1 In each boat were twenty archers, with bows and arrows, grenades,2 and naphtha ; and in this way they proceeded to attack the Jats, who having intelligence of the arma- ment, sent their families into the islands and prepared themselves for the conflict. They launched, according to some, four, and according to others, eight thousand boats, manned and armed, ready to engage the Muhammadans. Both fleets met, and a desperate conflict ensued. Every boat of the Jats that approached the Moslem fleet, when it received the shock of the projecting spikes, was broken and over- turned. Thus most of the Jats were drowned, and those who were not so destroyed were put to the sword.3 The Sultan’s army pro- ceeded to the places where their families were concealed, and took them all prisoners. The Sultan then returned victorious to Ghaz- nin.” — Tdbakat-i Alcbari.

[“The Coins of the Kings of Ghazni” form the subject of two valuable papers by Mr. Thomas in the Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society, 1 the last of which is followed by a supplement on the Coins of the Ghori dynasty. The same writer has also published two papers on the Coins of the “ Patan Sultans of Hindustan,” beginning with Muhammad Ghori (1193 a.d.), and extending to Sikandar Shah (1554 a.d.) These articles contain so much that is useful by way of correction and illustration, that a few extracts and a general summary of the results so far as they relate to the reigns noticed in the present volume are here given.

1 For a similar mode of armament about the same period, see Chronicles of the Crusades , p. 199.

2 [$ , \j . Apparently some explosive or inflammable missile.]

3 Firiskta adds that some of the J kt boats were set on fire.

4 [Yol. ix. p. 267, and Yol. xvii. p. 138.]

Among the coins noticed by Mr. Thomas is an important one described by M. Dorn in the Bulletin de VAcademie Imperiale des Sciences de Saint Petersbourg, Tom. xii., 1855. This is a coin struck at Ghazni in 359 a.h., bearing the name of the Samani suzerain Mansur bin Nub and of Bilkatigin as ruler in Ghazni. The suc- cession of Bilkatigin after the death of Alptigin has been passed unnoticed by almost all historians, but the Jdmi’u-l Hilcaydt has two stories (pp. 180-181 supra ) in which be is spoken of as ruler, and the Tabalcdt-i Nasiri (p. 267 supra), on the authority of Baihaki, states that Bilkatigin was raised to the throne on the death of Alptigin’s son, Abu Is’hak (in 367 a.h.), and that he reigned two years.

Firishta’s version is that Alptigin conquered Ghazni in 351, and died in 365, when he was succeeded by his son, Abu Is’hak, who dying two years afterwards, was followed by Subuktigin. This account is consistent in itself, but it is not reconcilable with the fact of Bilkatigin’s coin bearing the date of 359. It can hardly be supposed that the name of Bilkatigin would be found upon a coin struck at Ghazni in the life time of Alptigin, although indeed there are coins extant bearing the same name Bilkatigin which were struck at Balkh twenty-five years earlier in a.h. 324.

The Tabalcdt-i Nasiri (page 267 supra ) states that Alptigin died eight years after the conquest of Ghazni, which is placed by Firishta in 351 (962 a.d.) This would make the year of his death to be 359 (969 a.h.) , the date of Bilkatigin’s coin. Mr. Thomas, therefore, places the death of Alptigin in 359, leaving the interval between that year and 366, the date of Subuktigin’s accession, to be filled up by Abu Is’hak and Bilkatigin.

“ The opinion advanced by many Muhammadan authors that Subuktigin should be looked upon as the first monarch of the Ghaznavi race, is not borne out by the record on his money : on the contrary, however powerful and virtually independent they may have been, Subuktigin, Isma’il, and Mahmud himself in the early days of his rise, all acknowledged the supremacy of the Samani emperors, and duly inscribed on the currency struck by themselves as local governors, the name of the Lord Paramount, under whom they held dominion. It was not until the year 389 a.h. (999 a.d.)

that the house of Ghazni assumed independence as sovereign princes, which event is duly marked on Mahmud’s medals of the period, in the rejection of the name of the Suzerain Samani, and the addition of the prefix Amir to his own titles.

“ The numerous coins of Mahmud, in their varied titular super- scriptions, mark most distinctly the progressive epochs of his event- fid career, commencing with the comparatively humble pnenomen of Saifu-d daula, bestowed on him by Nuh bin Mansur in 384 a.h., proceeding onwards to the then usual Samani titles of sovereignty, A1 amir, As Saiyid, conjoined with the epithets Yaminu-d daula and Aminu-1 millat conferred on him by the Khalif A1 Kadir-bi-llah, advancing next to the appellation Nizamu-d din, and the occasional prefix of the pompous designations of Maliku-1 Mamalik and Maliku-1 rnuluk, and finally ending in the disuse of all titular adjuncts, and the simple inscription of the now truly celebrated name he had received at his birth.

“ The absence of any numismatic record of the title of Ghazi, said to have been adopted by Mahmud on his return from some of his early expeditions into India, leads to an inference, not altogether unsupported by other negative evidence, that the term in question was not introduced into current use, in the full sense of its more modern acceptance, till a somewhat later period.

“ Mahmud is related to have assumed the title of ‘ Sultan,’ and to have been the first Oriental potentate who appropriated this term.1 A reference to the coins of this prince, however, leads to some doubt on the subject, and although their testimony in no wise militates against the generally received account of the origin of the designa- tion, yet it inferentially controverts the assertion of its immediate adoption and use by Mahmud himself. ° ° ° 45 Had Mahmud

assumed this prasnomen, or had he received it from any competent authority, he would most probably have inscribed the appellation on his coins, whereon it will be seen he at one time much rejoiced to record his greatness. Moreover, had this title been adopted and employed by Mahmud in the sense in which it was subsequently used, it is but reasonable to infer that it would have been continued

1 Khuldsatu-l Akhbdn (Price), ii. 282 ; Elphinstone' s India, i. 538.

by his immediate successors, and, as such, would have appeared on their money ; whereas, the first Ghaznavi sovereign who stamps his coinage with the term is Ibrahim, 451 a.h. During the interval, the designation had already been appropriated by another dynasty, the Saljiik Tughril Beg having entitled himself Sultan so early as 437 A.n., if not before that date.

“ The coins of Mahmud also afford evidence on the non-recognition * of the Khalif A1 Kadir-bi-llah in the province of Khurasan, until about eight years subsequent to his virtual accession. It is necessary to premise that in the year 381 a.h. the Khalif A1 Taia’li-llah was dethroned by the Buwaihide Bahau-d daula, the then Amiru-1 umara of the Court of Baghdad, and his place supplied by Ahmad bin Is’hak, who was elevated to the Khilafat under the denomination of AI Kadir-bi-llali. The author of the Tarikh-i Guzida relates that * the people of the province of Khurasan objecting to this super- cession, which was justified by no offence on the part of the late pontiff, continued to recite the public prayers in his name ; and it was not until Mahmud of Ghazni, in disavowing his allegiance to the Samanis, became supreme in that country, that any alteration in the practice was effected, when Mahmud, between whom and the new Imam there existed a friendly understanding, directed the Khutbali to be read in the name of Al Kadir.’

“ The accuracy of this relation is fully borne out by the archaeo- logical evidence furnished by the collection under notice, Mahmud’s coins invariably bearing the designation of the superseded Khalif Al Taia’ in conjunction with his own early title of Saifu-d daula, up to the year 387 h., while his money of a closely subsequent period is marked by the simultaneous appearance of the name of Al Kadir in association with his own newly-received titles of Yammu-d daula and Aminu-1 millat.1 Another medal bears unusually explicit testi- mony to this self-imposed submission, in the addition made to Mahmud’s detailed honorary denominations which are here seen to

1 [These passages are very suggestive. The honours and high sounding titles conferred upon Mahmud as a champion of the Faith had been well earned, but his merits might perhaps have passed unrewarded, but for the personal service rendered to the usurping Khalif.]

conclude with the novel designation of Wall Amiru-l muminin — Servant of the Commander of the Faithful.”

The coins of Alptigin hear the name of the Samani sovereign ’Abdu-1 malik, followed by “ Alptigin.” That of Bilkatigin has the name of Mansur bin Null, and below it “Bilkatigin.” Those of Subuktigin are of similar character. They bear the names of Null bin Mansur and Subuktigin, as also that of the Khalif At Taia’- li-llah.

The various legends on the coins of Mahmud have been already noticed.

Muhammad. — The legend is, “ Jalalu-d daulat wa jamalu-l millat, Muhammad bin Mahmud ; — the glory of the State and the beauty of the Faith, Muhammad son of Mahmud.”

Another coin bears his father’s titles, “ Yamfnu-d daulat wa Aminu-l Millat, Nizamu-d din Abu-l Kasim, Muhammad bin Mahmud .” The name of the Khalifa A1 Kadir bi-llah also appears.

Mas’ud. — The coins of this sovereign differ considerably in their legends. Some have the simple legend “Mas’ud” or “Mas’ud bin Mahmud.” Others have the titles “ Sultdnu-l mu’azzam, Maliku-l ’ alam ; the great Sultan, king of the world.” Another legend is equally high sounding, but of a religious character. “ Ndsir dinu ’llali Hafiz ’ ibddu-llah , Zahir Khalifu-llah ; defender of the religion of God, protector of the servants of God, supporter of the Khalifa of God.” In others this is contracted into “ Nasiru-d dinu-ttah Abu Sa’id Mas’ud bin Mahmud,” and in others changed into “ Nasiru-d dinu-llah Hdfiz ’ibddu-llah ; defender of the religion of God, protector of the servants of God.” On the earlier coins the name of the Khalifa A1 Kadir bi-llah appears, on later ones the name of A1 Kaim bi Amru-llah, his son and successor designate is added, and after the death of A1 Kadir the name of A1 Kaim appears alone.

Maudud. — “ Shahabu-d daulat wa Kutbu-l millat ; the meteor of the State and the pole-star of Religion.” In some coins “ Abu-l fath ; father of victory ” is added ; and in others it is substituted for Kutbu-l Millat. Another variety in the legend is “ Fakhru-l imlat, the glory of the faith.”

The name of the Khalifa, A1 Kaim bi Amru-llah.

’Abdu-r Eashid. — “ 'Izzu-d daulat, Zainu-l millat, Sharafu-llah ; the glory of the State, the ornament of Eeligion, the honoured of God.”

Farrukh-zad. — On some coins the simple name “ Farrukh-zad” or “Farrukh-zdd bin Ma'sud.” On others the titles “ Jamdlu-d daulat tea Kamdlu-l millat ; the ornament of the State and the Per- fection of Eeligion.” He is also called in some “ Abu Shujd', father of courage.”

Name of the Khalifa, A1 Kaim bi Amru-llah.

Ibrahim. — The legends of the coins issued in the long reign are very various. The simplest is “ Ibrahim bin Mas'ud.” Another is “ Abu Muzaffar Ibrahim.''' Others are “ Sultdmi-l 'azam, the great Sul- tan ;” “ Zaluru-d daulat, the protector of the State ;” “Nasiru-d daulat, “ Zahiru-l millat, defender of the State and protector of the Faith Kdhiru-l muluk, Saiyidu-s Saldtin, conqueror of kings and chief of monarchs.”

Mas’i5d H. — “ Abu Sa'd, the happy “ Sultdnu-l 'azam, the great king; “Sultdnu-l 'ddil, the just king;” “ Ala' u-d daulat wa Sandu-l millat, supreme in the State, pre-eminent in Eeligion;” “Zahiru-l tmdn, defender of the Faith;” “Nizamu-d din, administrator of Eeli- gion ;” “ Mauldu-s Saldtin, king of kings.” All these various titles were used, and sometimes two or more of them on one coin.

The Khalifa’s name, A1 Mustazhar bi-llah.

Arslan. — “ As Sultdnu-l 'azam, Sultanu-d daulat, Malik Arslan bin Mas'ud.”

Bahram. — “Bahram Shah, Sultdnu-l 'azam, Yaminu-d daulat.''

Khusru Shah. — “ As Sultdnu-l 'azam, Mu'izzu-d daidat, The Great Sultan, Glory of the State.”

Khusrij Malik. — “ Sultdnu-l 'azam ; Taju-d daulat, Crown of the State ; Sirdju-d daidat, Lamp of the State.”

Muhammad Ghori. — This conqueror is called by many historians

Shahabu-d din, a name which the Rauzatu-s Safa, tells us was changed to Mu’izzu-d din when his brother Ghiyasu-d din became king. He is also commonly known as Muhammad Sam or Muham- mad bin Sam, a name which the coins show him to have borne in common with his brother. The superscription on his coins is “As Sultunu-l ’azam Mu’izzu-d dunyd wau-d din Abu-l Muzaffar Muhammad bin Sam.” On some coins this is contracted into “ Sultdnu-l ’azam Abu-l Muzaffar Muhammad bin Sain,” and on others to “ Sultanu-l ’azam Muhammad bin Sam.”

The most interesting coins, however, of this monarch are those described by Mr. Thomas (J". R. A. S., xvii. p. 194) as struck in honor of his “Martyred Lord” by Taju-d din Yalduz, at Ghazni, after the death of Muhammad bin Sam. Local coins are also extant of the closely succeeding kings : Kubuchah of Sind, ’Aldu-d din Muhammad Khwarizmi, Jalldlu-d din Mankburin ; Chang iz Klidn and Saifu-d din al Hasan Karlagh of Ghazni and Multan.

Aram Shah. — “ Abu-l Muzaffar Aram Shah Sultan.”

Altamsh. — “ As Sultanu-l ’azam Shamsu-d dunyd wau-d din Abu-l Muzaffar Altamsh as Sultan.” Some of the copper coins have only the name “ Shams,” and others “Altamsh .”

Kuknu-d din. — “ As Sultdnu-l mu’azzam Ruknu-d din binu-s Sultan.”

Sultan Eaziya (Queen.) — “As Sultdnu-l ’azam Jaldlatu-d dunyd wau-d din Malikatu-l bint Altamshu-s Sultan Mihrat Amtru-l muminin, the great Sultan, the glory of the world and the Faith, the Queen, the daughter of the Sultan Altamsh, the beloved of the Commander of the Faithful.”

Mu’izzu-d din BahrAm Shah. — “As Sultanu-1 ’azam ’Aldu dunyd wau-d din.”

’Alau-d din. — “ As Sultdnu-l ’azam ’Aldu-d dunyd wau-d din Abu-l Muzaffar Mas’ud Shah.”

Nasiru-d din. — “As Sultanu-1 ’azam Ndsiru-d dunyd j wau-d din Abu-l Muzaffar Mahmud ibnu-s Sultan.”

The last two superscriptions are shortened on the smaller coins by stopping at the word din.

The following extracts are taken from three works resembling the Jami’u-l Hikdydt. Like the Jdmi’, these works are of a general character, but the stories selected from them were intended by Sir H. Elliot to illustrate the reigns of the Ghaznivides, and the extracts relate almost exclusively to that dynasty. The Appendix to this volume therefore seems the most appropriate place for their appear- ance. If introduced in chronological sequence, two of the extracts would come in much later and be far removed from the other works on the Ghaznivide dynasty.

[The following stories are taken from a work which the Munshi who translated them calls Majma’-i Nasayah. In the list of works prefixed to Sir H. Elliot’s original volume it is entered “ No. lxxix. Wassaya, Nizamu-1 Mulk.” No copy of the work is to be found in Sir H. Elliot’s library, nor have I been able to obtain access to one. There is no doubt, however, that the extracts are derived from the work of Nizamu-1 Mulk Tusi, the celebrated wazfr of Malik Sliah Saljuk. This work was largely used by Hammer in his History of the Assassins, and he refers to it as the “ Wassaya, or Political Institutes of Nizamu-1 Mulk.” The title of the work then is Majma’-i Wasdyd ; but it is possible that the copy used by the Munshi bore the title Majma’i Nasdih, which is almost identical in signification. The work consists of a series of counsels addressed to the author’s own sons.

Malik Shah Saljuk reigned from 1072 to 1092 a.d., and Nizamu-1 Mulk fell by the dagger of an assassin one month before the death of his master. The work, then, was written in the decline of the Ghaznivide dynasty ; and a few stories relating to them and to India have been selected. One passage concerning Nizamu-1 Mulk him- self, and Hasan Sabah the founder of the sect of the Assassins, has no direct reference to India, but it is interesting, and it enables us to identify the work as being the same as that used by Hammer. (See History of the Assassins, Transl. p. 44.)

The wording of the Extracts has been revised in part by Sir H. Elliot and in part by some unknown hand, but the translation seems

not to have been tested ; it must therefore rest upon the authority of the Munshi.1]

In the beginning of Sultan Subuktigin’s reign the office of Wazir was conferred on Khwaja Abu-1 ’Abbas Isfaraini, but Amir ’Ali Kheshawand, who was the head of the Hajibs and one of the greatest and most trustworthy officers of the Sultan, entertained hostility against him. The Khwaja had informed the King of this, and therefore his Majesty was never angry with him. Although complaints were brought against him from different parts of the country, and his every action was immediately reported, yet the King saw no occasion to call him to account. If any person repre- sented to the King any irregularity or misconduct on the part of the Khwaja, he considered the man had been instructed by ’All Khesha- wand; who at last, seeing his endeavours useless, abandoned the pur- suit, but only waited for a suitable opportunity. At last the star of the Khwaja’ s fortune began to decline, and the country under his rule fell into disorder. He appointed unjust governors in the provinces, who exercised tyranny over the subjects, so that a large portion of the country became desolate. In Khurasan and the bordering countries, more especially, such a dreadful famine prevailed, that it is recorded in history, and an account of it is given in many his- torical works. In short, the government assessment upon the lands was not at all realised, and the majority of the people emigrated from the country. Khwaja Abu-1 ’Abbas’ only resource on seeing these circumstances, was to throw himself upon the King’s mercy, and solicit remission. Reports were sent to his Majesty from all quarters, and the Khwaja being greatly troubled and alarmed, sent in his resignation of the office of Wazir. The Sultan said he should suffer no punishment or injury if he paid into the treasury all the money which he had realized from the country, and which had been entered in his own accounts. On doing this he should be acquitted. The office of Diwan was, however, conferred on Khwaja Abu-1 Hakk Muhammad, son of Husain of Balkh. In this matter Shamsu-1

1 [See Hammer, History of the Assassins; D'Herbelot, Malek-schah ; Yuller’s Gesh, der Seldschukcn, 102, 160 ; Lefremery, Hisloire des Seldjoukides. ]

Kali Khwaja Ahmad Hasan was made mediator between the Sultan and Khwaja Abu-1 ’Abbas, and he took the messages from the one to the other. After much correspondence, it was settled that the Khwaja should pay one hundred thousand dinars into the royal treasury. The Khwaj a accordingly engaged to satisfy the demand, and he delivered all the property, movable and immovable, which he had amassed during his former employments of deputy of the ’ amids , superintendent of the post-office at Khurasan, and minister of the Sultan. After he had given over everything that he possessed, he represented his indigence and poverty to the King, who compas- sionated his case, and having called him to his presence, said, if you swear by my soul and head to your pauperism, nobody shall hurt you. He answered, I will not swear till I again enquire of my wives, children, and dependents, and if I find anything remain- ing with them, I will send it to the King, and then take the oath. Having said this, he returned, and on administering very binding oaths and using all kinds of threats, he found that some small things belonging to his son were in the possession of a merchant. He took them also, and sent them to the royal treasury, and after this he swore to his indigence by the King’s soul and head. ’Ali Khe- shawand, however, was still seeking cause to disgrace him and make him feel the result of his animosity, although at the same time he was aware of the oath that Khwaja Abu-1 ’Abbas had taken.

At this juncture the Sultan undertook an expedition to Hindustan, and one day ’Ah' Kheshawand, having gone to him while he was sitting alone, told him how he had long since known the deceitful conduct of Abu-1 ’Abbas, and that he had several times determined to bring it before his Majesty’s notice, but he had hesitated lest the representation of it might be put down to some selfish motive. Your Majesty, said he, has discovered his other faults and embezzle- ments without my help, and now he has sworn to his indigence falsely, because he has still in his possession some rarities of such value that few kings can boast of in their stores. The Sultan was much surprised on hearing these words, and said, If it is true, Abu-1 ’Abbas deserves great punishment. ’Ali Kheshawand ob- served, If the King order me, I can prove my assertion. The King remarked that in case he failed to prove it he should suffer death.

This was agreed to, and ’All Kheshawand departed from the King’s presence.

At this time Khwaja Abu-1 ’Abbas was in confinement in one of the forts. ’Al{ Kheshawand, among the plunder from one of the kings of Hindustan, had obtained a dagger from his treasury, the handle of which was adorned with a large ruby of Yemen, sixty miskals in weight. He had also taken from the store of the Samanf kings a jar which contained a sir of syrup. He had concealed these from every person that the King might not know of them. He now took both these rarities to the fort, and placed Khwaja Abu-1 ’Abbas in charge of his own men. After a few days he returned to the court, and having brought the dagger and the jar with him, he reported to the King that after many difficulties, and menaces and threats, he had discovered them ; that one of them had belonged to the sove- reigns of India, and was sent as a present to the throne, but that the Khwaja had concealed it; and that the other he had stolen at the time when the treasury of the Samani kings was taken possession of. Now, said he to the Sultan, what are your orders ? Shall we take strong measures against him to realize the arrears or not? The King, in great rage, replied, I give you both these things, and you may exact from him the remainder of the government demands by any means you like. After this the Sultan proceeded to India, and ’Ali Kheshawand delivered the poor minister to his enemies, by whose severities he met the mercy of God.

The object of relating this story here is to show that to be at enmity with great and powerful men is very dangerous, and is sure to bring evil. May God protect and help us I

Certain classes of men are particularly deserving of patronage and encouragement, such as the literati, the judicial and revenue officers, secretaries, ambassadors, and envoys. In all political and revenue matters their advice should be taken, because by this much benefit is derived and great advantage obtained. The aid of these people is indispensably necessary. It is impossible to manage the affairs of a kingdom without their instrumentality, and a minister can do nothing without their assistance. The difficult point is, that

the minister’s life, not to mention his property and wealth, is endan- gered. If a man, then, must choose the profession of a minister, he should obtain the help and co-operation of these men, and conciliate them by affability and kindness. He should raise them by his bounty and favour from indigence and poverty to opulence and abundance, from insignificance and meanness to dignity and import- ance, so that if any person should be envious of him, they may through gratitude give him assistance, and remain loyal and devoted to his cause, neither opposing nor revolting from him, but prevent- ing others by their examples from quarrelling with him. For when one person shows a rebellious spirit, others join with him either secretly or openly, particularly those who may have suffered any hurt from the minister, or are jealous of his preferment. But perhaps you think, that if relations and confidants and trustworthy men be ap- pointed to all offices, no mismanagement can take place or loss be sustained. You must know that this is a great mistake. Because, on the contrary, it is very dangerous for a minister to entrust his relations with the government duties. Don’t you know that from the great confidence and implicit reliance which I place in your brothers, I have appointed them to conduct the affairs of the king- dom and have made them superintendents of all the officers of the dif- ferent divisions of the country, and have entrusted one of them with the privilege of exercising a general control over all, and of report- ing all matters, good or bad, to me. I am sure that they will strive to the utmost of their power to uphold their character and preserve my fame. Now-a-days, however, the chief lady is displeased with me because she wishes that the Sultan should appoint her son his heir-apparent; but her object is not realised, because he sees the marks of greater intelligence, wisdom, and prudence, as well as the symptoms of greatness and royalty in Barkiyaruk ; while she con- siders him of no worth, and thinks that I have persuaded the King to entertain the opinion. At all events, she is disgusted with me, and seeks on all sides to find some one whom she may persuade to rise against me and make the Sultan angry with me. She is in search of my enemies and adversaries, but finds none, and therefore can only complain to the King that the Khwaja has sent his people to different parts of the kingdom. This is known to nobody else but

himself, but it has made an impression upon the King’s mind. Still, if God please, the end will be good and no evil will ensue. I mean to say that if we entrust our relations and kinsmen with offices it creates suspicions against us. and is considered incompatible with honesty and justice ; but if we employ strangers, may God protect us from their rebellion and quarrels ! You know well what injuries I have received, am receiving, and must receive, from these people. The origin of my quarrel with him (Hasan Sabah) was through Imam Muwafik Naishapuri (may the Almighty cause his soul to enjoy peace !) who was one of the most learned and holy men of Khurasan. His age had advanced beyond seventy-five, and he was known to be a very successful teacher. Every lad that read the Kuran and religious books with him obtained a great degree of proficiency in that branch of learning. For this reason my father sent me with the Saint ’Abdu-s Samad from Tus to Naishapur, and I became his scholar. He showed me much kind- ness and favour, and I felt great love and affection towards him. I was his scholar for four years, and he taught me with great attention and care. I was associated with four other students who were of equal age with me, and possessed great quickness of perception and solidity of judgment. After leaving the Imam they always came to me, and we sat together and repeated our past lessons. Hakim ’Umar of Naishapur did not change his ancestor’s abode. He was born in Naishapur and continued to reside in it. The father of Makhzul Ibn Sahali ’Ali Bin Muhammad Bin Ja’far was a very pious man, and bigoted in his religion. He generally resided in Be, and Abu Muslim Kazi, the ruler of the country, placed great confidence and faith in him, so that he referred to him all questions which arose regarding the Sunni persuasion, and also considted with him in all matters of dispute. He always spoke oracular words ; but to lower himself in the estimation of Abu Muslim he com- mitted absurd and unlawful deeds.

As Imam Muwafik Naishapuri was the head of the people who followed the doctrines of the Sunni religion, that artful man, to clear himself of the charge of being a Eafizi, brought his son to Naishapur and placed him under the care of the said Imam, and himself, like a saint, chose a solitary life. At times he ascribed his

descent to an infidel family of Ghazat, and said that he was a descendant of Sabah Khamm, that his father came from Yemen to Kufa, from that place to Kum, and from thence to Ee. But the citizens of Ee, particularly the people of the country of Tus, denied the fact, and affirmed that his forefathers were natives of their coimtry. In short, one day ’Umar Khayam (one of my schoolfellows) said to me, it is well-known that the pupils of Imam Muwafik are sure to become men of fortune. There is no doubt of this, but let us make some agreement of union, to be fulfilled on one of the party becoming wealthy ? I replied, you may propose any you like. He observed, I propose that if any one of us become rich, he shall divide his wealth equally with the other, and not consider it his own property. I agreed, and this was the promise made between us. It so happened that I went to Khurasan, Mawarau-n nahr, Ghazm'n, and Kabul, as I have shortly related before. When I returned from these places I was entrusted with the office of minister; and in the reign of Alp Arslan, Hakim ’Umar Khayam came to me, and I entirely fulfilled my promise. First, I received him with great honour and respect, and gave him presents, and then I told him, you are a clever and qualified man, worthy of being the head of all the King’s officers, and by virtue of being a scholar of Imam Muwafik, you shall be blessed in this office. I will bring you to the notice of the Sultan, and speak to him of your intelligence and honesty, in such terms that he will place confidence in you in the same degree that he does in me. On this, Hakim ’Umar observed, “you are of noble birth, and possess a generous disposition and excellent morals, and these induce you to do me this favour. Otherwise how could such an insignificant man as I am expect this kindness and hospitality from the minister of a kingdom which extends from east to west. I value your favour the more because it is shown with sincerity, and not out of compliment. Such conduct will enable you to obtain mnch higher dignity and rank. The favour and kindness which you have shown to me is undeniable, and if I were to devote my whole life to you I should still be unable to express my thanks for this single act of kindness. My sole desire is that I may always remain with you. To aspire to the rank which you advise me to obtain is not be- coming, as it would evidently be very ungrateful on my part. May

God keep me from doing suck a tking ! I therefore propose, through your assistance, to seek some retirement where I may apply myself to scientific studies, and pray for the increase of your life.” — He persisted in this request ; and when I saw that he had openly told me the secret of his heart, I wrote an order for an allowance of one thousand golden miskals to he annually given to him out of the income of my estates at Naishapur for his maintenance. After this he left me, and engaged in the study of sciences, particularly Astro- nomy, and made very great progress in it. In the reign of Malik Shah he came to Merv and was greatly respected and rewarded there for his knowledge of Natural Philosophy. The King showed him much favour, and raised him to one of the highest ranks that were given to philosophers and learned men. But that irreligious man (Hasan Sabah) was not so famous in the days of Alp Arslan as he was in Khurasan. He was born in the reign of Malik Shah. In the year when the Sultan achieved the conquest over Kadir, and com- pletely quelled the disturbances which he had raised, this man came to me in Naishapur. As much regard and favour was shown to him in consideration of his old friendship, as any faithful and righteous person might show to the extent of his power. He was treated with fresh hospitality and kindness every day. One day he said to me, “ Khwaja, you are a lover of truth and possessed of excellent virtues. You know that this world is a worthless thing. Is it proper that for the wealth and pomp of this world you should break an agreement, and enrol yourself among those to whom the passage in the Kuran about the violators of promises refers.” I observed, “ May it never be !” He said, ‘’Yes, you are exceedingly kind and affable, but you know yourself that this was not the agreement between us.” I replied, “ I acknowledge and admit that we have promised to be partners not only in our titles and ranks, but also in all the estates ■which we may acquire.” After this (conversation took place be- tween us), I took him to the King’s court, and at a suitable oppor- tunity I recommended him, and informed the King of the promise which we had made between ourselves. I praised him so much for the great wisdom and excellence of his disposition and character, that the King put confidence in him. As he was a very cunning and artful man, he put on the appearance of honesty, and gained

much influence over the King’s mind. He obtained such a degree of confidence, that in all important affairs and great undertakings, in which integrity and faithfulness in the agents were needed, the King engaged his assistance and acted according to his advice. In short, I assisted him in obtaining this rank ; but at last, by his bad behaviour, many difficulties arose, and I was about to lose all the credit which I had acquired in the course of so many years. In the end he fully shewed the wickedness of his disposition ; and marks of hitter animosity and malevolence displayed themselves in his every word and action. If any slight mismanagement took place in the ministerial office, he multiplied and magnified it and reported it to the King, and if the King consulted him about it, he represented the evil of it with some apparently specious arguments.

In Halab (Aleppo) there is a kind of white stone of which pots of all sorts are made. On one occasion it passed the Sultan’s tongue that he wished he had some of this kind of stone in Isfahan, and he spoke about it again. One of the camp followers, hearing of the King’s wish, after his Majesty had returned (to the capital), said to two merchants of Arabia that if they sent five hundred mans of that stone he would pay them double hire. Accordingly they agreed to carry the 500 mans of stone with their other commodities, each man having 500 mans weight of goods of his own. One of them had sis camels and the other four. They divided the stones between them so that they had equal loads upon all their camels. When they reached Isfahan the camp follower came to me, and I took the stone to the King, who was much pleased, and ordered him to be invested with rich apparel, and gave a reward of one thousand dirhams to the merchants, which was to he divided among them by me. I gave six hundred dinars to him who had six camels, and four hundred to the other. That ungrateful person (Hasan Sabah) having heard of this, said that I had made a mistake in the division, and had apportioned the money unjustly ; that the due of one was still left for the King to pay, and that I should have given eight hundred dinars to the master of six camels, and two hundred to the other. These words were told the same day to the King, who called me ; and when I went to him, that wretch was also standing there. The Sultan looked at me and smiled, and asked me what was the

matter. He, then, throwing aside all disguise, said, “The King’s money has been divided unjustly, and the due of one has not been given to him.” I and the courtiers asked him how ? He observed, “The whole load of ten camels consists of three divisions each of five hundred mans, and ten multiplied by three makes thirty. Again, four, the number of one person’s camels, into three, makes twelve ; and six, the number of the other person’s camels, into three, makes eighteen. Now if ten be subtracted from each product, eight, the remainder of the latter product, was due to him who had six camels ; and two, the remainder of the other product, to him who had four : and therefore eight hundred dinars should have been given to the former and two hundred to the latter.” In short, when, in spite of me and to puzzle the others, he had given this solution of the question, the King asked him if he could give a plainer state- ment so that he might understand. He said : “ There were ten camels, and the whole load was 1500 mans ; therefore each camel had a weight of 150 mans ; hence, four camels of one person carried 600 mans ; ( i.e .,) five hundred mans of his own commodities and one hundred mans of the stone for the King. In the same manner, the six camels of the other person carried nine hundred mans, of which five hundred mans were of his own goods and four hundi-ed mans of the Sultan’s stone. Thus out of 1000 dinars for five hundred mans weight of stone two hundred are due upon every hundred mans weight, and consequently eight hundred should be given to the one and two hundred to the other. This was the proper division according to a just calculation ; but if it was only a reward without any regard being paid to the weight, then it was all right.”1 When that ungrateful person had spoken all this, the Sultan sided with me, and passed the matter by as a jest. But I saw that it had a great effect upon the king’s mind. He (Hasan Sabah) had several times made these kind of complaints. His grand object was to examine and rectify the accounts of the receipts and disbursements of the revenue of the country. Indeed he got through a great amount of work in the short space of time I was on leave. He

1 Stories of arithmetical ingenuity are very common in the East. A decision on a similar knotty question is attributed to ’All. See Richardson's Dissertation, Pref. to Persian Diet., p. lxiii.

completed this great task in a very short time. But as all the nobles and government officers were aware of his excessive malevo- lence and jealousy, as well as of his acting contrary to the promises which we had made between us, he obtained praise from no one ; and when he submitted the accounts, he suffered such disgrace that he had no courage left to stop at the court.1 2 Had not this ungrateful person (whom may God protect !) been so disgraced, there was no remedy for me but that which he at last took.

My object in relating this is to show that one day’s trouble of examining the records and accounts and reporting them is not con- sidered equivalent to thirty years’ official service, and hence you may judge of other concerns and troubles. May God guide and help ! I have said all this to make you desist from seeking the office of wazir ; and if it has made no effect upon you, it is neces- sary that I should mention in detail the rules and precepts which you must observe, and which will be of great advantage and use to you, if God pleases.

When the kingdom of Khwarizm fell into the possession of Sultan Mahmud, he ordered the ministers of his court to appoint some qualified person to the management of it. They were for some days consulting with each other. The greatest noble of the court, Altuntash, contrived to have the appointment conferred upon him- self , but when the offer was made to him, he outwardly showed great reluctance in accepting it. Khwaja Ahmad Hasan, who was not well disposed towards him, and was anxious to get him out of the way, used his best exertions to get the patent of the appointment drawn up and signed. But as Altuntash was the greatest pillar of the state, every one thought that the King would not like to send him away from the court. However, as Khwarizm was a very great kingdom, the Sultan agreed to the appointment, and ordered him to proceed to his new government.

1 [The accounts which he rendered had been mutilated or falsified. See Hammer,

Altuntash was a great friend of Imam Nasiru-d-din Girami, wlio was one of the chiefs of Ghaznin. As he had no time to pay him a farewell visit, he despatched a man with a letter, in which, after expressing his anxiety to see him, he stated that he would not return again to Ghaznin, and expressed his hopes that the Imam, observing the obligations of friendship, would come over to Khwarizm. The Imam, who was desirous of seeing that country as well as Altuntash, of whom he was an old and intimate friend, went to Khwarizm, where, on his arrival, Altuntash showed him a thousand kinds of hospitality and favour.

My object in relating this story is to say, that one day the Imam observed that while Altuntash was at court all the world came to his threshold to pay their respects ; such a position in consideration of fame and honour, as well as pecuniary advantage, was an hundred times better than the governorship of Khwarizm. What made him prefer it to a rank in which he exercised influence over the whole kingdom ? Altuntash replied, “ O Imam ! I have not told this seci’et even to my dearest relations or sons, but I will not conceal the truth from you. I have resigned that power on accoimt of Jamila Kandahari. For years I had the management of all the government affairs in my hands, and during that time she thwarted me in every- thing. For this reason there was darkness before my eyes, and I could use no remedy against the evil. Now I have sought retirement, and have procured release from all such troubles. If God please, I shall escape her machinations in this distant province.”

Now from what I have said, the disadvantages of the ladies of the royal household being against us may be learnt, but the advantages of their being in our favour are equally numerous, and no one’s patronage is more efficacious than theirs, for by no one is so much influence and power exercised over the royal mind as by them, as the following story of Khwaja Ahmad Hasan illustrates.

Sultan Mahmud towards the latter part of his reign was frequently dissatisfied with Khwaja Ahmad, and during this time his enemies were assailing him with their calumnies and opposition. Khwaja

Hasnak Mishkati1 liad been many years watching to find a suitable opportunity of injuring him, and every day it was rumoured that Khwaja Ahmad Hasan’s place was to be bestowed on him, but as the King’s new bride, the daughter of the Khan of Turkistan,2 was in Ahmad’s favour, nothing could be done against him. This lady was called in Ghaznin Makd-i Cbigil, and Jamila Kandahari was one of her favourite attendants. Under the protection of this lady the Khwaja was safe from all dangers. Even such a person as Altuntash, who was viewed as vicegerent of Subuktigin, could never succeed in any hostile design against him.

On one occasion, when the tents of the Sultan were pitched in the vicinity of Kabul, Khwaja Ahmad came on some government busi- ness to Ghaznin, and it was reported to him that some merchants were going to Turkistan, who were to return to Ghaznin in the beginning of winter. The Khwaja remembered that he required a certain number of postins (great coats) every year for himself and sons, and thought it advisable that some agent should go with the merchants to effect the purchase. To this man’s care he committed many valuable and rare commodities of Ghaznin to sell. The same day this news was conveyed to Khwaja Hasnak by his spies, and he informed Altuntash of it. This noble was much rejoiced on receiv- ing the intelligence, and he told Khwaja Hasnak that they “ could not have found a better opportunity for disgracing him, since he always boasted that he never looked to his own advantage, but to that of the Sultan alone ; whereas he is now sending merchants to trade in foreign countries. But we must ascertain this with certainty first, lest the disgrace recoil upon us.” Khwaja Hasnak said, “ the report is perfectly true, and there is no doubt about its correctness ; and verily if this fact were disclosed, the Khwaja must suffer irremediable ruin.”

The Khwaja being apprised of their intentions, informed Jamila Kandahari of the matter. There was such friendly communication between the Khwaja and Jamila, that although it often happened that during a whole year they never had an opportunity of seeing each other, yet one could send messages to the other ten times a day,

1 [He is called Hasnak Mikal in the Dasturu-l wuzra , and Mankal in the Zinalu-l majalis.~\ 2 [flak Khan.]

and in such a manner that, excepting* the person employed on their mission, nobody knew anything of the matter. In short, Jarnila sent to tell him not to be afraid, because the remedy was very simple. At the same time she repaired to Mahd-i Chigil, and repre- sented the matter to her, suggesting that the Queen should write letters to her mother and brothers, with a detail of the articles which the Khwaja had given to the merchant, and add others that were suitable as presents to her royal relatives, mentioning that they were sent as presents on her part, and requesting that they also would send in return some articles of such kinds as were adapted to a female toilette. Jarnila recommended that these letters should be taken to the merchant as soon as possible by some unfre- quented road, so that they might be given to him that very night, with the injunction that if the servants of Altuntash should seize and carry him back, he should say nothing to them, but when con- ducted to the royal court, he should then declare that he was sent by Mahd-i Chigil, and show the letters and presents which he was commissioned to deliver.

In short, at the instigation of Khwaja Hasnak, Altuntash repre- sented the case to the Sultan, who asked him whether it was a true report. Altuntash replied that he had ascertained it for certain, and that it was all correct. The King then asked him how he knew that it was true ? Altuntash replied, “ If you order me, I can bring the merchant with all the articles which are consigned to him.” The King consented. On this Altuntash immediately despatched his people after the caravan, and they brought the merchant back. According to the instructions, the merchant said nothing to his detainers on the way, but when he entered the coiirt he cried out, that he was sent by Mahd-i Chigil, and then showed the letters under her seal, with the presents which had been despatched, such as scarfs, necklaces, etc. The informers were much chagrined and ashamed, and could advance no excuse for what they had done. On the other hand, Mahd-i Chigil complained to the King that, when after so long a period she had sent from the court of such a great king some trifling presents to her relations, her messenger had been intercepted, and the scarfs and necklaces exposed in open court. By such words she produced great effect upon the King’s mind, and

with much indignation he ordered the accusers to he put to death ; but as Mahd-i Chigil knew that they were innocent, she was un- willing that the blood of so many persons should be shed through her false representations, and begged that their lives might be spared. In short, Altuntash and Hasnak received a complete defeat, and were covered with ignominy and shame ; while the merchant, after being much honoured, was again despatched to Turkistan.

Sultan Mahmud was always on had terms with his eldest son Mas’ud ; and Khwaja Ahmad, although he was itnable completely to reconcile them, yet on all occasions he greatly appeased the King’s anger. Though he never met the prince except about once a year in the King’s presence, he nevertheless did not cease to exert his friendly offices.

When Khwaja Ahmad was dismissed, Khwaja Hasnak Mishkati was appointed in his place. This person was a youth of no expe- rience, and but little acquainted with the vicissitudes of the world. His chief attractions were the sincerity of his heart, the affability of his manner, and the readiness with which he served a friend or chastised an enemy. Though the Sultan was in reality disgusted with Mas’ud, yet this secret sentiment remained concealed till the time that he declared his son Muhammad his heir. Hasnak was not in favour with Mas’ud, since, in accordance with the custom of Diwans, he interfered greatly with the rights and privileges of his princely appanage. Mas’ud was so angry with him in consequence, that when one of the rulers of India sent a sword as a present to him, the person who brought it, expatiating on its value, observed that it was so sharp and well-tempered, that even iron could not resist it. When the assembly was broken up, the prince asked his intimate companions what particular use it was adapted for ? Some said it was to cut off infidels’ heads, and others observed that it was to destroy his Majesty’s enemies. In this manner every one expressed his own opinion ; but Mas’ud observed, that he would like to fasten it to his side, and when, on the morrow, Hasnak came to pay his

respects to him, to cleave his head with it down to his breast. If I were to do this, the King would never demand my blood in retaliation for his murder. He said this in a determined tone, but those who were present dissuaded him, and remarked that a great disturbance would ensue, and the Sultan would be very angry. When the Khwaja was informed of what the prince had resolved, he thanked God for his narrow escape.

A short time after this, Sultan Mahmud expired, and Sultan Muhammad occupied the throne of sovereignty in Ghaznin. Sultan Mas’ud at this time was in Isfahan, whence he returned with all speed. Sultan Muhammad advanced to oppose him, but the ministers of Mahmud’s court, considering that Mas’ud was much better adapted to wield the sceptre of the kingdom, seized Sultan Mu- hammad, and kept him prisoner in a fort. They then proceeded as far as Hirat to welcome Mas’ud. At the meeting, when Hasnak dismounted from his horse, the attendants of the prince seized him, and suspended him from a gibbet. They then summoned Khwaja Ahmad Hasan, and having entrusted him with the office of wazir, bestowed all kinds of honour on him. Although his ministry was not of long duration, yet it was very successful in its results. He was often heard to say, “ Thank God, affairs have reached this con- clusion ; my friends are exalted, and my enemies crushed.”1

When Sultan Mahmud had achieved the conquest of Somnat, he wished to stay there for a year because the country was very exten- sive and abounded with curiosities. There were numerous mines which also produced gold ; and the rubies of Sarandip (which was one of its dependencies) were carried to all countries. But his ministers persuaded him that it was highly impolitic to leave

1 [This story is given in the Zinatu-l Majalis, hut Abh-l ’Abbas is the minister it is told of, not Khwaja Ahmad.]

2 [This story is given by Firishta (i. p. 75) ; it is also repeated in the Nigdrisldn. Dabshilim is the name of the King of Hind to whom the brahman B'idpai (Pilpay) related his fables, — Anwar-i Suhaili. See also Useful Tables in Thomas’ Prinsep, No. xxvii.]