10. Volume 2 — part 10

Khurasan, which had been conquered, after battling with so many- powerful enemies, and to make Somnat the seat of government. In short, the Kins: determined to return : and he ordered that some person should he appointed to govern and retain possession of the country. They represented that no more power or glory could be gained in that country, and therefore they proposed to him to en- trust some native with the office. The Sultan consulted in the matter with such people of the country as were of a friendly dispo- sition to him. Some of them told him that no chiefs of the country were equal to the family of Dabshilim, and that at that time only one person of that house was surviving, and he was engaged in worshipping God in the habit of a saint. He ought to have the governorship of the country. Others, however, objected to this, alleging that he was a man of a bad disposition, and had fallen under the wrath of God. He had not willingly taken retirement and devoted himself to worship, but he had been several times seized by his brothers, and in order to save his life he had taken refuge in a place of sanctity ; but there was another Dabshilim, who was one of his relations, and who was a very wise, learned, and intelligent man, whom all -respected for his philosophical ac- quirements. He was also at this time the chief of the principality. If the Sultan would appoint him governor and send a farman to him, he might come and take upon him the management of the country. That he was also very honest and faithful in observing his promises ; so that, notwithstanding the great distance which in- tervened, if he agreed to pay tribute, he would send it every year to Ghaznin. Ths King said if he presented himself before him the proposal might be accepted, but why should he give such a large kingdom to a person who had already borne the title of king in India, and had not yet come to meet him nor had proffered submission. In short, the devoted Dabshilim was called, and placed in charge of the kingdom. He agreed to pay a tribute, and promised never to act contrary to the King’s orders as long as he lived, and also to forward all the gold and rubies which might be extracted from the mines to Ghaznin. But he said there was another Dabshilim among his relations, who was his bitter enemy, and on one occasion some bloodshed had even taken place between them. That he had no

doubt this Dabshilim would come against him after hearing of the King’s departure ; and as he was not possessed of sufficient power, he must of course be overcome and lose the dominions. But if the King would now march against this enemy and remove the ground of fear, he would send annually a tribute to the treasury of Ghaznin equal to all the revenues of Khurasan, Zabulistan, and Kabulistan. The Sultan observed that he had come with the intention of making conquests, and since he had not returned to Ghaznin, he might as well therefore remain six months more. With this resolu- tion he marched towards that Dabshilim’s dominions. The people of the country, however, remarked to the pious Dabshilim that it was not proper for him to excite the King to invade his territory, because the person whom the Almighty had made great and power- ful could not be subdued by his endeavours. This was also told to the King, who first hesitated, but as he had already marched his troops, he did not like to abandon his resolution. So he proceeded towards the enemy, and having conquered his country, took him prisoner, and gave him over to the pious Dabshilim, who represented that in his country it was considered a very great sin to kill a ruler, and if any king did commit the crime, all his army revolted against him. It was a custom among the kings of the country that when any of them prevailed over another and captured him, a dark room was made under the victor’s throne, in which the captive ruler was placed on a cushion, and the doors of the room were shut. But a hole was made in one of them, and through it a dish of food was given to him, and then that also was shut. As long as the victorious king occupied the throne, it was his duty to 6end a dish of food every day to the subterranean abode, even if the captive died after only a few days’ confinement. It happened that the prisoner lived many days. The pious Dabshilim said that as he could not keep him prisoner in this manner, he wished the Sultan would take the prisoner to Ghaznin, and that after he (the new ruler) had established his authority in the country, the captive might be sent back to be confined in the usual way. The King agreed to this, and returned. The pious Dabshilim mounted the throne of Somnat, and began to send successively to the Sultan the presents and rarities of the country ; and he also ingratiated himself with all the ministers

of his court by sending them presents. When he had confirmed himself in the governorship, he sent tribute, with some jewels, to the King, and asked him to send back his enemy to him. The Sultan at first hesitated in complying with his request, and was unwilling to render him up into the hands of his enemy ; but as the devout Dabshilim had gained the favour of the ministers of the throne by his munificence, they all taxed the King with showing mercy to an infidel, and said that it was very improper for a king to act contrary to his promise. It was also to be apprehended that the pious Dabshilim might rebel, and the country be lost. At last the young prince was made over to the people of the pious Dabshilim, and farmans were sent to the authorities in India to conduct him to the confines of Somnat. When he was taken to that country the pious Dabshilim ordered a dwelling to be made under the throne on which he used to sit. It was the custom among these people that when their enemy was brought near the metropolis of the kingdom, the ruler was to advance one march to receive him. He was also to put a dish and a vessel of water over his head, and make him go on foot before his horse till he arrived at court.1 After this the King sat on the throne, and his enemy was taken to the subterraneous house, and there seated on a cushion. According to this custom Dabshilim went out ; but it happened that the captive had not yet arrived. Dabshilim went out hunting, and exerted himself greatly in the field. When the hot wind began to blow, the soldiers and all the people sought shelter where they might rest, and Dabshilim also alighted and went to sleep under the shade of a tree, covering his face with a red handkerchief. In India there are plenty of birds of prey with hard claws and sharp bills. One of these birds came flying towards him, and when it saw the red handkerchief, it mis- took it for a piece of flesh, and pouncing down on Dabshilims’ face, it tore out his eyes with his beak. This created great confusion among his people, and in the meantime the young captive was brought in. The pious Dabshilim was now blind and useless, and, since no other person beside this young man had a right to the

1 This mode of receiving the banished monarch on his return seems to resemble the present practice of Hindu women forming a procession to meet a stranger with brass pots upon their heads in token of welcome.

governorship, all the people saluted him as their king, and the few persons who held aloof were seized. In short the same dish and vessel of water which were brought for this young chief were placed on the head of the pious Dabshilim, and he was forced to run to the court, where he was placed in the prison he had prepared.

The moral of this story is, the person who really deserves honour and respect cannot be disgraced by the endeavours of his enemy. If for a season he be degraded, he soon recovers his rank. But the envious person brings on himself ignominy and shame.

[This “Picture-gallery” is a collection of anecdotes and stories relating to various dynasties. It was compiled by Ahmad bin Muhammad bin ’Abdu-1 Ghafur al Ghaffari al Kazwini, commonly known as Kazi Ahmad al Ghaffari. Nigaristdn, the name of the wrork, expresses by the abjad the date of its compilation, A.n. 959 (a.d. 1552). Twenty-eight standard works are mentioned in the Preface of the work as the sources from which the stories have been extracted.1 There is a copy of the work in Sir H. Elliot’s library, and also some miscellaneous extracts from other copies. There are other works which bear the same name.]

It is related of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni that one day in his youth he went to take a walk in the gardens, and wTas accompanied by Ahmad Hasan Maimandi, who was one of his most favoured servants. As he passed by a rivulet, his eye fell upon a person who was loitering there, and he asked his companion who the man was ? “ A carpenter,” he replied. The Sultan again asked him what his name was, and he replied, “ Ahmad.” “ You seem to be acquainted with the man,” says the Sultan. “ No,” answered he, “ I never saw him before.” “Then, how is it,” observed the Sultan, “that you came to know his profession and name ?” “I knew his name,” he replied, “by his readiness to answer your Majesty when your

1 [See Morley’s Catalogue , p. 50 ; Hammer-Purgstall Eedekiinste Persiens, pp. 307-9; ErafFt’s Catalogue dvr Mandschriften der K.K. Orientalischer Akademie zu TPien.'}

Majesty called me by my name ; and as to liis profession, I saw him walk round that dry old tree, and look carefully at it.” The Sultan, on hearing these words, said, “ You would indeed he a most saga- cious fellow if you could tell me what, that man has eaten to-day.” “ Honey, or the juice of some fruit,” said Ahmad. The Sultan then called the man and asked him, first, “ Do you know this boy (Ahmad Hasan)?” The reply was that he had never seen him before. Mahmud then enquired of the man who he was, what was his name, and what he had eaten that day ? The answer was exactly what Ahmad had already given. Greatly wondering, the Sultan turned towards Ahmad and asked him how he knew that the man had eaten honey ? to which he thus replied : “ I knew it because he kept wiping his mouth, and the bees were swarming around him.”

It is recorded in many authentic histories that when the Sultan succeeded in capturing the fort of Bhim-nagar, on the confines of India, which was believed to be of incomparable strength, and com- monly reported to contain immense wealth, he obtained as booty no less than seventy thousand millions of dirhams, seven hundred thousand and four hundred mans of gold and silver vessels, rare vestments of different kinds, the exact value of which appraisers found it impossible to calculate ; and vast quantities of precious stones and pearls, beyond all computation. An edifice ( Tchdna ) fell into the Sultan’s hands, which measured 30 cubits by 15, the sides and covering of which were entirely made of pure silver.

In 330 a.h. (911-2 a.d.), a comet made its appearance, the tail of which reached from the eastern to the western horizon. It remained in the heavens eighteen days, and its blighting influence caused so severe a famine, that wheat, the produce of one jarib of land, was sold for three hundred and twenty miskals of gold. “ When the value of a spike of corn was esteemed as high as the Pleiades, con- ceive what must have been the value of wheat.”

The famine in the land was so sore that man was driven to feed

2 [Nagarkot or Kangra. See supra, p. 35, and Briggs’ Firishta, i. p. 48.]

on his own species, and a pestilence prevailed with such virulence that it was impossible to bury the dead who fell victims to it.1

[This is another collection of anecdotes and stories, which have been drawn, as the writer tells us in his Preface, from a great variety of histories and other works, from the Jdmi’u-l Uikdydt down to the Nigdristan. The work was compiled in 1004 Hijra (1595 a.d.), by Majdu-d din Muhammadu-1 Husna, commonly known as Majdi. There is a new and well -written copy of part of the work in Sir H. Elliot’s collection, besides some extracts from a copy belonging to E. H. Oust, Esq.]

It is related that in the reign of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni a number of Kuch and Buluch robbers having taken possession of a strong place on the road to Hurmuz, plundered all the caravans that passed that way. On one occasion they robbed a body of merchants and killed a young man of Khurasan, who was of their number. His old mother preferred her complaint to Mahmud, who observed that such accidents occurred in that part of the country because it was too far from his capital. The old woman replied, “ Keep no

1 The magnificent comet here noticed was splendid enough, even allowing for Oriental exaggeration, to have attracted attention in Europe ; and it may, therefore, probably be noticed in the collection of Lubienietski. It would be one of particular interest if we could establish it as an early visit of Halley's comet ; but astronomers date its probable appearance as occurring in a.d. 930. It is to be remembered, how- ever, that the known and recorded intervals of that comet are August 1531, October 1607, September 1682, March 1759, and November 1835; and that between the perihelion passages of the first and second, and of the second and third, of those recorded appearances, there is no less a difference than fifteen months ; and again a difference of eighteen months in the perihelion passage of the third and fourth re-ap- pearance, arising from the disturbing action of the planets ; so that if we allow during the several centuries which have intervened, a period of eleven years for the perturbations arising from that source, we may perhaps be permitted to recognise an old visitor in the comet of a.h. 330. It must be confessed, however, that the proba- bilities in favour of this surmise would have been greater had the recurring intervals been prolonged, instead of being abbreviated ; but it is difficult for the mind to forego a hypothesis when once assumed, however weakly it may be supported by probable antecedents.

more territory than you can manage.” The Sultan was impressed by the truth of these words, and ordered proclamation to be issued that whoever wanted to go to Hurmuz should get ready, and the Sultan would furnish a guard.

When the travellers were ready, the King ordered three hundred of his guards ( gliuldm ) to accompany them. But the merchants said that if there were a thousand horsemen they would be too few. The Sultan replied, that whatever property of theirs should be lost he would make good from his treasury. He then called an old man from amongst the guards, and gave him some instructions, which will be shortly mentioned. When the caravans reached Isfahan, the leader ordered some panniers of apples and other choice fruits to be loaded on camels, and these fruits were charged with poison. At every stage the fruit was taken out and examined, and if any was found rotten it was thrown away. In this manner, when they arrived at the abode of the thieves, they brought out the fruits and spread them on the ground as if to air them. The robbers fell on them, and the guards mounted their horses and took to flight. The merchants were in utter despair respecting the safety of their property and lives. The robbers fell upon the caravan, and bound the merchants, and then they began to eat the fruits which were spread out, and such as no individual had ever seen before in that country. After a short time the poison took effect upon them, insomuch that their hands and feet were quite paralysed. The guards then turned their horses’ heads, set upon the half-dead rob- bers, and finished them with their sharp swords. In this manner the roads were made clear, and security established for travellers.1

Mahmud's Distrust of his Uncle ’Abdu-r rahman.

It is related in the Tdrikh-i Ndsiri that when Sultan Mahmud of Ghaznin came to Hirat, ’Abdu-r rahman Khan, who was one of the ministers of state, lodged in a very comfortable dwelling belonging to a learned man of great renown. One day, ’Abdu-r rahman represented to the King that the house in which he had put up

1 [This is the same story as the one taken from the Jami'u-l Hihuydt [supra p. 194), but it is very differently told. It is also given in the Tdrikh-i Guzida. See Reinaud, Mem. sur l' Inde, p. 171.]

belonged to an old man, who was considered by the people to be very wise and learned. He had a private room, in which he always used to sit, and not come out again for a long time. I asked the people what he did thei'e ? They answered that he used to perform worship and say his prayers. “ One night,” said ’Abdu-r rahimin, “ I suddenly went into the room, and saw a large vessel full of -wine, and a brazen idol placed before him. After drinking, he prostrated himself before the image. I have brought the idol and the vessel here, in order that your Majesty may give any order you like about that deceitful old man.” The Sultan, after a moment’s considera- tion, ordered the man to be brought into his presence, that full enquiry might be made into his case. He then told ’Abdu-r rahman to place his hands over the Sultan’s head and swear that what he had said was true. ’Abdu-r rahman exclaimed, “ Upon your soul and head, all that I have said is a lie.” “ 0 coward !” said the King, “what caused you to bring such a charge against that old Fakir?” He replied, “ the man had an excellent house, and I thought that your Majesty would punish him and give the house to me.” The Sultan thanked Almighty God for having guarded him against an im- proper act which he might have committed in haste. As it was his habit to think and ponder on every subject, he discovered the truth in this matter, and he never trusted ’Abdu-r rahman again. Be it not concealed from wise men that the advantages of deliberation are numerous, but that haste and inconsiderateness in affairs of state produce shame without end.

It is related in the Tdrilcli-i Ndsiri that, after the death of Sultan Mahmud of Ghaznin, his heir, Sultan Muhammad ascended the throne. Enmity then arose between him and his brother, Sultan Mas’ud, governor of ’Irak, who resided at Hamadan. Mas’ud led his army against his brother, who on receiving the intelligence came out to oppose him at the head of the armies of Khurasan and Ghaznin. One day, without any apparent cause, the cap of the King fell from his head, and this was regarded as a bad omen. The same day, at evening, ’All Kheshawand and a body of the King’s own slaves, espousing the cause of Sultan Mas’ud, surrounded and seized Mu-

hammacl and deprived him of sight. Mas’ud then proceeded to Ghaznin and sat upon the throne.

At the same time, Abu Suhal Zauraki,1 the 'A riz, represented that Sultan Muhammad had distributed from the public treasury a large sum among his nobles, army, attendants, and courtiers, but as he was not the real sovereign, the King ought to order these people to refund the money ; then, if he liked, he might after a few days give the large fees himself, in order that to him only their obliga- tions might be due.

Sultan Mas’ud having liberated Hasan Maimandi, his father’s minister, who had been imprisoned in the fort, raised him to the post of wazir, and consulted him upon these suggestions. The Khwaja said, the King might do what he liked, but he should con- sider this matter well, and see the good and evil of it before adopt- ing any resolution. Sultan Mas’ud, however, would not listen to his advice, and maintained his own determination. The Khwaja then summoned Abu Nasr Miskani,2 and said : “ These cowardly people have been making such and such representations to the King. I wish you to go to him and tell him on my part that such an act was never done by any of the former kings, and it will make people disgusted with him.” Abu Nasr said, “ Here is what Sultan Muhammad gave me,” and he refunded it to the royal treasury. Abu Suhal observed to the King that if all persons would follow the example of Abu Nasr, the money would be soon realised. The Sultan went out hunting, and ordered Abu Suhal to collect it. Abu Suhal appointed officers for that purpose, and inflicted torture and punishment on those who had spent what they had received. People were greatly disgusted with the government, and much confusion ensued in the affairs of the kingdom. Sultan Mas’ud became ashamed of what he had done, and was so much displeased with Abu Suhal, that he removed him from the office he held. He was often heard to say, “ May such base servants never find their way into the court of a king.”8

1 [The Bh Suhal Zauzani of Baihaki, supra p. 88.] Zanzan is the name of a town and district between Naishapur and Ilirat.

2 [The “ Mishkdn" of Baihaki, and the Jami’u-l Eikayat. See supra p. 106, 190.]

3 [This story explains Bahaiki’s unintelligible allusion about Abu Suhal, supra page 88.]

It is narrated that one day Sultan Ibrahim of Ghaznin1 held a public court, and all his nobles and officers were present ; but he sat very pensive and spoke not to any one, till the time of mid-day prayers. His ministers were afraid, and had no courage to ask him the cause of his anxiety, till at last one of his courtiers who was most familiar with the King, advanced to the throne and begged to know the reason of his Majesty’s being so thoughtful. The King told him that his chief chamberlain had become old, and the boat of his life had reached the brink of death. “ To-day,” said he, “ having looked at all my courtiers, I do not find any one worthy to succeed him. I was therefore thinking that if he should die, his work will still have to be done, and I must of necessity appoint some unqualified person to fill his place.” The courtier observed, in reply, “ My lord, your eye is as bright as the sun, and has a power- ful effect. It turns stones to rubies, and dust to gold. If you instruct some one, he will then be able to do everything.” The Sultan said, “ It is true ; but still the sun, though he be the great luminary, cannot at once make a ruby out of a stone ; and although an alchemist may be acquainted with the art of making gold, yet he cannot effect his purpose without obtaining all the requisite ingredients.”

Ibrahim maintains a body of Trained Officials.

Sultan Ibrahim2 of Ghaznin having mounted the throne, deter- mined to establish his government on a strong and secure founda- tion. Through the invasions of the Saljuks and the weakness of his predecessors, ’Abdu-r Rashid and Farrukh-zad, the affairs of the kingdom were in a state of embarrassment, and the management of the country had been left to worthless characters. With this view, he called Khwaja Abu-1 Kasim Hasiri, who was an old man, and had been one of the confidential officers of Yaminu-d daula Mahmud, and who excelled all his contemporaries in wisdom and in the purity of his mind. He consulted with him, and Abu-1 Kasim observed that, one day when he was deputed by the King’s grandfather,

Sultan Mahmud, on a mission to flak Kluin, the ruler of Mawa- rau-n nahr and Turkistan, he heard from the Khan, who was the wisest man of the time, that a kingdom might be compared to a garden, and the king to a gardener, who, if he wishes to make a good garden, must have three kinds of trees in it — firstly, fruit- bearing trees from which fruit may be gathered at once ; secondly, trees from which fruit may soon be expected, which, though they do not yield fruit, yet by their blossoms and verdure, add beauty to the garden ; and thirdly, young trees which some time afterwards will produce fruit. "When the trees are old and withered, the gardener uses them for fuel ; and young trees being planted in suc- cession, they in their turn bear flowers and fruit, so that the garden is never without fruit, or wanting in flowery beauty.

Sultan Ibrahim, on hearing these words, determined on observing them in his government. He always trained up a body of men qualified to conduct the important duties of the government ; and in doing this, he took especial care that his officers should not think that the King could not do without them, and that there were no people able to fill their offices. He also wished them to feel that there were other persons equal to them, and qualified to perform their duties ; and that as it was by his favour only that they had held office, they ought always to endeavour to please him.

It is related in the Tdrikh-i Ndsiri, that when ’Abdu-r Rashid succeeded to the throne of Ghazni, he showed great favour to one of his slaves named Tuman, and so advanced him from day to day, that at last the direction of all affairs came under his control. This Tuman was a low-minded, ill-bred tyrannical fellow, who did his best to bring down the great and noble, and to get low and bad men appointed to their places. Among these he patronised and sup-

1 [This is the same story as that given in page 196 from the Jami'u-l Uihiydt, and which I could not find in the MSS. of that work. Search was also made for the story in Sir H. Elliot's imperfect copy of the Zinatu-l Majalis, but without success. The test has since been discovered among some miscellaneous extracts from this work, and as it shows that there are several differences in the story or errors in the trans- lation, I have here introduced a new version after the text of the Zinat. — Ed.]

ported Abu Subal Raziki,1 whom be pitted against tbe good Klrwaja ’Abdu-r Razzak, son of Hasan MaimandL Abu Subal employed all kinds of deceit and calumny against tbe Klrwaja; Tuman also added his slander. ’Abdu-r Rashid was young, simple, and inex- perienced. He dismissed his minister ’Abdu-r Razzak, and ordered him to be fined.

Tuman had favoured with his notice a fellow named Khatib Lut, a base and harsh man ; and he now advanced him to the dignity of Diwan of the State (Chancellor of the Exchequer). Khwaja Abu Tahir Hasan, who was one of the old officials of the state of Ghazni, under the orders of ’Abdu-r Rashid, proceeded at this time to Hin- dustan, in order to bring the revenues of that country to the capital. When he arrived in Hindustan he found agents of Tuman in every city and town, who by their oppressive conduct were irritating the people. The Khwaja made a report of the facts, which he ad- dressed to Abu-1 Fazl, the financial minister (sdliib-i diwdn-i rasdlat) . Abu-1 Fazl communicated the account to ’Abdu-r Rashid, who called for Tuman and reproached him. This caused Tuman to con- ceive a hatred against Abu-1 Fazl, and to calumniate him. ’Abdu-r Rashid, in his simplicity, ordered Abu-1 Fazl to be fined and im- prisoned. After this dismissal Tuman exercised unlimited power, and he appointed Khatib Lut to the management of the country of Parshawar. This man there raised the standard of oppression, and reduced the people to great distress.

When Khwaja Abu Tahir reached that country (on his return from Hindustan) the people complained of Khatib Lut, so the Khwaja called for him and admonished him. Khatib gave insolent replies and was abusive, so the Khwaja, to maintain his own dig- nity, directed him to be turned out of court, and afterwards he ordered him into confinement. Khatib’s people communicated the circumstances to Tuman, who showed the letters to the King, and said that Khatib knew what sums of money had been exacted improperly from the people, and the Khwaja had therefore confined him. ’Abdu-r Rashid, without any investigation, and merely upon these absurd statements of Tuman, directed him to seize the Khwaja and bring him a prisoner to court along with Khatib.

Turn an proceeded to Parsliawar with three hundred horse, and having captured Abu Tahir, put him in chains. He then released Khatib Lut from confinement, and returned. When they were one day’s journey from Ghazni, they received the unexpected intelli- gence that the infidel Tughril had slain ’Abdu-r Rashid and usurped his place. The horsemen who had come with Tuman then went to Khwaja Abu Hasan (Tahir), and with many apologies, said, “The power is now in your hands ; whatever you order we will execute.” The Khwaja directed them to remove the fetters from his feet and place them on T uman. The soldiers then pulled him roughly from his horse and placed the chains on his feet. Khatib Lut and his dependents were also seized, placed upon camels, and carried to Ghaznin. All this calamity fell upon ’Abdu-r Rashid because he was a simpleton,1 and listened to the reports of sycophants.

[This is professedly a life of Mas’ud the Ghaznivide, and finds an appropriate place here after the story books. The author of this ex- traordinary work was by name ’Abdu-r Rahman Chishti. He explains the motives which impelled him to its composition, and the sources of his information after the following manner : “ The history of the King of Martyrs, Salar Mas’ud, the facts of his birth, of his coming to Hin- dustan, and of his martyrdom, are told by different men in various ways, which have not found a place in any historical work of repute. The writer had long endeavoured to ascertain the real facts ; and, after much research he obtained possession of an old book written by Mulla Muhammad Ghaznawi. This mail was servant of Sultan Mahmud Subuktigin. He was also in the service of Salar Sahu, and of the Prince of Martyrs, whom he survived. The writer perused this old book from beginning to end with the greatest pleasure, and the doubts which he had entertained were dispelled. The book was very long, it entered into details about the wars of Sultan Mahmud, and Salar Sahu, mentioning incidentally here and there the King of Martyrs, and closing with an account of his 1 _Lauh-i suda ; lit., tabula rasa. ]

martyrdom. Several of tlie beloved friends and attendants of the Martyr Sultan, in the abodes of the blessed, have urged the writer to the task which he has undertaken ; but no one has made the same demand on behalf of Sultan Mahmud. It therefore seemed expedient to him that he should select and commit to writing all that related to the Martyr King. He would not, however, have been able to succeed, even in this, without the directions he graciously received from the spirit of the departed. When he had set about his selection, and had engaged earnestly in the work, one night the spirit of the deceased martyr appeared to the writer in a vision, and most condescendingly expressed, with his blessed tongue, his approval of the work. Being thus graciously honoured, the author humbly replied that he had begun the work, and begged for assistance wherever his narration might be too high, or too low, too short, or too long. The spirit, with great affability, directed the author to write, and that he would attend to him and assist him. The present work is the result, to which the author has given the name Mir-at-i Mas’udL May the reader of it also be ( mas’ud ) blessed. This is the author’s prayer. The bio- graphy of the King of Martyrs having been derived from the aforesaid history, is here related in five chapters ( dastdns ). Sundry incidents, and miraculous statements, which have been found in trustworthy books, have been selected, and, after being verified by oral communications with the author’s spiritual visitors, have been inserted in the present work.”

The book may then be called a historical romance. In it fact and fiction are freely mingled, and the great actions and ex- ploits of other men are appropriated, without scruple, to the hero of the tale. The author quotes the Eauzatu-s Safa, the Tdrikh-i Firoz ShciM, of Shams-i Siraj, and the Muntakhabu-t Tawarikh ; but he professes, as we have seen, to base his work mainly on the lost Tawdr'iklt-i Mahmudi of Mulla Muhammad Ghaznawi. It is much to be regretted that he has quoted so little of that work ; for his quo- tations from the Eauzatu-s Safa are fair, though somewhat abridged, and stripped of redundant ornament. Putting his hero Mas’ud aside, the accoimts which he gives of the Musulman conflicts with the Hindus agree in many respects with what we gather from other

sources ; his incidents seem to be borrowed rather than invented, and, as he used a contemporary work which is not known to us, it may be that some of his novel statements may be true, or may serve to explain, or elucidate other writers, though no reliance can be placed on them when unsupported.

The work bears no date ; but the author tells us that he wrote in the time of Jahangir, a time far too distant for him to have had any personal knowledge of the scenes he depicts. Sir H. Elliot accredits him with another work, the Mir-dt-i Asrar. The MS. is a duodecimo of 214 pages, 165 of which were translated by Mr. R. B. Chapman, B.C.S., by request of Sir H. Elliot. The editor regrets that the nature of the book has compelled him to reject a full half of the translation. It may be that even now too much has been printed ; but the book is unknown to the European reader, and the extracts given will probably satisfy, rather than excite further curiosity.]

Of the expedition of Sdlar Sdhu, general ( pahlawan ) of the army, into Hindustan, by order of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni, to the assistance of Muzaffar Khan ; and of the birth of Mas’ud at Ajmir.

Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni (God make the light of his tomb to shine !) having subdued the kingdom of Rum and the whole of the countries of Turan and Iran, spreading everywhere the religion of Muhammad, was seated on his throne awaiting an occasion of further executing the purposes of Allah, when suddenly one day, four men mounted on camels, appeared from the direction of Hindustan, making loud lamentations. The officers of state and the attendants brought word immediately to the Sultan, and they were summoned to the presence.

Bowing to the ground, they spake as follows : — “ Sultan Abu-1 Hasan attacked us with his army, and slew Hurmuz, the servant of Muzaffar Khan ; he also very nearly succeeded in putting to death Muzaffar Khan himself, his wife and children, and all those about him, so that he was obliged to evacuate the place with all his de- pendants, and escape towards the desert. He has now been living for some years in Ajmir. At the present time Rai Bhirun and Rai Sum-giriya, with four and forty other Hindu princes, have assembled

from all sides to attack Muzaffar Khn and destroy the Musulmans. Tire infidels surround us on all sides, and we have no hope but in thee, Oh Asylum of the World ! For God’s sake, give a thought to these poor followers of Islam.” “ Be of good courage,” said the Sultan, “I will protect the Musulmans.” Khwaja Hasan Maimandi, the wazir of the Sultan, asked them in whose name they worded their khutba. “ Hitherto,” they answered, “ in addition to the one sole God Almighty and the glorious Asylum of Prophecy (Muham- mad), we have repeated in our khutba the names of the Faithful Khalifas. Now that the Sultan has promised us his assistance, we shall word our khutba in the name of the Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni.” The Sultan was delighted with this reply, and ordered Khwaja Hasan Maimandi to select one of the generals and bring him quickly, that he might be sent with an army.

After a long consultation the command was given to Salar Sahu, general of the army, and several officers of importance, and 700,000 (haft lak) veteran cavalry were appointed to the duty, and started off. The Sultan bestowed his own scimitar, girdle, and dagger, together with an Arab charger, upon the general, and the other officers were all honoured with dresses and horses, and were ad- dressed by their lord as follows : — “ If you wish to please me, please my brother, Salar Sahii ; serve him with all your power and do his pleasure. My brother Salar Sahu is a careful, just, discriminating man ; he will do nothing that is not loyal, considerate, and right.”

It was on the fifth of the month of Zfhijja, in the year 401 (1011 a.d.) that Salar Sahu left Kandahar for Ajmfr with his army (the Sultan having at that time quitted Ghazni, and taken up his resi- dence at Kandahar).

Making the four camel-riders who had been sent as messengers by Muzaffar Khan their guides, they took the way to Ajmfr by way of Thatta. Having traversed the intervening desert, they arrived within three days’ march of Ajmfr. The General then sent forward the camel-riders to give notice to Muzaffar Khan, while he remained himself encamped by the side of the road. On that night spirits addressed him in mysterious voices, and revealed to him that two pieces of good fortune would befal him during the expedition : in the first place he should be victorious over the unbelievers ; and

secondly, a male child should be born to him. At this time many spirits appeared to Salar Sahu, pouring such like glad tidings into his ears, as is fully related in the Tawankh-i Mahmudi. From that time he perceived a supernatural influence at work within him. ° *

When the news of the arrival of the General reached Muzaflar Khan he was overjoyed, and caused music to be played. The unbe- lievers who had assembled to besiege Ajmfr were struck with a panic, and agreed together that since Mahmud’s army had come up on one side, and Muzaflar Khan, taking courage, was preparing to sally out on the other, it would be imprudent to attempt an engage- ment with two separate armies. Therefore they had better retreat for the present, and determine on some approved plan of fighting after the two forces had coalesced. So they raised the siege of Ajmir, and retiring to a distance of seven kos, encamped near the Koh-pukhar.

Muzaflar Khan then went to meet the General, and, conducting him into Ajmir, besought him that he would permit him to remove his people from the fort and lodge the General there. But Salar Sahu would not consent, saying, he had come to his assistance, and it would be very unseemly to turn him and his children out of his fort, and to take up his quarters there himself. So he pitched his tents on the banks of the tank Pukhar,1 sacred among the un- believers ; and, having taken a few days rest, again put himself in motion by Muzaflar Khan’s advice. The enemy also drew up their forces in line, and the flower of both armies joined in battle. The field raged with the conflict for three days ; but on the third the breeze of victory began to blow on the side of the General, and the unbelievers yielded and fled. The Faithful pursued them to a distance of several parasangs, slew a great number of their officers, took a few prisoners, and then returned. The General took pos- session of the enemy’s camp that day, and, having interred such of the Faithful as had beei* blessed with the honour of martyrdom, and distributed the whole spoil of the unbelievers among the soldiers of his army, he returned the next day towards Ajmir.

He then built a mosque at the gate of the fort of Ajmir, and*

1 [Hind., polchar ; Sans., pushkara, a lake.]

having performed a religious service in honour of Mahmud of Ghazni, he sent an account of all that had happened, together with congratulations on the victory, to the Sultan.

After this he appointed officers to many places in the neighbour- hood of Ajmir, which had never been under the sway of Muzaffar Khan, and brought them so under control that the collectors settled down, and revenue began to flow in on all sides.

The rebels, who fled, took refuge with Rai Ajipal1 at Kanauj. When the letter of Salar Sahu reached the Sultan, he was overjoyed at the good tidings, and bestowed a special dress of honour, with several Arab horses upon him, and was graciously pleased to order the government of the country to be given to his faithful brother, Salar Sahu. He also wrote as follows : “If the Rai Ajipal (Jaipal), Prince of Kanauj will adopt the Musulman faith, well ; but if not, we ourselves will proceed towards that country with our all- conquering army.” The Sitr Mu’alla’ (dignified veiled one) also was ordered to join her husband (Salar Sahu).

When Sitr Mu’alla’ reached Ajmir with the dress of honour and the farman, Salar Sahu gave himself up entirely to pleasure and rejoicing ; and, through the power of Almighty God, on that very night — i.e., on the ninth of the month Shawwal, in the year 404 — Salar Mas’ud left the loins of his father and entered the womb of his mother. Nine months passed in ease and pleasure ; and in the tenth month, on the twenty-first of the month of Sha’ban, in the year 405, on Sunday, at the pure time of dawn in the first hour, the world-enlightening son was born. The beauty of Yusuf, the grace of Abraham, and the light of Muhammad shone upon his brow.

The Sultan was also extremely delighted at the birth of his sister’s son, and had rich dresses of honour prepared for the father, mother, and the infant Mas’ud. He als», in the most gracious manner, issued a mandate under his own hand to this effect : “ Let the Government of the Kingdom of Hindustan be bestowed upon our brother and his son ; and if the Rai Ajipal give in his sub- mission, well and good ; if not, let him know that we ourselves will

make an expedition into Hindustan, and on the same occasion will see our nephew Salar Mas’ud.”

Khwaja Hasan Maimandi, who had an hereditary feud with the General of the army, was jealous of the honours and favours bestowed on him by the Sultan ; but to what purpose ?

Meanwhile, although Salar Sahu sought to lead Rai Ajipal in the right way, he would not cast his lot into the scale of truth ; and from excess of worldly-mindedness he did not even desire peace. On the contrary, he encouraged the rebels of the surrounding country, who had taken refuge with him after their flight from Ajmi'r, to attack the dominions of the Sultan. The General, troubled by anxiety arising from his infatuation, communicated the state of affairs to the Sultan, and, after a few days, Mahmud took the road to Hindustan with his army. The General Salar Sahu, and Muzaffar Khan, went to meet the Sultan with their armies, and con- ducting him first to Ajmi'r, displayed Salar Mas’ud to the fortunate gaze of their royal master, and then presented offerings of money and all kinds of property.

The Sultan bestowed the whole on Salar Mas’ud, and, during the several days that he remained at Ajmir, he would not let him (Mas’ud) go out of his sight. He then turned towards Kanauj with his army, in rage and indignation, appointing Salar Sahu and Muzaffar Khan to the van of the army.

He first came to Mathura, and plundered that nest of idolatry which was a very holy spot among the people of India. After subduing and plundering all the chiefs of the neighbourhood who were reported to be rebellious and factious, he next proceeded against Kai Ajipal, the King of Kanauj, who did not venture -to resist him, but fled, as is detailed in the history called the Bauzatu-s Safa, as follows : — * ° * °

The author of the Tawdrikh-i Malmudi relates that when the Sultan returned to Ghazni after the Indian expedition, Salar Sahu, the general, petitioned to be allowed to attend him, but the Sultan said, “ The subjugation of this country of Kanauj is your work, my brother, and I have therefore appointed you its governor.” When they had reached the neighbourhood of Lahore he presented the General with a dress of honour and sixteen Arab horses, and dis-

missed him ; nor did he neglect Salar Mas’ud, but bestowed upon him costly gifts. He also honoured Muzaffar Khan with presents of dresses and chargers, and sent him away with the General, order- ing him to serve him in every way in his power.

So the General returned to Ajmir, and immediately appointed officers throughout the districts of his province, whether new or old, for the protection of the people and the redress of the op- pressed. He then fixed an annual tribute to be paid by the Kai Ajipal, and left him at Kanauj on condition of service, whilst he himself remained at Ajmir, enjoying all happiness and peace, governing India as deputy of the Sultan.

He was exceedingly fond of his son, and when Mas’ud was four years four months and four days old, he sent him to a tutor, Mir Saiyid Ibrahim, to be instructed in the creed of Islam. ° ° ° °

The Almighty had endued him with a great aptitude for learning, so that by the time he was nine years old he had acquired most sciences, practical and abstract, and at ten years of age he was so given up to devotion that he passed the whole night in deep study, and never left his chamber before a watch of the day had passed, is 0 o ju short, he excelled in everything, small and great, and was skilled in whatever came before him. ° ° °

The Prince of Martyrs was most spotless in body and mind. His pure soul was occupied always in meditating on God, and he was free from sin, external and internal. 0 ° °

Of the return of Salar Sdhu and the Prince of Martyrs to Ghazni, and of the feud of Hasan Maimandi, the wazir of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni, icith Salar Mas’ud, on account of the destruction of the image of Somndt.

In the course of the next ten years the General subdued many of the countries of India, and lost all fear of the efforts of the un- believers. The revenue, too, began to flow in regularly and with- out trouble.

The Sultan Mahmud was in Khurasan, when some rebels, in- habiting the skirts of the mountain, banded together for the purpose of attacking Kabuliz, and Malik Chhachu, Governor of

Kabuliz, reported the matter to the Sultan. As soon as the intelli- gence reached him, a farman was issued in the name of the General, ordering him to leave half his forces for the protection of the country of Ajmir, and to proceed himself with the other half to Kabuliz, and so to punish the unbelievers, as to make them careful not to rebel again, adding, that he (the Sultan) would go himself, but that he was occupied with important matters.

Kabuliz is situated in the vicinity of Kashmir. It was an important place, and had a very lofty fort. The town was ori- ginally in the hands of Rai Kalichand Fir’auni.1 He had grown presumptuous on account of the abundance of his wealth and forces, and the extent of his kingdom ; therefore, when Sultan Mahmud went on the Kanauj expedition in the year 407, upon his arrival in Kashmir, he took the fort of Rai Kalichand with the greatest difficulty, and appointed civil officers of his own. The particulars of the siege of the fort, and of the death of Rai Kalichand with 50,000 of his companions, are related in the Eauzatu-s Safa, but cannot be told in a brief work like the present.

The General of the army having left Mir Saiyid Ibrahim, Muzaffar Khan, and other confidential nobles of his province, to attend upon Salar Mas’ud, proceeded with his train by successive marches to Kabuliz.

The unbelievers assembled in such numbers that the very ground round Kabuliz was black with them. Malik Chhachu, not being strong enough for an open fight, had shut himself up in the fort of Kabuliz, and the unbelievers, having ravaged the province, were on their way home when the General met them, and, offering them battle, fought for three hours. The army of the Faithful was victorious. Innumerable unbelievers were slain, and their army put to flight. Forty officers were taken prisoners, and several thousand men bit the dust. It was a great victory. Salar Sahu wrote his dispatch of victory to the Sultan as soon as he had entered Kabuliz. The Sultan was greatly pleased, and that instant issued a farman under his own hand to this effect, “ We bestow the province of Kabuliz, as an ina’m upon our victorious brother, in addition to his jagir ; let him make the land his own.”

1 [“ Kulchand.” — The addition of “ Eir’auni ” is a blunder. See supra, p. 43, and 458.]

As soon as it was determined that the General should live at Kabulfz, he sent messengers to Ajmfr to fetch Salar Mas’ud, and to tell that light of his eyes to come quickly to him, along with his mother, leaving the officers whom he had appointed at Ajmfr each at his post. When the messengers reached Ajmfr, Salar Mas’ud was delighted, and the next day started off for Kabulfz with his mother, accompanied by several thousand horsemen, who were like stars shining round that peerless moon. Engaging in the chase as he went, stage by stage, he reached the town of Bawal. The zamfndar of that place, Satugan, was father-in-law of Khwaja Hasan Maimandf’s son. He came out to meet Salar Mas’ud, and insisted that he should do him the favour of staying that day at his house, that so he might get honour, as he said, among the other zamindars. But as the star of Hasan Maimandf’s bad faith shone in the forehead of Satugan, Salar Mas’ud would by no means con- sent to alight at the abode of such a treacherous unbeliever. Accord- ing to his usual habit he had the tents pitched outside the town.

Again Satugan besought him to eat the food that he had prepared for his party, but the Prince of Martyrs answered him, “ The Prophets” (the delight of Allah be upon them and on us all !) “never eat food prepared in the house of a Hindu, nor will I.” Satugan then entreated him to take sugar, rice, and all things neces- sary, and have his food prepared by his own cooks. But as evil was in the heart of Satugan, neither was this agreed to. In the morning, as they were starting, Satugan brought 200 mans of sweet- meats, prepared in various ways, some of the choicest kind for Salar Mas’ud ; but he had caused the whole to be poisoned. Salar Mas’ud, with divine perception, suspecting the truth, put it all with the baggage, and gave special orders that none should touch it. He then gave Satugan a dress of honour, and dismissed him.

When he had marched one stage, he ordered Malik Nekbaklit to bring the sweetmeats presented by Satugan. As soon as he had given of the choicest kind to some dogs, they all fell down dead from the poison the moment they tasted it. The Prince of Martyrs, turning towards those present, said with his pure tongue, “ The wretched infidel thought me, too, one of the undiscerning.” His attendants were astonished at this proof of his ability, and bowing

to tlie ground, began to extol him. When they told his mother what had taken plaee, she wept bitterly to think what a terrible misfor- tune might have happened, and declared that the unbelievers had attempted to commit this treachery at the instigation of the deceitful Hasan Maimandi. Then calling Salar Mas’ud into her presence, she clasped him to her bosom, and gave large alms to the poor and wretched as a thank-offering.

The night was passed at that place. In the morning, when it was marching time, Mas’ud besought his mother to stay there that day, as it was a good hunting-ground, and he wanted to enjoy some sport. So they did so.

Salar Mas’ud, taking with him some thousands of the flower of his young men — angels in form, and reckless in courage — took the road to the town of Rawal,1 hunting as he went, and sent forward spies to learn what Satugan was doing. When he had nearly reached the town, the spies brought him word that Satugan had just completed his ablutions, and was worshipping his idols. Upon hearing which they turned their horses straight towards the town. At the same time, the unbelievers got warning, and turned out to oppose them. But the brave youths, flourishing their swords, hovered on all sides, like moths round a flame ; and the unbelievers, unable to withstand them, were routed, and the Faithful scattered their heads in every street.

Having put a great many of them to the sword, they took the reprobate Satugan alive, and brought him before the prince, who addressed him thus : “ Oh, Satugan, did you not know us, that, in the blackness of your heart, you should try such a vile plot on us.” He then ordered that he, with his wife and children, should be bound and carried to the army. He then gave the whole place over to plunder. So they brought Satugan, with his wife and children, to the camp.

This was the first exploit, and maiden victory, of Salar Mas’ud. His mother caused paeans of joy to be sung, distributed bountiful alms, and gave horses, dresses of honour, and money to all the soldiers of the prince. At that time Mas’ud was twelve years old.

The next day he wrote an account of the affair to the Sultan Mahmud, and, starting off the couriers, proceeded himself, march by march, with great splendour to Kabuliz. Before the messengers of the Prince of Martyrs reached the Sultan, Narayan, brother of Satugan, had brought a complaint through Hasan Maimandi that Salar Mas’ud had carried off his brother, with his wife and little ones as prisoners, and had plundered the town of Kawal. The Sultan was in perplexity at this intelligence, when Mas’ud’ s account of the perfidy of Satugan reached him. The Sultan then issued a farman, signed with his own hand, to Salar Mas’ud, informing him that Narayan had brought an accusation before the arrival of his account, and ordering him to keep the guilty man with good care, as he would himself make inquiries and punish him. The Prince of Martyrs was filled with joy on the receipt of this farman ; but mourning fell on the house of Hasan Maimandi, and his hidden treachery was made manifest.

When they had arrived within one kos of Kabuliz, the General received intelligence of their approach, and, smitten with a longing desire to behold his son, who was like a second Joseph, he started off himself, like Jacob, regardless of ceremony, to meet him.

It happened that Mahmud had long been planning an expe- dition into Bhardana, and Gujerat, to destroy the idol temple of Sornnat, a place of great sanctity to all Hindus. So as soon as he had returned to Ghazni from liis Khurasan business, he issued a farman to the General of the army, ordering him to leave a con- fidential officer in charge of the fort of Kabuliz, and himself to join the court with his son Salar Mas’ud. Accordingly, they presented themselves before the Sultan, who received them with special marks of favour, and showed such great kindness to Mas’ud that his wazir became jealous.

Afterwards he invited Salar Sahu to a private audience, and asked his advice about leading an army against Sornnat. “ Through the favour of Allah,” said that officer, “the power and grandeur of your Majesty have struck such terror into the hearts of the unbelievers, that not one of them has the daring to oppose you. The best plan is at once to commence the enterprise.” This advice

was most pleasing to the Sultan, though Khwaja Hasan Mainland! dissented from it. After some conversation, it was settled that the General of the army should return to Kabuliz, and guard that province against the rebellious unbelievers, leaving Salar Mas’ud, with his victorious army, in attendance upon the Sultan. As soon as he had dismissed Salar Sahu, the Sultan set out for Somnat with his victorious host, Mas’ud serving under him in the enterprize with several thousand youths in the flower of their age. They per- formed many illustrious deeds, and the Sultan showed them increasing favour and kindness.

They first reached Multan, and, when everything was fully prepared, took the road for Somnat. The details of the expedition are thus given in the history called the Eauzatu-s Sdfd. 0 0 0 0 0

God bestowed great grace on this king, and his perfections may he understood from the following relation of the author of the Nafahat.

When the Sultan Mahmud Subuktigin had gone on the ex- pedition to Somnat, they suggested to Khwaja Abu Muhammad of Chisht, that he ought to go and help him. The Khwaja, though he was seventy years old, set out with some darweshes, and when he arrived made war upon the pagans and idolaters with all his sacred soul. One day the idolaters made a successful assault, and the army of the Faithful, nearly overwhelmed, fled to the Shaikh for protection. Khwaja Abu Muhammad had a disciple in the town of Chisht, Muhammad Kalu by name. He called out “Look, Kalu!” At that moment Kalu was seen fighting with such fury, that the army of the Faithful proved victorious. The unbelievers were routed. At that very time Muhammad Kalu was seen in Chisht, striking upon the wall with a pestle, and when he was asked the reason, he said, “When the Almighty commanded a man of Abu Muhammad of Chisht’s exalted piety to go to the assistance of the Sultan, who could stand before him ?”

It is related in the TdriWi-i Mahmudi that the Sultan shortly after reached Ghazni, and laid down the image of Somnat at the threshold of the Mos'que of Ghazni, so that the Musulmans might tread upon the breast of the idol on their way to and from their devotions. As soon as the unbelievers heard of this, they sent an embassy to

Khwaja Hasan Maimandi, stating that the idol was of stone and useless to the Musulmans, and offered to give twice its weight in gold as a ransom, if it might be returned to them. Khwaja Hasan Maimandi represented to the Sultan that the unbelievers had offered twice the weight of the idol in gold, and had agreed to he subject to him. He added, that the best policy would he to take the gold and restore the image, thereby attaching the people to his Government. The Sultan yielded to the advice of the Khwaja, and the unbelievers paid the gold into the treasury.

One day, when the Sultan was seated on his throne, the am- bassadors of the unbelievers came, and humbly petitioned thus : “ Oh, Lord of the world ! we have paid the gold to your Government in ransom, but have not yet received our purchase, the idol Somnat.” The Sultan was wroth at their words, and, falling into reflection ; broke up the assembly and retired, with his dear Salar Mas’ud, into his private apartments. He then asked his opinion as to whether the image ought to be restored, or not ? Salar Mas’ud, who was perfect in goodness, said quickly, “ In the day of the resurrection, when the Almighty shall call for A'zar, the idol-destroyer, and Mahmud, the idol-seller, Sire ! what will you say ?” This speech deeply affected the Sultan, he was full of grief, and answered, “ I have given my word ; it will be a breach of promise.” Salar Mas’ud begged him to make over the idol to him, and tell the unbelievers to get it from him. The Sultan agreed ; and Salar Mas’ud took it to his house, and, breaking off its nose and ears, ground them to powder.

When Khwaja Hasan introduced the unbelievers, and asked the Sultan to give orders to restore the image to them, his majesty replied that Salar Mas’ud had carried it off to his house, and that he might send them to get it from him. Khwaja Hasan, bowing his head, repeated these words in Arabic, “ No easy matter is it to recover anything which has fallen into the hands of a lion.” He then told the unbelievers that the idol was with Salar Mas’ud, and that they were at liberty to go and fetch it. So they went to Mas’ ud’s door and demanded their god.

That prince commanded Malik Nelcbakht to treat them cour- teously, and make them be seated; then to mix the dust of the

nose ancl ears of the idols with sandal and the lime eaten with betel nut, and present it to them. The unbelievers were delighted, and smeared themselves with sandal, and eat the betel leaf. After a while they asked for the idol, when Salar Mas’ud said he had given it to them. They inquired, with astonishment, what he meant by saying that they had received the idol? And Malik Nekbaklit explained that it was mixed with the sandal and betel-lime. Some began to vomit, while others went weeping and lamenting to Khwaj a Hasan Maimandi and told him what had occurred.

The Khwaja writhed like a snake, and said, “ Yerily, the king is demented, since he follows the counsel of a boy of yesterday ! I will leave the service of the Sultan for your sakes, and do you also go and attack his country. We will open his Majesty’s eyes.” Accordingly the unbelievers returned with the news to the Hindu princes. And Khwaja Hasan, from that day, resigned the office of Wazir, became disaffected, and left off attending to the duties of his office.

Afterwards the image of Somnat was divided into four parts, as is described in the Tawarikli-i Mahmud l. Mahmud’s first exploit is said to have been conquering the Hindu rebels, destroying the forts and the idol temples of the Ilai Ajipal (Jaipal), and subduing the country of India. His second, the expedition into Harradawa1 and Guzerat, the carrying off the idol of Somnat, and dividing it into four pieces, one of which he is reported to have placed on the threshold of the Imperial Palace, while he sent two others to Mecca and Medina respectively. Both these exploits were per- formed at the suggestion, and by the advice, of the General and Salar Mas’ud ; but India was conquered by the efforts of Salar Mas’ud alone, and the idol of Somnat was broken in pieces by his sole advice, as has been related, Salar Sahu was Sultan of the army and General of the forces in Iran. Many of the most illus- trious nobles and bravest Turks were of his kindred ; and wherever the Sultan led his army and conquered kingdoms, the victory was owing to the exertions and courage of him and his relatives.

The author of the Taiodnkh-i Mahmudi has narrated at length the quarrel between Salar Mas’ud and Hasan Maimandi, and the valour,

success, and good conduct of the Commander-in-chief and Salar Mas’ud. To relate it all here would make this work too long; therefore I have only briefly mentioned them. Also, these exploits of Sultan Mahmud, and Salar Mas’ud, I have related only so far as they concern that Prince of Martyrs, and insomuch as he was personally mixed up with them, otherwise I had not indulged in such prolixity. “ God knows the truth.”

Departure of the Prince of Martyrs from the court of Sultan Mahmud. — His expedition into Hindustan. — He reaches Multan ; occupies Dehli, and, passing the Ganges, takes up his residence in Satrakh ■ from whence he sends out armies on all sides.

Khwaja Hasan Maimandi had been long versed in all the affairs of the administration, so that a great many of the factions, from different parts of the empire, were ready to obey his word. Thus, owing to his disaffection, there was ground for the apprehension of disturbances on all sides. The Sultan, being informed of this, took every means in his power to conciliate Khwaja Hasan Maimandi, but without success. For whenever that individual saw Salar Mas’ud at court, and beheld the favours the Sultan bestowed upon him, he writhed within himself like a snake, and fell into grief and rage, declaring that he could not endure to set eyes upon Mas’ud.

The Sultan, perplexed at this state of things, one day called Salar Mas’ud apart, and, addressing him kindly, said that Hasan Maimandi was a man of evil disposition, and that, through excessive insolence, he had taken a violent antipathy to him (Mas’ud), which so engrossed him that he had left off attending to business. “ I am determined,” continued the Sultan, “ by degrees to deprive him of the wazirship, and to promote Amir Jang Mikail to the post. But till this is accomplished, do you go to Kabuliz and employ yourself in the chase, and in attendance upon your parents. In a short time I will dismiss him and recal you ; rest assured, meanwhile, that my affection for you is greater than you can imagine.”

Salar Mas’ud, perceiving the drift of the Sultan’s discourse, re- plied, “ Oh, sire ! what have I to do at my parents’ house ? With your permission, I will make an expedition into Hindustan, and, wresting

the kingdoms, now in the hands of pagans, out of their hands, will spread the true faith, and cause the kliutba to be read in your majesty’s name.” The Sultan replied, “It is no pleasure to me to deprive myself of you, my child, that I should thus separate myself from you — no ; go for a short time to your father, I will send for you ere long.” [ Mas'ud departs with his followers.^

The author of the Tawarikh-i Mahmudi relates that there were, with his own followers and those who joined him, 1,100,000 ( yaz - dah lak) men in Mas’ ud’s army, the home and family of each of whom was at Ghazni.

As soon as the General of the army heard of all that had hap- pened, he went with Sitr Mu’alla’ in terrible distress from Kabuliz to the camp of Salar Mas’ud, and, after embracing him, entreated him with tears to remain with them ; but he would by no means consent. Seeing that their child was not to be prevailed upon, they became desirous to go with him. But Mas’ud said, that if they came with him, Hasan Maimandi would certainly persuade the Sultan that they had rebelled, and therefore they had better remain behind. “I have already,” said he, “petitioned the Sultan, and now I beseech it of you, to be allowed to travel for one year, after which I will return.” At length his parents were obliged to submit. They however sent, with Salar Mas’ud, a fine army and coun- sellors, many of whom were of his own age, and had been his companions, and they selected the bravest of their kindred among the Tatars of Salar Sahu to accompany him. They also bestowed upon him treasure, horses, and gifts of all kinds. So the General of the army returned towards Kabuliz with his consort, weeping and lamenting.

To resume our history. The Prince of Martyrs, adorned with all dignity of body and mind, reached the banks of the river Indus, and immediately ordered boats to be collected. These were brought, after some search, and he commanded Mir Husain ’Arab, and Amir Bazid Ja’far to cross over the river with 50,000 horse, and attack Sahur.1 They did so; and Rai Arjun, the zamindar of that place,

having already taken refuge in the hills, they demolished his house, where they found 500,000 gold pieces. Taking these, and a good deal of other plunder, the two Amirs rejoined Mas'ud. Having thus effected his first conquest in India, Mas’ud crossed the river himself with his army, and encamped on the opposite bank, and, as it was a good sporting country, he enjoyed the pleasures of the chase.

After a short time, Mas’ud marched onward and arrived at Multan. That city was deserted ; for, since Sultan Mahmud, the faithful, had plundered it for the second time, it had never been restored, and the Rais Arjun and Anangpal, lords of the place, had gone to reside in the province of TTch. From thence they sent ambassadors to Mas’ud to inquire if he thought it right thus to overrun a foreign country, adding, “ Perhaps you will have cause to repent it.” Mas’ud replied, “ The country is God’s ; his slave has no kingdom ; but he to whom God gives it will be the possessor. This has been the principle of my ancestors from the time of Asadu-lla Ghalib until now ; to convert unbelievers to the one God and the Musulman faith. If they adopt our creed, well and good. If not, we put them to the sword.” He then bestowed honorary dresses upon the ambassadors, and dismissed them with a caution to prepare for war, as he would shortly follow.

As soon as the ambassadors had departed, he sent six Amirs, viz., Mir Husain ’Arab, Amir Bazid Ja’far, Amir Tarkan, Amir Nakf, Amir Firoz, and ’Umr Mulk Ahmad, with several hundred thousand horse to attack the Rai Anangpal. That prince came out of his stronghold to meet them with his forces drawn out in battle array. The combat raged for three hours ; many noble Turks were made martyrs, while countless unbelievers were slain, and the Rai Anangpal was at length obliged to yield. The army of Islam entered the city and plundered it, carrying off an immense amount of property. They then rejoined Mas’ud, who bestowed honorary dresses and horses on each of the six Amirs.

The rainy season had now set in, so they remained at Multan the next four months. After the rains, Mas’ud led his army against Ajudhan.1 Although, in those days, that place and its vicinity was

1 [Ajudha or Ayodyha is the old form of the name Oudh. The scene of Mas’ (id's later exploits is laid in the neighbourhood of Oudh.]

thickly peopled, it was subdued without a struggle. Mas’ud was delighted with the climate of Ajudhan, and as, moreover, it was a good sporting country, he remained there till the end of the follow- ing rains, when he set off for Dehli. Raf Mahfpal was then king of the city. He had an immense army, and many war elephants, and was, in consequence, overflowing with pride. Sultan Mahmud and Salar Sahu, when they came into Hindustan, conquered Lahore, and made it a city of Islam ; but they were unable to attack Dehli, and retired without even attempting it. But now Salar Mas’ud, lion- like, marched on by successive stages till he reached that city.

The Rai Mahfpal led out his army to oppose him. The two forces lay several miles apart ; but the young warriors, on either side, used to meet daily and skirmish from morning till night. Thus a month and some days passed away, till Mas’ud, becoming apprehensive of the result, sought help from God. As soon as he had done so, he received the unexpected intelligence that Salar Saifu-d din, the Sultanu-s Salatin, Mir Bakhtiyar, Mir Saiyid ’Azizu-d dm, and Malik Wahfu-d din, five Amirs, were coming from Ghazni to join him with a numerous force. On their arrival joy and delight filled Mas’ud’s army. These men, likewise, had left Ghazni on account of the evil conduct of Hasan Maimandf. Saifu-d din was a younger brother of Mas’ud’s father, Mfr Bakhtiyar and ’Azfzu-d dm were also related to him. Malik Daulat was a servant of Sultan Mahmud, and Miyan Rajab had been a confidential slave of Salar Sahu, who reposed such confidence in him, that he gave him to Mas’ud ; and he, as a mark of his favour, had bestowed a jagir upon him. But no sooner had Salar Mas’ud started on his expedition, than Hasan Maimandf deprived him of it, without in- forming the Sultan. Miyan Rajab, therefore, followed Mas’ud, who considered him so trustworthy as to appoint him adjutant (Kotwal) of the army.

Khwaja Hasan, from his enmity against Mas’ud, had quarrelled with all connected with him, and forced them to leave the country. The fact was, Sultan Mahmud had become old, and spent his whole time in the society of Malik Ayaz, neglecting the business of the state. So Hasan tyrannized on all sides. However, it is related in the history called Bauzatu-s Safa, that Mahmud became at length

dissatisfied with his conduct, and, removing him from the office of wazir, imprisoned him in one of the forts of Hindustan, where he was put to death, and that Mir Jang Mikail was appointed in his place. Certain it is, that he was doomed to destruction, who un- justly persecuted one favoured of ’Ah, and blessed with divine grace.

To resume : Rai Mahipal was alarmed at this accession to the forces of his enemy. Four days after the two armies joined in battle. Mas’ud was engaged in conversation with Sharfu-1 Mulk, when Gopal, son of Mahipal, charged him, and, aiming with his mace at his head, wounded him on the nose, and struck out two of his teeth. Sharfu-1 Mulk drew his sword, and with one blow sent Gopal to hell. Mas’ud bound up his wounded nose with a hand- kerchief, and continued on the field of battle. All praise to the courage and valour of Mas’ud, who took no notice of his wound, but continued fighting until evening prayers, and even at night remained on the field. Many brave Turks were martyred, and countless unbelievers slain.

In the morning they again beat the drums of war, and the young men of courage came forth to battle. Mir Saiyid ’Azizu-d din was fighting in the foremost rank, where he was suddenly struck with a spear on the head, and became a martyr. Unable to con- tain himself, on hearing of the Mir’s death, Mas’ud himself charged the enemy, followed by the Turkish Amirs, careless of their lives as moths round a flame. The unbelievers were unable to withstand the shock, and fled. The Rais Mahipal and Siripal alone, with a few others, remained upon the field. Although all their friends entreated them to fly and try the fortune of war another time, they constantly refused, asking where they could go if they left the field. At last they were both slain ; a great victory was won, and the throne of Dehli fell into the hands of the conqueror.

Mas’ud, however, did not ascend the throne, still affirming that he was only fighting for the glory of God. He buried ’Azizu-d din at Dehli, and, erecting a lofty tomb over his grave, appointed men to keep and provide lamps nightly for it. Amir Bazid Ja’far was placed in command of the garrison of Dehli, consisting of 3,000 picked horse. He was besides ordered to raise 5,000 or 6,000 fresh

troops from among tlie people of the country ; Mas’ud at the same time telling him, in the most gracious manner, that he was responsible for the happiness of the inhabitants, and must take every precaution to preserve them from oppression.

He left Dehli on the 16th of the month Azar, having remained there six months, and led his army against Mirat. The Princes of Mirat had already heard that no one could hope to stand before Mas’ud ; that in whatsoever direction he or his troops turned, they gained the victory. So they were afraid, and sent ambassadors with valuable presents to Mas’ud, acknowledging his supremacy, and offering to be the servants of his slaves ; in fact, submitting entirely to him. Mas’ud was much pleased, and bestowing the kingdom of Mirat upon them, proceeded with all his train towards Kanauj.

When Sultan Mahmud had ejected Eai Ajipal from Kanauj, Mas’ud had procured his pardon and re-establishment ; remembering this service, he had already sent an embassy to Mas’ud with most valuable presents. And when the latter had reached Kanauj, and pitched his tents upon the banks of the Ganges, he sent his eldest son to welcome him with the usual gifts. Mas’ud received the son of Ajipal with great respect, and in order to allay all apprehension on the part of his host, determined to accept the gifts. He then presented the prince with a charger and a dress of honour, dis- missed him, and ordered his servants to.get all things ready as quickly as possible, as he intended to cross the river and enjoy some sport. When they had prepared the boats they came and informed him, and he immediately commanded the army to pass over and encamp on the opposite bank, which they did, Mas’ud accompanying them. Presently came Eai Ajipal with ten horses to pay his respects. Mas’ud received him with marks of great affection, and, seating him near himself, reassured him in every way. He then presented him with a special dress of honour and those ten horses, and allowed him to depart, requesting him to send supplies for his army, and advising him to take every care of his country, so as to improve his subjects daily.

After that, he marched on in the direction of Satrakh ; and, on the tenth day, reached _that city. At that time Satrakh was the

most flourishing of all the towns and cities of India ; it lies in the centre of that country, and abounds in good hunting ground. Moreover, it was a sacred shrine of the Hindus ; so Mas’ud fixed his head quarters there, and sent out armies on every side to conquer the surrounding country. Salar Saifu-d din and Miyan Rajab he despatched against Bahraich, appointing the son of Miyan Rajab kotwal of the army in his father’s stead ; for, although but young, he was possessed of great ability and courage.

As soon as Saifu-d din and Miyan Rajah reached Bahraich, they sent back word that _ there were no supplies to be obtained there, and that their army stood in danger of perishing, unless help was afforded them. Mas’ud ordered the chaudharis and mukaddims of the pargannahs to be brought before him, and those of seven or eight of the pargannahs were brought. He then called to his presence Bipas, Chaudhari of Saddahur, and Narhari, Chaudhari of AmithI, and encouraged them in every way, exhorting them to en- courage the cultivation of the lands, which would be advantageous both to them and to their ryots. He also proposed to them to take money in advance, and bring him in supplies. They petitioned to be allowed to deliver the supplies before they received the money; but he insisted on paying in advance. So depositing ready money with the chaudharis and mukaddims, he presented each one of them with a dress and betel-nut, and sent men with them to bring in the supplies as quickly as possible, while Malik Firoz ’Umar was appointed to have the necessary quantities conveyed to Saifu-d din at Bahraich, as soon as they arrived.

Mas’ud next commanded Sultanu-s Salatin and Mir Bakhtiyar to proceed against the Lower Country ( mulk-i faro-dast), saying; “We commit you to the care of God. Wherever you go, first try gentle measures. If the unbelievers accept the Muhammadan faith, show them kindness ; if not, put them to the sword.” He then em- braced. Mir Bakhtiyar, saying, “We part to-day; whether we shall ever meet again is uncertain.” Both the brothers wept at this sor- rowful thought, and remained long clasped in each others’ arms. Then Mir Bakhtiyar departed. Wonderful time ! Wonderful friendship ! and wonderful firmness of faith, to cast themselves thus into the sea of unbelievers, purely for the sake of witnessing to the

truth of the one God. It is said that Mir Bakhtiyar subdued the Lower country, and advanced as far as Kanur, where he drank the wine of martyrdom. His holy sepulchre is well known in that place.

Mas’ud then dispatched Amir Hasan ’Arab against Mahuna ; Mir Saiyid ’Azizu-d din, celebrated now as the Lai Pir, against Goparnu and its vicinity ; and Malik Fazl against Benares and its neighbour- hood. Each of these went away in the direction of their several commands, while Mas’ud himself continued to reside with great magnificence at Satrakh, enjoying the pleasures of the chase.

One day ambassadors arrived from the Princes of Karra and Manikpur, bringing two saddles, bridles, and other rare presents, with this message, “ This kingdom has belonged to us and our fathers from time immemorial. No Musulman has ever dwelt here. Our annals relate that the Emperor Alexander, Zu-1 kamain, made an expedition against this country, and reached Kanauj ; but there he made peace with Rai Kaid, and returned without having crossed the Ganges. Sultan Mahmud, also, with your father, came as far as Ajmir, Guzerat, and Kanauj, but spared our country. But you, without any respect for the rights of property, establish yourself in a country that does not belong to you. The action is unworthy of a great mind like yours. It is an infinite sorrow to us that you should be the only child in the house of your father, and that he should have no other descendants. Consider, we pray you, the right. Satrakh is a pleasant place ; but it is not fitting that you should remain there. We have 90,000 picked soldiers ; the princes of the country of Bahraich and other places will come to our help on every side, and you will find yourself in great difficulties. You had better take the prudent course of retiring of your own free will.”

Mas’ud raged at this like a fierce lion, and, compressing his lips, addressed the ambassador thus, “ Well is it for thee that thou comest as an ambassador ; had any one else addressed such an insolent speech to us, we would have had him tom in pieces. Go, tell thy princes their country belongs to the all-powerful God, who gives it to whom he wills. Think not that we are come only to take a journey. We intend to make our abode here, and, by the

command of God, will uproot unbelief and unbelievers from the land.” <* « *

So saying, he dismissed the ambassador, who went and told his master all that had passed, adding “ This cub, in truth, fears no one. Do you use your best endeavours, for he cares nought for your 90,000 picked men.” The unbelievers were greatly alarmed. At length a barber, who was present, said, he would settle the business if authorized to do so. The Rai ordered him to make the attempt [to poison Mas’ud, in which he succeeded, but the intended victim recovered .]

At that time Mas’ud was eighteen years of age. God had lavished upon him ° ° * every excellence of body and mind.

« e o This slave once, in the beginning of life, looked upon the Sultan in a vision. From that hour his heart grew cold to the business of the world, and for three or four years he lost all thoughts of self in the pain of separation from him.

To continue our history. Mas’ud immediately ordered those about him to write letters to the governors of the provinces under his sway, informing them of the attempt of the unbelievers, and how God had turned it to good ; for he feared lest short-sighted, ill-disposed persons should adopt a wrong idea ; and thus, by their distortion of facts, evil might arise. He also sent a letter to his honoured father at Kabuliz. They soon wrote out all the dis- patches and brought them to him, and he signed them himself, and started them olf by the hands of special messengers.

[Mas’ud’ s mother dies from grief and Salar Sahu then proceeds to join his so».]

Salar Sdliu arrives at Satrakh. — Mas’ud marches against Bahraich. — Death of Salar Sahu at Satrakh. — Mas’ud wages war with the unbelievers, and tastes the wine of martyrdom at Bahraich.

When Salar Sahu reached the neighbourhood of Satrakh, Mas’ud went out to meet him, and, conducting him home, held great rejoicings for three days and nights with social feasts. All men took fresh courage upon the arrival of the General of the army, while the unbelievers on every side were struck with dismay and apprehension.

A few days after, Malik Firoz took three spies of the unbelievers at the passage of the river Saru (Sarju), and sent them to Satrakh. The servants of Mas’ud recognized two of them as the Brahmans who had brought the saddle filled with sorceries and enchantments, as a present from the Bais of Kaira and Manikpur to Mas’ud ; and the third as the barber, who had presented the poisoned nail-cutter. Salar Sahu ordered them all to be put to death. But Mas’ud wished them to be released, saying, there was nothing to be gained by killing them. Sahu consented, for his son’s sake, to release the two Brahmans, but declared he would never let the barber go. So they immediately put him to death. They then found upon the Brahmans letters from the Bais of Karra and Manikpur to the Bais of the neighbourhood of Bahrai'ch, and read them. The contents were as follows : — “A foreign army is encamped between you and us. Do you draw out your army on your side, while we attack them on ours, and thus we shall destroy the Musulmans.”

Salar Sahu was enraged, and instantly sent off two spies to gather intelligence of the Bais of Karra and Manikpur. They brought word that the unbelievers were amusing themselves with their sons and daughters in fancied security. The General im- mediately beat to arms, and started off, leaving Mas’ud in Satrakh. He proceeded that night to the head-quarters of the ill-fated un- believers, and, dividing his army into two bodies, sent one division against Karra, and the other against Manikpur. The brave Musul- mans quickly surrounded each place, and the heathen came out to battle ; but the forces of Islam prevailed, and, putting thousands of unbelievers to the sword, they took the two Bais alive, and brought them before Salar Sahu, who put chains about their necks, and dispatched them to Satrakh, writing to Mas’ud that he had sent him some eaters of forbidden food, whom he was to keep with all care. Mas’ud sent them on to Salar Saifu-d din at Bahraich. Mean-while, Salar Sahu reduced Karra and Manikpur, and plunder and slaves to a great amount fell into the hands of the army. He then re- turned in triumph to Satrakh, leaving Malik ’Abdu-llah in the neighbourhood of Karra, and Mir Kutb Haidar at Manikpur.

All the princes of Hindustan were alarmed at these doings ; deeming it impossible to cope with the army of Islam, they began

to retreat. Ere long, however, all united together, and prepared for war. Salar Sahu and Mas’ud one day went out hunting. [ And Mas'ud despatched a tiger with his sioord.]

A despatch reached Salar Sahu from Salar Saifu-d din, at Bah- raich, praying for immediate assistance, as the unbelievers were assembling on all sides. Mas’ud begged to be allowed to go to Bahraich, and chastise their insolence ; but Sahu would not consent, saying, he could not bear to he separated from him, and entreat- ing him not to leave him alone in his old age. Mas’ud then asked permission to proceed to Bahraich for a few days to enjoy the hunt- ing, for which he said that place was famous. Salar Sahu was obliged to yield; but he wept bitterly at the thought. Mas’ud, when he came to take leave, was himself melted into tears. He left in great sorrow, and turned his face towards Bahraich.

His mere coming was sufficient to quiet the unbelievers, whose dimness of perception alone had caused the rising. Mas’ud hunted through the country around Bahraich, and whenever he passed by the idol temple of Suraj-kund, he was wont to say that he wanted that piece of ground for a dwelling-place. This Suraj-kund was a sacred shrine of all the unbelievers of India. They had carved an image of the sun in stone on the banks of the tank there. This image they called Balarukh, and through its fame Bahraich had attained its flourishing condition. When there was an eclipse of the sun, the unbelievers would come from east and west to worship it, and every Sunday the heathen of Bahraich and its environs, male and female, used to assemble in thousands to rub their heads under that stone, and do it reverence as an object of peculiar sanctity. Mas’ud was distressed at this idolatry, and often said that, with God’s will and assistance, he would destroy that mine of unbelief, and set up a chamber for the worship of the Nourisher of the Universe in its place, rooting out unbelief from those parts. The Almighty was pleased to prosper the undertaking, and the light of the true faith there is now brighter than the sun, and clearer than the moon.

Mas’ud came to Bahraich from Satrakh on the 17th of the month of Sha’bjin, in the year 423. In the second month a letter came from ’Abdu-1 Malik Flroz from Satrakh. ° ® ° ° °

The contents -were as follows : “ On the 15th of the month of Shawwal, of the year 423, Salar Sahu was taken with a pain in the head. He said, ‘ Hy time is come at last and ordered us to bury him in Satrakh. And on the 25th of the same month he went his last journey, obeying the will of the Almighty.” Mas’ud wept bitterly at this heartrending intelligence. He was quite beside himself, and, uttering loud lamentations, covered his garments with earth. After a time, recovering some degree of composure, he called to mind Hasan Maimandf, accusing him as the cause of all his misfortunes. “ My honoured mother,” said he, “ died at Kabuh'z ; and my honoured father has met his death at Satrakh. Now I know what it is to be an orphan.” 45 ° °

An ambassador arrived at the court of Mas’ud from the Rais of the country round Baliraich, Malik Haidar introduced him to the presence, and he presented the despatch that he had brought. The unbelievers, in their pride, had written as follows : “ You come from the Upper Country ( midk-i bald (last), and know nothing of these parts. This is the land of nobles ; never shall inhabitants of the Upper Country remain here. Think more wisely on this matter.” Mas’ud demanded of the ambassador how many Rais were banded together, and what were their names ? He detailed the names of each one as follows : “Rai Raib, Rai Saib, Rai Arjun, Rai Bhikan, Rai Kanak, Rai Kalyan, Rai Makru, Rai Sakru, Rai Karan, Rai Birbal, Rai Jai- pal, Rai Sripal, Rai Harpal, Rai Harku, Rai Prabhu, Deb Nara- yan, and Narsing, are there with 2,000,000 cavalry, and 3,000,000 infantry.” 1 Mas’ud would not send a written answer ; but dis- missing the messenger, dispatched with him Malik Nekdil, with seven attendants, to answer the Rais in person, his real object being to discover the actual amount of their force.

When Malik Nekdil arrived, one went in and told the chiefs, who assembled together, and, calling Malik before them, inquired what message he had brought from Salar Mas’ud. Malik Nekdil replied, “My master bids me say, hearing of the nature of this country, I came to enjoy the pleasures of the chase. It is a waste, a barren wilderness. Do you agree upon conditions with me ? Let us settle the matter like brothers, and I will settle the country.”

The unbelievers answered, “ Until we have fought with you once, it does not befit us to talk of peace. You have come here violently, and we have left you alone ; but now, till one party or the other be subdued, what peace can be looked for, or what concord be expected ?” Bai Karan said, “ You do not yet know the nature of the climate of these parts. The water will settle our business for us. You had better leave this river Saru and go northwards again, otherwise we must fight.” Eai Kalyan, one of the most able of these chiefs, said, “ Oh, princes, you are unwise to think that Salar Mas’ ud has proposed peace through fear. He intends to strike an un- expected blow. Only consider that the Salar is a man of such honour that he used to stand in the presence of Sultan Mahmud, and had a feud with the wazir of the Sultan. Leaving his father and mother, he conquered the whole country of India, and his father died in Satrakh. He has not yet visited Ins tomb. He has only acted thus to deceive us, and means to say, Let him who feels inclined drive me out, and I will fight him. But you do not understand. What objection is there to peace, if he will indeed agree to it?” The unbelievers all began to talk like fools ; so Malik Nelcdil, seeing that the assembly had no leader, rose up, and, departing, returned to the prince, and told him all that had happened. The unbelievers on their side advanced and encamped in the jungle on the banks of the river Kasahla.

As soon as Mas’ud heard of this, he called a council of the great nobles and asked their advice as to whether he should await their attack, or himself take the initiative. All the most experienced chiefs counselled him to attack them, and this agreeing with his own opinion, he set out after evening prayers, and, marching all night, reached the camp of the unbelievers by dawn. Drawing out his army, Mas’ud confided the van to Salar Saifu-d din, and, dis- tributing the other chiefs in the two wings, the rear, and the van’ he himself took the command of the centre, and in this order advanced to the charge. The enemy were prepared and gave them battle. Till midday Salar Saifu-d din had to endure the brunt of the conflict. At last Miyan Eajab and Amir Nasru-lla attacked his opponents with a body of cavalry from the right wing, whilst Amir Tarkan and Amir Bazid did the same from the left ; and the prince

himself charged from the centre. Several thousand unbelievers were killed, and the soldiers of Islam, too, tasted the wine of martyrdom. But at length the unbelievers were driven to the last extremity and fled. Two chiefs were taken prisoners, and the victory was com- plete. The Musulmans pursued their foes for several kos, and took much plunder in horses and baggage.

Mas’ud remained encamped on the spot for a week, burying the soldiers who had attained martyrdom, and reading the fdtiha for their pure souls. On the eighth day he returned towards Bahraich. As the weather was warm, and he had come a long journey, he rested for some time under a mahua tree on the bank of Suraj- kund, at which time he said, “ The shade of this tree is very re- freshing; and this spot is pleasing to me. It would be well to plant a garden here like those found in our own country. Here will I often come, til 1 the crowds of unbelievers, and the darkness of unbelief, be removed from hence. Until this place be cleansed from idolatry, it is impossible for the faith of Islam to spread in the land of India. If it please God, I will, through the power of the spiritual Sun, destroy the worship of the material.” He passed orders then and there that the ground should be levelled, and all the old trees cut down and removed quickly, with the exception of the mahua tree under which he was standing. He left Miyan Rajab Kotwal to perform this service, and departed with his train for Bahraich by regular stages. From that time he was frequent in religious duties ; occasionally, only to satisfy his chiefs and ministers, he would go into the council-chamber, and sometimes into his ladies’ apartments.

In three or four days Miyan Rajab rooted up all the old trees, and cleared about an hundred bigahs or more of ground around Suraj-kund. He then reported his proceedings to Salar Mas’ud, and besought further orders. The Prince made an excursion that way, and, summoning the pioneers who had accompanied his troops from his own country, ordered them to lay out the grounds in parterres and walks after the manner of their native land. He also commanded Miyan Rajab to send people in all directions to collect all manner of trees, one of each kind, for the garden. Such dili- gence was used, that in a very short time it was completed. He

then ordered them to build a platform of masonry under the shade of the mahua tree, to serve him for a seat, as he said he had taken a great fancy to that place. After that, he himself arranged the plan upon which he wished the garden to be made, and, leaving Miyan Rajab there, returned with his train to Bahraich. Miyan Rajab knew the disposition of his lord, and employed himself day and night upon that work.

The next day an ambassador arrived^ with many costly presents from Rai Jogi Das from the Hindu Koh. Malik Haidar introduced him to the presence. The ambassador made many protestations of friendship on the part of the Rai his master. After a short time, the ambassador, Govind Das, presented his gifts, and expressed the desire his sovereign felt to kiss the feet of the prince. Salar Mas’ud received them with great courtesy, and bestowing gold embroidered dresses of honour on both ambassadors, replied, that if they would adopt the faith of Islam, they might enjoy their owe country without fear.

Several other chiefs also came to visit him, though they did not relinquish their opposition. After their defeat they wrote to all the Rais round, saying, “ This is the land of our fathers and an- cestors, which this boy wants to take from us by force. You had better come speedily to our assistance, or we shall lose our country.” The Rais answered that they would come immediately, and told them to prepare the munitions of war. Sahar Dev from Shabhun, and Har Dev from Baluna, joined the army of the unbelievers with large forces, and addressed them as follows, “ You do not know the tactics of war. Order the blacksmiths to prepare 5,000 balls each, with five poisoned prongs. Before the battle we will fix them firmly in the ground. When the Musulmans charge with their cavalry, the prongs will enter into the horses’ feet ; they will fall, and we will finish their business. Prepare besides plenty of fire- works.” They did so. In two months all the Rais of the Hindu Koh and the countries round assembled with innumerable forces, and, encamping on the bank of the river Kahsala, sent one to tell Mas’ud, “ that if he wished to save his life, he had better leave that countrv and go elsewhere, as the land belonged to their fathers and ancestors, and they were determined to drive him from it.” The

Prince boldly replied, “ Through the grace of God, my steps have not yet turned back, and by His assistance, they shall not do so now. The country is God’s, and the property of him on whom He bestows it. Who gave it to ydur fathers and ancestors ?” The messengers, returning, informed the Rais of all that had passed, which caused them to exclaim, “ Truly this boy answers boldly ; he knows not fear.”

The Prince of Martyrs told Malik Haidar to summon Salar Saifu-d din, Amir Nasru-lla, Amir Khizr, Amir Saiyid Ibrahim, Najmu-1 mulk, Zahiru-1 mulk, ’Umdatu-1 mulk, and Miyan Rajab. He did so ; and after Mas’ud had consulted with them it was agreed that, rather than allow the unbelievers to attack them, they had better take the offensive, and thus, with God’s help, they might hope to conquer.

The next day they were preparing, when news arrived that the enemy were driving eff the cattle. The Prince sprang up like an angry lion, and beat to arms ; buckling on his armour and mounting his horse, he himself put his troops into battle array, and advanced to the attack. The enemy also made ready, and, fixing the prongs in the earth, stood with their fireworks ready for use. The noble Turks rode fearlessly to the attack, and numbers of them were put to death by means of the prongs ■ and fireworks. Still the fight waxed hotter, and many of the unbelievers were put to the sword. When Mas’ud heard what had happened, he left the vanguard to attack the enemy on another side, while he himself took them in flank. They fought courageously, and great numbers were killed on both sides. At length the unbelievers were forced to fly. Mas’ud remained on the field of battle, while some of the nobles led the pursuit, and, after plundering the army of the unbelievers, returned to the presence. The Prince then left the field, and, encamping on the banks of the Kahsala, ordered them to number the army, and report to him how many were missing. They found that but two-thirds remained, one-third having tasted the wine of martyrdom. ® °

When he went to visit his garden, he would sit under the mahua tree where they had built a fine large platform. The tree was close to the Suraj-kund, with the idol Balarukh on its banks,

and in its waters the unbelievers were wont to bathe before offering it their worship. Mas’ud grew angry whenever his eyes fell upon that tank and idol. Miyan Rajab, who knew well his lord’s thoughts, one day presented the following petition : “ My lord, now that your lordship has completed this garden, and made it your constant place of worship and resort, the spot has become sacred to the faith of Islam. If you give the command, I will remove this idol and its temple.” The Prince replied, “ You do not consider that God is without equal, as shall appear. In a short time the angels shall, by order of the Preserver of the Universe, remove the dark- ness of the unbelievers, and sprinkle upon them the true light of Islam, which is like the waters of life.” ° ° °

After the death of Miyan Rajab, many erroneous reports were circulated concerning him. Some ignorant persons say, that he was sister’s son to Mas’ud. This is quite a mistake. What, connection has a slave with his lord ? Others, again, have changed his name, saying, that Rajab was the name of the father of Sultan Firoz.1 This is also false. He was one of Mas’ud’s oldest servants. It is also reported that he was of a cruel and hard disposition ; but those who search the truth will find nothing of the kind on record.

To resume the history. After some days, Mas’ud’s sorrow abated, and he departed by regular stages. 0 ° ° That loved one of

the Lord of the Universe was then nineteen years of age. ° 0 °

Meanwhile, the Hindu unbelievers assembled from all quarters with one accord, and gathered together an army in numbers like a swarm of ants or locusts, to attack Bahrafch. Mas’ud, hearing of their proceedings, came into the council chamber and commanded his ministers to have his whole army, small and great, collected before him. They did so. And when all his followers were drawn out in line, Mas’ud advanced and addressed them as follows : — 0

0 ° The Prince continued, “ Oh friends, hitherto, when we have

fought the unbelievers, the Almighty has granted us victory ; now all the armies of India are assembled. It is the custom of my ancestors never to leave fighting, I must follow their example, and, for the love of the truth, yield up my life, which is but the covering

1 [The father of Sultan Firoz was called Sipah-salar Rajab, according to Shams-i Siraj. His tomb stands in Bahraich.]

of that which is hidden. You I commit to God. Do you take the road to the Upper Country and depart. If any one desires martyr- dom, purely for the love of the Almighty, let him remain with me ; but, God knows that, with perfect free will, I give you leave to depart.” Having spoken thus, he wept. Who could be so stony- hearted and ill-starred, as to leave him at such a time ? The people wept with one voice, and began to say, “ If we had a thousand lives we would spend them for thee. What is one life worth, that for its sake we should deprive ourselves of thy presence ?” Praise be to God ! It was like the day of judgment, or even more solemn.

It was on the 18th day of the month Rajabu-1 murajjab, in the year 424, at early dawn, that the army of the unbelievers ap- proached the advanced guard. ° 0 0 Mas’ud marched towards

the army of the unbelievers ; as soon as he reached the outskirts of the city, he drew up his forces in order of battle, and disposing them on the two wings and before and behind him, he continued his march. ° ° 0 The Prince of Martyrs, according to his usual

custom, went and stood under his favourite tree, while his forces prepared for the fight, which raged furiously from morning till the time of evening prayer. Thousands upon thousands fell on both sides, but victory declared for neither.

All night the two armies remained on the field ; and at dawn of day the drums again beat to arms. The Musulman youth advanced fearlessly to the charge, desiring nothing so much as martyrdom; such was their longing for union with God. Perfect is the love of the moth ; it cares for nothing but to burn.

The army of the enemy was innumerable, like mountains on every side ; so that although numerous forces fought in the army of Islam, they were mown down like so much grass. Many of the greatest nobles met their deaths. In the course of that day, from morning till evening prayer, two-thirds of the army were slain, leaving but one-third to mourn them loss. Still, through the power of the love of God, none thought of flight. When the Prince heard that Salar Saifu-d din had sealed his faith with his blood, and that such a noble or general had been slain, he rejoiced and praised God that they had attained their chief desire, declaring that he would not

desert them, but would speedily follow. He then gave orders for burying Salar Saifu-d din, which they by some means or other con- trived to do ; and they reported that the unbelievers had been vic- torious, and that the whole army of Islam was slain, requesting to know whether they were to continue the fight, or to occupy them- selves with burying those that had suffered martyrdom.

Mas’ ud ordered them to bring the bodies of the Faithful slain and cast them into the Suraj-kund, in the hope that through the odour of their martyrdom the darkness of unbelief might be dis- pelled from that spot. They did so, and as soon as the tank was filled, he made them throw the rest into holes and pits. The Prince then dismounted, and performing fresh ablutions, paid his evening devotions with all attention, and went through the burial prayers over the innumerable corpses of the Faithful, with which the tank, the pits and holes were filled, reading the fatiha for their pure souls. He then remounted his mare of sacred blood, and, col- lecting the remnant of his forces, rushed upon the enemy. Although their army appeared like a mountain, yet it was entirely destroyed, as masses of ice are melted by the heat of the sun. Salar Saifu-d din had put many of the chief princes to the sword ; the remainder the Prince of Martyrs destroyed. The unbelievers who, in the pride of victory, had advanced, fled back. The Prince remained standing on his side of the field ; whichever way he looked, nothing met his eye but the bodies of the slain — some wounded, some in the agonies of death, others already defunct, while the survivors were occupied with the dying and the dead. He beheld this heart-rending spec- tacle without emotion ; indeed so strong within him was the desire for martyrdom, that he actually rejoiced. 45 * *

Meanwhile, the Kai Sahar Deo and Har Deo, with several other chiefs, who had kept their troops in reserve, seeing that the army of Islam was reduced to nothing, unitedly attacked the body-guard of the Prince. The few forces that remained to that loved one of the Lord of the Universe were ranged round him in the garden. The unbelievers, surrounding them in dense numbers, showered arrows upon them. It was then, on Sunday, the 14th of the month Bajab, in the aforesaid year 424 (14th June, 1033), as the time of evening prayer came on, that a chance arrow pierced the main artery in the

arm of the Prince of the Faithful. His sun-like countenance became pale as the new moon. Bepeating the text in praise of martyrdom, he dismounted. Sikandar Diwani, and the other servants of that loved-one of God, carried him to the shade of the mahua tree, and laid him down upon a couch. Sikandar Diwani, taking his honoured head upon his lap, sat looking towards Mecca, weeping bitterly. The Prince of Martyrs opened his eyes but once, then drew a sigh, and committed his soul to God. <s 4S ® °

A sound of woe and lamentation broke from the people; they wept aloud, and, brandishing their swords, rushed upon the army of the unbelievers, and gave up their lives, while the enemy kept their ranks and showered their arrows. By the time of evening prayer not one was left. All the servants of Mas’ud lay scattered like stars around that moon. Sikandar Diwani, who sat holding the honoured head of the Prince of Martyrs upon his lap, received several wounds in the breast ; but such was the love he bore to that loved-one of the Lord of the Universe, that he never moved his knees from under his head, and yielded his life in his service, o 0 0 0

Before the author of this work had read the history of which he has spoken, he used often, by order of the Emperor Nuru-d din Muhammad Jahangir, to go into the north country at the foot of the mountains. Acharj Mali Bhadur, who was the representative of the Baja of the Hills, once came that way to meet me, and we chanced to speak of the Prince of Martyrs. That Brahman, who was perfectly versed in the works of Hindu historians, related to me, at length, from his own histoi'ies, the account of Mas’ud’s ex- pedition, from the time he came into India till his death ; and all the wars he waged with the unbelievers. Moreover, he told me, that after Eai Sahar Deo had slain the Prince of Martyrs, he re- turned to his tent, where the Prince appeared to him in a vision, saying, “ Thou hast slain me — dost think to escape ? This is not manly.” Stung by this reproach, Sahar Deo came to the field of battle the following morning and was killed, as has been related. Some years after, the Tawarikh of Mulla Muhammad of Ghazni fell into my hands. I found all that the Brahman had related to me from the Indian histories corroborated there. The Brahman affirms

that the family of the present Raja of the Hills is descended from Rai Sahar Deo, and that he had seen the Indian histories in their library. Thus much detail have I entered into for the sake of my ordinary readers. What I have related in the preface will suffice for those who read with a spiritual object.

After the death of Mas’ud, Muzaffar Khan died also. The unbelievers drove his descendants from Ajmir, and re-established their idols ; and idolatry again reigned over the land of India. Things remained in this state for 200 years ; but after that time that chief of holy men, the venerable Khwaja Mu’Inu-d din, of Chisht, was walking round the Ka’ba, when a voice reached him from the other world, directing him to go to Medina. Upon his arrival there, the Prophet (the peace of God, and rest he upon him !) appeared to him, and said, “ The Almighty has entrusted the country of India to thee. Go thither and settle in Ajmir. By God’s help, the faith of Islam shall, by thy piety and that of thy followers, be spread in that land.” That holy man reached Ajmir in the reign of Rai Pithaura. Through the power of his religious faith, he per- suaded Ajipal Jogi, who was Pithaura’ s spiritual guide, to become his disciple. But the darkness of unbelief did not rise from the heart of Pithaura, who was a second Abu Jahl ; on the contrary, he even encouraged the followers of the holy Khwaja to evil practices, till the holy man uttered a curse against that unbeliever.

After some years, Sultan Mu’izzu-d din, otherwise called Shahabu-d din Gliori, made a second expedition from Ghazni, slew Pithaura before Dehli, and placing Kutbu-d din Aibak on the throne of Dehli, returned himself to Ghazni. Khwaja Mu’inu-d din, of Chisht, through the powerful assistance of his prayers, brought the whole country of India into the hands of Kutbu-d din Aibak. ° ® The Mir died in Ajmir, and was buried in the

old fort there. His sepulchre is a celebrated place of pilgrimage.

Since that time, no unbeliever has ruled in the land of India, o o Cf o

Some people say that the Prince of Martyrs came into India in the time of that Khwaja. This is quite erroneous. I have examined trustworthy works, and find that the Prince lived in the time of Khwaja Abu Muhammad of Chisht, ages before the time that that

chief of holy men, Mu’mu-d din of Chisht, came into India, and became a martyr. Eather more than two centuries intervened be- tween the two. The date of Mas’ud’s death has been mentioned already ; Khwaja Mu’mu-d din died on the 6th of the month of Kajab, in the year 632. He lived 170 years. God knows the truth.

[Note. — The folio-wing identifications of places mentioned in the foregoing Extract have been kindly supplied by General Cunningham, who visited the locality on his Archaeological survey in 1862-3. Satrakh, which is placed at ten days’ march on the opposite side of the Ganges from Kanauj, is probably the same as Vesakh or Besakh, a name of Sahet or Ayodhya (Oudh), Saddhfir and Amethi must he Bhadfir and Amethi, two towns between Karra-M Snikpur. The Suraj-kund, with the idol temple and mahua tree, is probably at Asokpur, between Ayodhya and Gonda (or Gauda). According to local report, Mas’ud’s sister’s son Hatila was killed at Asokpur, and a small tomb there is said to mark the spot, though he was buried a few miles E. S. E. of Bahraich. At Asokpur there is a mound which has a mahua tree upon it, and a tank at its foot, which is probably the Suraj-kund. The name of Sahar Deo, who is represented as the chief of Mas’ud’s antagonists, still survives in the varying forms of Sulial Dliav, Sohil Dal, and Sohil Deo. According to Buchanan Hamilton (ii. 380), this neighbourhood was selected by the Nawab Wazir of Oudh as a favourable spot for a garden. — See Archaeological Report for 186 2-3.]

As the expedition of Jalalu-d din Mankbumi1, the Sultan of Khwarizm, into Hindustan is among the most interesting of the many romantic adventures of his remarkable reign, I will add below various extracts from Oriental authors, who have treated of it in a manner somewhat different from the Jahdn-lcushd.

The European reader may obtain full information on the subject of this expedition from consulting Abu-1 Feda, Annales Muslemici,Y ol. iv. p. 382 ; Abu-1 Faraj, 293 ; M. Petit de la Croix, Histoire de Gen- ghizcan, ch. xxxiv. ; D’Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orientate, Art. “ Gela- leddin De Guignes, Histoire Generate des Huns, Tom. ii. p. 280-1 - Hammer, Gemaldesaal der Lebensbeschreibangen, Yol.vi.pp. 188-193; Col. Miles, Sliajr at-ul Atrdtc, pp. 166-180 ; Price, Retrospect ofMahom-

1 So Hammer distinctly enjoins that we should write the word, and not either Mankberni or Minkberni ; and yet the inscription on this potentate’s coins trans- poses the two last letters, making the word Mankburin. See Gemaldesaal, Pref. p. xiv., and Vol. vi. p. 187, and E. Thomas, Journal R. A. S., No. xviii. p. 383.

medan History, Yol. ii. pp. 410-413 and 520 ; D’Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, Vol. i. pp. 300-18, Yol. iii. pp. 3-5 ; The Modern Universal History, Vol. iii. pp. 272-282, Yol. iv. 154-164 ; Eampoldi, Annali Musalmani, Vol. viii. 256-77. From the last two a few extracts have been copied into this Note. The four French authorities, which are all good, are*chiefly founded upon the Sirat-i Jaldlu-d din Mankburni by Muhammad bin Ahmad of Nessa, the friend of the Sultan and the companion of his journeys and expeditions. This work is in the National Library of Paris, No. 845. It is in eight chapters, and the history is brought down to Jalalu-d-din’s death, a.d. 1231. It was composed only ten years subsequent to this event.1

It is needless to quote Wassaf, for his account is a poor abridge- ment of the Jahan-kushd.

The following extracts are taken from the history of the Saljukians in the Jdmi'u-t Taivarikh of Eashidu-d din. The Sultan’s proceedings in Hindustan are recorded in almost precisely the same words as the Jahan-kusha uses. The following passages were written by Eashidu- -d din’s continuator, but he himself has treated of the same subject in his history of Changfz Khan : —

“ Ata nightfall every one retired to his tent, and in the morning both armies were again drawn up in battle array. This day also Sultan Jalalu-d din marched on foot at the head of his army, and all at once made a charge upon the Moghals, and put them to flight. The kettle-drums were beaten in triumph by order of the Sultan, and his whole army pursued the Moghals on horseback. The Sultan rushed upon them like a fierce lion or crocodile upon its prey, and put many to death. Changiz Khan shortly afterwards, being rein- forced with a small body of men, moved Eke destructive lightning or a rapid torrent against the Sultan. In the meantime, a dispute arising between Saifu-d din Aghrak and Amin Malik, Governor of Hirat, on account of the division of the booty, and especially respect-

1 See Remusat, Nouv. Mel. Asiat., Tom. i. p. 435

5 [This extract appeared in Sir H. Elliot’s original volume, published in 1849. The translation has since been compared with the text of the MS. in the E. I. Library, and many emendations introduced. Quatremere’s criticisms in the Journal des Savants for 1851 have also been considered, and several admitted.]

mg the right to a particular horse,1 the latter struck Aghrak on the head with a whip.2 The king called upon Amin Malik to give an explanation of his conduct, but he replied that Kankali 3 troops would not submit to be questioned. Upon learning this, Saifu-d din deserted the Sultan under cover of night, and went off with his troops to the hills of Kirman and Sankuran.4 The desertion of Saifu-d din Aghrak materially affected the power of the Sultan, and diminished his chance of success. He resolved to cross the Indus, and make towards Ghazni ; and for that purpose he ordered boats to be got ready.

“ This circumstance coming to the knowledge of Changiz Khan, he hastened in pursuit of the Sultan, and surrounded him. At day- break, the Sultan found himself in a position between water and fire, the Indus on one side, and the fiery enemy on the other. He prepared to give battle, but was maimed like a fierce lion in the claws of a leopard. The victorious army of the Sovereign of the World (Changiz Khan) fell upon the right wing commanded by Amin Malik, and drove it back with great slaughter. Amin Malik being thus defeated, fled towards Pershawar ; but the Moghal army had got possession of the road, and he was slain, in the midst of them. Changiz Khan compelled the left wing also to give way, but the Sultan firmly maintained his ground in the centre with seven hundred men, and opposed the enemy from the morning to mid-day, moving now to right now to left, sustaining every attack, and on each occasion slaying a number of the enemy. Meantime the army of Changiz Khan came pressing forward, and crowding upon the position occupied by the Sultan. At last Ajash Malik, son of the king’s maternal uncle, seeing all was lost, seized the bridle of the Sultan’s charger, and led him from the field. The Sultan bade adieu to his sons and the ladies of his household with a burning heart and

1 Most of the authorities specify an Arab horse.

2 The Tarikh-i Alfi concurs in this statement, and it is adopted by D'Ohsson, D’Herbelot, and Kampoldi.

3 The Kankali was a Turkish tribe. The name signifies “ invention,” and the tribe is said to have been so designated from their ingenuity in constructing carriages upon a certain occasion. — Shajralu-l Atrak, p. 35. [The MS. of the E. I. Library reads “ Kalmak.”]

4 The Tarikh-i Alfi mentions only Kirman.

weeping eyes. He ordered Ms favourite horse to be brought,1 and springing upon it, be rushed again into the torrent of conflict, like a crocodile into a river, charging the enemy with irresistible force. Having succeeded in driving them back, he turned his horse’s head, threw off his coat of mail and shield, and urging his horse, plunged into the river, though the bank was upwards of thirty feet above the stream. He then swam across like a noble lion,2 and reached the opposite bank in safety. Changiz Khan witnessed the gallant ex- ploit, and hastening to the bank prohibited the Moghals from attempting to follow. The very heavens exclaimed in surprise ‘ They never saw in the world any man equal to him, nor did they ever hear of one like him among the celebrated heroes of antiquity.’ Changiz Khan and all the Moghal nobles were astonished to find that the Sultan crossed the river in safety, and sat watching him as he drew his sword and wiped the water from his scabbard. The Khan, turning round to the Sultan’s sons, addressed them in words expressive of his admiration. ° ° ° °

“ After his escape, the Sultan was joined by about ten persons who had also succeeded in crossing the river. They all concealed them- selves in the woods, where fifty other persons joined their number. "When the Sultan received intelligence that a number of Hindus, consisting of cavalry and infantry, were lying within two parasangs of him, and had given themselves up to pleasure, he ordered his fol- lowers to provide themselves with clubs. Thus armed, they made a sudden night attack upon the Hindu force, put many to death, and plundered their cattle and weapons. Upon this, several other people, some on camels and some on horned cattle, came over, and declared for the Sultan. They brought information that there were in the neighbourhood two or three thousand men of the Hindu force.

1 Muhammad of Nessa tells us that in recognition of the noble service performed by this horse, the Sultan kept it till the capture of Tiflis in 1226, without ever riding it in action.

2 [The words of the MS. of the E. I. Library would seem to differ slightly from those in the MS. used by Sir H. Elliot —

“ He crossed over like a proud camel from the plains of the Jihun.” This seems the preferable translation, though “ the J ihun ” may possibly signify “ the river (Indus)”.]

The Sultan attacked them with one hundred and twenty men, put a number of them to the sword, and equipped his followers with the arms taken from the vanquished. When the report of the strength and improved circumstances of the Sultan was spread throughout India, a number of men from the hills of Balala1 and Nakala as- sembled, and in a body of about five or six thousand horse, attacked the Sultan, who, drawing up in array five hundred horse, dispersed them. The Sultan afterwards received aid from several individuals and bodies of men, so that there now flocked round his standard not less than three or four thousand men. Intelligence of this gathering came to the knowledge of the world-conquering king (i. e., Changiz Khan) while he was within the limits of the Ghaznin territory, and he sent troops to oppose him. When this force crossed the river, the Sultan was not able to cope with it, and he therefore passed on as a fugitive towards Dehli.

“ The Moghals, on hearing that the Sultan had proceeded towards Dehli, returned, and pillaged the confines of Ghor. The Sultan, on reaching the vicinity of Dehli, deputed messengers to King Shamsu-d din to communicate his arrival, and to prefer a request to reside temporarily in some village near Dehli. The King killed the am- bassador, deputed a messenger on his part with presents to the Sultan, but objected to comply with his demand for a place of residence, on the pretext that the climate of the neighbourhood would not suit the constitution of the Sultan. On receiving this reply, the Sultan returned to Balala and Nakala. Those who had effected their escape joined him, and he had now about ten thousand men under him. He deputed Taju-d din Malik Khilj, accompanied by a force, to Bai Kokar2 Saknin, in the hills of Judi, with a request for the hand of his daughter, which request Kai Kokar complied with, and sent his son with a number of troops to wait upon him. The Sultan gave the

1 All who record these events concur in reading the first word as Balala. The second may he either Bankala or Mankala. The Tarikh-i Alfi adds “ in the vicinity ( nawahi) of Lahore.”

2 Prohahly the same as the Eai Sarki spoken of in the Taju-l Ma-asir (supra, p. 233) twenty years before. Eai Kokar may mean something more than chief of the Gakkhurs. S. Binning says “ Khokar was formerly in possession of a Musulman, whose descendants still retain the title of Baja, and enjoy a small jagir. The district comprehends the large town of Pind Dadan Khan.”

name of Katlagk Khan to the son, and sent an army under the com- mand of Uzbek Paf against Nasiru-d din Kubacha, who was at enmity with Kai Kokar. Kubacha, though he was an Amir under the Ghorian Kings, and governor of the country of Sind, yet was presumptuous enough to aspire to independence. When Kubacha with twenty thousand of his followers were encamped on the hanks of the Indus within one parasang of Uch, Uzbek Pai,1 with seven thousand men, suddenly fell upon them at night, defeated, and dispersed them. Kubacha embarked in a boat for Akar and Bakar (two island forts in his possession),* while the Uzbek descended upon his camp, taking possession of whatever fell in his way. He sent the news of this victory to the Sultan, who marched out, and together with the army, which was under the command of the Uzbek, reached the palace of Kubacha. The latter fled from Akar and Bakar to Multan, where

1 The Rauzatu-s Safa also names him as the SultSn’s general, owing apparently to some confusion of the names of contemporaries — for Uzbek, the son of Jahan Pahla- wan the Atabak, was at that time ruler of Azurbaijan, where we find him, a short time subsequent, engaged in active opposition to Jalalu-d din. It will be observed that Firishta speaks of him under a still more curious form.

• [The text of this passage as printed in Sir H. Elliot’s original volume ran thus : — i_l Axlj The MS. of the

Quatremere, Jour, des Savants, Sep. 1850, p. 520, offers a correction, and says the text should be read as it is given by Rashidu-d din in the History of the Mongols , •• - f i ■■ - d i J \j jd) jLi and translated “il se rendit

dans ce canton d’Agroubgher a une fortresse situee dans une lie.” If the learned reviewer had pointed out where Agroubgher is, or was, I would readily have altered my reading, hut having found the passage in the J alidn-kushdi expressed in the ^ame words as in the Jdmi'u-t Tawarikh, I prefer retaining it. That the ascertainment of the right reading is difficult may he inferred from the name being left out altogether by most of the authorities subsequent to the Jdmi'u-t Tawarikh. The Rauzatu-s Safa says only “ a fort.” Translator says “ fled to some place.” Briggs (iv. 418) says “ Nugaur,” which is not supported by the original ; but doubtless the proper reading of his copy was “ Bakar.” The Tdrikh-i Alfi says plainly “ he went towards the island of Bakar.” Altogether, I make little doubt that the famous island-fort of Bhakkar is the one indicated. Bhakkar, indeed, does comprise two islands. But, when instituting inquiries on the spot, I could not find that the small island lying to the north was ever called “ Akar." It now goes by the name of the shrine on it. But that it might once have been called so, is not improbable, as the tendency to the reduplication of the name of Bhakkar is even now shown by its being rarely mentioned, except when coupled with the name of one of the towns lying on either side of it, — as “ Bara-Bhakkar,” “ Sakkar Bhakkar.”

the Sultan sent an ambassador to him with a demand for money, and for the surrender of the son and daughter of Amir Khan, who had taken shelter at Multan, having fled from the battle which took place on the banks of the Indus. Kubacha sent the son and daughter of Amir Khan with a large contribution in money, soliciting at the same time that his territories might not be despoiled. The weather, however, growing hot, the Sultan determined to proceed from Uch to the Judi hills, to Balala and Nakala, and on his way be- sieged the fort of Bisram, where in an engagement he was wounded in the hand by an arrow. In the end, the Sultan captured the fort, and put all who were in it to the sword. At this place he received intelligence of the movement of the Moglial troops, who were endeavouring to effect his capture, so he turned back. When he was in sight of Multan, he sent an ambassador to Kubacha to intimate his return, and to demand the tribute due by him. The advanced guard of the Sultan waited but for a short time, and as the inhabitants of Uch were hostile, he set fire to the city and marched upon Sadusan, where Fakhru-d din was governor on behalf of Kubacha. Lachfn of Khita was commander of the troops, and he led them forth to oppose Okhan, who was general of the Sultan’s army, but he was slain in the conflict. Okhan then besieged Sadusan, and when the Sultan arrived, Fakhru-d din Salari with tears supplicated for par- don, and presented his sword and coffin1 in token of submission. The Sultan remained there for one month, and showing favour to Fakhru-d din, he made over to him the government of Sadusan and marched towards Dewal (Debal) and Damrila. Hasar, who was the ruler of this territory, took to flight, and embarked in a boat. The Sultan, on reaching the borders of Dewal and Damrila, deputed Khas Khan with a force to Nahrwala, from which place he brought away much spoil and many prisoners. Shortly after, the Sultan entered Dewal and Damrila, and erected a Jami’ mosque in the former place, opposite the temple of an idol.2 In the meantime,

1 The Jahdn-kusha has “ ■winding sheet ” instead of “ coffin.” They both imply the same sentiment, that Fakhru-d din was fit only to die, and placed his life in the Sultan’s hand. The Tdrikh-i Alfi says “ his coffin and his sword suspended from his neck.” On the Sultan’s return to Persia, we find the repentant generals going through the same emblematic form of contrition.

1 Firishta says that the name of the chief of Daibal, or Thatta, was Jaishi, and

intelligence was received from ’Irak tliat Ghiyasu-d din Sultan had settled himself in ’Irak ; that most of the troops of that country professed their attachment to Sultan Jalalu-d din, and felt anxious for his presence. Upon this the Sultan prepared to join them, but on learning that Burak Hajib was with hostile intentions fortifying the strong post of Burdsir in Kir man, he determined on proceeding to ’Irak by way of Makran.”

Mirkhond’s account of this expedition is very clear and explicit, and is chiefly derived from the Jahdn-lcusliai and JdmVu-t Tawarikh. He is, in some respects, fuller than either of those authorities. The following extracts are taken from the history of the Kings of Khwarizm in the F ourtli Book, and the history of Changiz Khan in the Fifth Book of the Bauzatu-s Safa : —

“When1 the Sultan arrived at Ghaznin, which his father, Sultan Muhammad, had bestowed upon him as an appanage, he was joined by the armies of his father, which had been dispersed in different directions. Saifu-d din Aghrak, with forty thousand Kankalis,* Turks, andKhiljs, and Yamin Malik, the governor of Hirat, with his valiant Kurds, were amongst those who joined his standard.

“ When spring returned, the Sultan left Ghaznin with his army, and went to Barani (Parwan) where he fixed his camp. There he learned that Pakchak and Yemghur3 were engaged in the siege of Walian,* and they were nearly capturing it, when the Sultan, leav- ing his heavy baggage in the camp, attacked the Moghals, and put to the sword nearly one thousand men of the advance guard. As the Moghal force was smaller than that of their opponents, it re- treated across the river, and after destroying the bridge, fled during the night. The Sultan returned to his camp with much booty, and remained encamped at Barani.

that the Sultan demolished the temples of the idols at that place. This may probably have been a regal title, for some such name was borne by the son or brother of Dahir, who was governor of Dehal. [See Yol. i. pp. 197, 201.]

2 The Gemaldesaal says Kanikli, and calls the governor of Herat “ Tizin,’’ hut in the next page calls him “ Emin.”

3 “ Balghdr ” in the Tarikli-i Alfi. Price reads “ Begjek and Yemghur.” Miles has “ Begchuk and Tumkoor.”

“When Changiz Khan heard of this defeat, he despatched Kutuku 1 and another of the Nuyans, with thirty thousand men, against the Sultan, and himself followed in their rear. As soon as Kutuku reached Barani, the Sultan prepared for action, and gave orders that his men should dismount and bind the reins of their horses round their waists, fighting only with swords and arrows from mom till evening. At the approach of night, both infidels and Musulmans retired to their respective camps, and on the return of mom, the Sultan’s army saw a double line of troops opposed to them, more than they had contended with the day before. The reason was, that Kutuku during the night had devised a stratagem, by ordering each of his troopers to make human figui’es with basket-work and felt, and place them in the rear. The Sultan’s army, conceiving that reinforcements had reached the Moglials, became alarmed, and pro- posed to leave the field ; but the Sultan making them take heart, prevented them carrying this foolish design into effect, and ordered them again to fight during that day also on foot. After a time, when they saw their own strength and the weakness of the Moghals, they suddenly mounted their horses, and charging the enemy, slew the greater part of these infidels, and the two Nuyans fled, with only a few followers, to Changiz Khan. <:'f ® **

“ On the day of this victory,2 a quarrel arose between Saifu-d din Aghrak and the governor of Hirat respecting a horse, upon which occasion the latter struck Aghrak’ s horse on the head ; and as the Sultan was not confident that any remonstrance of his would be listened to, he did not call the governor to account. The conse- quence was that during the night Saifu-d din Aghrak left the camp in anger, and went off with his Kankali, Turkoman, and Khilj troops towards the hills of Sankrak.® ° * °

1 “ Sankgliur Nuyan” in the Tarikh-i Alfi, and “ Kaikur” in the original Jahdn-lcushdi. D’Ohsson says, “ Shieki Coutoucou.” The Universal History also has “ Kutuku,” and places him at the head of eighty thousand men.” The Gemalde- saal says, “ Schiki Kutuku.” Miles has “Kykoor.”

2 The Modern Universal History, on the authority of Muhammad of Nessa, says that Jalalu-d din, after reproaching his prisoners with their cruelties, caused nails to be thrust into their ears, to revenge the miseries which his subjects had so long suf- fered from the Mongols and Tatars.

3 Price reads “ Sekrauk.” Hammer, “ Sinkrak.” The Jdmfu-t Tawdrihh, “ Sankuran.” Pampoldi says, “ Sangrak, non molte distante da Gazna.” Miles reads “ Sunkran.”

“The right wing of the Sultan, which was commanded by Khan Malik, was first attacked by the enemy, and many of his personal attendants and the greater part of his troops were killed. The left wing was also destroyed, but the Sultan kept on fighting from morn till noon, supported by seven hundred men who were with him in the centre, and laid many low in the dust at every attack, performing incredible deeds of valour, of which Kustam and Isfandyar would have been envious. The army of Changiz Khan kept pressing on in increasing numbers, and constantly contracting the space of the Sultan’s action, insomuch that they were nearly taking him prisoner. 0 0 0

“ After his last charge, the Sultan turned his horse’s head, and seizing his royal umbrella and throwing off his coat of mail, and lashing his horse, urged him into the river Sind, which was flowing more than thirty feet below the bank. Some of the cavalry fol- lowed his example. 0 0 The Tatar soldiers drew their bows,

and the waters of the Sind were red with the blood of the slain. When the Sultan escaped from that danger, he went along the bank of the river, and witnessed the enemy plundering his camp on the opposite side.

“ Changiz Khan likewise stood on the bank of the river and watched the Sultan dismount from his horse, take off his saddle, spread his saddle-cloth, his arrows, and his tunic in the sun to dry them, empty the water out of his scabbard, fix his umbrella on the point of his spear, and then sit down under the shade. About the time of afternoon prayers he was joined by seven of his followers who had escaped the whirlpools of the river, and, accompanied by them, at sunset the Sultan went his way. When Changiz Khan 6aw all this, he seized the collar of his tunic between his teeth ;

“ * He lauded him and said, from no father

Will such a son be produced throughout the world.

He is like a victorious lion in a forest,

And as courageous as a crocodile in a river.’

Turning round to his sons, he exclaimed — ‘ Such a son, and no other, should be bom to a father : ’

“ ‘ No one in the world has seen a man like this,

Nor heard of one amongst the heroes of antiquity.’

“This event took place in Rajab, 620 h. (July, 1223 a.d.)

“ The Sultan remained two years in Hindustan, ® The